vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john, d. 1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88480 of text r211673 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[41]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88480 wing l2883f thomason 669.f.17[41] estc r211673 99870379 99870379 163290 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88480) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163290) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[41]) vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john, d. 1662. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1653] title from opening lines of text. dated and signed at end: dated this 6 of august 1653. john fowke maior. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military supplies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a88480 r211673 (thomason 669.f.17[41]). civilwar no london ss. vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john 1653 244 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london ss. whereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admiralty , to recommend unto me how some good quantity of old linnen may be gotten and made ready to be speedily sent to the sea-coast , for the dressing of the wounds of the souldiers who were wounded in the late ingagement at sea ; which his excellency by his letter hath done accordingly : these are therefore earnestly to desire you that on the next lords day you do publish and make known , the same in your respective congregations , and that the church-wardens of the severall parishes do take notice thereof , and do forthwith repair to the houses of the severall inhabitants within the same parishes , and receive and take into their custody all such linnen as well disposed people shall give for the purpose aforesaid , and to let them know that some trusty persons will be appointed for the receiving of such linnen from the church-wardens as they shall gather and get ready , and will send and dispose of the same to the use of the wounded souldiers ; and hereof i desire your and their care and furtherance herein , it being a work so pious and charitable , dated this 6 of august 1653. john fowke maior . to the ministers and church-wardens of the severall parishes within the city of london , and liberties thereof . a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august 8. 1642. prowse, anthony, b. 1597 or 8. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91133 of text r212441 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[63]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91133 wing p3880 thomason 669.f.6[63] estc r212441 99871063 99871063 160924 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91133) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160924) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[63]) a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august 8. 1642. prowse, anthony, b. 1597 or 8. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for e.p., london : [1642] publication date from wing. respecting military operations in somerset-shire. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military maneuvers -great britain -early works to 1800. somerset (england) -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a91133 r212441 (thomason 669.f.6[63]). civilwar no a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse, minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august 8. 1642. prowse, anthony 1642 386 1 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse , minister of gods vvord at shaston , in summerset-shiere to a friend in london , august 8. 1642. sir , i have often receiv'd newes from you i doe now exchange , the newes is past with us , this weeke you have heard i beleeve how marquesse hartford came this weeke to summerset for the array , it began on munday last at vvells , the place of the rendevous , there came 800. troopers bravely horst from the lord pawlet , lord digby , lord cottington , sir john strell , sir r●lph hopton , and other knights and gentlemen in that county , and others for that service , and at the first tooke away all the ammunition that the troopes brought with them . on thursday last the troopers rangeing from place to place , to bring in all companies that might assemble to annoy them , meet with 500. souldiers comming from bridgewaters side with colonell pine , the parliement man , and were surprised by lunsford , who by an ambush slew two of the company , hurt 16. more , and routed that company , and tooke their armes , and the captaine preston tooke quarter , and was brought to wells ; but this friday there are above 15000. well appointed men assembled on mendipp for king and parliament , and have taken the hill adjoyning to wells , where they have planted their cannons , and have the towne at command , and there are 20000. more speedy to come , and comming from all parts of sommersetshiere : glouc. wilts , devon . and wales , insomuch that the marquesse with all his royallists the chiefe of those parts are now in feares , and this day are endeavouring to get away , and wee all beleeve they will steale away in the night , for they are threatned to be brought to the parliament , what i write you i have from sure hands , who were present at this . if you meete sir vvalter earle suddenly , i pray you acquaint him with what i write dated shaston 8. august . a. prowse . london , printed for e. p. a proclamation, taking off the stop of execution against heretors, called out to attend his majesties host. scotland. privy council. 1688 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05739 wing s1992 estc r183595 52615092 ocm 52615092 176118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05739) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 176118) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2762:61) a proclamation, taking off the stop of execution against heretors, called out to attend his majesties host. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, : anno dom. 1688. title vignette: royal seal with initials j r. caption title. initial letter; text in black letter. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland. -army -early works to 1800. military discharge -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ir royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , taking off the stop of execution against heretors , called out to attend his majesties host . edinburgh , the seventh day of december , 1688. forasmuch as by a proclamation of the date , the third day of october last , calling out the heretors and others , to attend his majesties host , there was thereby personal protection granted to all , who were called to attend the said service , against all personal execution , for any civil cause , or debt ; as is alwayes usual and customary on such occasions . and now his majesties privy council considering it unnecessary to give is majesties leidges any further trouble in that service , and that they have dismissed the heretors and others , who were called out to that effect : therefore the lords of his majesties privy council do hereby discharge the said personal protection , and takes off all stopes , to all personal diligences whatsomever , granted upon the account above-mentioned , after the twentieth day of december instant , that in the mean time , the persons respectively concerned herein may return home . and ordain these presents to be forthwith published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and other mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the shires of this kingdom , that none pretend ignorance . extracted forth of the records of privy council , by me col : m ckenzie . cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson . printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom , 1698. by the king. a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis proclamations. 1623-04-06 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1623 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22300 stc 8708 estc s100906 99836733 99836733 1019 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22300) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1019) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1601:44) by the king. a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis proclamations. 1623-04-06 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxiii. [1623] dated at end: white-hall, the sixt day of april, in the one and twentieth yeere of our raigne .. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military supplies weapons industry -great britain -law and legislation. defense industries -great britain -law and legislation. arms transfers -great britain -law and legislation. military weapons -law and legislation -great britain. pirates -legal status, laws, etc. tunis (tunisia) algiers (algeria) 2003-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. ¶ a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis . the kings most excellent maiestie taking knowledge , aswell by the aduertisements of diuers forreine princes and states , and of their ambassadours , as by the wofull complaints of many of his owne good subiects , that susteine great and continuall losses by pyrats , and sea-rouers vsually retiring to , & harbouring themselues at algeers , & tunis , that the sayd pyrats & sea-rouers receiue great comfort & encouragement by an abusiue trade that some merchants out of greedinesse , & for vniust lucre do maintaine at algeers , & tunis , for weapons , gunpowder , shot , and other munition of all sorts , wherewith those common enemies of mankinde doe dayly inuade the subiects of his maiesty & other christian princes , hath thought it agreeable to his own iustice and honour to forewarne , that none of his subiects , from hencefoorth , haue any hand in a course so vniust . and therefore his maiesty doeth heereby straitely charge and command , that none of his maiesties subiects whatsoeuer , doe at any time heereafter carry or import vnto the sayd towne or port of algeers , & tunis , any gunpowder , shot , armour , weapons , munition or victualles whatsoeuer vpon paine to incurre his maiesties indignation & highest displeasure , and to endure the seuerest chastisements that so high an offence may deserue to be inflicted on them by his maiesties lawes or kingly prerogatiue . giuen at the court at white-hall , the sixt day of april , in the one and twentieth yeere of our raigne of great brittaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxiii . proclamation indemnifying deserters, and declaring what passes will be sufficient. scotland. privy council. 1695 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05706 wing s1940 estc r183564 52529314 ocm 52529314 179101 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05706) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179101) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:90) proclamation indemnifying deserters, and declaring what passes will be sufficient. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1695. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty sixth day of february, and of our reign the sixth year, 1695. signed: gilb: eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation , indemnifying deserters , and declaring what passes will be sufficient . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to _____ macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as , vve have allowed and ordained , that all deserters from our regiments in flanders , since their being there , be seized as deserters by our officers , lately come from flanders for recruits ; as also , that such of these deserters who ingaged in any of our regiments abiding in scotland , be delivered to the saids officers , to be transported again to flanders ; and least the foresaids deserters may apprehend that they may still be lyable to punishment as deserters ; therefore vve with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby fully pardon and indemnifie all such of the saids deserters as shall happen to be transported to flanders in manner foresaid for their said desertion , remitting to the saids deserters their foresaid crime of desertion , as fully and freely in all respects , as if the said crime had never been committed and incurred , but that all other deserters may be duly punished , and none may presume for hereafter to desert on any pretence . vve further hereby with advice foresaid , ratifie and revive all former proclamations against deserters , ordaining the same to be put to execution against all deserters not hereby pardoned , or presently engaged in our service , with all rigour ; and that for hereafter no question may be moved about passes , vve hereby with advice foresaid , ordain all collonels of the regiments in our service , to intimat to their inferiour officers , that none of them presume to give a pass to any souldier under their command , unless the said inferiour officer be a field officer , and in absence of the saids collonels out of the kingdom : declaring , likeas it is hereby declared , that all passes to be hereafter given contrair to the present order , shall be void and of no effect to the persons bearers and users thereof : our vvill is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires of this kingdom , and there , in our name and authority make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty sixth day of february , and of our reign the sixth year , 1695. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb : eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1695. the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87885 of text r211365 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87885 wing l1246b thomason 669.f.22[18] estc r211365 99870095 99870095 163601 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87885) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163601) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[18]) the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1659] sometimes attributed to sir roger l'estrange. demanding the dispersal, within twelve hours, of "all such troups and companies as do not properly belong to the guard of this city," and the release from prison of certain citizens. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. 1659.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. military occupation -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a87885 r211365 (thomason 669.f.22[18]). civilwar no the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by 23500 hands. [l'estrange, roger, sir] 1659 835 2 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london ▪ subscribed by 23500 hands ▪ although , as citizens , wee are reduced to a necessity of violence ; and as christians , obliged to the exercize of it ; vnless we will rather prostitute our lives and liberties , fortunes and reputations ; nay , our very souls , and altars , to the lusts of a barbarous , and sacrilegious enemy : wee have yet so great a tendernesse for christian bloud , as to leave unattempted no means , of probability to save it . this is it which hath prevayl'd with us to declare , first , to the world , what wee propose , and resolve , ere we proceed to further extremities : and to satisfie the publique , as well in the reasons of our vndertakings , as to justifie our selves , in the menage and event of them . we find , in the midst of us , the house of prayer converted into a den of theeves : our counsels affronted by armed troups , our fellow citizens knock'd on the head , like doggs , at their own doors , for not so much as barking ; nay , t is become death , now , to desire to live ; and adjudg'd treason , but to claim the benefit of the law against it . witnesse those infamous murders committed , but monday last , upon our unarmed friends : and the glorious insolencies of that rabble , towards such of the rest , as they seized , and carried away . but this is nothing : to make us a compleat sacrifice , we are to be burnt too : a thing , not only threatned , in the passion of the tumult , but soberly intended ; for they have layd in their materials for the work already : a prodigious quantity of fire-balls in pauls , and gresham colledge . briefly , we are design'd for fire , and sword , and pillage : and it concerns us now , to look a little better to our gratious guards . not to insist upon the losse of trade ; how many thousand families have nothing now to do , but begg , and curse these wretches ? the honour and the safety of the city lies at stake : and god so blesse us as wee 'll fall together . we will not live to see our wives , and daughters ravish'd : our houses rifled , and our children beggars , that shall only live to reproach their cowardly fathers : and all this done too by a people , which we can as easily destroy , as mention : by a party , so barbarous , and so inconsiderable together , that , certainly , no creature can be mean enough , either to suffer the one , or fear the other . in this exigency of affairs , we have found it both our duty and our interests to associate ; and we desire a blessing front heaven upon us , no otherwise than as we do vigorously and faithfully pursue what we here remonstrate . first , we do engage our selves , in the presence of almighty god , with our lives and fortunes , to defend the rights and liberties of the city of london ; and if any person that subscribes to this engagement , shall be molested for so doing ; we will unanimously , and without delay , appear as one man to his rescue . next , we demand , that all such troups , and companies , as do not properly belong to the guard of the city , nor receive orders from the lawfull magistrates thereof ; that such forces withdraw themselves from the liberties , within 12. hours after the publication of this : upon pain of being deemed conspiratours , and of being proceeded against accordingly , ( for to this extent , both of iudgement , and execution , is every individual qualified in his own defence . ) we are next to demand the inlargement of our fellow citizens , which were taken away by force , and in a tumultuons manner , contrary to the known lawes of the place and nation . this being performed , we shall acquiesce , in the enjoyment of those liberties , which we will not lose , but with our lives . in fine , to remove all impediments of the peace we desire : we do undertake , both as men of credit , and iustice ; that such of the soldiers as will betake themselves to honester imployments , shall receive their arreares from the city , and such a further care of their future well-being , as is suitable to the necessities of the one part , and the charity of the other . by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22367 stc 8778 estc s122665 33150342 ocm 33150342 28557 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22367) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28557) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:40) by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the fifteenth day of may, in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles, of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army. military discipline -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense = royal blazon ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers , prested for his maiesties seruice . the kings most excellent maiestie , beeing informed of the great spoyles , dammages , and losses that his louing subiects lately suffered by the uiolences and disorders committed by souldiers , when they last passed through the seuerall counties of this realme to the port of douer ; and his maiestie hauing a tender care to secure his louing subiects , both in their persons and goods , against all such offences or feares , hath therefore thought fit , with the aduice of his priuie councell , for repressing and preuenting the like attempts , actes , or iniuries , by this proclamation , to giue solemne warning , and publish his royall commandement concerning the same ; wherein , to the end all pretence of disorder shall bee taken from the souldiers , his maiestie in the first place doth giue strict charge and command , to all captaines , lieutenants , corporals , conductors , and all other officers , who haue , or shall haue any charge or command of conducting any of the seuerall companies , appointed out of the seuerall counties of this realme , to plymmouth , that they doe , not onely see the souldiers of their seuerall bands and charges respectiuely , duely payd their conduct-monies , and prouided for of fit necessaries in their passage , but doe also carefully leade and conduct them from place to place , whither they are to goe , keeping alwayes with their companies , and suffering none of them vpon any pretence to wander or straggle from the rest . secondly , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , after hee or they hath , haue , or shall receiue his or their prest-money , doe presume to absent or hide himselfe when hee shall be called to goe with the companies , nor being in company , shall wander or straggle from his or their colours , or from the captaine , lieutenant , corporall , conductor , or other officer , to whom the conducting of them shal be assigned ; but that they all behaue themselues quietly and orderly , as becomes good subiects , without offering iniury or violence in their passage to any others , either in their persons , families , goods or cattell , or fall into any outrage or disorder amongst themselues . and if any of the sayd souldiers shall , notwithstanding this publique warning , and their captaines or conductors care and restraint , breake out and commit any outrage , take or spoile any mans house or goods in the townes or fields as they passe , straggle from their companies , or otherwise outragiously behaue themselues , that then euery such souldier so offending , be by vertue of this his maiesties proclamation , foorthwith committed to the constable of the place next adioyning , and by him in safe and sure maner conducted to the gaole of the countie , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , vntill hee shall be proceeded against by the strictest course of law which his fact shall deserue , for an example to others to auoid the like offences . and for the better execution of this his maiesties honourable , iust , and necessary commandement , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth all lieutenants , deputy-lieutenants , maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bayliffes , headboroughs , and other officers , and all other his maiesties good and louing subiects , to take care to preuent and represse all such disorders , as aforesaid , and to be ayding and assisting to the said captaine and captaines , or other conductor or conductors of souldiers respectiuely , and to such constable and constables , as shall haue the charge of conducting any such disorderly souldiers to the gaole respectiuely , in the due execution of this his maiesties commandement concerning the premisses , as they tender their duety and allegiance to his maiesty , and the peace and good of their countrey , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the fifteenth day of may , in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles , of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . a proclamation anent recruits, levies, deserters and passes proclamations. 1696-02-13 scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92660 wing s1648 estc r230225 99895951 99895951 153560 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92660) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153560) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2370:25) a proclamation anent recruits, levies, deserters and passes proclamations. 1696-02-13 scotland. privy council. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majest[ies], edinburgh : 1696. dated at end: edinburgh, the thirteenth day of february, and of our reign the seventh year, 1696. steele notation: ireland, ing be. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -scotland -early works to 1800. recruiting and enlistment -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation anent recruits , levies , deserters and passes . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our priv● council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute ; greeting . forasmuch as , it is requisite and necessary , that during this present war , which so much concerns the defence and security of the protestant religion , and of our kingdoms , rules and orders be set down for recruits , levies and deserters , whereby frequent disorders and oppressions may be prevented , and unfit men may not be engaged , and none may be troubled upon the head of desertion , but such as are truly deserters : therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , conform to the thirty third act fifth session of this our current parliament , entituled act for the levies : do hereby appoint and ordain , that no officer , either at home or from abroad , offer to take on , or press any free leidge to be a souldier , unless the man be taken on by agreement , owned by him in presence of the judge of the bounds . and if any officer shall contraveen this order , and press or compel any man contrair to the rule hereby established , that it shall be reckoned oppression , and the transgressor punished by the fyne of a months pay , and further by imprisonment , or breaking and casheering , as the saids lords of our privy council shall think sit . and further , we with advice foresaid , do strictly prohibit and discharge all our officers which have come for recruits from flanders , to seize upon any persons as deserters , but such as have deserted from our scots regiments in flanders since they were there , and none others : and allows the officers of our forces in this our ancient kingdom , to seize upon none upon the head of desertion , but such as have deserted from one or other of the saids regiments , of which they are at present officers : and discharge any person to be seized upon , on pretence of desertion before our accession to the crown . and for preventing any mistake anent passes , given to such as have been souldiers : we with advice foresaid , do herby appoint and ordain , that no pass be sustained for any souldier from our forces in flanders , or out of this kingdom , unless the same be subscribed at least by the collonel of the regiment , to which he belonged . and that no pass be sustained for any of the souldiers of the standing regiments of this kingdom , unless the same be subscribed by the collonel of the regiment , or by one of the field-officers , commander of the regiment for the time , to which he belonged ; and declares , that the passes signed in manner foresaid , shall free the persons in whose favours they are granted . and further , we with advice foresaid , do hereby ratify and revive , all former acts and proclamations , made anent recruits , levies , or deserters , except in so far , as the samen are hereby innovat or altered . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that in continent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this our ●ingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make intima●●●●●hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our sollicitor to transmit ●rinted copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires of this kingdom , to be sent ●y them , to the ministers of the several paroches within their respective shires : and appoints the ministers of the paroches , to cause intimat these proclamations in their paroch churches where they are ministers , immediately at the dissolution of the congregation , and that either from the pulpit , or at the church-doors . and ordains these presents to be printed and published . given under our signet at edinburgh , the thirteenth day of february , and of our reign the seventh year , 1696. pe● actum dominorum secreti concilii . da. moncreiff cls. sti. concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors o● ●ndrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent maj●●●● 1696. a proclamation, indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last. scotland. privy council. 1691 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05708 wing s1942 estc r183566 52529316 ocm 52529316 179103 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05708) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179103) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:92) a proclamation, indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1691. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty seventh day of august, 1691. and of our reign the third year. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. secreti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -history -revolution of 1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , pursevants , macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : whereas we did allow john earl of bradalbin , to meet with the highlanders , and others in arms against us , and our authority , in order to the reducing of them to our obedience , and by a representation made to us in their names , we understand their willingness to render themselves in subjection to our authority and laws , humbly asking pardon for what is past , and our assistance for accommodating some 〈◊〉 and funds , which do at present , and have very long troubled these places ; and we being satisfied , that nothing 〈◊〉 conduce more to the peace of the highlands , and reduce them from rapine and arms , to vertue and industry , than making away of the occasions of these differences and feuds , which prevail with them , to neglect the opportunities , to 〈◊〉 and cultivat their countrey , and to accustom themselves to depredations and idleness ; in order whereunto , we 〈◊〉 graciously to pardon , indemnifie , and restore all that have been in arms against us and our government , who shall take the oath of allegiance , prescribed by our act of parliament , before the first day of january next . therefore we , with the advice of our privy council , do indemnifie , pardon , and forgive all that have been in arms against us or our government , before the first day of june last , of all treasons , rebellions , robberies , depredations , seditions , leasing-making , hearing and not revealing of treason ; and generally , every thing that can be objected against any of the persons foresaids , for being in arms or rebellion , preceeding the date hereof : restoring and reponing , all and every one of the saids persons , who have been in arms against us , before the time foresaid , to their lives , estates , dignities , fame and blood , al 's fully and freely , as if they had never been guilty , or had never been condemned for the crimes foresaids , and al 's fully and effectually , as if each of them had particular remissions , containing a special enumeration of their crimes , duly and orderly expede under our great seal for the same ; upon this express condition always , that the persons foresaids , who have been to arms before the time foresaid , and shall plead and take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity , swear and sign the oath of allegiance to us by themselves , or the sheriff clerks subscribing for such as cannot write , and that before famous witnesses , betwixt and the first day of january next to come , in presence of the lords of our privy council , or the sheriff , or their deputs of the respective shires , where any of the saids persons live ; requiring hereby , and commanding the saids sheriffs , their deputs and clerks , before whom any shall swear the said oath of allegiance , for the benefit of this our indemnity , to transmit to the clerks of our privy council , exact lists of all persons by their ordinary designations , who shall subscribe the said oath in their presence , and take the benefit of our said indemnity , betwixt and the tenth day of the said moneth of january next , as they will be answerable at their highest peril . and we with advice foresaid , do assure and declare , all such persons who have been in arms before the first of june last , and shall betwixt and the first of january next , take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity , by swearing and signing , as said is , the said oath of allegiance to us , that they shall be altogether free , safe , and secure from all manner of punishment , pains and penalties , that can be inflicted upon them for open rebellion , or any other of the crimes above-specified , and that such as shall continue obst●at , and incorrigible , after this gracious offer of mercy , shall be punished as traitors and rebels , and other wayes , to the outmost extremity of law ; and we , with advice foresaid , require and command , all judges and ministers of our law , to interpret this present indemnity in the most favourable and ample manner ; prohibiting and discharging them to call in question any of the persons forsaids , who shall take the benefit hereof in manner abovementioned , for any of the crimes above-written , in time coming . our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of this our antient kingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make intimation of the premisses , as ye will answer to us thereupon . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published in manner foresaid : the which to do , we commit to you , conjunctly and severally , as said is , our full power , by these presents , delivering them by you , duly execute , and indorsed again to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty seventh day of august , 1691. and of our reign the third year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . et in supplementum signeti , gilb . eliot , cls secreti concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1691. orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32013 of text r4905 in the english short title catalog (wing c2530). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32013 wing c2530 estc r4905 12415800 ocm 12415800 61646 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61646) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e127, no 23) orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 8 p. printed for j. johnson, [london] : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng newcastle, william cavendish, -duke of, 1592-1676. england and wales. -army. military law -england. a32013 r4905 (wing c2530). civilwar no orders and institutions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty, and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcast england and wales. sovereign 1642 2361 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2008-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders and institvtions of vvar , made and ordained by his maiesty , and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle . with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt . printed for j. johnson . 1642. orders and institutions of war . inprimis , it is by us ordered , that no colonell captaine or other officer or souldier , shall be admitted into our service , but such as shall take the oathes of supremacy and allegiance . 2. no papist of what degree or quality soever shall be admitted to serve in our army . 3. all colonels are commanded to have a speciall care that the due service of god be performed in their severall regiments , by the chaplains to each regiment every sunday twice , except some contingent occasion of moment be a lawfull impediment for their forbearance . 4. all colonels , lievtenant colonels , captaines and other inferiour officers are commanded to represse all disorders in their severall quarters , as they will answer the contrary to our councell of war if the default be found in them . 5. whosoever shall presume to sweare or blaspheme the name of god in our quarters ; for the first offence shall suffer twelve houres imprisonment ; for the second , he shall suffer foure and twenty houres durance ; and for the third he shall be whipt and cashiered our army . 6. whatsoever souldier shall be found drunke and so neglect his duty , shall be punished at the discretion of our court of war , according to the haynousnesse of the fact , and the detriment arrived by his default to our service . 7. what captaine or other officer that shall inflict punishment , or strike any souldier without good cause of offence given ; for such punishment or blow shall upon complaint made receive censure from his superiours . 8. what captaine or other superiour officer or inferiour , that shall detaine the souldiers pay after 't is delivered to him by our treasurer or his subordinate officers , upon complaint made shall make full repayment of such moneyes and then be cashiered our service . 9. wheras there is and hath been in most services divers enormous abuses committed in musters by muster-masters , commissaries and officers for that purpose , making their companies seem compleat by men hired out of other companies : we doe therefore command all colonels , captains , and other officers , to take especiall care that their companies be full , and no such enormities committed : every muster-master so offending being lyable to capitall punishment , and every man so hired shall suffer death , for his second offence ; for his first , lye in irons during ours or our generals pleasure . 10. what souldier soever that shall presume to steale from or plunder any of our good subjects in his march , or in any towne where he is billeted , shall suffer death , if the thing so stolne or taken be above the value of twelve pence , if under , he shall be punished according to the discretion of his officers . 11. whosoever shall wilfully act any murder upon the persons of any of our good subjects , souldier or other shall suffer death . 12. whosoever shall force or ravish any woman within our quarters , or any other place , shall suffer death . 13. whosoever draweth any sword in the presence of our generall to doe any harme with it , shall lose his hand . 14. whosoever draweth his sword when his colours are flying , or upon any march , he shall be harquebuser'd : if it be done in the place where he is billeted , he shall onely lose his hand and be banish'd our quarters . 15. whosoever draweth his sword in the quarters after the watch is set , with intention of mischiefe to any , shall suffer death . 16. no man shall hinder our provolt-marshall or his inferiour officers from execution of any charge given them by our generall , who presumes to doe it shall suffer death . 17. all that is to be published and made knowne to all men , shall be openly proclaimed by sound of drum or trumpet , that no man plead ignorance for the neglect of his duty . who so is found disobedient shall be punish'd as the fault is of importance . 18. no man shall presume to make any alarum in the quarter , or shoot off his musket in the quarter but shall be severely punish'd . 19. after advertisement is given to set the watch , he that shall absent himselfe without some lawfull cause , shall be punish'd with irons . 20. he that is found sleeping upon his watch in any place of danger shall be harquebuser'd . 21. he who shall come off the watch where he is appointed to stand , or he who shall drinke himselfe drunke so long as he hath the guard shall be harquebuser'd . 23. whosoever repaires not to his colours when he heares the trumpet sound or drum beat shall be punish'd with irons . 24. whensoever a march is beaten , every man shall follow his colours , neither shall any through presumption stay behinde without leave , upon feare of punishment . 25. if any stay behind in a mutinous fashion he shall be punish'd with death . 27. he who doth run from his colours in the field , shall be punish'd with death ; and if any other souldiers kill him in the meane time , he shall be free . 28. when occasion of service is , he who doth first run away , if any can kill him he shall be free . 29. what regiment or company shall begin any mutiny , the first beginner shall be punish'd with death , and the rest that consent to him shall be punish'd according to the discretion of the councell of war . 30. whosoever souldier or other that shall directly or indirectly hold intelligence with the enemy , or disclose any of our secrets to them or any of them , shall as traytors be punish'd with death . 31. what regiment of horse or foot shall treat with the enemy , or enter into any league with him without our leave or our generals , shall be punish'd with death . 32. whosoever shall give over any of our townes to the enemy that may be defended against them , unlesse in case of necessity shall be punish'd with death . 33. no man shall presume to send any challenge to any other of his fellowes , nor to fight any duell in the quarters or without , upon paine of death . 34. they who shall hold any manner of conference with the enemie , without licence from our generall , shall be punished with death . 35. every one that shall not be contented with that quarter which is assigned him shall , be accounted a mutiner . 36. if any cast away any of his armes , either in the field , or in the quarters , he shall be whipt thorow the quarters , as an example to others . 37. hee who doth pawne any of his armes , or any amunition whatsoever , or any other necessaries whatsoever used in the field , for the first & second offences shall be whipt thorow the quarters , for the third time he shall be punish'd as for other theft : also he that bought them , or took them to pawne , be he souldier or victualler , or other , shall lose his money , or be punished as he who pawn'd or sold them . 37. no man shall presume to set fire on any towne , village , house , barne , out-house , haystacke , or mill of any of our subjects , whoever shall be found guilty of any such crime , shall suffer death without mercy . 38. no man shall presume to wrong any who hath our warrant or our generalls for his safe passage , be he friend or enemie , upon paine of death . 39. he who doth beat his hoste or hostis , or any of their servants , the first and second time , shall be put in irons ; the third time he shall be punished at the discretion of our officers . 40. none shall presume to wrong any man that brings necessaries to our quarters , nor take his horse from him by force , whosoever doth , shall be punished with death . 41. no souldiers shall come to the muster , but at what day and houre they are commanded : no colonell nor captaine shall presume to muster his men without command from our generall . 42. if any horse-man doe borrow either horse , pistoll , saddle or sword to muster withall , so much as is borrowed , shall be forfeited , and he that doth it shall be put out of our service , and he that lendeth them shall forfeit one half to the captain , the other half to the provost . 43. if it can be proved that any horse-man doe spoyle his horse willingly of purpose , to returne home , he shall be held a coward , lose his horse , and be turned out of the service . 44. no souldier whatsoever , horse or foot , shall be cast off by his captaine , or any inferiour officer , without consent of the colonell . 45. no colonell nor captaine shall licence any souldier , either horse or foot , to depart the field without leave of the generall , as he will answer the same , and incurre our displeasure . 46. any souldier , gentleman or other , that shall be maymed , or lose any limbe in this our present service , shall have a competent pension allowed him to subsist upon during his life . 47. if any captaine , or other commander , doe lend his souldiers to any other captaine , it shall be done in the presence of our muster-masters , that so our service be not neglected . 48. all our souldiers we doe hereby strictly require to avoid all quarrells and offences one to another , to give due obedience and fit respects to their captaines , lievtenants , ensignes and other inferiour officers . 49. we also require , and strictly command all ensignes , lievtenants , captaines , to give the same respects to our officers of the field ; as serjeant-majors , lievtenant-colonells and colonells . 50. as we expect they and all the rest of our army by our expresse command , doe the right honourable , our trusty and welbeloved cousen and councellor , william earle of newcastle , his excellence , whom wee have constituted and ordained generall of all our present forces . 51. and we doe hereby will and require our said trusty and welbeloved cousin and councellour , william , earle of newcastle , his excellence , our generall , so constituted and ordained , to see all these , and all other our ordinances of war whatsoever , put in execution by his immediate officers , that so our cause may succeed prosperously , and we , with the almighties assistance , be victorious over all our enemies . his excellence , the earle of newcastle's speech to his colonels , and other commanders , at his receiving the charge of generall , and the precedent orders from his majestie . lords and gentlemen , my noble friends and fellow souldiers , i could have heartily wished , that either the earle of lindsey , who before commanded you , had evaded his untimely destiny ; or th●● his sacred majesty had beene pleased to have conferr'd the successive managing of this office to one of better abilities then my selfe but since i am invested with this charge , i shall study to demeane my selfe like a faithfull subject to my prince , a true legitimate sonne to my mother the common-wealth , and a just and loving chiefe to you all ; to use incouragementss to men of fortitude , is an implicit diminution to their valours . i shall not therefore so much undervalue yours , as to intrude an exhortation upon your courages , onely i shall desire you will keepe those men under your commands free from disordiers , performing with all care and diligence , these institutions which i now as your generall am ingaged to deliver to you from his sacred majesty : we are here in our owne countrey , a sad and lamentable affaire it is in armes , and must imploy our hands against our selves , our brothers ; if we must fight , i make no doubt of your deportement in the affaires of war , but could heartily wish , and so i hope you doe all wish with me , that we might be happy in a faire and sudden attonement between his majesty and his high court of parliament ; 't is not improbable , but it may be effected , if not , i hope you will all fight as valiantly as i shall leade you on resolutely , and ( if it so please god ) bring you off with safety . finis . the first publique lecture, read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers of virtue, come hither to that purpose. gerbier, balthazar, sir, 1592?-1667. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85922 of text r206131 in the english short title catalog (thomason e572_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85922 wing g561 thomason e572_5 estc r206131 99865310 99865310 117549 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85922) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117549) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 88:e572[5]) the first publique lecture, read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers of virtue, come hither to that purpose. gerbier, balthazar, sir, 1592?-1667. [4], 10, [2] p. : ill. printed by gartrude dawson, and are to be sold by hanna allen at the crown in popes-head-alley, london : 1469. [i.e. 1649] attributed to balthazar gerbier. the final leaf is a folding diagram of fortifications. annotation on thomason copy: "august 30". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military art and science -england -early works to 1800. military architecture -england -early works to 1800. a85922 r206131 (thomason e572_5). civilwar no the first publique lecture,: read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers gerbier, balthazar, sir 1649 3207 20 0 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first pvbliqve lectvre , read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy , concerning military architecture , or fortifications , to the lovers of virtue , come hither to that purpose . london , printed by gartrude dawson , and are to be sold by hanna allen at the crown in popes-head-alley . 1469. the first publique lecture read at sir . balthazar gerbier his accademie , concerning military architecture or fortification . i shall by way of preface , say somewhat in generall concerning this art of military architecture , properly termed architecture , by reason that it serves for a rule to the building of forts , castles , and towns ; though their besiegers batter , and ruine them , faster then they were first erected by the same art . it s true , warre is to have scripture for it in divers places , wherewith they maintain their proceedings , against the opinion of some scrupulous men , who will rather be taken ( and even loose all ) then learn how best to defend themselves ; when they cannot deny , but that even the apostles were commanded by the prince of peace to provide armes for defence . the scriptures doe in effect in sundry places warrant so much the proceedings of warriours ; that therefore this art of military architecture is the more laudable , and to be made use of as well in the defence , as for the besieging of places ; so the prescriptions be duely observed , and that the destruction of towns and people have those grounds prescribed by holy writ . deutronomie 20. cap. 11. and 12. vers. when thou commest nigh a citty to fight against it , then proclaim a peace unto it ; and it shall be , if it make thee answer of peace and open unto thee ; then it shall be that all the people that is found therein shall be tributary unto thee , and they shall serve thee ; but if they will make warre against thee , then thou shalt besiege it . other texts prescribe the besiegers to make havock of all ; yet in some things with a certain restriction , of sparing even the trees of the field ; as we read in the 19. v. of the said chapter of deutron . viz. when thou shalt besiege a citty a long time in making warr against it , to take it ; thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof , by forcing an ax , against them ; for thou mayest eate of them , and thou shalt not cut them down ( for the tree of the field is mans life ) to imploy them in the siege ; onely the trees which thou knowest that they be no trees for meat , thou shalt destroy and cut them down . this holy writ sayth , but few men observe it in any age , nor among the most regular , for that those of machl●n ( in brabant ) cut down above forty thousand cherry-trees when the late deceased prince of orange approached them with his army ; their pretence was a necessity , as farre seeing governours of besiedged townes are often moved to set their owne subburbs on fire , at the example of a carefull chyrurgeon that cuts off a leg to save the body of a mortall gangreen , however , as a true souldier ought in his proceedings and vocation to shunne all depraved basenesse , also to seeke his glory in the overcomming of an enemy , by a generous faire course ; sparing those things which contribute not to his fame , nor to his good : ill customes make good things evill , and good customes make them good , and honourable . it hath beene therefore noted at all times , that the switzers in the times of the romans , made their wars detestable for laying the land waste ▪ by firing it ; and so the proceedings of the campaniens were abhorred , when agathocles ( fighting in sicily being entred into messina under colour of freindship ) put to death the greatest number of the citizens , to get their meanes : and and it was no lesse odious in haniball , when after he had given his parole to gerion a town neer nicerie , to put all the inhabitants to death . but that this preface may not weary you , i shall proceed to particulars . wee shall beginne by the divisions of the places which are strong either by nature , or by art , or both . by nature when their seate proves so advantageous that it is very hard , nay almost impossible to force them , such as are the places that are on hils and inaccessible rocks , either in the seas , on the land , or in the marches , or such other like places . those are strong by art , wihch wanting an advantagious seate , are fortified by art and labour . such places are strong by nature and by art , when the one part of them is strong by nature , and the other is fortified by art . to fortifie is to build , or to inclose the places in such a manner that all the places of their circumference are seene from each other flancke , and that they can resist the armes and engins whereof the enemy makes use : and therefore it shall bee said a place to bee well fortified whensoever all the parts of its circumference are flanckt . a place that hath but a single straight wall about it cannot be said to be a fortified place , but onely inclosed , and whatsoever doth flanck as what is flancked , ought to be strong enough to resist the engins of an enemy . flancking is to see by its sides ; to bee flancked , it s to be seen either by the side or flanck . there are two sorts of fortifications in generall , one the ancient , and the other moderne : the places that are fortified according unto the ancient manner , are those that have single wals onely , and with towers at certaine distances , made of materials that are not capable to resist the canon ▪ and their towers being too small as that they cannot beare any canon ; those kinde of places deserve not to be said fortified ones : the modernes are those which are flancked on all sides , and that the flancking and flancked bodies are so solid and of such matter as that they may resist the canon . every country hath its owne way of fortification , as the hollanders , the spaniards , the italians , and the french , &c they differ in certain circumstances , or accidents , but agree in the essentiall parts : there are two kindes of modern fortfication , to wit ; regular and irregular ; the regular places are those , that have the sides and the angles equall ; and such bastions as are on them , and its strength every where equall : the irregular places are those that have not the aforesaid equality , either of the sides or the bastions or of strength , of that kinde are the most part of places . object . it might be said against this definition , that a place which hath all its faces , and all its bastions equall , being commanded from any side ; its strength could nor be equally strong every where : therefore according to the definition it could not be regular , which is absurd . answ. i doe answer , that a place , though commanded from some side , would neverthelesse be equally strong every where in it self : but from this side that strength would bee over-topt by that of the commanding which notwithstanding would remain the same , though the said greater strength stood not in oposition of it , as a man that shall resist another ordinary man , and cannot resist a gyant ; he shall notwithstanding have no lesse strength against this , then against the other , but his strength shall be overcome by a greater : bastions likewise wi●l be in themselves of an equall strength , but some overmastered by an outward strength . of the regular fortifications , the parts are the figure , which is the space propounded to be fortified , comp●ehended of divers straight lines , equall in themselves , which in their meetings make their angles equall . the figure takes its denomination either from the number of angles , or sides ; if it be from the angles , it s exprest by two greek words ; whereof the first signifieth the number , and the other angle , as trigone , of tris , which saith three , and gonia angle ; terragone , of tessares , which saith foure , and gonia angle , and so of the others ; pentagone is to say , at five angles , exagone at six , eptagone at seven , octagone at eight , enneagone at nine , decagone at ten , endecagone at eleven , dodecagone at twelve , decatrigone at thirteen , decatetragone at fourteen , decapentagone at fiftteen , decaexagone at sixteen , decaeptagone at seventeen , decaoctogone , at eighteen , deca●nneagone at nineteen , icosigone at twenty , &c. if it be from the sides , that it takes its name , it shall be exprest by two latin words , trialatera , quadrilatera , and others likewise . the explica●ion of terms and words , whereof use is made in fort●fications , are viz. the curtain , is all the space of the wall or bul-work , which is between two bastions , as h. l. flack , is the line which joynes the curtain to the face of the bastion , as h. g. the gorge , is the entrance of a bastion , whereof the one half is called half gorge as c. h. is a half gorge , and h. c. v. is all the gorge . the bastion is that great body advancing on the angles of the figure , which is markt in the figure by the letters h. g f. h. v. the face is the line most advanced of the bastion towards the fields , as f. g. capitall line , is that which is drawn from the angle of the figure to the angle of the b●stion , as c. f. second flanck , is part of the curtain which is between the point of the face and the flanck as h. i. lengthned flanck , is the line drawn from the flanck to the outward poligone , as g. y. inward flanck is the line drawn from the flanck to the next diameter , as l. 2. inward poligone , is the line of a fortresse of one angle to the other , as c. d. outward poligone , is the line drawn from the point of one bastion to the other , as f. e. the fixt line of defence , is the line drawn from the flanck , defending the flanckqued angle , as l. f. the rasing line of defence , is the line drawn from the curtain , which raiseth the face of the bastion , as k. f. the center angle , is that which is made ▪ by the meeting of the two next lines drawn from the angles of the figure , as c b. d. the poligone angle , is the angle which is made by the side of the two poligones , as v. c. h. flancked angle , is the angle , comprehended between the two faces , as x. f. g. the inward flanckt angle , is the angle which is made of the curtain , and of the rasing line , as h. k. g. the outward flanckt angle , is the angle which is made of the two rasing lines ▪ which c●t one another , as f. z. e. the shoulder angle , is the angle comprehended between the flanck and the face , as f. g. h. an angle is markt with three letters , that of the middle doth shew the angle . the maximes or generall rules for fortifications are , that there ought not to be any place unflanckt about the town . that the flancked parties ought not to be further from those which doe flanck , then the reach of arms , whereby the place is defended , the principall whereof are muske●s . that both that which flancketh , and what is flanckt , be of proof , and capable to resist the arms and engines of the party that doth a take , the strongest whereof are canons . that the pieces of fort●fication nearest to the centre , bee alwayes higher , and command those that are further off . that the flancked angle be never lesse then 60 degrees , nor bigger then 90 degrees . that the poligone angle ought not to be lesser then of 90 degrees . that the angle of the flanck and of the curtain be always straight , that a regular place is better then an irregular . that the more bastions a regular place hath , the better it is . that all the places about a fortresse be commanded by it . that the bastions which have much defence , or that are much flancked , are the best . that which we are to consider before we begin to fortifi● is , that the end of fortification , is to defend with the most advantage , and that a small number may resist a great one . that fortification is the work of a state , because of the great expences thereunto belonging ; and the charges of the garisons which are to be kept in such fortified places . that fortifications must be in the most necessary and important places , on the frontiers to hinder the inrodes of neighbours : the ports which are frontier sea-towns , and those of traffique , where rivers are ; where there is a good aire , for the preservation of men , both in time of warre and peace . that the places that are seated high command far . that they hinder the works of an enemy . that they have great advantage to make sallyes on the enemy . that they need but a smal quantity of men and victuals , and doe enjoy a good ayre . they ought also to consider , that there wants water and earth . that they cannot defend their sloape , especially when the parapets have their just and necessary thicknesse . that they are seldome succoured , and are unfit for the civill conversation of mans life . that the places that are in the plain fields are very good , because of the use of carriage , the extent of the campagne , and earth at will ▪ whereof art and wit can make any thing , the defect of it is that those who doe besiege such places have the same advantages , as the besieged have . that those which are neere the seas , without being commanded , and the which the seas surround by ebbing and flowing , cannot be taken but by surprisall . that the marish places are very hard to take , and the sieges thereof of great expence , as for example , the b●sh in brabant . the raising of such places proves of great charge , they are ordinarily extreame unwholsome and prove a spoile to munitions , they must bee wrought upon in summer . that the sandy is somewhat better , but the clay is to be preferred to all other , because it is maniable , groweth hard , and needs no great sloape ; and if walled about , the bricke needs not to be thick . that the earth may bee beaten , mixt with bavins , and peeces of wood laid overthwart , for that it binds very much ▪ and the canon cannot doe any great effect thereon , nor pierce above ten foot deepe , making but a hole without shaking any thing , and therefore it proves to be a grave to canon balls . that the parapets that are made of this earth , need not to be so thick , as those that are made of earth . that the rampiers cavalliers and other works of this earth need not any more sloape then the halfe , or the two thirds of their hight , for that the earth holds of it selfe with a small sloape . now to attaine unto the designed purpose , in the fortifying of a place , it is necessary well to flanckt and cover himselfe . to flanck himselfe well according unto the principles and maximes of this art , there must not be one point in all the circuit of the figure of a regular , or irregular place , which ought not to be seene within , and that the line whereby self defence is intended , bee not above 200. paces , a measure which is prescribed by divers that have fully obtained the practicall part , for that it would import very little to see an enemy from within a place if he wereso faire distant that you could not offend him , and by the mouths of your muskets to make him retire . in this matter four things are necessary ; the defence of a place to consist of the musket and not of the canon , for that a canon requires too many attenders , consumes a great deale of munition , is easily dismounted , uneasie to raise againe , and will not endure a continuall fire . and although a common musket ca●ireth but point blanck 200 geometrical paces , yet with that force as to serve the killing of a man ; nor is there but few that have frequented the armies , but that know men to have been killed at a further distance , then of two hundred geometricall paces : likewise well know that divers of the best places of europe , as well those in germany as in italy , france and in the low countries , that in divers bastions of them the great line of defence is of a farre greater extent ▪ and yet notwithstanding those townes have withstood the most famous sieges of our dayes . finis . fortification diagram laws and ordinances of warre, extablished for the better conduct of the army by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament for the defence of king and kingdom : and now inlarged by command of his excellency. england and wales. army. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38655 of text r11439 in the english short title catalog (wing e3316). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38655 wing e3316 estc r11439 12094490 ocm 12094490 53939 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38655) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53939) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 241:e77, no 25) laws and ordinances of warre, extablished for the better conduct of the army by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament for the defence of king and kingdom : and now inlarged by command of his excellency. england and wales. army. essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1566-1601. [30] p. printed ... for luke fawne, london : 1643. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -army -regulations. military law -england. a38655 r11439 (wing e3316). civilwar no laws and ordinances of warre, established for the better conduct of the army, by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forc england and wales. army 1643 4943 2 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion laws and ordinances of warre , established for the better conduct of the army , by his excellency the earl of essex , lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament , for the defence of king and kingdom . and now inlarged by command of his excellency ; and printed by his authoritie , london , for luke fawne . 1643. robert , earl of essex , viscount hereford , lord ferrers of chartley , boucheir and lovain : captain generall of the army raised by the authoritie of parliament , for the defence of king and kingdom . to all the officers of the army , colonels , lieutenant-colonels , serjeant-majors , captains , other officers and souldiers of horse and foot , and all others whom these laws and ordinances shall concern . which laws and ordinances hereby published to all the said persons respectively and severally , are required and commanded to observe and keep , on the pains and penalties therein expressed . laws and ordinances of warre . of duties to god . i. first , let no man presumes to blaspheme the holy and blessed trinity , god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost ; nor the known articles of our christian faith , upon pain to have his tongue bored with a rod-hot iron . ii. unlawfull oaths and execrations , and scandalous acts in derogation of gods honour , shall be punished with losse of pay , and other punishment at discretion . iii. all those who often and wilfully absent themselves from sermons , and publike prayer , shall be proceeded against at discretion : and all such who shall violate places of publike worship , shall undergo severe censure . of duties in generall . i. all such as shall practice and entertain intelligence with the enemy , by any manner of means or slights , and have any communication with them , without direction from my lord generall , shall be punished as traytors and rebels . ii. no man shall relieve the enemy with money , victuals , ammunition ; neither harbour or receive any such , upon pain of death . iii. if a town , castle , or fort be yeelded up without the utmost necessity , the governour thereof shall be punished with death . iv. but if so be , that the officers and souldiers of the garrison , constrain the governour to yeeld it up : in such a case shall all the officers be punished with death , and the common souldiers who have been active , or have given their consent in constraining the governour , shall cast lots for the hanging of the tenth man amongst them . v. and withall to know in what case and circumstances a governour , and the militia of the garrison may be blamelesse , for the surrendring of a town , castle , or fort , it is hereby expressely signified : that first they are to prove the extremity of want within the place , insomuch that no eatable provision was left them for the sustenance of their lives . secondly , that no succour or relief in any probable wise could be hoped for . thirdly , that nothing else could be expected , but that within a short time the town , castle , or fort , with all the garrison , and arms , ammunition , magazine , and appurtenances in it , must of necessity , fall into the hands of the enemy . upon proof of which forementioned circumstances , they may be acquitted in a counsell of warre , else to be lyable to the punishment above expressed . vi . whosoever shall be convicted to do his dutie negligently and carelesly , shall be punished at discretion . vii . whosoever shall presume to violate a save-guard , shall die without mercy . viii . whosoever shall come from the enemy , without a trumpet , or drum , after the custome of warre , or without a passe from his excellency , within the quarters of the army , or within a garrison town , shall be hanged up as a spie . of duties towards superiours and commanders . i. whosoever shall use any words tending to the death of the lord generall , shall be punished with death . ii. no man shall presume to quarrell with his superiour officer , upon pain of cashiering , and arbitrary punishment ; nor to strike any such , upon pain of death . iii. no souldier shall depart from his captain , nor servant from his master , without license , though he serve still in the army , upon pain of death . iv. every private man or souldier , upon pain of imprisonment , shall keep silence when the army is to take lodging , or when it is marching , or imbattallio , so as the officers may be heard , and their commandments executed . v. no man shall resist , draw , lift , or offer to draw , or lift his weapon against any officer , correcting him orderly , for his defence , upon pain of death . vi . no person shall make any mutenous assemblies , or be present or assisting thereunto , or in , or by them , demand their pay , upon pain of death . vii . no man shall resist the provost-marshall , or any other officer , in the execution of his office , or break prison , upon pain of death . viii . none shall utter any words of sedition and uproar , or muteny , upon pain of death . ix . a heavy punishment shall be inflicted upon them , who after they have heard mutenous speeches , acquaint not their commanders with them . x. whosoever shall receive an injury , and shall take his own satisfaction , shall be punished by imprisonment , and as it shall be thought fit by the marshall-court : but he that is injured shall be bound , if he do not forgive the injury , to seek reparation by complaint to his captain , or colonel , or other superiour officer , and it shall be given him in ample manner . of duties morrall . i. drunkennesse in an officer , shall be punished with losse of place ; in a common souldier , with such penalties as a court-marshall think fit . ii. rapes , ravishments , unnaturall abuses , shall be punished with death . iii. adultery , fornication , and other dissolute lasciviousnesse , shall be punished with discretion , according to the quality of the offence . iv. theft and robbery , exceeding the value of twelve pence , shall be punished with death . v. no man shall use reproachfull , nor provoking words , or acts to any , upon pain of imprisonment , and further punishment , as shall be thought fit to be inflicted upon enemies to discipline and service . vi . no man shall take or spoil the goods of him that dieth , or is killed in service , upon pain of restoring double the value , and arbitrary punishment . vii . murther shall be expiated with the death of the murtherer . of a souldiers duty touching his arms . i. all souldiers coming to their colours to watch , or to be exercised , shall come fully armed , upon pain of severe correction . ii. none shall presume to appear with their arms unfixt , or undecently kept , upon pain of arbitrary correction . iii. if a trooper shall lose his horse or hackney , or foot-man any part of his arms , by negligence or lewdnesse , by dice or cards , he or they shall remain in qualitie of pioners and scavengers , till they be furnished with as good as were lost , at their own charge . iv. no souldier shall give to pawn , or sell his armour , upon pain of imprisonment , and punishment at discretion ; and wheresoever any armour shall be found so sold or pawned , they shall be brought again into the army . v. if a trooper shall spoil his horse willingly , of purpose to be rid of the service , he shall lose his horse , and remain in the camp for a pioner . vi . if one borrows arms of another to passe the muster withall , the borrower shall be rigorously punished , and the lender shall forfeit his goods . vii . none shall presume to spoil , fell , or carry away any ammunition delivered unto him , upon pain of death . of duty in marching . i. none in their march thorow the counties shall waste , spoil , or extort any victuals , money , or pawn , from any subject , upon any pretence of want whatsoever , upon pain of death . ii. no souldier shall presume , upon no occasion whatsoever , to take a horse out of the plow , or to wrong the husband-men in their person , or cattell , or goods , upon pain of death . iii. no souldiers , either horse or foot , shall presume in marching to straggle from his troop or company , or to march out of his rank , upon pain of death . iv. no souldier shall presume , in marching or lodging , to cut down any fruit-trees , or to deface , or spoil walks of trees , upon pain of severe punishment . of duties in the camp and garrison . i. no man shall depart a mile out of the army or camp without license , upon pain of death . ii. no man shall enter , or go out of the army , but by ordinary wayes , upon pain of death . iii. no man shall presume to draw his sword without order , after the watch is set , upon pain of death . iv. no man shall give a false alarum , or discharge a peece in the night , or make any noise without lawfull cause , upon pain of death . v. no man shall draw any sword in a private quarrell within the camp , upon pain of death . vi . he that makes known the watch-word without order , or gives any other word but what is given by the officers , shall die for it . vii . no man shall do violence to any that brings victuals to the camp , upon pain of death . viii . none speak with a drum or trumpet , or any other sent by the enemy , without order , upon pain of punishment at discretion . ix . a sentinell or perdue found asleep , or drunk or forsaking their place before they be drawn off , shall die for the offence , without mercy . x. no man shall fail wilfully to come to the rendevouz or garrison appointed him by the lord generall , upon pain of death . xi , no man that carrieth arms , and pretends to be a souldier , shall remain three daies in the army without being inrolled in some company , upon pain of death . xii . no man that is enrolled , shall depart from the army or garrison , or from his colours , without license , upon pain of death . xiii . no private souldier shall out stay his passe , without a certificate of the occasion , under the hand of a magistrate at the next muster , upon pain of losing his pay , during all the time of his absence . xiv . he that absents himself when the sign is given to set the watch , shall be punished at discretion , either with bread and water in prison , or with the woodden horse . xv . whosoever shall expresse his discontent with his quarter given him in the camp , or garrison , shall be punished as a mutineer . xvi . no officer , of what quality soever , shall go out of the quarter to dinner or supper , or lie out al-night , without making his superiour officer acquainted , upon pain of cashiering . xvii . all officers whose charge it is , shall see the quarters kept clean and sweet , upon pain of severe punishment . xviii . none shall presume to let their horses feed in sown grounds whatsoever , or to endamage the husbandmen any way , upon severest punishment . xix . whosoever shall in his quarter , abuse , beat , fright his landlord , or any person else in the family , or shall extort mony or victuals , by violence from them , shall be proceeded against as a mutineer , and an enemy to discipline . of duties in action . i. no man shall fail immediately to repair unto his colours ( except he be impotent by lamenesse or sicknesse ) when an alarum is given , upon pain of death . ii. no man shall abandon his colours , or flie away in battail , upon pain of death . iii. if a pike-man throw away his pike , or a muskettier his musket or bandilier , he or they shall be punished with death . iv. no man shall burn any house or barne , be it of friend or foe , or wilfully spoil any corne , hay , or straw , or stacks in the fields , or any ship , boat , carriage , or any thing that may serve for the provision of the army without order , upon pain of death . v. none shall kill an enemy who yeelds , and throws down his arms . vi . none shall save a man that hath his offensive arms in his hands , upon pain of losing his prisoner . vii . whosoever in skirmish shall fling away his powder out of his bandiliers , that he may the sooner come off , shall be punisht with death . viii . no souldier shall imbezzell any part of the prey till it be disposed of by the lord generall , or others authorized , upon pain of death . ix . no officer or souldier shall ransome , or conceal a prisoner ; but within twelve hours , shall make the same known to the lord generall , or others authorized , upon pain of death . x. no man upon any good successe , shall fall a pillaging before licence , or a sign given , upon pain of death . xi . a regiment or company of horse or foot , that chargeth the enemy , and retreats before they come to handy-strokes , shall answer it before a councell of war ; and if the fault be found in the officers , they shall be banished the camp ; if in the souldiers , then every tenth man shall be punished at discretion , and the rest serve for pioniers and scavengers , till a worthy exploit take off that blot . of the duties of commanders and officers , in particular . i. all commanders are straightly charged to see almighty god reverently served , and sermons and prayers duely frequented . ii. all commanders and officers that finde any of discontented humors , apt to mutenize , or any swerving from direction given , or from the policy of the army set down , shall straight way acquaint the lord generall therewith , or others authoriz'd , as they wil answer their neglect . iii. any officer that shall presume to defraud the souldiers of their pay , or any part of it , shall be cashiered . iv. no corporall , or other officer commanding the watch , shall willingly suffer a souldier to go forth to a duell , or private fight , upon pain of death . v. what officer soever shall come drunk to his guard , or shall quarrell in the quarter , or commit any disorder , shall be cashiered without mercy ; and the next officer under him shall have his place , which he may pretend to be his right , and it shall not be refused to him . vi . a captaine that is carelesse in the training and governing of his company , shall be displaced of his charge . vii . all captains or officers that shall outstay their passe , shall be punished at the lord generals discretion . viii . all officers , of what condition soever , shall have power to part quarrels & frays , or sudden disorders betwixt the souldiers , though it be in any other regiment or company , and to commit the disordered to prison for the present , untill such officers as they belong unto are acquainted with it : and what souldier soever shall resist , disobey , or draw his sword against such an officer ( although he be no officer of his regiment or company ) shall be punished with death . ix . a captain or officer non-resident in the place assigned him for garrison without license , shall have one moneths pay defaulted for the first offence , and two moneths for the second : upon the third offence he shall be discharged of his command . x. after the army is come to the generall rendevouz , no captain shall cashier any souldier that is enrolled , without speciall warrant of the lord generall . xi . no captain or officer of a troop or company , shall present in musters , any but reall troopers and souldiers , such as by their pay are bound to follow their colours , upon pain of cashiering without mercy . and if any victualler , free-booter , enterloper , or souldier whatsoever , of any troop or company , shall present himself , or his horse in the muster , to mislead the muster-master , and to betray the service , the same shall be punished with death . xii . no provider , keeper , or officer of victuall or ammunition , shall imbezell or spoil any part thereof , or give any false account to the lord generall , upon pain of death . of the duty of muster-masters . i. no muster-master must wittingly let any passe in the musters , but such as are really of the troop or company presented , upon pain of death . ii. all captains shall cause their troops or companies to be full and compleat ; and two dayes after the generall mustering , they shall send to the lord generall a perfect list or roll of all the officers of their troops and companies , and likewise of all the troopers and souldiers that are in actuall service , putting down distinctly on the head of each man his monethly pay . iii. the like roll or list shall the captains send to the lord generall , and to the treasurer of the army upon every pay-day , during the service , with a punctuall expression at the bottome of the said roll , what new troopers or souldiers have been entertained since the last pay-day , in lieu of such as are either deceased or cashiered , and likewise the day whereon they were so cashiered and entertained . iv. which said list or roll shall be subscribed , not onely by the captain and his lievtenant and coronet or ensigne , but also by the sergeants and corporals respectively , who shall declare upon their oath , that the troopers and souldiers enrolled in the said list , are reall and actuall troopers and souldiers of the respective troops and companies . and whosoever shall be convicted of falshood in any of the premises , shall be cashiered . v. no muster-master shall presume to receive or accept of any roll to make the musters by , but the forementioned rols , upon pain of the losse of his place , and other punishment at discretion . vi . no man shall presume to present himself to the muster , or to be inrolled in the muster-rolls by a counterfeit name , or surname , or place of birth , upon pain of death . of victuallers . i. no victuallers shall presume to issue or sell unto any of the army , unsound , unsavoury , or unwholesome victuals upon pain of imprisonment , and further arbitrary punishment . ii. no souldier shall be a victualler without the consent of the lord generall , or others authorized upon pain of punishment at discretion . iii. no victualler shall entertain any souldiers in his house , tent , or hutt , after the warning-piece at night , or before the beating of the ravalee in the morning . iv. no victualler shall forestall any victuals , nor sell them before they be appraised by the marshall generall , upon severe punishment . of administration of justice . i. all controversies between souldiers and their captains , and all others , shall be summarily heard and determined by the councell of warre , except the weightinesse of the cause require further deliberation . ii. all officers and others who shall send up any prisoners unto the marshall generall of the army ; shall likewise deliver unto the marshall , the cause and reason of the imprisonment ; and without such cause and reason shown , the marshall is expresly forbid to take charge of the prisoner . iii. when a prisoner is committed to the charge of the marshall generall , the information of the crime which he standeth committed for , is to be given in to the advocate of the army , within 48 hours , after the commitment , or else , for default thereof , the prisoner to be released , except good cause be shown ; wherefore the information cannot be ready within that time . iv. the goods of such as die in the army or garrison , or be slain in the service , if they make any will by word or writing , shall be disposed of according to their will . if they make no will , then shall go to their wives , or next kin . if no wife or kindred appear within a yeer after , shall be disposed of by the appointment of the lord generall , according to the laws civill and military . v. no magistrate of town or countrey , shall without license imprison any souldier , unlesse for capitall offences . vi . in matters of debts or trespasse , or other inferiour cases , the magistrate shall acquaint his captain , or other chief officer therewith , who is to end the matter with the consent of the complainant , or to leave the party grieved to take his remedy by due course of law : and if the officer fail of his duty therein , the lord generall upon complaint of the party grieved , will not onely see him righted , but the officer punished for his neglect in this behalf . vii . no man shall presume to use any braving or menacing words , signes , or gestures , while the court of justice is sitting , upon pain of death . viii . no inhabitant of city , town , or country , shall presume to receive any souldier into his service , or conceal , or use means to convey such run-awayes , but shall apprehend all such , and deliver them to the provost marshall . ix . all captains , officers , and souldiers , shall do their endeavours to detect , apprehend , and bring to punishment all offenders , and shall assist the officers of the army for that purpose , as they will answer their slacknesse in the marshals court . x. if the marshall shall dismisse without authority , any prisoner committed unto his charge , or suffer him to make an escape , he shall be lyable to the same punishment due unto the dismissed or escaped offendour . xi . all other faults , disorders , and offences not mentioned in these articles , shall be punished according to the generall customes and laws of warre . and to the end that these laws and ordinances be made more publike and known , as well to the officers , as to the common souldiers , every colonell and captain is to provide some of these books , and to cause them to be forthwith distinctly and audibly read in every severall regiment , by the respective marshals in presence of all the officers ; in the horse quarters by sound of trumpet ; and amongst the foot by beat of drum : and weekly afterwards , upon the pay day , every captain is to cause the same to be read to his own company , in presence of his officers . and also upon every main guard , the captain is to do the like , that none may be ignorant of the laws and duties required by them . these are to authorise you to print for the use of the army , the laws and ordinances of warre , by me established , and of late inlarged by my command , for the better conduct of the service . and likewise by these presents to forbid all others to print the same at their perills on the contrary . given under my hand , 25. novemb. 1643. essex . to luke fawn , stationer . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38655e-160 blasphemy . cursing . neglecting divine worship . intelligence with the enemy . relief of the enemy . yeelding up of forts . carelesse service . violating of a safe guard . violating of the lord generall . quarrelling with officers . departing from captains and masters . silence in the army . resisting against correction . unlawfull assemblies . resisting of the provost marshall . seditious words . concealing mutenous speeches . receiving of injuries . drunkennesse . unnaturall abuses . adultery . theft . provocation . seizing upon dead mens goods . murther . full armour . slovenly armour . loosing of horses and arms . pawning or selling of armour . wilfull spoiing of horses . borrowed arms . imbezelling of ammuition . waste and extortion . taking of horses out of the plow . stragling from the colours . spoiling of trees . swerving from the camp . going in or out by wayes . drawing of swords after setting the watch . giving a false alarum . drawing swords in a quarrell . revealing the watch word . offering violence to victuallers . speaking with the enemies messengers . a sentinell asleep , or drunk . failing at the rendevouz . remaining inrolled in the army . departing without leave . out staying a passe . absenting from the watch . discontented with their quarters . lying or supping out of the quarters . keeping of the quarters clean . letting of horse feed in sown grounds . repairing to the colours upon an alarum . flying . flinging away arms . burning and wasting . killing an enemy who yeelds . saving of men armed with offensive arms . flinging away powder . imbezzelling of the prey . concealing of prisoners pillaging without licence . retreating before handy-blows . commanders must see god duly served . commanders must acquaint my lord generall with dangerous humours . defraud of souldiers pay . stopping of duellers . drunken and quarrelsome officers . carelesse captains . officers outstaying their passe . all officers bound to part quarrels . officers non-resident in garrison . cashiering of souldiers . mustering of false and counterfe●t troops . commissaries of victuals and ammunition must be true . muster masters conniving at counterfei●s captains must send a roll of their men to the lord generall . every pay-day . subscribed by all the officers of the troop or company . muster-masters must use no other rolls . counterfeit names in the rolls . victuallers issuing naughty victuals no souldier must be a victualler . unseasonable hours kept by victuallers . summary proceedings the provost marshall must look to his prisoner . goods of the destinct . civill magistrates imprisoning souldiers . for debts and other small offences . braving the court of justice . receiving of run awayes . detecting of offenders . offences whatsoever to be punished by the laws of warre . great yarmouths exercise in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men, upon the twenty second of may last, to the great commendations and applause of the whole town, according to the modern discipline of this our age. 1638. written by iohn roberts of weston, neere bathe, gent. roberts, john, of weston. 1638 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10820 stc 21093 estc s101924 99837727 99837727 2067 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10820) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2067) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1033:14) great yarmouths exercise in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men, upon the twenty second of may last, to the great commendations and applause of the whole town, according to the modern discipline of this our age. 1638. written by iohn roberts of weston, neere bathe, gent. roberts, john, of weston. [18] p. printed by thomas harper, and are to be sold by ellis morgan, at his shop in little brittain, london : 1638. signatures: a-b⁴ c¹. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed 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wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -england -early works to 1800. great yarmouth (norfolk) -defenses -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion great yarmovths exercise . in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men , upon the twenty second of may last , to the great commendations and applause of the whole town , according to the modern discipline of this our age. 1638. non solum nobis , sed patriae . written by iohn roberts of weston , neere bathe , gent. london , printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold by ellis morgan , at his shop in little brittain . 1638. to the right worshipfull henry davie , president of the artillery yard , and iohn robins esquires , both bailiffs ; and to the worshipfull company of aldermen of the town of great yarmouth . also to the worshipfull captain meadows , captain de engain , captain call , captain man●rop , captain warren , captain bennet , and captain carter : and to the rest of the assistants and company of the artillery men. the principall and chiefest things , right worshipfull & worshipful , that emboldens men to dedicate their labours unto any personage , is the affinitie between the matter of the worke offered , and the mindes of them to whom it is presented . and as in ancient times the comicall poets pend such enterludes as they imagined , would be plausibly heard of the auditory : so our modern writers do fashion and shape the subject of which they intreat , according to the affection of him or them whose patronage they require in countenancing their work . these i make my presidents , for observing your diligence and furtherance towards the expence and putting in execution these military and laudable exercises in so compleat and martiall forme found by it , you were the fittest to patronize this treatise , which is both excellent for imitation in generall , and very necessary for divers in particular . and al●hough it is not so highly esteemed amongst the common sort of people by reason of their igno●ance in sciences , yet for the generall good that accrew and come therby to a common-wealth , is nothing inferiour to the best , especially where their study tendeth to good and vertuous exercises , or the practice and contemplation to laudable arts , of which the art military being a principall member , as having participation with all the rest , or to say the truth the quintessence , nay , the very proofe and triall of them , for though we heare and read never so much , yet without practice and experience is still imperfect , and how can perfection be attained but by action , which was compleatly performed according to our modern discipline , which following in order , i make bold to present to your worships ? thus praying the almighty to lengthen and protract your lives beyond your fatall periods , and give you a will to live , and a desire still to further what may be available to both king and common-weale , with these all good successe in this world , and eternall happinesse in his kingdome ; i conclude and will remayn your worships humblest iohn roberts . to the towne . at honours altar and the shrine of fame , i offer up this trophee to thy name , for good desert should titles great inherit , and ever correspondent be in merit : such manlike actions , martiall-like were shown by thee , th' applause deservedly is blown , ore court and country , which doth canonize in golden lines great yarmouths exercise . great yarmouths exercise . the whole scope of the exercise from the first randevouze troop and march with the three severall alts , together with the first skirmish and setting downe in the field , as also the intrenching , with the advantages , and disadvantages both of those of the field and fort , with the raising , re enforcing , and recovery of every severall work. lastly , the summons , surrendring , and conditions between them , with many more remarkable matters , performed by those of the artillery of great yarmouth . before i enter into the proceedings of this exercise , i will relate the willing and forward mindes of the artillery men , who with a generall and unanimous consent ( upon the first proposition ) liberally laid down their monies for the furtherance of the intended purpose , so that nothing was either wanting , or any way scanting to forward the said designe . insomuch that there was made a plentifull and large provision of all materials whatsoever , and the field and fort made answerable to either store : they were made and fortified with ramparts , ditch , counterscarffe , pallisadoes , baracadoes , sally , ports , parrapets , redoubts , and raveling with larum bels , centre bels , and beacons , upon which was spacious platformes for the ordnance , which were mounted to doe execution upon the assailants , and in which were erected two severall tents , one for captain call then governour , and the other for captain mantrop , attended with good fire-men and warlike souldiers , fitly appointed for that purpose , with lieutenants , ensignes , sergeants , and corporalls , in a correspondent way accontred . in all points answerable to them were those of the field fitted with materials necessary for assailants to be provided of , as commanders , officers , canon-carriages , linstocks , ladles , spunges , badge-barrels , pioners , scaling-ladders , horse-tents , suttlers , forage-masters , scout-masters , and whatsoever else was needfull . and let mee not forget to speake something of that worthy gentleman captaine de engaine , who was sergeant major for that day of the field , and captaine of the artillery-yard , a man well practiced in military discipline , and the only man laid the ground-plot for this exercise , from whom sprung all the directions for the managing thereof , to his great applause , credit , and commendations . in so much , i verily believe , if such exercises were oftner practised in the counties , cities and towns of this kingdome so exactly and martiall like , it would adde a great applause to our nation , and strike as great a terrour in our enemies to heare and see every man so expert in armes , and the commanders and officers so solid , sound , sufficient , and ready upon all occasions to doe both king and country able service . now i will fall up●n the subject i am to treat of , and trouble you no more with what is impertinent to my intended purpose . and first of the generall , governour , captains , and officers of bo●h field and fort. there being choice commanders elected , the one to be generall of the field , the other governour of the fort , every way correspondent to noble , valiant , judicious , and trusty martialists , were thu commander-like accoutred . who having for their proper arms a truncheon in their right h●nds coloured , and waved sutable to their severall colours , faire helmets on their heads , garnished with great plumes of feathers , th●y were compleatly armed for their bodies with rich scarffs on there right arms , fair swords and belts embroydered and guilded with pistols correspondent to the rest at their girdles , captain meadows was generall of the field , and captain call governour of the fort. the serjant majors were chosen by the like advice , had truncheons three foot long , some thing differing from the former , but of the same colours not waved , fair head-peeces gorgeously plumed , and compleatly armed with all things fitting , as before , captain de engain was serjant major of the field , and captain bennet of the fort. the captains had their leading staves with their men attending to carry their pikes and targets , which were accommodated like commanders , and men known both expert and judicious : their names were captain warren , captain mantrop , and captain carter , the first for the field , the two last for the fort. the lieutenants were armed with head-pieces plun●'de , faire and large gilt partizans , buffe coats , gorgets , with rich embroydered belts and swords , with pistols taking their proper places , according to their captains seniority , whose names were these , israel ingram , nicholas cutting , iohn roe , henry lunne , the two first were in the fort , the other two in the field . the ensignes were gorgeously suted , being proper men of person , with their head-pieces plumed , their colours advanced tucked and richly apparelled in every thing compleat for those places , observing when there was a march beaten , their colours were shouldred , their names as followeth , daniel wilgrace , edward denny , for the fort , and iohn darset , and iohn lucas for the field . the assistants to both the serjant majors were commander-like suted , and armed , their names were iohn mallam , thomas godfrey . the quarter-masters of the field in like nature provided , their names iohn wish , iohn robins for the field , and robert gower for the fort. the captain of the horse was wondrous well mounted , and not any thing interiour in armes , for whatsoever else became a commander to be prepared and provided with : his name was captain thomson , his lieutenant iohn bucknam , the cornet robert austin , his corporall thomas wood , all men of good qualitie and well respected , and those which did performe their parts exceeding well , who deserved commendations for their seemly order and warlike behaviour . the cannoneers habited correspondent to their places , with field-linstocks in their hands . the serjants compleatly fitted , and thus was every man properly accommodated . in the morning , the drums of both parts went about the town beating a call , to summon every officer and souldier ▪ to their colours . and when the governours clarke and the captains , had called them by their lists over , and found appearance in them all , then they drew them up in a body thus , having two ensignes caused them to advance to the heads of the pikes , where they made a stand , their colours advanced turked , one ensigne took the right hand , the other the left , according to their senioritie and due place : every officer did the like , the governour tooke his about six foot from the pikes in the centre , his serjeant major upon his left hand , the captains one on the right hand , and the other on the left , betweene the file-leaders of the pikes and musketeers on both flanks , after which they marched by squadrons into the fort , in every way answerable to them were those of the field , as you shall understand in its due place . in the artillery yard was the first randevouze , of those of the field , where after the said call beaten abroad in the town , and also every man upon that summons found ready ; some small time spent thereafter the word of command was given , the drum beat a troop , they all advanc't and shouldred , and so troopt into the market place , where their cannon , horse , ammunition and waggons were ready to attend them , there they drew them into a mayn body . having a sparious place for the ordering of their companies and troops in a warlike maner , marcht into the field in this order , the pioners being prepared there before . first , a cornet of horse troopt into the field , next a squadron of musquetiers , with a drum in the third ranke of captain meadowes company , being eldest colonell , in the reare of whom the colonell in person very laudably and commander-like attended , marcht , the colours and a squadron of pikes , and a drum following , then the eldest serjant in the front of the second squadron of pikes , after them the second serjeant and second squadron of musquetiers , with a drum , and finally , the lieutenant in the reare . after whom marcht the company of captain warrens in every point correspondent to the other , and in one and the self-same uniforme . at the reare of which two companies marcht the cannon and baggage , and another cornet of horse to secure the reare . thus in this martiall manner they marcht into the field , in which march they made three severall alts ; and at the last alt , they were all drawne into forme of battaile , the pikes in the centre flanckt with musketiers with the ordnance , horse and baggage upon the wings . being upon the last alt , and thus marching a party of pikes and musketiers issued from out of the north sally port , and fired upon the army presently , a squadron of pikes and musketiers , advanc't from the army , and fir'd upon the defendants squadron , after whom instantly a troop from the army also seconded the assaylants squadron , to re-inforce these of the fort , but they were as soon repeld by their ambuscado , who routed the assailants and retreated them to the army , at which time those of the fort took two prisoners from them of the field . the while this was in agitation , the assaylants sate downe and raysed their tents , made their huts and setled their ordnance , they of the fort firing their ordnance , all the while on them , which was answered after a short time by the cannon of the field shot for shot . but speedily the aforesaid two prisoners were mist , wherupon the drum major beat a parley , which being answered by a drum of the fort , made their demand which was imbrac'd , & the drum of the field blinded , about ten paces from the fort , was led into the governours tent , and laying down a months pay for captives was led out , and so ransom'd them both again . the army martially setled in the field in their severall quarters , were presently disturbed by the ordnance of the fort , those of the field answered them by their cannon , and set forth their sentinels , with severall guards for the ordnance . at this instant hapned a sudden fire in the quarters ▪ which was done by a traytor from the fort , for the finding out of whom , it was ordered that by the beating of a drum and word of mouth , a proclamation was made , that upon pain of death , every officer and private souldier should repaire presently to his owne private hut , and proper quarter , which being done , and the traytour found alone without a hut , instantly was apprehended and committed to the custody of the provost marshall . and when there was a cessation of armes , he was to undergo the penalty of the law , which was to be bound to a stake , and muskateer'd . then the pioners were drawne up to the front of the army , where they were divided into three parts , two thirds , for the trenches in the quarters , and one third for the battery , to draw the cannon neerer to the fort , and to raise platformes upon severall occasions to advantage the assaylants . the cannon were drawn up by the out-wings of the front of the army , and their mettall plac'd in a horizontall line of levell towards the work of the fort , where the breach should be made to do execution . after which the horse-troops were drawne from both the flancks , and distributed into two guards , a good distance one from the other , right behinde the quarters of the armie . the sentinels of horse were set forth single , round about the outline , to keepe and to discover the enemies approach from indamaging the quarters , or otherwise to relieve the fort. the army thus setled in their quarters , the pioners began according to the direction of the serjant major of the field , both in their trenches , and for their platformes , to breake ground . the commanders of the fort seeing this fire their ordnance upon the pioners , to hinder , and beat them from their works , and brake the new begun trenches . neverthelesse by the violence of the field cannon , the pioners ( maugre all opposition ) advanced their works , at one and the self-same time from the heads , of both the quarters , leaving a good large piasa betweene the front of the quarters , and head of the trenches . instantly were there wings of musketiers drawne from the quarters , fell into the trenches , & so followed the pioners still for their guard , with squadrons to defend both the pioners and musketiers from the sallyers pikes and muskets . these pikes and muskets were many times relieved by parties sent fresh from the quarters , and the former retreated to refresh themselves . a sudden sally was made from the fort and court of guard , to frustrate the assaylants pioners in the trenches , and fired upon them to hinder their work , and beat them out of their trenches , the musketiers of the trenches fire also upon them , that were the sallyers of the guard. after certain vollies thus interchanged , the sallyers presently hasten to their guard again . hereupon certain squadrons of pikes and musketiers were sent from the quarters towards the fort , and court of guard , to the end suddenly to suppresse and take it from them . those of the guard did as couragiously withstand them , and in conclusion forc'd them into their quarters , but those of the field seeing this sent out more force against them to relieve their first squadrons , against which last reliefes those of the fort and works gives vollies , to stop their passage because they could not so conveniently fire before by reason they should have indangered , and done much damage to those of their own quarters being they skirmisht betwixt them and the assaylants . the reliefs from the quarters did proceed so on in their purpose ( in despight of danger ) that they joynd with the first assaylants , and rowted the guardians by falling pell mell with the but end of their muskets , and at push of pike . in so much that those of the guard finding an impossibility of keeping and holding it any jot longer resolv'd joyntly with magnanimous spirits to cut their way through the weakest part of the assaylants , to abandon the guard and flye into the ditch , and next work of the fort , as also those of the redoubts did abandon theirs , and retreated into the fort , both which were performed with great dexterity in a compleat martiall manner . presently upon this they of the field entred the guards , and maintained it managing it with the supplyes that came last unto them for their reliefe , and upon entrance instantly sent backe the first assaylants to their quarters again , to refresh themselves , neverthelesse are so charged that they are beaten back again by them of the fort. in which time the trenches and workes of the army are still advanced forward with all advantage towards the fort , both works and platforms raised , the cannon drawne forward and mounted . the trenches this while were often relieved by new parties of shot and pike , and the old sent to their quarters . the batteries and works of the trenches were continually attended by resolute stands of pikes , placed behinde them for the guard of both the pioners and cannon . those of the fort conclude , and make a sudden violent sally out of their raveling , which inclosed the face and front of their horn-work , and suddenly did beat downe some of the enemies trenches , wherupon the shot from the hornworke , and these of the rampart do give their vollies , upon the enemy being then laid open unto them , on the other side the assailants and them in their trenches , did as suddenly repair that breach , with such materials as were usefull , as sand-bags , and other things prepared for their security and defence . the army having sufficiently fortified their trenches , and stopt the breach formerly made by the salliers out of the foresaid raveling , desperatly ( with vndaunted spirits ) issued out of their trenches and quarters ; and recharged the raveling , and both beat and forc'd them out mayntaining it a time , untill those of the fort made a sudden sally out of the ditch with clubs : threshing flayles , and such like instruments apt for hard strokes , falling yet well upon the assaylants in the raveling , and by strong hand beat them out and repossest it again , and forc'd those of the field to retreat from whence they first issued . wherupon those of the fort being thus incouraged , suddenly made another sally upon the trenches , but were quickly repulst by them of the field . when the commanders of the fort perceived how the field trenches and works did increase daily upon them , fired their beacon . the assaylans seeing this took their advantage , and sent out squadrons of pikes and muskets from the quarters , who instantly charged that part strongly , where the intended breach was to be made . all this while the pioners proceeded forward , and railed their works neerer and neerer , also brought the cannon neerer to force a breach the sooner . there were six selected souldiers sent from the quarters to view the hornworke , armed with armes of proofe , pistolets , and targets . those of the fort made many firings upon them from the raveling , hornwork , and adjoyning parts within the fort. notwithstanding these noble spirits finish their enterprize , ( maugre their fiery onset ) returned and gave an account of their action unto the commanders . but to incourage those of the fort , certain troops of horse appeared at the backe of the armies out-laid for the reliefe of the fort. wherupon those of the fort imbracing the advantage made a strong sally out of both their ports to beat those of the field out of their trenches next unto them , and did put their purpose in execution with clubs , threshing flayles , and the but end of their muskets , having thus effected their enterprize fell back from whence they issued . the trenches and batteries of the field were by this time wrought so neer the raveling and hornwork , that they are resolved upon the first opportunity to enter there . the shot from both works and fort did continually play upon the assaylants , they out of the trenches and guards did the like upon them of the fort. the cannon and small shor of the field did continue their vollies both against the fort and rampart adjoyning , as also upon the hornwork , so as they were constrained to abandon it , and fly into the fort. in which time the mayn batteries of the field were so much advanced , and so neer the bulwarks of the fort that they dismounted their cannon , and fired so much upon that part where the breach was to be made , that the said breach was thereupon made accessable . those of the fort in despight of danger mount the inside of the breach , and repayreth it with sand-bags , &c. neverthelesse , the battery continued & made a sufficient breach in the rampart , though their ordnance are dismounted , yet they continue their firings out of the fort fiercely upon the assaylants . the cannon of the field having made an accessible breach , there presently choice commanders sent from the quarters presently to view it , during which time the cannon silenc't themselves , and barter'd not during the time the viewers were upon that service . who returne and signifie that the breach is accessible , whereupon the counsell of warre presently determined of the assault . lots were drawne for the avoyding of exceptions amongst the commanders , by which meanes it was instantly knowne who should mount the breach first , who second , and who last , and the means how consulted likewise of . the first assaylants were couragiously beaten backe by those of the fort , the second advanc'd and joyn'd with the first , and as manfully repeld with threshing styles and clubs from behinde their sand-bags . the third time the breach mounted by all three parties which did force back the defendants , and lodge themselves neere the top of the breach . during their assault , the small shot in the trenches did not fire at all upon that part for feare of annoying the assaylants . those of the fort being shrewdly gauled by the musketiers of the neighbouring trenches of the field , keeps close within for feare of further danger . vpon this there was a generall cessation of arms , during which it was ordered that the assailants were drawn off frō the breach , and stand at the foot therof , as it was a guard divided into two equall parts on either side the breach , and a fugitive taken and hargubasted , and the traitor that fir'd one of the quarters . this was no sooner effected , but that the drum major by command , beat a summons to surrender the fort. the fort returned no other answer but by a musket shot made full at him from the rampart . the drumme returneth and certifieth the truth hereof to the counsell and commanders of the field , hereupon the battery is renewed , and a generall assault given by the whole forces of the field , who were drawne down from their quarters of purpose , and invironeth the fort round , assaulteth it on all parts at once , and a fresh assault made to enter the breach . which generall allarum and assault did cause them in the fort to ring out their larum bell therupon , the burgers flockt about the governours , and perswaded a yielding . the governour entring into the resolution of the souldiers and townsmen consented to their desire , and with the chief of his officers mounts the rampart , and sends a drum to another part to beat a parley upon the top of the rampart . lastly , the parley was assured and agreed upon by the assaylants conditions propounded and consented unto by field and fort , and ordred thus . inprimis , that they should march out of the fort in a compleat martiall manner . item , that they might depart the fort with bag and baggage without impediment . item , that the souldiers should march out with their muskets loaden and shouldred , matches lighted at both ends , bullets in their mouthes , their rest in their right hands , head-piece upon their heads , and swords by their sides , pikes in compleat arms shouldred , colours flying , and drums beating like men of honour . and thus those of the fort are in a souldier-like manner provided according to the aforesaid conditions , marched out of the fort , all which was compleatly performed in a very seemly and martial manner , who marcht out at the north pallisado , & wheeld their march towards the southeast , betwixt the field forces and the raveling , somthing aloof from the counterscarff , until they arrived at the south port of the town where they marcht in and after a volley given at their commanders doores , lodged their colours , and past to their severall chambers . the fort thus rendred unto the dispose of the conquerour , a counsell is cald by whom it is appointed that the serjeant major and his assistance with twenty of the primest pikes , and twentie choice musketiers were selected out of both the bands , and being placed in a martiall order , the musketiers in front , and pikes in the reare , with a large space left for the colours to march , and thus they advanced and marcht into the fort. at the north sally port rounding the fort within under the covert of the walls , continuing so privatly conceald to view , search and finde out whether there had been any treacherous practices left behind by them that last issued out , but assured themselves that all was secure and no danger to be feared . then the eight majors commanded his two assistants to draw their companies into two distinct files , pikes in front , and musketiers in the reare , then w●● held them off to the right and left , this done , the right hand file mounted close by the north pallisado to the top of that part of the rampart . the left hand file mounted the rampart by the south pallisado , then both marcht upon the top of the work , and meet upon the midst of the breach where the serjeant major took his stand , and presently in a short space marcht down before them through the said breach , and so continued their march to their proper places . this being done in forme as aforesaid , the colonell , serjeant major , and the principall officers ( the lieutenants only excepted , who in the interim attended the army ) guarded with squadrons both of pikes and musketiers , entred the french , and possest themselves solely of the fort , after leaving a sufficient strength to fortifie it , marcht in a seemly and military manner into the town . notwithstanding this exercise thus in every particular performed , and a world of spectators in every place , and neer both cannon and small shot , god be glorified , there was not either man , woman , or child had the least hurt done at all , such was the providence of the almighty , and such the care of the commanders and officers : as also the expert musketiers were so respective among themselves that not one bandeleer took fire to annoy the other , or to endanger the unruly multitude in the least . this exercise was performed with a great deale of charge and care , to the great honour and applause of the artillery men and town . and if i should forget one alderman that is worthy the memory , one master owner , i should do him apparant injury , for hee was the motive and principall benefactor who did forward this exercise , not only with his own servants and cattle , but liberally with his purse , and painfully with his own hands , in so much that he was seldome from the work while it was in action , setting forward what might be the furthering therof , sparing no charge , nor horse-flesh upon the prefixed day , but rode well mounted here and there to keep the concourse of people from danger : would there were more of his noble and worthy disposition , which gentleman hath done many good deeds besides for the good of the said town to his credit and applause . it was my fortune to be present when this plausible exercise was put in execution , and although i have seene good service in the netherlands and other places , yet never saw a thing better performed and more souldier-like imitated . and this i say more they are very expert in armes , and doe performe all their postures and motions with judgement and dexterity . i could wish that others in this kingdome were so well disciplined , and were able to do such service as these can or might , if occasion did importune them therunto . to conclude , when all was thus finished and brought punctually to a period , that noble and free minded gentlemen captaine meadows invited his officers and souldiers to supper , where i was my self in person , and there found great store of diversitie of dishes , and i am sure plenty of wine in a very liberall well beseeming way bestowed on them . in the same manner did captain warren provide , and gave free entertainment , together with the rest of the captains . finis . lawes and ordinances of vvarre, for the better government of his maiesties army royall, in the present expedition for the northern parts, and safety of the kingdome under the conduct of his excellence, the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey, earl marshall of england, &c. and generall of his majesties forces. regulations. 1639 england and wales. army. 1639 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22830 stc 9335 estc s101120 99836944 99836944 1242 this keyboarded and encoded edition of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22830) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1242) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1485:02) lawes and ordinances of vvarre, for the better government of his maiesties army royall, in the present expedition for the northern parts, and safety of the kingdome under the conduct of his excellence, the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey, earl marshall of england, &c. and generall of his majesties forces. regulations. 1639 england and wales. army. arundel, thomas howard, earl of, 1585-1646. [4], 27, [1] p. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie; and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at newcastle : 1639. the first leaf contains a woodcut coat of arms. in this edition, line three of the title page ends: of. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military law -great britain -early works to 1800. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit . lawes and ordinances of vvarre , for the better government of his maiesties army royall , in the present expedition for the northern parts , and safety of the kingdome . under the conduct of his excellence , the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey , earl marshall of england , &c. and generall of his majesties forces . imprinted at newcastle by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1639. lawes and ordinances of vvar. sir thomas hovvard , chiefe of he howards , earle of arundel and surrey , first earle , and earle marshall of england : lord howard , mowbray , brews of gower , fitz-allen , clan , oswaldesty , maltravers and graystock : chiefe iustice , and iustice in eyre of all his majesties forests , parks , and chaces beyond trent : lord lieutenant of the counties of norfolk , sussex , surrey , northumberland , cumberland , and westmerland : knight of the most noble order of the garter , one of his majesties most honourable privie councell in all his majesties kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland , and generall of all his majesties forces in the present expedition for the defence of this realme , &c. to all officers of the army , colonels , lieutenant-colonels , sergeant-majors , captains , lieutenants , ensignes , and all other officers and souldiers of horse and foot : and to all his majesties subjects , and others , whom these lavves and ordinances of warre shall concerne : vvhich lavves being thus ordained and proclaimed in the army , all the said persons , respectively and severally , are to swear unto ; and thereafter to observe and keep , upon the pains and penalties to the lavves and ordinances severally expressed . concerning religion : and breach of morall duies . first , whosoever shall impiously blaspheme the deity , or ay of the blessed persons of he holy trinity , and be lawfully convicted thereof ; shall for the first offence make a publique acknowledgement with detestation of his fault before the preacher or his regiment , and all others present at the time and place of divine service ▪ and be kept three dayes in prison with bread and water . the second time , he shall have a red ▪ hot iron thrust thorow his tongue ; and after that , be ignominiously for ever turned out of the armie . 2. the like penalty shall they incurre for the first and second times , who shall either do or say ought in despite or derision of gods word , any known or received article of faith , or the ministerie of holy church , and their office. 3 whosoever shall be convicted for a common swearer or curser , or for a profane abuser of holy scripure , in vain jesting or scurrilous fashion ; shall orfeit such a proportion of his entertainment and suffer , besides , so long imprisonment or other punishment ; as according to the quality of the person or offence , the court of war shall adjude it to have deserved . 4 likewise shall they be punished , that profane , rob , or ab●● any church , chappel , or other place of gods ublike worship ; or any thing that is in them or belonging to them . 5 all commanders and officers of the army , are straightly ●●arged , that in their severall regiments , quarters , and garrisons , they take care that god almighty be duly served , the lords day with other holy dayes of the church , more reverently observed ; that morning and evening prayers with the sermons at the appointed times , be diligently frequented , by themselves , their souldiers and servants , so far forth as the necessitie of the wars will permit . and that all repair to the places appointed for divine service , upon solemne warning given for it , by sound of drum or trumpet . 6 and forasmuch as gaming is oft times the provocation unto swearing , quarrelling , neglect of militarie duties with other dishonours of god almightie , losse to the souldiers , with danger to the whole armie , all common playing at dice and cards , with other unlawfull games , are utterly hereby forbidden to the souldiers , especially to the meaner sort : who , if they bee convicted to offend herein , shall befirst admonished ▪ and if they leave not , they shall be fined , imprisoned ▪ or otherwise severely ▪ proceeded against , according as the offence and scandall of it shall deserve . 7 all suspitious and common women shall bee turned out of the armie or garison , so soone as ever they shall be discovered ▪ where , if they be taken the second time , they shall be soundly whipped like common strumpets , souldiers also that frequent their companies , shall bee fined and imprisoned ; and officers for the same faults , shall utterly lose their places . 8 all wilfull murders , rapes , burning of houses , thefts , outrages , unnaturall abuses , with other notorious and abominable crimes , shall be punished with death . 9 whosoever shall dishonestly touch any married or unmarried woman , women in childbed , or children ; shall be cashiered without money or pasport ; or be otherwise punished , as the marshall court shall thinke fitting ▪ 10 whosoever shall be drunk in camp garrison , or quarter , shall be imprisoned and fed two whole daies with bread and water : as for common drinkards , they shall be fined and cashiered the armie without pay or pasport . 11. whoever being set sentinell by his officer , or in his watch , guard , march , or other service , shall be found drunk , shall dye for it . 12 whoever in his drunkennesse shall commit any outrage , or doe other injurie ▪ shall be punished both or his drunkennesse and offence , according as either of them shall in a marshall court be judged to have deserved . 13 no enterprise shall be taken in hand , but the company that are to execute the same , shall first commend themselves to god , and pray to him to grant them good successe . concerning the safety of the armie royall , and of the kingdome . first , whoever , in savour of the enemy , or other pretence , whatsoever , shall presume to say , or secretly insinuate to any , that his majesties forces , or army royall is unlawfull or not necessary , shall suffer as an enemy and rebell . 2 all that conspire against our sacred soveraigne lord king charles , or any of his majesties dominions or countries ; as likewise against the lord generall , or other generalls , governours or commanders in the armie or garrison ; or that shall goe about to betray the same , or any part or person of them , or that shall consent thereto , or conceale them ; shall suffer death without mercy . 3 all such as by discourse , signe , letter , or otherwise , shall practise and entertaine intelligence with the enemy , rebels , or others in action against his majesty , without direction from their commanders , shall be punished as traytors and rebels . 4 no man shall assist or relieve an enemie with money , victuals , munition , or other necessaries , upon paine of death , without mercy . 5 whosoever shall begin or maintaine any mutiny or unlawfull assembly in the army or garrison , shall die for it . 6 whosoever yeeldeth up any towne , fort , or other strength , unto the enemie , as likewise any magazine , victuals , armes , or ammunition ; or that motioneth any such matter but upon extremity , and that to the governour , or in councell , shall be executed as a traitor . 7 whosoever seeth any chiefe officer or commander of the army in the hands or danger of the enemy , shall , to the uttermost of his power , endevour to rescue or to fetch him off , upon paine of death . 8 whoever in the neerenesse of the enemy , shall refuse to repaire unto the army or place whither he is commanded , or that without order shall depart from them , shall be punished with death . 9 whoever shall revolt or run over to the enemy ▪ or that shall attempt it , shall be punished as a traitor . 10 no man shall bewray the word unto the enemy , or shall give out a false word in time of service , upon paine of death . 11 whosoever shall be convicted to have slept upon his watch , guard , or sentry ; or that shall not have given timely and sufficient warning of the coming of the enemy shall be put to death without mercy . 12 whoever shall disparage the actions or directions of any chiefe commander of the army , unlesse he be able to make it good , shall die for it . concerning captain and souldiers duties in paticular . first , all captaines , souldiers , and others , shall yeeld their obedience to the lawfull commands of their superiours ▪ without resistance : neither shall any draw , lift , or offer to draw his weapon , speake , or mutter against his commanders , or others , correcting them orderly for their offences , upon paine of death . 2 all souldiers that wilfully , and without cause , absent themselves from their colours or company , that goeth to charge or resist the enemy , shall die without mercy . 3 no captaine nor officer shall defraud the souldier or other person of his pay , upon paine of losse of his place , fine , and imprisonment . 4 no captaine or other officer shall make or subscribe false muster-roll , or fraudulently give in more or other names then he hath in his troop or company , upon paine of fine , imprisonment , and losse of his place . 5 no captaine , lieutenant , or other officer , that ought to be armed , shall come into any battell , skirmish or assault , without their ordinary armes , upon paine of imprisonment : nor take upon hit by word or deed to controll or hinder the serjeant-major in the execution of his office , upon paine of death . 6 no officer or souldier shall goe upon service without the word , and some other marke to be knowne by from the enemie ( especially in night services ) upon paine of fine and imprisonment . 7 no captaine , officer , or other , shall entertaine any other mans souldier or servant , without consent or lawful dismission from his former captaine or master , upon the penalty of a moneths pay . neither shall any souldier or servant depart from his captain or master without lawfull cause , upon paine of imprisonment , and returning again of souldiers to their captains , and servants to their masters . 8 captaines and officers both of horse and foot , shall watch and ward with their troopes or companies : upon paine of fine , and losse of their places . 9 no souldier shall march along with the baggage , but such as shall be appointed . neither shall any march out of his array , or straggle abroad from his colours to pillage or plunder , when he is appointed to watch , guard , or to other service , upon paine of imprisonment . and if they be taken in the manner , they shall presently be corrected by their officers ▪ but for the second time they shall suffer death . 10 no troope or companie shall go forth on foraging , or upon any designe or enterprise upon the enemie , without the particular direction of such as command in chiefe , upon pain of death . 11 no souldier shall sell , pawne , lend , lose , give , cast away , play away , or otherwise make away his horse , armes or furniture , where with he is appointed to serve , nor shall suffer his horse by his default to decay , or his armes to rust or bee broken or spoyled , upon paine of imprisonment and infamie . and that both to the offender , and his abetters and receivers . 12 no private captaine shall give a pasport or licence of departure to his souldier that is able to serve , upon paine of fining and losse of his place . neither shall any souldier depart from the armie or garrison without a passe , upon paine of death . 13 no souldier or officer being once placed in array , either in march or battell , shall refuse to guard or defend unto his utmost , the standard-royall or other cornet , ensigne or colours of the armie : or shall desert , abandon , or run away from any of them , upon paine of death . 14 no souldier or others shall use any showting , noise or clamor , or without cause discharge his peece , either in the march , quarter , or ambush ; upon paine of being bastinadoed by his officer ; and of imprisonment afterward . 15 no man shall give any alarme to the armie , garrison or quarter , but upon just causes : nor shall either give it or take it in any clamourous or tumultuous manner , but shall orderly and quietly with as much speed as hee may repaire to the place of arms to answer the alarme , and to doe as he shall be commanded . 16 no man shall challenge or defye another , in campe or garrison ; nor shall accept of the challenge , upon paine of imprisonment and publike disarming before his companie : nor shall any , by words or injuries provoke another to the fight or duell ; or shall revenge his own injuries or provocations , upon the like penalties . 17 all brawls and quarrels betwixt souldiers , shall be severely punished . and whoever in such like brawle or quarrel shall kill another , except upon extremitie and or defence of his owne life he be enforced to i , shall be put to death . and he likewise that striketh his fellow-souldier , after they are put into array of battell . 18 whoever shall give the lye to any person of the army whatsoever , shall be fined and imprisoned for it , at the discretion of a marshallcourt . 19 no souldier or other shall fraudulently or thee vishly take any thing away , from any mans person , quarter , house , lodging , tent , or hutt , upon pain of death . 20 no companies of souldiers either of horse or foot , in their marching , retreating , or enquartering in or thorow any townes or countries within the allegeance of the king ; shall doe hurt , spoile , or injurie unto the persons , or goods of the inha●itants ; upon pain of death , or other such grievous punishment , as the qualitie of the offence shall have demerited . 21 no man shall burne up any corne , hay , or forage , or otler provisions ; nor any house , barne , mill , or other building that may serve for the use of the army , upon paine of death . 22 no souldier shall muster in two troopes or companies , or answer to two names in one company ; neitler shall any victualler or other that is no souldier , be allowed to passe the muster for a souldier , upon paine of death or imprisonment , as the court shall finde cause for it . 23 whosoever shall set upon , or resist the commissary of the musters , or shall wrong him by word or deed in the execution of his office , shall be put to death . 24 whatever muster-master for hatred or for favour , shall put a lesser or a greater cheque upon an officer then his fault demerits , or any cheque at all at his own pleasure , without view taking , shall lose his place for it , or at least be liable to such fine or punishment , as in a court-marshall shall be adjudged . 25 no souldier having victuals or ammunition delivered to him for certain daies , shall spoile or spend them in lesse time then is appointed him , upon pain of imprisonment . 26 all captains and officers shall be diligent in training and exercising of their companies ; and shall be carefull for the well disciplining and providing for them , upon such pains as the marshall-court shall think fitting . 27 every souldier shall diligently observe and learne the distinct and different sounds of drums , fifes , and trumpets , that he may know how to answer and obey each of them in time of service . 28 every regiment , company , and servitor , either on horse or foot , shall be contented with such quarter , lodging , or billet , as is appointed by the quartermaster : nor shall any disturbe another in his quarter , or take it from him , upon pain of being punished as a mutinyer . 29 whatsoever captain or other officer shall do injury to a common souldier , or to other his inferiours : upon complaint in the marshall-court , he shall be obliged to condigne satisfaction . concerning the campe , or garrison . first , whosoever shall deale fraudulently or negligently in a trust or charge committed unto him by his camerade , shall be enforced to make double restitution out of his entertainment , and be further punished by a court of warre , according as his offence shall have deserved . 2 after the watch is set , every man shall repaire unto his own quarter , and there use such silence as his neighbours rest be not disturbed . and all straglers found abroad after that time , shall be imprisoned untill the cause can be examined , and order taken for their further punishment or dismission . 3 no man in campe or garrison shall lie out of his quarter , but by leave of him that commands there in chiefe ; nor upon warning or command given , shall refuse or delay to repair thither : upon such paines of fine , imprisonment , or other punishment , as in a marshall court shall be awarded . 4 no souldier or other , shall entertaine any stranger into his tent , hut , or other lodging , without leave of his corporall or other officer whom it concerneth , upon paine of imprisonment . but if he be proved to have concealed a spie , he shall suffer death for it without mercy . 5 no man shall passe in or out of the camp or garrison , but by the ordinarie and then usuall ports , avenues or other entrances , upon pain of death . 6 all idle persons , boyes or women , which have no particular imployment for the necessarie and honest use of the souldiers , and which be not allowed , shall be banished the camp. 7 no captaine , officer , or souldier , in time of necessitie and for defence of the armie , shall refuse to make or repaire the wals , quarters , or other vvorks and defences about the camp or garrison where he is commanded . be it to vvork vvith spade , basket , wheel-barrovv , or other instrument or engine , then used for those purposes : upon pain of fine and imprisonment . 8 no souldier appointed to stand centinell , to lie perdue , or to guard in such a post or place , shall come off thence till he be relieved by his officer , upon paine of death . 9 for keeping the camp as clean and healthy as may be , some places shall be assigned to kill beasts in , and for such other necessaries , upon the outsides of the camp , quarter , or garrison . out of which places it shall not be lawfull to do these or other noisome or uncomely offices upon pain of imprisonment . 10 every provest marshall shall take care for the cleansing of his quarter , every third day at the least : and shall cause all garbage , carrion , filth , and other noysome offences to be buried . the refusers or neglecters , he shall have power to bring to fine or imprisonment . which punishment himselfe also shall be liable unto for neglect of his own duty . 11 no man shall spoile or offer violence to any merchant , victualler , sutler , or other person coming with provisions to the army or garrison , nor shall break open any shops or warehouses , or steale aught out of any house , tent , hutt , or other place , upon pain of death . 12 no souldier or other shall break down any house that may serve for the lodging or sheltring of the companie : nor shall trouble or defile any spring , well , pond , or streame of water serving for the armie , upon pain of imprisonment . 14 whatever commissary , officer or other appointed for levyes or musters ; or for making provision of armes , ammunition , carriages , ships or the like , for the armie or garrison , shall be convicted to have dealt deceitfully or negligently in his charge , shall suffer such fine , imprisonment , or death ; according as the crime or dis-service shall have deserved . 15 no souldier , waggoner , conducter of drawing-horses , or other persons having horses in the army , shall put , or suffer their horses to be put into any corn-grounds : and that upon paine of imprisonment and sufficient satisfaction to the owner . 16 no man bearing armes , shall tarry above foure dayes in the campe or garrison , or follow the armie , unlesse he puts himselfe under some company , or have licence from the generall or other , then commanding in chiefe . concerning lawfull spoiles and prizes . first , after that the enemy is driven out of the field , or that the campe or towne be entered ; no souldier shall leave his ranke or ensigne to fall upon the spoile or pillage , till the signe be given , or licence be obtained , upon paine of death . 2 whosoever shall have taken or recovered from the enemie or rebell , any lawfull spoiles or prizes above the value of ten shillings , shall presently upon his returne to the camp , make the same known to the lord generall , or whoever commands there in chiefe ; that the prizes so taken may be recorded , and afterwards be sold in the said camp or garrison ( and not elsewhere ) by sound of drumme or trumpet . and that upon forfeiture of the said prize , and such other punishment , as a councell of warre shall thinke fitting . 3 no man having taken any spie or prisoner , shall presume to keep him longer then conveniently he may certifie his captain or other chiefe officer . much lesse shall he presume to let him go , upon ransome or exchange ; but shall deliver him to the provost marshall generall , upon paine of death . and if such prisoner be a person of qualitie , the taker shall have an honorable revvard for his service of the lord generall , or else licence of him to make the best of his prisoner . 4 no officer or soldier shall steale , spoile , or diminish any prey or booty taken or recovered from the enemie , but shall endeavour to keep it intire to be disposed of by the generall , or him that commands in chiefe ; upon paine of death . 5 no man shall presume to breake , burne , or pillage any church , schoole , hospitall or colledge ; nor to tyrannize over any church-men , schollers or poore people , women , maides , or children , upon paine of death , or other such punishment , as in a strict councell of warre shall bee awarded . concerning the administration of justice . first , that such as commit disorders may be detected , and punishment accordingly awarded ; it shall bee lawfull for the councell of warre and the advocate for the army , to enquire of the actors and circumstances of offences committed , by the oathes of such and so many as they thinke convenient : and shall further use all meanes for examination and triall of persons dilated , suspected , or defamed . 2. all causes and controversies arising betwixt captains and soldiers , and all others within the camp or garrison , shall be heard and discussed summarily , and execution done according to the military lawes , by the councell of warre , without appeale : unlesse the greatnes of the cause or other circumstances require stay or deliberation . 3 ▪ all proceeding in the court-marshall , as well civill as criminall , shall be truely and fairely recorded . 4 ▪ if any captaine , gentleman , or soldier ▪ declare or make his testament or last will of the goods he hath in camp or fortresse , or which hee hath got in service , as also of the debts which are owing to him ; all shall bee recorded in the court-marshall , and executed by those that are named executors . if no will be made , then shall his goods descend to his wife or next kinred , if he have any . but if he have none , or that none comes to demand his goods within one yeare , then shall his goods be administred and distributed at the appointment of the lord generall according to the lawes civill , and the customes of the warres . 5 ▪ no man shall seize upon , spoile , take , or conceale the goods of any man that dyeth or is slaine in the kings service , upon the penalty of restoring double , whensoever it shal be discovered : and further to be punished at the pleasure of the lord generall , or court-marshall . 6 no captaines , officers , or soldiers , shall refuse to discover , apprehend , and bring forth to justice , any whom they know to be offenders , as they will answer their neglect before the lord generall , or councell of warre . 7 none of the kings liege people shall conceale , receive into their service , or conveigh away any soldiers that have runne away from their colours : but shall be oblieged to stay , discover and deliver them , or assist to the delivering of them to the provost-marshall so soon as possibly they may . and that upon paine of imprisonment or other punishment ▪ according to the discretion of the lord generall or councell of warre . 8 the provost-marshall generall shall see all judgements , sentences and commandments of the lord generall and councell of warre put in execution . 9 every soldier and others being desired , shall assist the provost-marshall and his officers , in the apprehending of malefactors , and in the execution of justice , upon paine of imprisonment . neither shall any rescue a prisoner so apprehended upon paine of death . 10 no man shall interrupt or trouble the councell of warre or officers of justice doing their offices : but upon request made , shall be ready to assist and guard them : upon paine of fine and imprisonment . 11 no provost-marshall shall refuse to keep a prisoner committed to his charge , nor shall dismisse him being once received , without warrant : upon paine of the like punishment , that the party so dismissed or let goe , should have endured . 12 whoever shall presume to draw or present any weapon in the court of justice , and while it is sitting ; shall die without mercy . 13 whatever regiment , troope , or company on horse or foot , shall be found culpable in the court-marshall for any of the matters in these ordinances mentioned ; all the officers of such regiment , troope or company , and every tenth soldier thereof , shall be punished with all severity as the nature of the offence shall require : and all other of the soldiers shall be put to doe some servile offices in the armie , untill by some brave exploit they purge themselves , or otherwise be punished as the lord generall or the marshall-court shall thinke fitting . 14 in whatever cases or accidents that may occurre , for which there is no speciall order set downe in the lawes here published ; there the ancient course of marshall discipline shall be observed , untill such time as his excellence , the lord generall shall cause some further orders to bee made and published in the army : which shall thenceforward stand in force , upon the paines therein expressed . the oath . i a. b. doe sweare before the almighty and everliving god , that i will beare all faithfull allegeance to my true and undoubted soveraigne lord king charles , who is lawfull king of this iland , and all other his kingdomes and dominions , both by land and sea , by the lawes of god and man , and by lawfull succession : and that i will most constantly and cheerefully , even to the utmost of my power , and hazard of my life ; constantly oppose all seditions , rebellions , conspiracies , covenants , conjurations , and treasons whatsoever , raised or set up against his royall dignity , crowne , or person , under what pretence or colour whatsoever : and if it shall come veiled under pretence of religion , i hold it more abominable before god and man. and this oath i take voluntarily in the true faith of a good christian and loyall subject ; without any equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever ; from which i hold no power upon earth can absolve me , in any part . this oath is to be taken by all the officers and soldiers in the army , by his majesties expresse commandment , as a touch-stone of every mans fidelity and loyalty . the forme of this following oath is to bee taken by every soldier , upon the reading and publishing of these orders . at which time the soldiers holding up their hand or fingers , shall say after him that readeth the oath , in these words following . all these lawes and ordinances which have publikely here been read unto us , we do hold and allow of as sacred and good : and will confirme , fulfill , and keep them to the uttermost of our power : so helpe us god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a22830-e100 against blasphemy . deriding of gods word , or ministers . common ▪ swearing , cursing , and profaning of holy scripture . sacriledge . observation of the lords day , and frequenting of divine service . gaming . whoredome . notorious crimes . abusing of women . drunkennesse drunkennesse upon the watch &c. offences done in drink . to pray before the taking in hand of any enterprise . trecherous speeches . conspiracies . intelligence with the enemy . assisting the enemy with munition , &c. mutinies . yeelding up strengths , &c. reseues . refusing to repaire to the army , &c. revolters . discovering the word . sleeping upon the guard . disparaging them commanders . obedience without resistance . absence from their colours . keeping back pay . false musters . officers to serve armed . word or mark entertaining other mens souldiers or servants . watching and warding . disarray . designes to be by direction . making away of armes , &c. pasports . for saking his colours . clamours . alarmes . challenges . duels , &c. the lie . stealing . abuses upon the march or quarter . burning of corne , houses , &c. mustering by two names , &c. commissary of the musters . cheques . wasting of victuals , &c. exercising of companies . sound of drums and trumpets . content with their own quarter . righting of injuries . deceiving trusts . quiet after the watch is set . lying out of his garrison . lodging of strangers , ●pies , 〈◊〉 . passing in by the ports . idle persons . making or ●●p●iring the works , &c. centri●s an● guards . annoyanc● cleansing the quarters . ●reedome of merchants , ●c . ●●using of ●uses , ●ings , &c. deceits of commissaries , &c. corne fields . strangers not to stay in the army . not to leave rank or ensigne . prizes . 〈…〉 prisoners . booty . abuses to churches or church-men . disorders punished . causes determined , and recorded . wills. goods of the dead . discovering malefactors . runawaies to be returned . provost-marshall to be assisted . officers of iustice to be assisted . prisoners to be safe kept . menacing of justice . cases not here met withall . an abridgement of the english military discipline. great britain. army. 1676 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a74980 wing a102a estc r200457 45789122 ocm 45789122 172436 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74980) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172436) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2630:2) an abridgement of the english military discipline. great britain. army. [2], 82 p. : ill. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london, : 1676. "by his majesties permission." reproduction of original in: christ church (university of oxford). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain. -army -regulations. military law -great britain. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an abridgement of the english military discipline . by his majesties permission . london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1676. an abridgement of the english military discipline . of the exercise of the foot. when a body of men are drawn up to exercise , the distance of their ranks must be at six foot , and their files at three foot , that they may have liberty to use their arms. the officers of the body , ( he onely excepted that is to give the words of command ) are to draw off to the right and left , forming a rank on each wing , opposite the one to the other . the officer commanding , is to place himself before the middle of the pikes , about ten foot distance from them , the better to observe what is done , and to be the more easily understood by the whole body . the words of command must be given leisurely , that the souldiers may perform their postures without confusion . the officer must first command silence , and then proceed ( as followeth ) to the exercise of the musquet . shoulder your musquet . lay your right hand on your musquet . poyse your musquet . rest your musquet . handle your match . blow your match . cock and try your match . guard your pan. blow your match . open your pan. present . give fire . recover your arms. return your match . clean your pan with your thumb . handle your primer . prime your pan. shut your pan with a full hand . blow off your loose corns . cast about to charge . handle your charger . open it with your teeth . charge with powder . draw forth your scowrer . shorten it to an inch against your right breast . charge with bullet . ram down powder and ball. withdraw your scowrer . shorten it to a handful . return your scowrer . poyse your musquet . shoulder your musquet . order your musquet . exercise of the pike . advance your pikes . charge to the front. to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right about . to the left about as you were . charge to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left about . to the right about as you were . advance your pikes . from advance , shoulder your pikes . from shoulder , charge to the front. shoulder as you were . from your shoulder , charge to the right . shoulder as you were . charge to the right about . shoulder as you were . charge to the left. shoulder as you were . to the left about . shoulder as you were . from your shoulder , port. from your port , comport . from your comport , charge to the front. from your charge , trail , facing to the right about . charge as you were . advance your pikes . exercise of the musquet and pike together . shoulder your musquet . musqueteers , make ready . at which time , the musqueteers must leisurely and distinctly perform every particular posture of the musquet together . the musqueteers being ready , the pikes are to charge as the musqueteers are faced . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right about . to the left about as you were . to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left about . to the right about as you were . advance your pikes . return your matches . shoulder your musquets . order your arms. pikes , to your inside order . lay down your arms. which posture is to be performed with their left legs ; and stooping all together , their arms being upon the ground , they must take care to rise all together , every one observing his right hand man , at the word of command . quit your arms. face all to the right about . march clear off your arms. to the left about to your leader . march to your arms. handle your arms. which must be done stepping forward with their left legs , and stooping , laying their hands upon their arms , expecting the word of command . order your arms. pikes , to your outside order . poyse your musquets . advance your pikes . shoulder your musquets . march. this way of exercise is not altogether the same with what hath been hitherto in use , wherein it was thought fit to make some alteration , by leaving out some words as superfluous , and changing some of the postures for others that are of greater use and readiness . closings and openings . rranks , close forward to order . ranks , close forward to close order . ranks , open backwards to order . ranks , open backwards to open order . ranks , open backward to double distances . the ranks fall back without changing aspect . files , close to the right . files , close to the left. files , close to the center . files , open from the right . files , open from the left. files , open from the center . for performing of which , the body faces to the hand named , and moves . if to the right , the second file from the right first takes its distance , by moving slower then its leader : the rest of the files do the like successively , and the left hand file moves not at all . doublings . ranks , to the right hand double . march. ranks , to the left hand as you were . march. ranks , to the left hand double march. ranks , to the right hand as you were . march. the ranks that double , are to observe their right hand man , to move at the same time with him ; they begin their motion with the foot next the hand named , and are to come into their places at three steps . in this doubling , the even ranks double into the odd . and if you would have the odd ranks also double , face the body to the rere ; and the same words of command will perform it . to reduce the ranks . the ranks that doubled , are first to face to the contrary hand , then beginning with the contrary foot , at three steps to come into their former ground . files doubling is perform'd in the same manner , and is the same thing with the reduction of doubled ranks ; the reduction of doubled files is the same thing with doubling ranks . doubling of half files with the reduction . rere half files to the right , double your front. march. to the left about as you were . march. rere half files to the left , double your front. march. to the right about as you were . march. if you do it upon a march , let your rere half files move into the front with a quicker motion , the front half files still continuing theirs . and for reduction , let the rere half files without facing about , stand till the front half files have passed them , and then fall after their proper leaders . fireings . the commander in chief gives no command nor direction besides make ready . present . give fire . and the first of these he uses but once . the souldiers are to be instructed and minded by subaltern officers , that when the two first ranks make ready and advance forward , the body of musqueteers is to make good the front of pikes , and the two next ranks unshoulder and make ready , without any word of command ; and when the last rank presents , or both , if both fire together , to advance , and this also without any word of command . if the ranks be at six foot , they are also at their advancing to close forward to three foot , without any word of command . if you fire by single ranks , the first presents at three motions , beginning with his left foot , which as he advances , he blows his match ; at advancing his right , he opens his pan , presenting at the third step . afterwards they file into the rere within three foot of the body . every souldier is to be careful to place himself in his own file , which is also taken care of by the officers in the rere . fireing to the flanks . to the right and left present , falling off after your bringers up . for this you leave six foot between your divisions of musqueteers and your pikes ; which the officers must have a great care to keep open , by causing the musqueteers to incline to the right and left after every fireing to the flank . the two outermost files are to make ready , keeping along with the body , and not to present , nor face to the flanks , till ready ; assoon as they have fired , they face to the rere , and are by an officer led athwart it , and so up between their own divisions and the pikes . assoon as the outermost files face to the flanks , the two next files are to make ready without any word of command , and keep along with the body , till the outermost files be wheeled clear off them . the files that fire to the left , are to blow , advancing with their right leg. fireing to the rere . last rank , make ready . to the rerepresent . which it doth keeping along with the body ; the musqueteers advancing with their right legs , blow ; advancing with the left , open their pans ; then turning upon the ball of their left foot to the right about , cast their right leg backward , and fire then immediately at a good round rate , within three foot of their body , march up into the front. assoon as the last rank faces about to present , every other rank of musqueteers falls back to the rank of pikes that marched behind it , so to keep the rere full , and leave a vacancy of one rank in the front of the musqueteers , for the rank that fired to place it self . the word make ready is made use of but once , afterwards when the last rank faces about ; the next to it is to make ready , keeping along with the body . fireing the street-way . we that have fewer pikes , should cause the half files of pikes to double , that they may cover the musqueteers . the colours and drums are to be between the pikes and musqueteers , the captains with the pikes , and the lieutenants with the musqueteers . lieutenants or serjeants cause the two first ranks of the musqueteers to face to the right or left , and make ready ; then two and two to file up to the front , and march athwart it ; then to present . the pikes ought to be charged , and the musqueteers to stoop very low , and be carefull to carry the muzzles of their musquets low . when they have fired , they pass away , still stooping to the contrary flank , and within three foot of it , into the rere of the musqueteers . as they move away by the left flank , the next by the right , succeed them . if the horse give you time , let the pikes port or advance to ease themselves . that you may always reserve some fire , it is best to fire but one rank at a time ; assoon as that wheels off , the second steps into it's place , and a third rank comes in between it and the pikes . if the street you are to defend be very broad , you must of necessity make an interval besides those on the flanks , wide enough for two men on a breast , one to march up , the other down ; for otherwise the long intermission between the fireings will give the horse opportunity to attaque you . the musqueteers in presenting are to fall back with their right legs , and by no means to advance . swedes way . rere half files of musqueteers to the right or left , double your front. then divide them into equal subdivisions , the rere of the foremost subdivisions to rank even with the front of the hindermost ; the rere of the hindermost with the front of pikes , of which one half advance interchangeably . great care is to be taken that they return well their rammers , lest they hurt those that stand before them : presenting either all three ranks , or two onely , and one standing guarded ; they which have fired , rise up , and make ready on their ground , and the rere subdivisions passing through the intervals , fire in like manner . the intervals to be very little wider then to permit passage to the subdivision of the rere . they are also to fall back with their right legs , without advancing ▪ reduction . musqueteers , to the right about . march all till even with your rere of pikes . to the left about all . front half files , march till even with your front of pikes . to make a square . face to your four angles . the intervals between the half ranks and half files divide the body into four parts ; if there be an odd file , it faces with the right half ranks . to your proper front. in all facings , the souldiers are to keep their left foot fixed , turning round on the ball of it , and bringing about their right . a solid square . to draw a solid square , make it first equal on all sides , by the square root , then girdle it with shot , which is speedily perform'd by these words of command . rere half files of shot , to the right about . musqueteers , march all till clear of the pikes . face inwards , and march till you close in the center . musqueteers that are clear of front and rere , wheel into the flanks . reduction . musqueteers that wheel'd into the flanks , wheel into front and rere . face all outwards , and march till clear of the pikes , then face in opposition , and close . to make a hollow square . let the three outermost files of pikes of each flank stand . rere half files , to the right hand about . front and rere half files , march. flanks of pikes face inward . march. rere half files of musqueteers , to the right hand about . musqueteers , march all till clear of the pikes . musqueteers , face inwards , and march till you close in the center of the pikes . musqueteers that are clear of your pikes , face in opposition , and flank your pikes . reduction . musqueteers that flank the pikes , wheel into front and rere . musqueteers , face to the right and left outwards , and march till clear of your pikes , then face inwards , and close . pikes of the flanks , face outward , and march till clear of the front and rere half files . front and rere half files , face inwards , and close . for greater expedition , the words of command may be given at the same time to pikes and musqueteers by two officers . of marching . in marching , the officers are to observe that the ranks be at twelve foot distance , and that the files be closed shoulder to shoulder , unless when a battalion marches in a body , in which case the files must keep such a distance , that they may have the liberty of their arms. the souldiers must always begin to march with their right foot first ; which is observed to conduce most to keep the ranks even . the captains are to march with their pikes shouldered ; a lieutenant to march with a partizan ; and an ensign to march with his pike comported , which is to be the distinction between the captains and other officers . serjeants have no place assigned them in marching , but are to be moving up and down , to observe that the ranks and files be at their due distance . of drawing up a body of men , and the place of the officers . when a regiment is to be drawn up , the easiest and readiest way of placing the companies is , that the eldest company draw up on the right hand , and the second company on the left , the third next to the first , the fourth next to the second , and so consequently to the youngest , which is to be in the center ; for which the words of command are , musqueteers , to the right and left outwards . pikes , to the right and left inwards . interchange ground . march. when a regiment hath so taken its ground , to place the officers , you must divide the lieutenants equally , placing one half of them at the head of the right wing of shot , and the other at the left ; the ensigns are to be at the head of the pikes , upon the same line with the lieutenants , and each of them at four foot distance from the body . the captains are likewise to be divided equally , and placed on each wing , four foot before the lieutenants . none must stand before the ensigns , but he onely that commands in chief , who is to be ten foot before the pikes ; there must be a serjeant placed at the right and left of every rank , and the rest of the serjeants are to be in the rere , at twelve foot distance from the body , making a parallel line to the last rank . the drums must be divided likewise , one half on the right wing , and the other on the left , and are to stand on the same line with the first rank of the souldiers . it is to be understood , that this way of placing of the officers , is onely for ordinary drawings out , either for musters or parade ; for upon any occasion of service , they are to be otherwise placed , as shall be shewn hereafter . but if the regiments march in a body , this order of the officers must be changed ; for then the lieutenants are to be removed from the front to the rere , the rest of the officers keeping still their same post ; and the serjeants that were in the rere must be moving up and down , to see that the ranks and files march according to the rules above given . and if the regiment march in division , the difference is yet greater : for then one half of the captains are to march at the head of the first division of shot , and the other in the rere of the last division : one half likewise of the lieutenants are to be in the rere of the first division of shot , and the other at the head of the last ; the ensigns are to march before the pikes , and no other officer at their head. the officers in marching , are to observe the same distance from the body , as when they were drawn up . of salutes . when a regiment is drawn up , the officers are to salute one after another , as the person passes by whom they are to salute . if the regiment march in division , the officer that commands must begin first to salute , and the captains that march in a rank behind him , must not salute till he hath done , and then they must observe all one motion ; the lieutenants likewise when they salute , must keep the same time , as also the ensigns ; which is much more graceful then doing it one after another . the ensigns must further observe in their salutes , to bring their colours all the same way , otherwise they will be apt to meet and entangle . in making a guard when the king or queen passes by , the pikes must be advanced ; otherwise onely the drums beat , the musquets are shouldered , and the pikes ordered . when the king or general comes in the rere , the colours or officers are not to march through the ranks , but to keep still at the front : if it be in the field , and the whole army drawn up , then as the king marches by , every battalion is to charge their pikes , and rest their musquets ; which is a posture of more guard. of wheeling , when a body marches in division . when the word of command is given to wheel , ( if it be to the right ) the right-hand man is to keep his ground , and onely turn upon his heel , whilest at the same time the left-hand man moves about quick , till the officer bids him stand. the second rank doth not begin to wheel , till they have taken the ground of the first : so every rank is to take the ground of that which is before them ; upon which depends this way of wheeling . of the exercise of horse . the exercise of horse consisting in fewer words of command then that of foot , is more generally known , and there is little need of any alteration to be made therein , but what is rather for shew then use . when a troop or squadron are to exercise , they must first have charg'd their carabins and pistols ; and when the corporals have been through the ranks , and seen that they are all ready , the officer must command silence , and proceed as followeth . lay your hands upon your swords . draw your swords . put your swords into your bridle hands . lay your hands upon your pistols . draw your pistols . cock your pistols . hold up your hands . * give fire . return your pistols . the same words of command are given for the other pistol , and then as followeth . lay your hands upon your carabins . advance your carabins . cock your carabins . present your carabins . give fire . let fall your carabins . take your swords from your bridle hands . return your swords . all which motions the officer must take care to see done exactly at the same time , and therefore must not give the words of command too fast . when a body of horse is drawn up , the officers must stand close to their men ; onely he that commands must be a horse length before the rest of the officers : and they must observe the same thing in marching ; for nothing is more unseemly , than to see the officers at too great a distance from their men. it is thought necessary to make an alteration in the manner of wheeling of horse ; for whereas formerly , when a squadron of horse was commanded to wheel , ( if it were to the right ) the right-hand men closed to the left ; which way was found subject to put the ranks out of order , and therefore the practise now is , that the right-hand men should keep their ground , onely turning their horses heads to the right , whilst the left comes about ; in which motion they must observe their left-hand man. when a squadron of horse is to charge another , it is better they should do it with their swords in their hands , than either with their pistols or carabins . the manner of encamping for horse or foot. there must be allowed one hundred paces for the encamping of a battalion consisting in sixteen companies , and fifty men in each company . there must be allowed fifty paces for a squadron consisting in three troops , and fifty men in each troop . from the head of the first line , to the head of the second , there is commonly allowed three hundred paces , whereof one hundred and twenty are for the encamping of the first line ; so that there remains one hundred and eighty paces for the distance between the last tents of the first line , and the head of the second . it is to be observed that this measure of ground aforesaid is meant onely for the encamping of an army ; for if it was to be ranged in battel in case of service , the distances between the battalions or squadrons must be greater than in a camp. it must be endeavoured as much as may be , that the second line be equal to the first , keeping the same distance upon the right and left. all troops or companies of horse or foot consisting but of fifty men , are to be encamped on one row of baraques or hutts ; but when the troops or companies consist in more men , there must be two or three rows of baraques or hutts . it is to be observed , that in each squadron or battalion , the collonels company is always upon the right or left , and there make their row of hutts : behind them must be left a space for the street , then the second company makes their row of hutts ; near to which the third makes theirs , leaving the space of two foot onely between their hutts , which is called the by-street . and the same thing is observed by the horse . the hutts of the foot always open towards the street . the baraques of the cavalry always open towards the horses heads . the particulars of encamping of a battalion . when the adjutant or quartermaster hath his ground allotted to him for the encamping of a battalion , which is commonly one hundred paces , he is to divide it in the manner following ; ( viz. ) he must allow seven foot square to each hutt , two foot to the by-streets , and fifteen foot to the great streets . every company consisting of fifty men , ought to have ten hutts ; and there must be the distance of two foot between the hutts . the kitchens must be marked out at twelve foot distance from the last row of hutts , and must be placed just over against them , so that the streets may be open quite through , for the officers to pass easily to the head of the camp , as there shall be occasion . the length of the kitchens is to be of nine foot , and the breadth of six foot. there must be thirty paces distance between the souldiers kitchens , and the front of the captains tents . there must be distance of fourty paces between the captains tents , and the front of the tents of the subaltern officers ; and the remaining ground is for the encamping of the captains equipage . the sutlers are to encamp behind the officers tents . by this account , there remains fifteen or twenty paces , which makes the distance from one battalion to another , which is always left upon the left hand . the pikes ( whether they are placed against a cross , or in a stand ) must be allowed at eighteen foot distance from the hutts . the musquets must be at eighteen foot distance from the pikes , or they may be placed upon the same line with them . the particulars of encamping of a squadron . when a quartermaster of horse hath his ground allotted to him for a squadron , which is commonly fifty paces , he is to divide it in the following manner , viz. he must allow three paces for the length of a baraque , and two paces distance from the opening of the baraque to the stakes to which the horses are fastened , and three paces for each horses standing , and ten paces for the street . to the second troop is to be allowed two paces distance , three paces for their baraques , and one pace distance for the by-street . the third troop must have two paces distance , three paces for the baraques , and three paces for the horses ; after which , there will remain fifteen paces , which makes the distance from one squadron to another . if the squadrons are stronger , they must have more ground ; and this is onely for a squadron of one hundred and fifty men , in three troops , each troop making but one row of baraques . the colours must be placed at eighten foot distance from the front of the baraques , in the same line with the pikes . there are commonly ten or twelve baraques on a row , for every troop of fifty men ; and there must be at least two paces distance from one baraque to another . for the troops kitchens , the officers tents , and the sutlers which attend upon the troops , the same measures are to be observed in proportion , as are used for encamping of foot. by a pace here , is meant three foot. orders for battel . though there can be no certain rules given for any order of battel , which depend chiefly upon the circumstances of place , and other accidents that may happen , yet i shall set down some which may serve for an example to shew the nature of the thing . you must then first of all command silence ; next to march very leisurely . to observe the right in marching , and preserve the intervals , which are always to be fifty or sixty paces at least , that fifty of a battalion may pass through them . none to speak but the commander in chief , or the major by his order . advancing against the enemy in battel , out of musquet shot , the captains and other officers at the head of the battalion , are all to march in a line , with their pikes in their hands , two good paces before the men , and are often to look behind them ; because otherwise they may insensibly get too much before the body ; and the souldiers by following too fast , fall into disorder , whereof great care is to be taken in marching against an enemy . at which time the ranks are to be two great paces distant , and the files closed in such a manner , that every souldier may march at his ease , and so charge and fire ; which will be effected , if he have liberty of moving his elbows as he marcheth . when the musqueteers come within shot , and march ready with their pans guarded , the ranks should be closed forward to the swords point . but to avoid talking , which usually happens at this instant , it is better to leave the distance of one pace between the ranks ; so the souldiers will not press one upon another ; which ordinarily causes breach of silence in a battalion . the distance of files is to be preserved as hath been said already . he that commands a battalion , is to be in the center of it , at the head of the pikes ; the officer next in degree , is to be in the rere of the pikes ; the third in degree , at the right wing of shot , in the front ; the fourth , at the left wing of shot , in the front ; the rest of the captains are to be in the rere on the wings of shot , according to their degrees . the lieutenants are to be placed , two in the front , two in the rere , and one on each flank . the colours are to be in the center of the pikes . the serjeants are to be placed one on the right and left of each rank . if a battalion consist of more then six companies , the respective officers are to be placed according to the discretion of the commander of the battalion . it were not amiss to place the company of the captain that commands the left wing of shot , on the left of all that wing ; unless the battalion be the outermost on the line : for then the collonels company is to be on the left of all , in this case the right and left exchanging . in a battel , the captains and other officers are to march in a line ; but coming within shot of the enemy , and the musqueteers marching ready with their pans guarded , the whole line of captains and other officers is to retire each of them into the intervals of his files next after his post ; yet so , as they may look to the right and left of the battalion . whilst they are marching towards the enemy , they are to be very careful to keep themselves in this posture , and neither to be forwarder nor backwarder , neither without the battalion , nor within it . and when they begin to march with their pikes charged , and that the musqueteers are ready , the ranks are to be closed forward to one small pace . assoon as the battalion comes to thirty paces distance from the enemy , let the musqueteers fire , the manner of which firing shall be ordered them before . the captain commanding the rere , is to observe that the battalion march still , to cause the souldiers to close forward easily , and without noise or confusion : his chief care ought to be to command the pikes ever to march even with the wings of musqueteers ; for it often happens that in marching any considerable time in battel , the wings advance , and form a half-moon , and the pikes in the middle being extremely pressed upon , the battalion is broken . provided the motion of the pikes be equal on the right and left , the battalion cannot be disordered by its march. above all , we are carefully to preserve the distance of ranks and files , according to what hath been said already . the grenadeers ( when there are any ) are to be drawn up on the right of the battalion , and to augment it , without intermixing with it , or troubling the order of it , they being a separate number of men that are to be always ready for whatever shall be commanded them . the commander of a battalion may be on horsback at the head of it , when the captains are on foot with their pikes in their hands , in consideration that he is to be stirring to all parts , to see that the distances be observed ; and above all , that none speak , except himself , or the major by his order . the commander of a battalion is to alight when the musqueteers make ready , and is to march with his pike charged against the enemy . when an army is drawn up for battel , the distance between the lines must be of three hundred paces , the same as is in a camp. of defiles . to pass a narrow defile , the readiest way to perform it , and draw up again in order assoon as past , is to make the ranks file , if to the right , the right-hand man files first , and the rest of his rank follow him , till the defile be past , then they rank again as they were ; this seems better then files fileing , because it immediately makes a front to the enemy . if the rank be great , let it file two abreast , beginning with the two middlemost files . for larger defiles , the commander draws off as he judges the way will easily receive ; in order to which , the battalion is divided before it marches , serjeants taking care of the subdivisions . the places of the lieutenants may be according to these figures , captains and ensigns keeping their places . finis . london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1676. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a74980-e2720 * note , after they have given fire , they must still keep their hands up , till the word of command be given to return their pistols . by the king, a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1666 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32555 wing c3478 estc r35909 15578813 ocm 15578813 103875 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32555) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103875) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:106) by the king, a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1666. "given at our court at whitehall, the 16th day of july 1666, in the eighteenth year of our reign." reproduction of the original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military supplies weapons industry -law and legislation -england. defense industries -law and legislation -england. arms transfers -law and legislation -england. military weapons -law and legislation -england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder . charles r. we having more then ordinary occasion to provide good and sufficient salt-peter and powder to furnish our stores , for the defence and safety of our realms and dominions , have by commission lately issued under our great seal of england , committed the management thereof unto our right trusty and well-beloved john lord berkeley , baron of stratton , and our trusty and well-beloved sir john duncombe knight , thomas chicheley esquire , commissioners for the execution of the office of our ordnance , william legg lieutenant of our ordnance , john evelyn esquire , edward sherborn esquire , clerk of our ordnance , and jonas moor esquire ; of whose care and fidelities we are well assured : giving them power by their deputies and workmen , to work all salt-peter and gun-powder to be made of salt-peter digged within our realms and dominions , and between the hours of sun-rising and sun-setting , to search for and dig salt-peter in all convenient places , as well in our own as subjects lands ; but not in any part of dwelling-houses inhabited , or to break down walls , or hazard foundations , or dig in any threshing or maulting-floors without consent of the owners , nor in dove-houses , stables , or other out-houses , but at convenient times of the day : with power by warrant from the iustice of peace to take up such carts and carriages as shall be useful and necessary to carry on the said work , paying eight pence per mile for every lunn they shall carry , according to the late act of parliament concerning carriages , and to provide convenient houses , stables . rooms , yards , void places , water , and other necessaries , and to erect and set up furnaces and vessels fit for the making of salt-peter , agreeing with the owners ; and if they be unreasonable in their demands , the next iustice of the peace to settle the same : and the said deputies or workmen , or any beasts or carriages employed in the said works , are not to be pressed for any other service : and they are to repair and make good the places digged , or any way defaced : and if any difference arise , to be composed by the two next iustices of the peace to the place , if it be not in a city or town-corporate ; and if there , by the mayor , aldermen , or thief officer : and if they cannot determine the same , to certifie to the lords of the privy council the names of the offenders , with their offences , that such further course may be therein taken , as shall be thought fit , as by our said commission ( amongst other things ) may appear . now to the end so necessary a work may not be obstructed , and to the intent our said commission may be duely observed , we have thought fit to publish the same by this our royal proclamation . and we do hereby will , and streightly charge and command all and singular mayors , bayliffs , constables , and all other our officers , ministers and subjects whatsoever , to be aiding and assisting , and give due obedience and conformity in all things , in or concerning the execution of the said commission , as they tender our high displeasure , and will answer the contrary at their perils . given at our court at whitehall the 16 th day of july , 1666. in the eighteenth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1666. the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the 14th of september. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84226 of text r210998 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[76]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84226 wing e3719 thomason 669.f.5[76] estc r210998 99869739 99869739 160789 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84226) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160789) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[76]) the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the 14th of september. hill, joshua, 17th cent. essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. harper, augustin. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husbands, and john franke, london : 1642. order of the house to reprint the examination of joshua hill, describing the exactions of the cavaliers at nottingham, and the deposition of augustine harper of market harborough on september 9, plundered by cavaliers. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military offenses -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a84226 r210998 (thomason 669.f.5[76]). civilwar no the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the 14th of september. hill, joshua 1642 452 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the examination of iosvah hill , taken at northampton , in the presence of the earle of essex , generall of the army , the 14th of september . the king sent a letter to master major of nottingham , requiring one thousand pound : and particular warrants to divers private men for two hundred pounds a man , and other severall summes . if this was not paid , the cavaliers threatened to plunder . after , his majesty was pleased to send the lord newarke to master major to double the thousand pound . captaine legg said , that he thought nettingham men were a generation of devils : and said , if he knew a round-head , he would knocke him over the pate . the house of one mistresse piggot was plundred by warrant from his majesty . the trained bands of the county of nottingham being summoned in by warrant from the lord newarke , were all disarmed by cavaliers : threatening any one that refused , to pistoll him . serjeant bowne , and alderman toplady , have used all possible endeavours to have taken away the life of one master hooper , steward to the countesse of clare , in charging of him with high treason , for not delivering up the armes of his lady . there were in and about nottingham near 500 irish , very many commanders , irish and papists , and increased daily . september 14th iosvah hill . september 9th 1642. these are to certifie all those whom it may concerne , that i augustine harper of market harborow , being taken by the cavaliers , who tooke away my mare , saddle and bridle , and all the money in my purse , and being brought before the lord of carnarvan to be examined . notwithstanding , they had no just occasion against me , did abuse me with ill language , calling me round-headed rogue , and that i was an enemy to the king , to which i answered , that i was as good a subject to his majesty or his lordship , he called for a booke , and said , he would try that , and did tender me an oath , whether i would fight for the king against the parliament , which i refusing to take , was committed to the custody of the cavaliers . augustine harper . witnesse to the same , andrew gill. ordered to be printed , together with the examination of augustine harper taken at northampton , 9 th september . london , printed for edward husbands , and john franke . 1642. proclamation indemnifying deserters, who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05707 wing s1941 estc r183565 52529315 ocm 52529315 179102 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05707) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179102) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:91) proclamation indemnifying deserters, who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1696. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twelfth day of november, and of our reign the eighth year, 1696. signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation , indemnifying deserters , who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to _____ macers of our privy council , messengers at arms our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as we are informed , that several souldiers belonging to our forces within this our ancient kingdom , have deserted ; and we being desirous rather to reclaim transgressours by clemency , than to punish them with the outmost severity ; therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , have thought fit to require , and do hereby require all souldiers that have deserted , to return to their colours , and to our service , betwixt and the first day of january next to come , promising to indemnifie , likeas we do hereby fully indemnifie for their by past deserting , all that shall return in manner foresaid ; but on the other hand , certifying such as shall not return betwixt and the day foresaid , that both they and their resetters shall be prosecute with the outmost severity , conform to the laws and proclamations emitted against them . and farder , we do hereby impower and require all officers whatsomever , belonging to our forces , either at home or abroad , to seize and apprehend after the day foresaid , all such deserters as shall not accept of this our gracious offer , to the effect they may be condignly punished , as said is . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the remanent head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of the premisses , that none pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twelfth day of november , and of our reign the eighth year , 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot cls. sti. concilii . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1696. the young soldier's desire answered, or, a piece of military discipline wherein is shewed, distances, facings, doublings, counter-marches, and wheelings : with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy / by edward adams. adams, edward. 1678 approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26329 wing a478 estc r11007 12093281 ocm 12093281 53925 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26329) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53925) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 754:10) the young soldier's desire answered, or, a piece of military discipline wherein is shewed, distances, facings, doublings, counter-marches, and wheelings : with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy / by edward adams. adams, edward. [4], 31 p. printed for john evans ... and are to be sold by william jacob ... and the author ..., london : 1678. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military discipline -england. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-07 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the young souldier's desire answered : or , a piece of military discipline , wherein is shewed , distances , facings , doublings , counter-marches , and wheelings . with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy . by edward adams . at his pleasure , any person may practise this art with a set of cotuses privately at home ; which will prepare him for a greater exercise in a field , or other publick place . london : printed for john evans , at the marygold in perpool-lane ; and are to be sold by william jacob , at the black swan in holborn ; and by the author in shore-ditch . 1678. to his very worthy and much respected friend , mr. john evans , captain of a company of train'd-bands , under the right honourable the earl of craven ; edward adams wisheth long health , and everlasting felicity . sir , one of the duties that belongeth unto a christian , is charity , and friendship is very near a kin unto her ; and that proceeds from a good nature . as the free and generous spring , that issueth forth it self for the good and refreshment of all creatures ; so good nature is never wanting for to help and assist , especially where it beareth friendly respects . i being sensible of your good disposition , by reason that i have received from you many favours ; and knowing your inclination unto the art of war , am emboldened to dedicate this small twig or branch of martial discipline unto your favourable and friendly protection , which will be unto it as varnish is unto dull painting , a means to make it beautiful and splendant ; and answer the request and desire of your obliged e. a. to the diligent reader , and industrious practitioner . as it is said of the sea , that though it branch it self into gulphs , creeks , and other smaller partitions ; yet those are not the main ocean , but a part of it : so this small tract is not the body of martial discipline , but a limb or part thereof . and as sea-men cannot comprehend the sea at one or two voyages , neither can young souldiers be masters of the military art by one or two exercises : but both seamen and souldiers must practise with patience and diligence , and in time they may attain much to their satisfaction . that you may thus do , is the hearty desire of him that is willing to serve you to the best of his power . e. a. licensed january 1. 1677 / 8. roger l'estrange . the young souldier's desire answered . a leading with 16 men , containing eight pikemen and eight musqueteers , as followeth , viz. we will suppose that the men are compleatly armed , and also furnished with officers : that is , a lieutenant , ensigne , and two serjeants , and also with a drum or drums . observing that they make the best men file-leaders ; the second best , bringers up ; the third , half file-leaders ; and the fourth , bringers up of the front half files : and likewise the best file-leaders place on the right , and the second best on the left ; and so the rest , giving unto them dignity according to their worth , as well pikes as musquets . the body being drawn up , it is convenient to have the colours conveyed to the body . first , form the body as followeth . command . bringers up , double the front inwards : and they will be in this form , as followeth . whilst the ensigne is trooping to the body , the serjeant that is with the body he commands them to open from the middle to double distance , to make an interval for the pikes to march into their places . when the ensigne is come up , he commands the pikes to wheel outwards and march into their places . then the company will be compleated both with officers and souldiers , as followeth . next , reduce them as they were at first ; then proceed to exercise . command . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . every even file from both flanks , face about . i do use the word stand in the exercise very often ; for it is very convenient : for you are not to stand until you perform the word of command . and when you are commanded to perform any thing , either in distances , or facings , doublings , countermarches , or in wheelings , and have performed that , and are commanded to stand , then you are to stand , and not before . files , open from the right to order . stand. files , open from the right to open order . stand. files , open from the middle to double distance . stand. ranks , open forward to order . stand. ranks , open backwards to open order . stand. ranks , open from the middle to double distance . stand to reduce the body . files , close to the middle to order . stand. ranks , close to the middle to order . stand. both ranks and files , close to the middle to your close order . stand. face all to the right . to your leader all . face all to the left . to your leader all . face all to the right about . to your leader all . face all to the left about . to your leader all . every even file from the right , face to the right about . and as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march and close . stand. to your leader all . every even file from the left , face to the left about . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . every even rank from the rear , face to the right . and every even rank from the front , face to the left . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . every even rank from the front , face to the right . and every even rank from the rear , face to the left . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . face outwards , and march while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , face about ; and as you are now faced , march . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . the 〈◊〉 first ranks , stand . the 〈◊〉 last ranks , face about . the two inmost ranks , face outwards . as you are now faced , march . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . face to the four angles . as you are now faced , march . stand. to your leader all . the division on the right in the front , face to the left . the division on the left in the front , face about . the division on the left in the rear , face to the right . as you are now faced , march all , and possess each others ground . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. to your leader all . before you proceed any farther , command both ranks and files in each division to open to open order . the two divisions in the front , face about . the divisions in the front , and the divisions in the rear , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the two divisions on the right , to the left . the two divisions on the left , face to the right . as you are now faced , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the two divisions in the front , face about . the divisions in the front , and the divisions in the rear , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the divisions on the right , face to the left . the divisions on the left , face to the right . as you are now faced , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . face all to the center , march , and close to order . to your leader all . rear half files of musqueteers , face about : pikes stand . musqueteers , as you are now faced , march while you are clear of the pikes . stand. to your leader all . and this figure following is produced . musqueteers , face inwards . and pikes , face outwards . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . and also this figure following is produced . the division of musqueteers in the front , face about . and the rear half files of pikes , face about . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . this following figure is produced . musqueteers , face outwards . and pikes , face inwards . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . and it makes this figure following . the two inmost ranks of musqueteers , face inwards . the front half files of the front-division of pikes , and the rear half files of the rear-division of pikes , face outwards ; the rest stand . those that are now faced , march . stand. to your leader all . to reduce the body again . the division of musqueteers in the center , face to the four angles . and each division of pikes , face to the center . as you are now faced , march all , and close to order . to your leader all . remember , before you proceed to doubling of ranks or files , that you open them to order or double distances , as you finde occasion . files , to the right double . ranks , to the right double . files , to the left double . ranks , to the left double . files , double outwards . ranks , double outwards . files , double inwards . ranks , double inwards . half files , double your front to the right . every even file from the left , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the left , face about . half files , double your front to the left . every even file from the right , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the right , face about . half files , double your front outward . every even file from the middle , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the middle , face about . half files , double your front inwards . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . every even file from both flanks , face about . bringers up , double your front to the right . every even file from the left , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behinde their present leaders . every even file from the left , face about . bringers up , double your front to the left . every even file from the right , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behinde their present leaders . every even file from the right , face about . bringers up , double your front outwards . every even file from the middle , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behind their present leader . every even file from the middle , face about . bringers up , double your front inwards . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behind their present leaders . every even file from both flanks , face about . ranks , rank entire into the middle of the front : the first rank , open from the middle . the four inmost files , march and so the rest by fours successively . stand. stand straight after your leader . files , file entire into the midst of the right flank . face all to the right . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost men of this file , march to the right , and so the rest by fours successively . face all to the right . stand. to your leader all . ranks , rank entire in the middle of the rear . face all about . the first rank , open from the midst . to your leader all . the four inmost files , march , and so the rest by fours successively . stand. to your leader all . files , file entire into the midst of the left flank . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost men of this file , march to the left , and so the rest by fours successively . face all to the left . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files inwards entire . front half files , face outwards . the four inmost files , double your two outmost files on each flank entire , advancing . front half files , double your rear half files entire on the right . stand. to your leader all . right half ranks , double your left half ranks entire on the left . face all to the left . then left half ranks , face outwards , and march . stand. to your leader all . left half ranks , double the depth of your right half ranks entire , retiring . stand. to your leader all . front half files , double your rear half files inwards entire . face all about . rear half files , face outwards . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank entire , retiring . face all about . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files entire on the left . stand. to your leader all . left half ranks , double your right half ranks entire on the right . face all to the right . right half ranks , face outwards , and march . stand. to your leader all . right half ranks , double the depth of your left half ranks entire , advancing . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files by division . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division , retiring . stand. to your leader all . the front half files , double the rear half files by division . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division , advancing . stand. to your leader all . the two inmost ranks , double the first and last ranks by division . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the two outmost files on each flank inwards by division . stand. to your leader all . the first and last rank , double the two inmost ranks by division . to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the right , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the right , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the left , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the left , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the left , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , contermarch to the left losing ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the right , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the right , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . countermarch front and rear into the midst . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks into the midst . to your leader all . countermarch from the midst into front and rear . to your leader all . countermarch from the midst into both flanks . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks to the right , and change ground . face outwards . to your leader all . countermarch front and rear to the right , and change ground . rear half files , face about . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks to the left , and change ground . face outwards . to your leader all . countermarch front and rear to the left , and change ground . rear half files , face about . to your leader all . face all to the right . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the right , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . face all about . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the left , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . face all to the left . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the right , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the left , and place themselves before their present leaders . stand. observe , that before you countermarch either ranks or files , that you open them to open order . as thus : files , countermarch to the right . files , open from the midst to open order . and ranks , close forwards to close order . ranks , countermarch to the left . ranks , open from the midst to open order . and files , close to the midst to close order . the last rank , stand . the rest , face about . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place your selves behinde the last rank ; each man place himself behinde his present leader . the outmost file on the right , face to the left . the rest , face to the right . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place yourselves behinde your right-hand men : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . the outmost file on the left , face to the right . the rest , face to the left . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place yourselves behinde your left-hand men : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . the first rank , face about . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place your selves behinde the first rank : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . wheel the front into the midst . to your leader all . wheel the rear into the midst . to your leader all . wheel into the midst of the right flank . to your leader all . wheel into the midst of the left flank . to your leader all . wheel front and rear into the midst . to your leader all . wheel both flanks into the midst . to your leader all . wheel the front inwards into the rear . to your leader all . wheel the right flank inwards into the left . to your leader all . wheel the rear inwards into the front. to your leader all . wheel the left flank inwards into the right . to your leader all . wheel off the front by division . to your leader all . wheel off the right flank by division . to your leader all . wheel off the rear by division . to your leader all . wheel off the left flank by division . to your leader all . wheel off the rear half files by division , and double your front half files on each flank . front half files , stand . wheel off the four inmost files by division , and double the depth of the outmost files on each flank , advancing . to your leader all . wheel off the front half files by division , and double the rear half files on each flank . to your leader all . wheel off the four inmost files by division , and double the depth of the outmost files on each flank , retiring . wheel off the right half ranks to the right about , and double the depth of the left half ranks , retiring . the left half rank , stand . wheel off the front half files to the right about , and double the rear half files on the right . to your leader all . wheel off the left half ranks to the right about , and double the depth of the right half ranks , advancing . to your leader all . wheel off the rear half files to the right about , and double the front half files on the left . ranks and files , close to the midst to close order . wheel the battle to the right . wheel the battle to the right . wheel the battle to the right about . wheel the battle to the left . wheel the battle to the left . wheel the battle to the left about . stand. files , open from the midst to order . ranks , open from the midst to order . stand. to your leader all . now it is convenient for to march the body in a long march. but before you march , i will shew you the several parts of the body which were commanded before in the exercise , by these figures following . a file is reckoned from the front to the rear , containing 4 , or 6 , or 8 men , as there is occasion ; and that is called depth-ways . a rank is rekoned from the right to the left , containing 4 , 6 , 8 , 10 , or 20 men , or more ; and that is called breadth-ways . the rear half files . the front half files . the right half ranks . the left half ranks . the rear half files of right half ranks . the rear half files of left half ranks . the front half files of right half ranks . the front half files of left half ranks . these are the proper and necessary parts of the body . so now we will proceed to perform the long march , with the places of the officers according to their dignity , and their words of command unto the division that each of them doth lead . also before you march , form the body in this form as followeth . bringers up , double the front inwards . files , open from the midst to order . ranks , open from the midst to open order , stand. to your leader all . the captain . this division of musqueteers on the right , poise your musquets and march ; shoulder as you march . the ensigne . these two files of pikes , or this division of pikes on the right , advance your pikes and march ; shoulder as you march . the eldest serjeant . this division of pikes , advance your pikes and march ; shoulder as you march . the youngest serjeant . this division , poise your musquets and march ; shoulder as you march . the lieutenant standing on the left of the body , and seeing the divisions drawn forth and marching , he places himself in the rear of all . the long march . the captain may , if he pleases , before he marches , command the pikes to advance their pikes , and the musqueteers to poise their musquets , and shoulder all ; and each officer say to his division , this division , march . having marched sufficiently , draw them up into a body again . when the captain findes it convenient to have the company drawn up , he makes a stand , and commands the drummer to beat a troop ; and at the same time the captain advances his leading-staff , or half pike , as a signe to the officers for to draw up their divisions . the successive officer is to draw up his division on the left of the precedent division , either by marching or trooping . the company being drawn up , let us make some firings , and after them lodge the colours , and retire unto our quarters . fire by forlorns , file-ways . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move . to each of these files there is a serjeant to lead them forth , and to fire them . fire by forlorn , rank-ways . musqueteers , make all ready . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move . rank inwards . musqueteers , make all ready . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move clear of the pikes , and stand close inwards . each division of musqueteers , move 6 , 8 , or 10 paces . stand. musqueteers , make all ready . the division in the front , stand ; the rest move forwards 6 , 8 , or 10 paces . stand. musqueteers , make all ready ▪ the divisions in the front , stand . the rest , move forwards , and even the front. stand. every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . the last ranks , face about . the first and last rank , wheel inwards . to your leader all . musqueteers in the front , fire , and wheel off to the left . and each division wheel off to the left at the same time , and possess each others ground . when they have all fired , command : to your leader all musqueteers , make all ready . the division in the front , stand . the division in the rear , face about . the division on the right , face to the right . the division on the left , face to the left , and port your pikes . to your leader all . the division on each flank , face to the center . the musqueteers in front and rear , face outwards . as you are now faced , march , and close . to your leader all . firings against horse . musqueteers , make all ready , port your pikes . the file leaders of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . file-leaders of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . front half files of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers in the front , rank inwards . musqueteers , make all ready ; and port your pikes . the first rank of musqueteers face to the right , and wheel off to the left , and place themselves on the front of the pikes . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . the first rank of musqueteers move , as before , and place themselves in the front of the pikes . fire , and stand . the next first rank move , and place themselves in the front. fire , and fall in the rear of them that fired before ; and so every rank move , and place themselves in the front : fire , and fall in the rear of the musqueteers in the front. musqueteers , make all ready . ranks , double inwards . port your pikes . then the body will be in this form following . to reduce the body . ranks , open forwards to double distance . the musqueteers on the right , face to the left . musqueteers on the left , face to the right . pass through the body , and change ground . the musqueteers on the right , advancing . the musqueteers on the left , retiring . to your leader all . ranks , close forwards to open order . stand. if the captain pleases , he may march them again , as he sees convenient . then draw the company up into a body , and close ranks and files to the midst , to close order . and if he has any thing to communicate unto his souldiers , to do it there at the head of the company . to lodge the colours . advance your pikes , and move . in the mean time , the serjeant forms the musqueteers , either in a body , or in a rank , to make a volley at the lodging of the colours . then all are discharged to retire to their quarters . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26329-e370 the bringers up of the right half of the body incline to the left ; and the bringers up of the left half of the body incline to the right , and pass through the interval up into the front : and the lest of the half files gratually after the other , while they have evened the front and the body . that is , those that are faced , the first man marches into his place , and so the rest successively . that is , to 3 foot distance between file and and file . that is , 6 foot distance from file and file . that is , to 12 foot distance between file and file . so you may command both ranks and files to open to double double distances , the which is 24 foot . that is , a foot and a half between file and file , and rank and rank . note , in all facings eito the right or to the left , to command the pike-men to advance their pikes , and the musqueteers to poise their musquets , and turn their bodies with their arms on their left heel onely . so many paces as you please . so many paces as you please . the angles are the four corners of the body . that is , all the divisions move at once , and leaving their own ground , each division marches into his predecessors ground . as before . as before . as before . that is , each division marches through its opposite division in the interval that is between file and file . as before . as before . as before . that is , to the middle of the body . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . that is , every even file from the right to place it self into the odd to the right . that is , every even rank from the front places it self into the odde to the right . as before the files and ranks placed to the right , these place themselves to the left . and place your selves as before . the rear half files incline to the right and march , in that interval that is on the right of them into the front. every even file from the left faces about ; or the half files that doubled to face about and march into their places . as before you inclined to the right , now you must incline to the left . every even file from the right faces about , and march and place themselves as before . the rear half files of the right half ranks , or of the right of the body , inclines to the right , and marches into the front. and the rear half files of the left half ranks , or of the left of the body , inclines to the left , and marches into the front. every even file from the middle faces about , and march into their places . as before they inclin'd to the right and left outwards , now they must incline to the right and left inwards . every even file from both flanks , face about , and march into your places . the bringers up of every file first incline to the right into the interval on the right of him , and the immediate man after him , and so the rest , and march into the front . that is , the first man in their march places himself into his place , and so the rest after one another . now the bringers up incline to the left , and march into the front , as before . the first man march , and the rest after him , and place themselves as before . bringers up , and the rest , march , and incline as before . march , and place your selves as before . the first rank opens , and makes an interval for the second rank to march in : then the first rank opens again , and leaves an interval for the next rank to march in : and so the rest . these 4 inmost files are but 4 single men ; but they represent files ; therefore they are called files . at their present standing they are proper files ; but when they are faced to the right , then they are ranks accidental . as before in the front. as before you performed it in the front , so now in the same manner perform in the rear . as before in the front , so now in the rear . as before to the right flank . as before you performed it to the right , now in the same manner to the left . when the front half files have faced outwards , and march'd , and left an interval , then the rear half files march into that interval up to the front. the 4 inmost files march forwards while they are clear of the rear half files ; then the rear half files face inwards and close . the front half files face to the right , and march while they are clear of the rear half files ; then face to the right again , and march to the rear . when the left half ranks have faced outwards and march , then the right half ranks march into the interval up to the left through the interval while they are clear of the left half ranks : then the left half ranks face inwards , and close . the left half ranks face about , and march while they are clear of the right half ranks ; then face to the left , and place themselves in the rear of the right half ranks . as before you doubled your front half files with your rear half files , in the same manner double your rear half files with your front half files . before the four inmost files doubl'd the two outmost files on each flank advancing , that is , to the front ; now you double your two outmost files retiring , that is , to the rear . rear half files , face to the left , and march while you are clear of the front half files ; then face them to the right , and march up to the front. perform this in the same manner as you did when right half ranks doubled the left half ranks entire on the left . the right half ranks march forwards while they are clear of the left half ranks ; then face them to the left , and march to the left while they are even with the left flank . the rear half files face outwards , and march while they are clear of the front half files ; then face them to the front and march up to the front. the four inmost files face about , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . the front half files face outwards , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them to the rear , and march down to the rear . the four inmost files much while they are clear of the red ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . the two inmost ranks face outwards , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards again , and march ▪ and even front and rear . the rear half files of the two outmost files face about , and the front half files of the two outmost files , and rear half files of the two outmost files march while they are clear of the rest ; then the fear inmost files face outwards and march , and even both flanks . the first and last ranks face outwards and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them in , and march , and close . the rear half files of the four inmost files face about . both front half files and rear half files of the four inmost files march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . each file-leader turns off to his right hand into the interval on the right of them , and the second rank moves up into the ground of the first and turns off , and so the rest , and keeps moving while the file-leaders are marched down into the rear . face them all to the right , and turn off to the right , and keep moving while the present file-leaders have marched up to the left flank . as before you performed it to the right , so now in the same manner to the left . as before to the right , so now to the left . as before when you did countermarch maintaining ground , the first turn'd ▪ off , and the second rank possess'd the ground of the first , and so the rest ; now the first rank turn and march down , and the rest stand , and do not turn and move while their present leaders are past them . as before . as before to the left , so now to the right . as before . the rear half files face about ; the front half files turn off to the right , and the rear half files turn off to the left ; and both keep marching while the file-leaders and bringers up move in the midst of the body . the body faces outwards ; the right half ranks turn off to the right , and the left half ranks turn off to the left , and keep moving while the right hand men and left hand men meet in the midst of the body . front half files face about ; front half files turn off to the right , and rear half files turn off to the left . the body faces inward ; the right half ranks turn off to the right , and the left half ranks turn off to the left . the body faces outwards , and both flanks turn off to the right , and pass through each other , while the right flank possesses the ground of the left flank and the left flank the ground of the right flank . rear half files face about , and both turn off to the right , and possess each others ground . as before you performed to the right , so now to the left , observing that you face the body outwards . as before to the right , now to the left , observing that you face the rear half files about . that is , the first rank stands , the next rank moves forwards , and place themselves before the first ; and so the rest , while every rank hath performed it . as before to the right , now to the left . as before . as before . that is , wheel the right half ranks to the left , and the left half ranks to the right , while the right and left half ranks face each other . face the body all about , and wheel the right and left half ranks as before . face all to the right , and wheel as before . face all to the left , and wheel as before . rear half files , face about , and wheel front and rear half files as before . face the body outwards , and wheel both flanks as before . that is , wheel the right half ranks to the left , and the left half ranks to the right , while they are even a breast , and march down into the rear . face all to the right , and wheel them as before into the left flank . face all about , and wheel them as before inwards up into the front. face all to the left , and wheel them as before into the right flank . wheel off the right half ranks to the right , and the left half ranks to the left down to the rear . face all to the right , and wheel them to the right and left outwards up to the left flank . face all about , and wheel them off to the right and left outwards up into the front. face all to the left , and wheel them to the right and left outwards up into the right flank . rear half files , face about , wheel off to the right and left outward up to the front on the outside of each flank . the 2 outmost files on each flank , stand ; the 4 inmost move forwards ; the right half wheel to the right , and the left half wheel to the left , while the file-leaders of the 4 inmost files face the 2 outmost files on each flank . rear half files stand , the front half files wheel off outwards down into the roar. the two outmost files on each flank stand : the four inmost files face about , and wheel off to the right and left outwards , and place themselves in the rear of the two outmost files on each flank . that is , to place them in the rear of the left half ranks . that is , to wheel them off to the right down to the rear , on the right of the rear half files . that is , to place them in the front of the right half ranks . rear half files face about , and wheel them off to the right up to the front , on the left of the front half files . that is , wheel them altogether to the right , while the front is where the right flank was . and to wheel the battle to the right again , is to wheel the front where the rear was . wheeling the battle to the right about , is to its proper front as it was at first . and the wheeling the battle to the left , or to the left about , is in the same manner . c for captain . l for lieutenant . e for ensigne . s for serjeant . d for drum. p for pike . m for musquet . first command , musqueteers , make ready all ; that is , prime , charge , cock , and guard . while the serjeants are leading their files to fire them , the captain closes the body . when the first rank has fired , they wheel off to the right and left , and place themselves in the rear of their own files ; and when they are all fired , each serjeant wheel off his file , and place them on the outside of their own flanks ; then draw forth the inmost files again , and fire them , and wheel them , and place them as before ; and so the rest , until all the musqueteers have fired . every even file from both flanks , face about , and place themselves behinde their present leaders . pikes in the front , port . before you fire , command the musqueteers on the left to face about . the musqueteers in the rear , face to the right . reduced . fire the musqueteers in the front ; when they have fired , wheel them off outwards , and fall in the rear of their own files . now fire the musqueteers in the front , and the file-leaders on each flank . when they have fired , wheel them off outwards , and fall in the rear of their own files . reduced . militarie instructions, or the souldier tried for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harquebusier, & on foote, as infantry, very necessary for such as desier to be studious, in the way of the art militarie. / never before published, by any, and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt. burt, nathaniel, fl. 1644-1655. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78014 of text r210291 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.10[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78014 wing b6144 thomason 669.f.10[9] estc r210291 99869103 99869103 162550 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78014) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162550) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f10[9]) militarie instructions, or the souldier tried for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harquebusier, & on foote, as infantry, very necessary for such as desier to be studious, in the way of the art militarie. / never before published, by any, and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt. burt, nathaniel, fl. 1644-1655. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill. s.n., [london : 1644] engraved caption title. dated at end: from the hermit at wapping, june 5. 1644. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military art and sciences -england -early works to 1800. a78014 r210291 (thomason 669.f.10[9]). civilwar no militarie instructions, or the souldier tried, for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harqu burt, nathaniel 1644 1511 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion militarie instructions , or the souldier tried , for the vse , of the dragon , being a part of cavalrie , for fierings , on horsback , as the harquebusier , & on foote , as infaritry , very necessary for such as desier to be studious , in the waye of the art militarie , never before published , by any , and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt fellow-souldiers , having upon some occasions viewed and looked upon some part of the booke of military instructions for the cavalry , &c. and finding it to speake so disrespectively of the books of infantrie , without exceptions , and for that he saith , the dragoone , or musquetier , must exercise himselfe to give fire on horse-back , as the harquebusier , &c. as you may read in his 31. cap. pag. 44. and yet leaveth him to be directed therein , by the infantry , i shall here take occasion to speake somewhat for the complete and perfect method of the young artillerie man , set forth by my honoured fellow-souldier and acquaintance , lievt. colonell barriffe , which for its sufficiency , and plainnnesse , to speak truly , i think as yet unparalleld in any language , which being perfectly apprehended and understood , will furnish the partie that shall understand it , in the rudiments ( god giving him courage to performe and act it sufficiently ) in most things . but i would intreat all souldiers to make use of , and store up experimentall knowledge : for as this war differeth much from other warres , so doth the severall skirmishings , and occasions ( therein : ) and resolution goeth very farre in it , so it be grounded upon judgment , and produceth many faire effects , through gods blessing . for the exercise of the dragoone , firing on horse-back , i will recite somewhat , i have seen , though in a more confused manner and way , and give some directions to performe the same . suppose the enemy retreating , and their horse facing while they draw off their great guns , and baggage , marching away with their infantry , they losing ground , retreat entire , together , with their cornets on the head of their troups , they being on a hill , having a deep and dangerous dale , to friend , fit to lay ambuscadoes in , besides the night approaching to help them , &c. here dragoones may do better service , firing on horse-back , then the curasier , the way being dubitable , &c. by advancing slowly after them , following them about musket shot , the curasier being withing such distance as is needfull , to relieve them , if that the enemy should seeme to charge , or attempt it : for the better performance thereof , they are to fire by introduction , on horse-back ; which is a passing through , or between the files , the files being at open order : the first rank having given fire , by the commanders direction , let the bringer-up passe through the files , which is commonly to the left , placing themselves before their leaders , in the front , and then giving fire , the rest of the ranks acting the same successively , till such time as they shall receive order to the contrary , or to close their files . i am loath to forme their place of march upon such occasions , but the van , or flanks , is most advantagious , and necessary for them , because from thence they can command , and send farthest , and make the best use , to line the hedges , or to beat up their ambuscadoes , if need require : but not knowing the scituation of the place , or the forme of the enemy , which they may pursue , i leave it to the wisdome of the commander , &c. secondly , a party of dragoones may fire retreating , on horse-back , and do good execution , they riding such a pace , as their occasion requireth , or the ground will permit , the last rank somtimes facing about , and firing upon the enemie , then wheeling off to the right , or left , as the ground best affords . i would advise them ( herein ) to keep their files close , and place themselves before their leaders in the front , till they receive order to the contrary . the dragoons having been sent forth for the taking some bridge , or stopping some passage , the enemy having possessed himselfe of it before them , and advancing towards their quarters , whether in field or garrison , and being too strong for them to encounter with , having retreated as before to their quarters , or some place of advantage , where they may secure their horses in the way , they being acquainted therwith before , and what scouts the enemy hath out , may give the enemy an unexpected volley of shot from some secret and unexpected place , which may offer it selfe to their view , which having performed , to mount suddenly againe , for better and sooner expedition , &c. for service to be performed by the dragoone in a siege , it is commonly on foot , wherefore i leave the direction thereof in firings to the severall and speciall occasions , as they shall arise , and their commanders give directions , further certifying , that by the skilfull , and truly valiant , it is sooner formed in field , then described by the pen , onely finding the cavalrie booke so full of good language and learning , and the dragoon , being made a part thereof , and left to anothers direction , i could do no lesse then vindicate my deceased fellow-souldiers book , ut supra . and as a testimony of my love to the school of war i was bred in , and my reall and hearty affections to my countrey , offer this my mite into the treasurie , with my humble prayers to the almighty , to convert us all unto him in his good time , and to send peace in this distracted kingdome , &c. from the hermit at wapping , june 5. 1644. postscript . gentle reader , accept of these lines in love , and correct them in love , so shall i be ingaged hereafter , further to publish such things as i shall find occasion , for thy benefit , onely for the present , i have commended to the cutters , or ingravers of copper , and so to the presse , for the seconding of the young artillerie-mans request , the motions of the posture for the musket and pike in their severall garbes and portraitures , as also the postures of the halfe pike joyned with the musket , being at this time required either for musketier or dragoone : but the present necessity calling upon this ( as i conceive ) hath caused me to set this forth alone : wherefore expect the other as soon as it can be finished . vale . your friend , nathanael burt. published according to order . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a78014e-30 for the marching postures of the dragoone , they are like the 23. and 24. figures in the booke of cavalrie ; i could wish they might have snap-hances on their muskets ; then the postures mentioned at the end of the 30. chapter would serve them on horse-backe , to make ready . i hope there is no musketier that is any part a posture man , but will finde way to make use of it , on horse-backe , although to fire on horse-backe is not so fully knowne . ( a ) i am perswaded there be many that have beene abroad have growne little in experience or valour , onely in pride and covetousnesse , to defraud : and i dare boldly say , such will never be souldiers , &c. ( b ) first , firing of the musketier on horse-backe by introduction , which i am of opinion is not overbalanced with danger , but the properest , one of them upon such an occasion : but i leave it to the judgement of others , according to my request at the end , &c. the second firing of the musketier on horse-backe . 3. the dragoone to fire on foot , if that he shall see occasion , and after fire given , to mount , &c. 4. the dragoone service in a siege , and how he is to behave himselfe , and to fire , &c. the loyal indigent officer being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers, which hath faithfully served his late majesty, of ever blessed memory, and his majesty that now is : with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers, which formerly hath appear'd, and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts and favours and, not contented, secretly contrived for more / written by charles hammond ... hammond, charles, 17th cent. 1670 approx. 41 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45382 wing h496 estc r21942 12261127 ocm 12261127 57903 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45382) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57903) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 187:1) the loyal indigent officer being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers, which hath faithfully served his late majesty, of ever blessed memory, and his majesty that now is : with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers, which formerly hath appear'd, and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts and favours and, not contented, secretly contrived for more / written by charles hammond ... hammond, charles, 17th cent. [12], 19 p. printed by e.c. for the truly loyal party, london : [ca. 1670] "presented to the kings most excellent majesty" date of publication from nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685. england and wales. -army -pay, allowances, etc. military pensions -england. great britain -history -restoration, 1660-1688. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-09 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the loyal indigent officer . being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers , which hath faithfully served his late majesty , of ever blessed memory , and his majesty that now is . with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers , which formerly hath appear'd , and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts , and favours , and not contented , secretly contrived for more . written by charles hammond . one of the truly loyal indigent officers . presented to the kings most excellent majesty . london , printed by e.c. for the truly loyal party to the high and mighty monarch , charles the ii. king of great brittain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith. dread soveraign , true loyalty hath imboldned me to present this subject to your majesty , not out of any sinester ends of mine own , but in the behalf of the truly loyal commission'd officers ; them that can declare and prove themselves so : and the causes of all their wants , sufferings , and indigencies , since your happy restauration : we must confess your majesty and parliament hath been bountiful unto us : but the sinester self-ends and covetousness , of some that hath had the managing of your gracious favours , hath left us still indigent officers ; and hath enricht themselves by our ruines . all that we humbly beg of your majesty , is for the king of kings sake , and for your blessed fathers sake , one of the best of kings ; that you would be so gragiously pleased , as to afford that small time as to peruse this book , or refer it to some that may give your majesty an account of it . here is nothing but truth in it , though it be deckt in a mean habit of poor language , being more souldier then scholar . thirty five years we have served and suffered for your royal father , of ever blessed memory , and your sacred majesty , above half the age of most of us . twenty years before your happy restauration , we spent our youths , our bloods , and what estates we had , in imprisonment , and bondage , in the time of rebellion , and after the murther and marthirdom 〈◊〉 your blessed father ; and now almost fifteen years since your happy restauration ( in indigency and much want many of us ) we hope your majesty after so long a time , will somthing provide for us , that we may not want food and raiment in our old age we have been forc'd to make fasting days , whilst those hath made feasting days ; which hath converted your majesties bounties and favours to their one use , that was ordered to be justly and honestly deal withal by them , for the relief of some of us . some of these having received double favours from your majesty , and not satisfied , are always contriving for more : we hope your majesty hath some left for us at last who can prove our loyalty , service and deserts , equal with some of theirs if not out ballance them , and out sufferings much more . we have no ●●dy under god to make our necessities and grievances known to , but our gracious majesty . it was formerly a proverb , that a friend in court , was better then a penny in purse ; but now no penny in purse , ●●w friends in court : we may wan●er with our good service and desert ●here we will , we shall scarce find ●mployment or preferment , for an in●igent officer ; unless he can bring angels with him to open their mouths , ●nd make them speak cheerfully : pray pardon me gracious soveraign , out of the abundance of the heart ●he mouth speaketh ) if i have been ●oo bold in my expressions , i hope your majesty will think it more my igno●ance , then presumption . may it please your majesty , i have ●ere in this small treatise , drawn out ●he truly loyal commission'd officers ; what they have been , what they now are , and how to be known ; which truly qualified , are not many now to be provided for . i have cleered the aspersions laid upon them to your majesty . likewise the causes of their indigency formerly , and lately , by the pretended loyal officers : which i hope your majesty will take it into your princely consideration , to provide some subsistance , that we may live and end our days with some comfort and content after our troubles , and so long sufferings , that we may pray for your majesties long life , happy reign , and prosperity in this life , and a crown of glory in the world to come : which shall be the prayers of your ever loyal subject and souldier ; to the utmost of my strength and power ; as i am in duty bound , charles hammond . may it please your majesty there is a list ready to present , when our majesty pleases to command it , of most of the truly loyal commission'd officers , that are here about the cities of london and westminster , and not provided for : which officers will make themselves out truly qualified , according as this book expresses : and desire to be tried by an inspection or examin'd by whom your majesty shall appoint : that it may be clearly made known they are such as deserves your majesties favours from those that are secretly contriving to purchase some benefits or rewards from your majesty ; and acted by some that are no such men , nor never had the commands as they go by : which we hope your majesty will be so graciously pleased , that when god shall put it in your majesties brest to provide for us , as we hope he speedily will ; that all such may be provided for , that are as they pretend to be ; which at the most , cannot be two hundred , less it may be , when truly examined , as they desire to be ; which as then can be no complaints , neither by the loyal commission'd officers , nor the pretended officers having been cleerly made out what they have been , the great necessity of many of the loyal party , hath imboldned us to press your gracious majesty so much as we have done , which we are bound to pray the lord will bless and prosper you in all your councels , and actions . the epistle to the reader . i know not into whose hands this small book may come into by chance , i shall be censured hardly by some for speaking the truth , ( i vallue it not ) i fear god and honour the king , before whom i am commanded to speak the truth : i must confess all truths at all times ought not to be spoke ; i have more ( if commanded by authority ) to utter , till then i wave it : if i have offended his majesty ( to whom i have dedicated these papers ) by my blunt or too bold expressions here , i humbly beg his pardon , which my loyalty and faithful service i hope shall procure ; being never guilty of presumptuous actions to displease his majesty ; i may procure enemies i confess , but none that truly fears god and honours the king : such whose unjust self ended and covetous actions hath rob'd the spittle ( as i may say ) and having enough themselves , snatcheth the bread from those mouths it was given to , that their tables may be furnisht the better , though some are ready to starve the whil'st : such as these may be my enemies for declaring the truth ; if thou art one of these that reads this book or a friend , to any such , tell them i am too old to fear , and and to great a sufferer to flatter . but if these papers , or my self lights into the hands of any such magistrates ( under his majesty ) as jethro propounded to moses ( to govern the people ) men fearing god and hating govetousness : i hope i shall deserve no frowns from them , if i have no favours . can you afford but so much time or patience to read these two sheets of paper , censure of it or me what you please , i write it not for self ends , benefit , nor honour ; i wish i had but as much skill to handle my pen as a scholar , as i have as a souldier ( according to the command i had ) i nor others should not be so much slighted by gown men , as we are now by some sword men , ( being old ) age is lookt upon in a pulpit or in the courts of iudicature , according to their learning and desarts . how old souldiers are lo●kt upon now according to their deserts , i leave it to the young souldiers to judge : all that we have to comfort our selves now ( many of us ) is a good conscience , and that we have served our king loyally and faithfully , and hope for a reward ; if not here , we hope hereafter . all that i have to say to the more , reader , i wish thee as well as thou wishest the prosperity of his majesty , and the peace of the kingdome , and all his loyal subjects , that serves him faithfully and honestly . so far i remain thine to the utmost of my power , charles hammond . the truely loyal indigent officer . an honourable title ; it was given us by act of parliament , not by any way of derision , but out of pitty ; considering our condition . they little thought we should retain our indigency so long . the gift his majesty and parliament gave us , 60000 l. men of understanding did judge it to be a princely and noble gift : besides his majesty was gratiously pleased to add to it the office money , which by most mens judgments ( that had understanding in the offices ) if honestly taxt and gathered , would amount to as much more at least . sixscore thousand pound ! ( a sum of money ) had it been rightly destributed according to the intention of the act of parliament , ( that was ) to the truly loyal indigent officers , it would a raised them considerable sums to imploy'd them , or purchas'd places , as those that were our enemies have done . but the report of this money to be given , so alarm'd the counterfit officers , that they conceited , and created themselves officers , grooms , serving-men , and pedees to colonels , and field-officers , made nothing of getting certificates to certify them leiutenants , cornets , ensigns , serjants , corporalls , sentenells , and private troopers to make themselves ensigns , cornets , and quarter-masters : then there was your paper officers ( as i may call them ) that could come up and lye at little charges here in london ; one aturney would serve to lye here for the letters of aturney of two or three shires of such officers : they would venture their names and certificates with them at half snips , or as much in the pound according as they could agree for : most of them knowing it was all clear gains , if they got any . in conmming up to clam it themselves , they knew here were them that would know their faces , if ever they shew'd them with credit in his majesties army : but they thought they were not act proof if they came within shot of the truly loyal officers ; therefore they would pickeer at a distance a far off , and their aturnyes to stand the danger . i will not say but some of them may be right , and the owners truly qualified : but i beleive not the third part according to the act of parliament , for after the act came out there was them that made a good living by creating , and perswading many to be captains and officers both in city and country ; it is too tedious to relate the cheats that was in that list of officers : to my knowledge ( that was in the western army , and in one regiment from the first to the last ) a drum put in for lieutenant , a captain ( when examined ) did not know his lieutenat colonel . eleven ensigns to the regiment that i belonged too , and neer but ten colours flying at first : two quartermasters to that regiment of foot , and no such men known by the colonel , nor my self , ( that continued to the last in it ) and many officers we never knew , dead men that were comsum'd in their graves long before this act came out ; their names appear'd here by conjurations of some or other to cheat real indigent officers . these letters of aturney-marchants gain'd well enough to keep themselves from indigency , some they never paid , and thought it no deceipt to deceive the deceivers , the honestes of them ( if there were any ) took such fees of their clyants , they will scarce be trusted with any busines of consequence by any honest party since , it is the beleif of many honest gentlemen that the unlawful letters of aturney that were paid , made paid , and unpaid , hath juggled away as much money as would satisfy most of the indigent officers that are left : there was another sort of pretended officers put in for a share of this money ! that never had men , nor commissions neither , many of them ; it was an easy matter towards the latter end of the wars to gain a commission to raise a regiment , his majesty trusting them on their own words ( with little knowledge of them , may be , upon their great promises ) these colonels presently made their captains , and other officers , and so rides up and down the country to raise men and horses upon the countries charge , living upon free-quarters , and gathering contribution ; never giving accoumpt to field army , nor garison , nor never troubling them , till forc'd by the enemy to make their retreat , and so sleep in a whole skin ; these making more enemies ( rather then helping to destroy them ) by their plundering , and cowardly actions , which turned the hearts of many that wish'd his majesty , and armys well at first : these , and such like , made up this number of 5400. and odd commissioned officers ; enough for three camp-royals of horse and foot ( besides those that had estates , imployments , and commands ( that did not put in ) which was a shame to our english nation , to have a kingdom conquered , and such a pious prince murdered before his own palace ( for want of an army ) the number of officers sufficient enough to conduct a hundred thousand foot , and forty thousand horse ; such an army of politick genera's , couragious commanders , and well disciplin'd and resolved souldiers , need not have fear'd to a marcht to the walls of constantinople , and make an honourable retreat , if not conquer'd the great turk ( had we not lost the hearts of the truly ancient brittains ) but what should i talk of so many officers , when there were not by the judgment of those that knew this list , not fifteen hundred that were truly qualified , according to the act of parliament ; yet all these officers past muster in the list and book , and past inspection for all that ever could be justly proved against them . thus have i made it appear , what a number of money hath been paid , and made paid most of it , to an unknown number of men , so according as it was ordered , this 60000 l pound , and that office money that was paid , would amount to but 40 days pay to them that did receive it , and two years before we could get it ; so as it was given for a help for some subsistance for us , it made us more indigent than we were ; for it cast many of us in prison , running more in debt then the money would pay . what here i have declared , i know there is many gentlemen are sensible of the truth of it . his majesty likewise was graciously pleased , after this to grant a patten for six years , to those commission'd officers that were here about the city , that had no imployments , nor subsistance of a livelihood , till his majesty could make a more ample and lasting provision for them ; as is more fully exprest in the letter patten , there was trustees chosen ( thirteen , i must confess ) by some of us , but we could very well a spared half of them , for they have shuffled and cut so with the party ( which is two hundred and odd ) that they have gain'd but a very little by their dealing : there is no body can tell their gains , ( nor they cannot say themselves , they are loosers ) in a matter of fourteen or fifteen months after the setting up of the lotteryes , there was account given ( i know not whether it was upon oath , for i heard of none they took , but the oath of secrecy amongst themselves ; which one of their own party confest , when he was askt how the business went by one of us ) they having the managing and letting of all lotteryes , for that time , the plate lottery at charing cross , where his majesty and the royal family was pleased to honour it ; not only with their persons , but likewise with their purses : there was plentiful throwing into that lottery , according to the drawing out . and likewise , they had the benefit of many plate lotteryes , in divers places that year ; and the letting and setting of the other lotteryes that brought in handsom sums of money ; besides the royal oak lottery , which was more considerable then all the rest : now after your necessary and unnecessary charges was deducted , it was brought to eleven days pay a piece to the party ; which was but a very small sum , as i shall make it appear at last , there was a greater sum of money left for you thirteen , then for all the rest of the party besides : each one of you allow'd your selves more than you allow'd a whole regiment of officers , ( quarter-masters excepted ) you would let none of them come in for a share ; intending to quarter us your selves with a quarter part of the royal oak , and judged it enough for us by your bench of thirteen , your chair-man judge , and a full jury ( if you all sate ) to take his part : but now so much of the time being gone , and so little profit appeared , the party began to murmure , then to show your good intentions you had for the benefit of the party , you were contented the city and country should be devided in lots amongst us , who had the drawing of them i know not : but the city of london must be your share , ( with some others that you chose ) which was more responsable then all the countries could be ; for all the rest of the party not bearing the charges of any that should go to manage them , according as you had and did manage it ; and had it not been for the royal oak ( which you did strive to keep all for your selves too ) most of the party had had nothing of all the lotteries ever since ; at last you did allow us the fourth part of that ; but we must believe your honest words , ( i hope you did not misreckon your selves ) we cannot judge it to be an even account , it comes so just to two days and a quarter a piece each officer , twice a year paid ; them that keeps those lotteries for you , keeps a very good correspondency ; they know we are so poor , a little gain will please us , so they bring us in not loosers : ten days pay and three quarters we have had since , who you have been pleased to pay , which doth amout to a labourers hire formerly a peny a day one officer with another , it will not pay for their lodging , let them shift for meat , drink , and cloths , how they can . now ( our trustees ) thinking we were not content with this small sallery we had from them ( as well they might ) nor they satisfied for the pains and care they took for us , shuffled a third part of us off , that are left alive : the pattern being nere out , having friends and money to boot , hath got the royal oak for themselves ( which they thought the fourth part was enough for all of us before ) and left the rest of the lotteryes to some other officers which his majesty hath been pleased to give them to . i wish them happiness in the enjoyment of them , and may prove to their expectations ; but our trustees are sure of the wheat , whatsoever the rest proves . i am sure there 's none of them can say , they are indigent officers now , whatsoever some of them could before they were chosen trustees . but the number that chose them were not many more then their selves , and if to choose again , would scarce give their votes for half of you now , in a smaller business of trust . i am so charitable to think if some of the trustees had sate at the helm in your steed , that did , they would a steer'd a better course of conscience , than you that sate twice a week , and your wills a law , having the purse in your hand . out of conscience i tell you this , for dealing so unconscienceably by me and others , granting power , and authority , and receiving rent , promising to vindicate men , and make them stand tryals , to their utter ruine , and will not be at a penny charge ; yet allowing your selves such salleryes and interest , t is a shame here to relate , ( which will be proved ) by the plate lotteries , which two of you took upon you to manage , in the behalf of a party ; where their lot fell in the country : one of these persons hath iumpt ( since his name was in the printed book , amongst the 5000. indigent officers ) from a cornet to a captain , and never headed troop nor company since , whatsoever he did before ; nor i believe will never be chronicled for his acts of piety , charity , or valour . to carry on his designs as the party knows by experinnce ; since he hath had the handling of the business , it is his policy to trust none of the party with any business of our own , where he hath had the managing of it , neither in the plate lotteries , or royal oak , but give good salleries to others , which would a been a good relief for some of us ; that i believe was as able and as honest as any were implo'd , and would a given a good satisfacton of your integrety to those that were mistrustful of you ; but you thought they were not fit for your secrecy , and therefore not fit for your service : but some of you ( say we ) are a discontented people , and never satisfied what is done for us : let all men that hath any conscience , or christian reason in them , judge , after i have as near as i can , cast up how much you have been pleased to allow us , since you have been our stewards ; whether we have not had more reason to complain than give you thanks for your pains and care you have taken for us this six years : the first payment we had a 11 days pay from you , out of all the lotteries , and 10 days & 3 quarters pay since out of the royal oak ; which makes not 22 days pay in all , cast up for the time , it amounts to about six pence a day , between a colonel of horse , and a collonel of foot ; other field-officers , on with another , not two-pence a day : a captain of horse and foot , three half-pence a day , three pence between them . leiutenant ensigns , and cornets , about a half-penny a day , one officer with another , not two-pence a day to maintain them . i would have you reason with them , how they have spent and consumed it , and not benefitted themselves by it as you have done , but murmure at your actions : the servants that you have imploy'd for the managing of our business , that you were intrusted for , hath made their saleryes many days better then a regiment of officers pay , hath been a day ( and good keeping by you besides ) i hope you have gain'd this six years sufficient enough by us ; what we have gain'd by you , i have made it appear , i hope when it is known how we have been dealt withal , since his majesties restauration , as this book relates part , we cannot be blam'd formaking our grievances so much known , and have had so little done for us yet , and long of such as have had the managing of our business . i hope you will give an account what moneys you have left in your treasury , of those that are dead since , and either pay it to the widows , children , or to them that relieved them ( when you would not ) unless they would administer , and so it may be undo themselves , for that little you would do for them . if you have not the curses of the widows and fatherless , i am afraid you have the prayers of very few ; if you have done for us as you would be done to your selves you have done like loyal subjects , and good christians ; and i wish your prosperity according , the same i wish to my self : give loosers leave to speak the truth , and not all neither , till occasion serves . if i have drawn you out here with my pen , it is not to the life , for i have shadowed you ; and it is well known to some of you your selves and to others ; for the present i shall leave you , as you have left us : if we be thrown out of your favours , which i am apt to believe you had never none for us ( unless it were for your own ends ) we hope we shall not be thrown out of his majesties favour , nor none that truly loves those that faithfully served him ; as i shall make it appear who they are , and how to be known , from those that takes the names and titles , of loyal commission'd officers . there is your truly loyal commission'd officer and your truly loyal indigent officer . two titles , but one subject ; different in habits , but all one in hearts : some it may be hath some livelihood , credit , subsistence , some friends , in hopes of somthing to be done for them . others may have imployments during pleasure ( not life ) subject to be turned out , because of their age ; but others again as i know hath neither , so indigent , and their wants so great , they are ashamed to make it known ; men fit , deserving men to be trusted in honest imployments , and as able to perform , which i believe his majesty knows not off : and there are them that knows those things , but being provided for themselves , grows forgetful of their fellow-sufferers : the pretended loyal commission officers , hath been the cause of those things , and the aspertions that hath been laid upon us besides : the truly loyal commission'd officer , is he that can make himself out so , according to the title and command he had formerly : having a real command of men answerable , and able to perform the duty of a souldier ; according to that command ; that served his prince for loyalty , not lucre ; that feared neither the complaints of the souldiers , nor the countries to rise against him , for abusing , or wronging of them , that served and suffered till the last , without deserting ; that never was a shame to his king , nor the cause he undertook by his deboist living or behaviour , that strived as much to serve god , as he did to honour and serve his king. these are brave principles ( you will say ) to be found in commanders , and souldiers : such as never wisht his majesty nor his armies well : say , there were very few then , and appears as few now , but it is well known to them that were in the armies of either side that there were many such in all parts of his majesties armies ; there is many lies now in the earth , whose memories will never dye on earth : some dyed in the field of honour ; others murthered for their loyalty . i will name none , but let truth and equity judge ; and then their actions in all parts where they were known , will sound their fame to those that are now living , and strives to imitate them , which is no disgrace to a souldier to be religious as well as valorous ; some of those men ( i mean ) though not declared here , had been brought up in other parts beyond the sea ; before they had occasion to show their valour and knowledge here in his majesties service , and were not ashamed to own they were commanded , before they came to command , and knew what belong'd to a souldier from a sentinel , to a general , and of good birth ; which if now living , would not despise age and poverty , in old deserving souldiers , ( and officers formerly ) as some do ; and lookt upon as such pittiful fellows , that deserves more disgrace or shame to be thrown upon them , for their loyalty and good service , then either charity or equity , to be done for them ; as for example , two that are now in good offices ( which i shall not name ) and are imploy'd about business that lyes in dispute , concerning the loyal indigent officers ; one of them was pleased to say , what a stir there was about a company of idle fellows ; let them go to work for 3 pence a day : the other spoke more inveterate words , which ( i shall wave relating here ) i know not what they have been , nor what their parents were ( though now got in good imployments ) such words they spoke , savours more of the seed of rebellion than loyalty ; and like to have good proceedings from such agents , if they could bear sway : how such men ought to be honoured with preferment , i leave it to all honourable gentlemen , that belongs to the courts of england to judge of it ; they have neither law nor gospel of their side to defend themselves , to belch out that hatred they have in their hearts against souldiers , and gentlemen that had estates , and could a liv'd well without working , ( being never bred to it ) before rebellion got the upperhand . solomon the wisest king that ever was , held such as were men of war to be more honourable then to be imploy'd in servile work , such as he imployed strangers in , and the people of the land. when the souldier askt john baptist what they should do , he did not abhor them but admonisht them : do violence to no man , neither accuse any falsey , and be content with your wages . as allowing the calling , but reforming the abusers . blame me not to declare to the world how much true loyalty is look'd upon in indigency ? not only by them that were our enemies ? but likewise those that hath profest themselves our friends , and such as hath served his majesty faithfully ( it may be too ) only got the start of us ; being prefer'd , or provided for ; have they but good cloaths and money in their pockets , they will either shun ye , or look on one side , and take no notice of you , or give you a complement , with your servant sir , scorn you for your cloaths sake , fearing you should disgrace them , or put them to charge with your company ; being puft in heart , as much as in habit ; forgetting what you were , having forgot themselves , not minding what shifts they nor we have been put too in the time of rebellion , leaving our own country , and habitations ; taking any honest courses to live in remote places , where they knew not what we had bin , rather then desert the cause we fought for , or make shipwrack of our conscience and loyalty , either to serve or adheer to our enemies . there were some to my knowledge , might a had preferment , and the same commands under them , when they were in prison , at the latter end of the vvars , if they would a took up arms under them . the skill of a pilot is best known in a tempest : the worth of a souldier in the day of battel ; and the true principles of a christian , in the times of persecution . it was the words of her that was a cherisher of such , and knew the worths of them . such as hath indured the brunts of all these in their youths , and prime age , ought not to be disdained now they are old. jesus the son of sirach in ecclesiasticus , the 26. chap. the 28 ver . he saith , there was two things that grieved his heart , to see a man of war suffer poverty ; and men of vnderstanding not set by . though it be in the apocraphy , it is not to be despised by any that hath any christian charity in them : i hope this book will light into the hands of some that are such as the son of sirach was ; that will grieve that our poverty hath lasted so long and will be instruments to move his majesty in our behalfs ; that some speedy course may be thought on , for those that are left alive , that we may not be made a scoff on by such as are our enemies in their hearts to us for our loyalty , and deride us to our faces , as much as they durst for our indigency ; the aspertions that hath been laid upon our party , i believe hath been the causes that we have been so long not provided for ; saying we are a discontented people , and will not be satified for what is done for us ; delighting in swearing , and drinking : domineering what they have bin , and what command they had , ( when proved to the contrary . ) i must confess t is this sort of idle , vapouring , counterfeit-officers , hath made us all fare alike ; and it is those that makes such a number , his majesty knows not who to provide for . this raiseth the discontent that is amongst us : takes upon them the titles of collonels , that c●nnot prove they had a real command of a troop or company ; and if put to the tryal , know not how to decipline either . it is as strange to hear of a leiutenant collonel now amongst us , as it was to hear of a leiutenant beyond sea , that went over after the vvars was done here , ( some majors ) captains indeed good store : that title is so common , that if you can get but a good suit of cloaths , and money in your pocket , you shall raise a company , shall adopt you captain in the first tavern you come to ; and seal your commission with a hundred damnme's : and in a vveek or fortnight ranting with you , conceit your self you are a real captain indeed ; when an indigent captain is asham'd to own himself what he hath been in his deplorable garb and countenance . he that was a real officer , will take it as a jeer to be coxt with titles of higher honour then what he hath been . i know some ( and others besides my self ) that owns themselves to be collonels , majors , and captains , that if come to the test , cannot prove themselves any such men formerly , if they prove themselves any thing at all : yet some of these hath took upon them to inspect others , and would not be inspected themselves by those that knew them . these may say we are discontented people , if we be with them we can shew very good reasons for it . i must confess these are those that hath been the cause that such odiams hath been cast upon us , by their deboistness , swearing , domineering , and drinking : some that hath vapour'd more with their words , then ever they did with their swords formerly in the army : telling what fights they have been in , and what acts they have done ( when none to contradict them ) binding it with horrid oaths . some hold themselves no souldiers , till they can gracelesly , ( as a grace to them ) thunder out bloody oaths ; common swearing maketh one apt to forswear himself , which is a fearfull sin , not left unreveng'd of god ; in great persons the abuse of gods name by horrible swearing , and dam'd oaths , the lord tells us , a curse remains upon them , and threatens to cut them off : 't is a horrid sin , ( too much used ) some out of passion , and some out of custom , makes nothing of it in their drinking : vvhich sin had made us odious in the sight of god and man. 't is that which has been cast upon the kings party formerly , though hated by many officers , and as strictly reprooved and punisht by them in their souldiers . vvell may a souldier plead priviledge to it , when he sees his officers makes a custom of it : how can parents correct their children for those sins which they may say , they learn'd of them . i wish it were not so much us'd amongst the loyal party as it is : they say , oppression will make a wise man mad ; we have had oppression enough by our enemies , and abused sufficiently , by our pretended friends . i count it not wisdom to abuse god in swearing , and cursing of them , in thinking to revenge our self thereby : for matter of deboystness , and drinking , which is laid upon the party . for my part i know there hath been them that hath walkt from morning till night , and could scarce meet with a breakfast , or mornings draught ; though they have met with them that could a reliev'd them with both , ( some of our trustees ) nor lend them a shilling if they had askt them , though they know how to pay themselves , unless you would sell your lot or part to them ; then they would find money : as wants hath made many done of late , having neither imployments , trades , nor credit ; having wearied all our friends , and relations , with promises , hoping we shall have some ways provided for us , to satisfie them , and relieve us : there are many of us i believe if they had it , would not see one another want . many times we meet and are glad we can make our selves merry with melancholly and hopes together , more than our purses are able to do in drink ! we that had little or nothing left , when his majesty was returned , cannot have that plenty now , as to waste it in superfluities of meat and drink : we have made hard shifts for food and raiment , and been content with little drink : but it is none but a never contented party that says we are a discontented party , and would have nothing done for none but themselves , unless they have a part in it , that will cast aspertions upon those they thinks will declare the truth against them ; thinking that by that favour they have got , to throw all out of favour but themselves ; and those that can flatter with them for fear , or self-ends . i hope those that can appear before his majesty , or whom he shall appoint , and make themselves cleerly out , that they have been truly loyal commissioned officers , and such as they declare themselves to be in the list , faithful subjects to his majesty , from the first to the last ; and no such persons of carriage nor behaviour , as some are pleased to render them : but such , as when examin'd , shall be found as deserving men ( according to their commands they had ) as those that hath been pleased to report us such persons , because of our poverty , and nothing done for us ; then it will be found it is more their malice , and covetousness , than any religion , or fear of god they have in them ; as shall appear between their actions and ours , e're long , when the truth is made known to those that may have the hearing of it : which is the cause i have vvrite this book . first , to acknowledg what his majesties care and love hath been for us , in providing as we thought , a subsistance for us , if it had been manag'd according to the intentions of the act of parliament , for the performing of it . secondly , to make it appear we are no such discontented persons , but content , if not abused . thirdly , how much hath been done for us , and how little it hath come to ; and long of those that hath been intrusted in the managing of it . and lastly , if his majesty be graciously pleased to do any thing for us , we desire to make it known we are such men as we report our selves to be , truly loyal commissioned officers , having had real commands according to our titles ; very indigent many of us , and not provided for ; which we shall leave it to god and his majesty , to look upon us according to our loyalty , and sufferings : knowing none will be offended , that truly fears god , and honours the king . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45382-e540 2 chron. 8.9 . luke 3.14 . queen eli. zach. 5.3 . monday, december 17. 1660. whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the nation, are by order of parliament discharged, and sent with recommendations unto their respective counties and places, where they did last reside, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83878 of text r210864 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.26[36]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83878 wing e2783 thomason 669.f.26[36] estc r210864 99869617 99869617 163918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83878) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163918) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f26[36]) monday, december 17. 1660. whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the nation, are by order of parliament discharged, and sent with recommendations unto their respective counties and places, where they did last reside, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john bill, printer to the king's most excellent majestie, london : mdclx. [1660] title from caption and opening lines of text. signed: w. jessop, clerk of the commons house of parliament. an order of the house of commons for parochial relief of maimed soldiers and pensioners. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military pensions -england -early works to 1800. a83878 r210864 (thomason 669.f.26[36]). civilwar no monday, december 17. 1660. whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the n england and wales. parliament. 1660 312 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monday , december 17. 1660. whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy , formerly a great charge to the nation , are by order of parliament discharged , and sent with recommendations into their respective counties and places , where they did last reside , but are not accordingly received , or relieved by the respective justices of the peace : it is therefore ordered by the commons in parliament assembled , that all and every the justices of the peace in all counties , corporations , and places within his majesties dominions , do take speedy care , and make provision , according to the statute for maimed souldiers , and that of 43. of queen elizabeth concerning the overseers for the poor , for the relief and livelyhood of such pensioners , maimed souldiers , widows , and orphans as come unto them , with such recommendations signed with the hands of thomas lord fairfax , sir gilbert gerard , sir anthony irby , sir william wheeler , sir iohn robinson , sir francis gerard , sir thomas meeres , sir thomas clergis , iohn birch , william prynn , edward king , gilbert gerrard , richard knightly and michael mallet esquires , or any three of them , being members of the committee of parliament , appointed to discharge the said pensioners . and that this order be forthwith printed , and that the knights , citizens and burgesses do convey the same unto the respective places for which they serve in parliament : reminding the said justices of the necessity of this good work , and of the laws made concerning the same . w. jessop , clerk of the commons house of parliament . london , printed by john bill , printer to the kings most excellent majestie . mdclx . a proclamation, appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires, & calling out the heretors, &c. proclamations. 1688-09-18 scotland. sovereign (1685-1688 : james vii) 1688 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92668 wing s1697 estc r230233 99899464 99899464 153564 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92668) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153564) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2370:29) a proclamation, appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires, & calling out the heretors, &c. proclamations. 1688-09-18 scotland. sovereign (1685-1688 : james vii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1688. "militia to meet with best arms and 48 hours' provisions. ... all persons between 60 and 16 to repair to the rendezvous when beacons are fired." -steele. at end of text: given under our signet at edinburgh, the eighteenth day of september, one thousand six hundred and eighty eight years. and of our reign the fourth year. arms 237; steele notation: faith, of this. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military maneuvers -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. scotland -militia -mobilization -early works to 1800. scotland -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i●r honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires , & calling out the heretors , &c. james by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as by the thirty second act of our first parliament , we were graciously pleased , for the ease of our people , to discharge the ordinary rendezvouzes of our established militia , during our royal pleasure . and now we having thought fit for the good of our service , and security of our royal government , that the foot-regiments of our militia of the town of edinburgh , mid , east and west-lothians , fife and kinross , perth , stirling , mers and forfar , should be rendezvouzed , at the times , and places , and under the commanders after-mentioned : therefore we with advice of our privy council , do hereby strictly require and command , that all persons lyable in outriek of the said militia-foot regiments , in the foresaid shires , do peremptorly send out their respective proportions , as formerly , with their best arms , and with fourty eight hours provision , viz. the regiment of our good town of edinburgh , at the links of leith , upon tuesday next , the 25 instant , at ten a clock in the forenoon , under the command of the lord provost of edinburgh , and in his absence , under the command of the first baillie ; the regiment of mid-lothian , at the said time and place , under the command of the earl of lauderdale ; the regiment of east-lothian , the said time , at the burgh of haddingtoun , under the command of sir james hay of linplum ; the regiment of-west lothian , the said time , at the burgh of linlithgow , under the command of the earl of linlithgow , our justice general ; the east regiment of fife , at the town of levin , the said day and time , under the command of the earl of belcarras ; the west-regiment of that shire , upon wednesday thereafter , the 26 instant , the said time , at the burgh of kirkcaldie , under the command of the said earl of belcarras ; the regiment of stirling-shire , at sauchenfoord , the 25 instant , at the above-written hour , under the command of the earl of callendar ; the regiment of berwick-shire , the foresaid time , at the town of dunce , under the command of the earl of hume ; the regiment of forfar , at the burgh of forfar , the said day and time , under the command of the earl of strathmore ; the west regiment of perth-shire , at auchterardor , the foresaid time , under the command of sir john drummond of machany , or in his absence , james grahame of urchle ; and the east regiment of that shire , at the same time , at the inch of st. johnstoun , under the command of the marquess of athole , lord privy-seal , or whom he shall appoint : and ordains the saids regiments to continue in the respective places above-written , in a body , for the space of 48 hours : in which time they are to receive further orders from us , or our privy council . hereby strictly charging and commanding all heretors , liferenters , leaders , and others , any manner of way lyable in out-reik of the said regiments , to give punctual obedience to this our royal will and pleasure , under the pains contained in the acts of parliament anent our militia : requiring also the saids persons now nominat by us , to send in exact accounts from their said first meeting , to our chancellor , what commissionar officers are wanting in their respective regiments , that we may supply the same , as in our royal wisdom we shall think fit ; hereby likewise requiring and commanding all persons , whether officers or souldiers of the saids regiments , to give cheerful obedience to those intrusted by us in this command , and that as they will be answerable at their highest peril , and appoints and commands the respective sheriffs and their deputs , to cause prepare beacons at north-berwick-law , gairlntoun-hill , st. abbs-head , coldinghame-moor , arthures-seat , dininicker-law , kellie-law , largo-law , easter-lowmont in fife , and the bass ; upon which places the respective sheriffs are hereby ordered to cause kindle beacons , how soon they see any considerable number of ships appearing on the coasts of this kingdom . and strictly requires and commands all fencible persons , our leidges in the saids bounds , betwixt sixty and sixteen , in their best arms , to repair to the respective places appointed for the rendezvous of the said shires , and that immediatly upon their having notice of the firing of the saids beacons , or either of them . and likewise hereby requiring all heretors , liferenters , and wodsetters , to be ready with their best horses and arms , to attend our host , whenever they shall be requi●●d tereto , and that under the pains and pe●alties contained in the acts of parliament anent absents from our host . and to the end our royal pleasure in the premisses may be made publick and known , our will is , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent , these our letters ●een , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the shires of this kingdom , and other places needful , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of our royal pleasure in the premisses . and recommends to the most reverend the arch-bishops , and right reverend bishops , to caus read this our royal proclamation in all the pulpits of this kingdom , upon the first next lords day , in the forenoon , immediatly after divine service , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the eighteenth day of september , one thousand six hundred and eighty eight years . and of our reign the fourth year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . will. paterson , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , prin●●r to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1688. tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts, july 12. 1651. being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert, 1625-1685. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96379 of text r206613 in the english short title catalog (thomason e637_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96379 wing w1876 thomason e637_10 estc r206613 99865732 99865732 117981 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96379) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117981) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 98:e637[10]) tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts, july 12. 1651. being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert, 1625-1685. [8] p. printed by j.g. for r. royston, at the angel in ivie-lane, london : 1651. r.w. = robert whitehall. in verse. signatures: a⁴. the first word of the title is transliterated from the greek. annotation on thomason copy: "july 16th". identified as wing w79 on umi microfilm set "early english books, 1641-1700" reel 1940. reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and the bodleian library, oxford ("early english books, 1641-1700" reel 1940. eng military art and science -england -poetry. a96379 r206613 (thomason e637_10). civilwar no tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts,: july 12. 1651. being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert 1651 2241 3 15 0 0 0 0 80 d the rate of 80 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion τέξνη-πολιγαμία : or , the marriage of armes and arts , july 12. 1651. being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend . by r. w. quae sequitur manca est numero sensuque propago . academia ◆ oxoniensis ◆ printer's or publisher's device london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . 1651. authori malè feriato quae sequuntur . sarcinulam hanc quicunque vides , digitoque flagellas , si vis vulcano mittere , quin & emis ? ut cineres volutent , ( sursum leve ) at anguis in urnâ , qui te ( si tu nos ) sibilet , ardelio . pone supercilium , leget haec nemo hercule ? nemo ? cedo aurem ; — effectum des , & is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} eris : si subitos casus vel adhuc damnaveris , audi , — scire tuum nihil est , dicito scire meum . τέξνη-πολομαγαμία : or , the marriage of arms and arts , &c. now ! are ye not all infidels that thought the long-expected act would come to nought ? as if mars still were heathen , had to doe with venus , and not with minerva too : as if such termes as these were opposite , the sword and th' word , attlas and th' stagirite ; termes meerly identicall , by grammer law , s●suae protestatis littera ; so ars and mars by an aphaeresis become the very same , ( shake hands and kisse ; ) as if the gowne were aw'd by the commander or aristotle at odds with alexander ; as if the snake about the knowledge tree still had his sting , still his malignity . arts now and armes united , their protector is no fictitious george , but reall hector . in him old authors all doe acquiesce ( unlesse don scotus be againe i' th' presse ) but zanchius , dan sennert : and all the maps may chink within their chaine nor feare mishaps ; euclid was never in esteeme more high since * romulus began to fortifie ; when he ( the proto-leveller ) had thrown ( impregnable ! ) three mole-hills into one . but misty scotus speaks as far from true as bonnet from square-caps , as black from blew ; or case from fiddle , as a groome or page from high and mighty bajasets i' th' cage . hee 's knotty and obscure , ( so fare him well ) an other speaks more in a syllable ; it could not sink of late into our thoughts will : cartwright would goe off for 13. groats ; since whom 't was blaz'd that pegasus was dead o' th' staggers , or a dyzinesse i' th' head , but since his hoofe was pick't and par'd , 't is found , he sets his foot more firmely on the ground . judgements the traytor , phant'sie is allow'd , shee s above all , but never in a clowd ; or if she be obfuscate , phoebus will enlighten her , and sometimes guide the quill ; but where the clowd upon the brow appeares , the bitten lipp , the blewnesse of the eares ; starting and gazing north in stead of east , these are the characters , beware the beast . but poets , ( poore may blossomes ) know not how to be disloyall , or to knit the brow ; if they offend 't is on some pleasing theames ( i hope no arraigning phantsie for her dreams , ) they never hold up hands but when they see lex talionis , or some prodigie : they have no iron-mittons , socks indeed or buskins they can lend you for a need ; but heer 's no rollo , no pale vmbra — no , others have had too much of that , and so this leads me to the act , where doth appeare a jubile in th' one and fiftieth yeare . roome then ; but yet no amphitheater ( the caledonian bore may fight elsewhere ; ) no captaine otto with bull beare and horse , or what may fright the female gender worse : no melancholly scene of dumpish love brought in a maze , or cupid from above : no porcupine , no dancing on the rope , no nipping cardinall , or cramping pope : no roscius , no taylor on the stage , no cane , nor timothy ( to please the page ) though none of these , though playes are out of date and exits formidable grown of late ; though neither mimick fond , nor satyr rough to make the maddam leave behind her muff ; yet somewhat was presented by the arts of higher nature , and as many * parts besides trojani ludi and florales , and ( to prevent ill luck ) * apollinares ; and you 'l confesse this rolling eye so cleare , more spectacles had beene pleonasmes here . now for a stand 5. crownes , — the devill is o're lincolne — brazen nose is not amisse ; jove's * phaenix , and our brother phaeton forbid too neer approaches to the sun . break out the worlds bright eye ! see how they muster like autumne grapes in one entire ripe cluster ! their full-fraught sable gownes so large and wide demonstrate they can sayle 'gainst winde and tide . thus zephyrus brings his offering , that the sweat of either sex added to july's heat ( corrected ) might such atoms get , such men , ( by plato's rule ) as oedipus agen . wee 'l side with him in this , ( nor care who know it ) so hee 'l allow the common-wealth a poet . ( the musick-lecturer if he had put on all his platonick ladies , they had got one . ) those vestall virgins that came up to light their fire extinct at phoebus ere 't was night , here i could break times hower-glasse that run the day away before it was begun . some say , sol took fresh horses that could fly , and that he borrow'd two of * edgerly : when shining in his face , he got's good will , ( and then young hercules he call'd him still ) and told him if deny'd , he 'd make him passe for th' sarazan through a multiplying-glasse : and so , by consequence , against his will , be th' * signe and carrier too upon snow-hill . help here ye water-nymphs , and give a word with glosse enough to set out oxen-ford ; would i were now i' th' sell with timon , he once out of athens had his privacy ; but o the dinne ! now-now-that rampant hum has put me cleane by an exordium ; where shall i now begin , or rally up the scattered nine , unlesse i had a cup of helicon — 't is so — well thought upon , i le steal to aristotles well alone , and find 'um there — hold , father — i le ha'none , — no suger — keepe the horne to for — — a synagogue here to ! — would i were i' th' stocks at heddenton , for here my tinder-box is not a place secure enough to keepe its anxious master from the vulgar peepe . this act — ( i 'le rest my grandsiers bones if i am not distracted into drollery , and know not how to help it ) i say this act was well perform'd de jure and de fact ; no muse assizes here , ( nequam eget ) hark! th' eccho prompts the malefactor , legit . here 's munus , but no bustuarii , ( tricks , o' th' romans that would fight th' condemn'd to styx ) by inspiration of this very place he finds his neck-verse , and an act of grace . free grace ( as some will have it ) but the wise allow ( though not o' th' ropes ) yet exercise . and such there was i' th' roman idiom ( yet barklays style ) that all was hush and mum . and ( as 't is fam'd of jupiter ) their eare chain'd up to terrae filius his chaire . ( besides some subtle questians pro and con encouragement for youth to bring it on ) sarcasmes fly about , and now they itch till terrae filius give the chain a twitch , and then they rayle at barkley , say he gott philoclea with child , and was a scott . which to define aright ( they were so bold ) they said he was a lowse of nine yeares old . but this was taylers talke , ( to right our mother ) i mean not water-iohn , nor yet that other , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but by profession ( of these in each new pocket there was one ) these make not * berecynthia's wedding-gowne , shee 'l have the make and spinning of her owne , not loose , as ready still to fall to th' ground , nor yet o' th' newest fashion , pinion'd ; but in the middle way ( the golden rule of mediocrity is in her schoole ) and yet by one of her seven sons she hopes to have it lin'd with bayes , and set with tropes . now orpheus junior mounts , ( begin the dance ) the ladies please themselves into a trance . to cato's brood he whispers in their eare , that th' scornfull lady is forbidden here , who with her queamish stomach cryes — amisse , because ( forsooth ) she would get out — it works , it works ; which to prevent , while he division runs , they crosse-legg'd lo : la : mi : like randall's meeke * aorgus — o for him to help me out with matter fill'd to th' brim . look how the swallowes , darting to and fro st. maries , imitate the roman * crow : and the suns bright flame-colour'd beames that come upon the prophets heads , the * flammeum . the rostrum , and subsellia , and men speak marcus cicero alive agen : but that the judges by their smiles portend here was no catiline that did offend . who then forbids the nuptials of the nine ? duke humphrey ne'r afforded better wine : a pittance too of * venison to th' sack , enough to prove us sons of isaac . the musick-men will sit and nod all night , and keep time with their heads till it be light . nay one of them , i heard him tell his fellowes , would play to please us , though upon the gallowes . some say sir thomas bodly through a cleft of our old dry nurse ( earth ) lookt up , and left this testimony , that if he were sent hither againe , he never would repent . who then forbids the banes ? speak , shadow , say ; ( and vanish ) was it not a glorious day ? if nothing be objected , right or wrong , wee 'l celebrate these nuptials with a song . song . off with thy gauntlet , mars , and yeeld the bucklers , and resigne thy shield , the muses judged it fit : not to deprive thee of thy right , but they desire to scowre 'em bright that on parnassus sit . see how the book expanded lies , with wisdome put before our eyes , and after-happinesse ; * a crowne for a reward is set in gold , as th' letters are in jett that never knew the presse . philosophers shall study more for th' hidden stone than heretofore , and alcumists blow faster : and when poore * lungs is worne away , 't will be enough for him to say he did it for his master . chorus . then feare we not those with rhinoceros nose , nor the venemous tooth to bite us ; let us dance out the rushes in spite of their tushes , for the goddesses all will right us . then let flora bring roses , to make us all poses , sing talassio , caius , and caia ; let none dare to grin till the dog-dayes begin , nor yet stamp , for the muses will pay-a . juno , diana , suadula , venus , jove , crowne what is acted here below , above . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a96379e-320 * luc. flo. li . 1. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * liv. li . 5. dec. 3 * semele . * the oxford carrier . * the sarazans head his inne . * ipsa deûm fertur genetrix berecynthia . virgil . * a. b. ● . i' th' muses looking glasse . * lucky . * a yellow veil used in the roman nuptials . * nepotia ▪ * the university arms . * b. j. his alcumist . a proclamation, indemnifying deserters, who shall return to their majesties service. scotland. privy council. 1693 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05705 wing s1939 estc r183563 52529312 ocm 52529312 179100 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05705) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179100) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:89) a proclamation, indemnifying deserters, who shall return to their majesties service. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : 1693. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fifth day of aprile. and of our reign the fourth year 1693. signed: gilb. eliot, cls sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , indemnifying deserters , who shall return to their majesties service . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith : to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting . forasmuch as , we understand that a great many souldiers of the forces presently under our pay , and in our service within this our antient kingdom and abroad , have deserted their colours , and do skulk and hide themselves in obscure places , being afraid to return to our service , out of dread of that justly deserved punishment due to deserters , by the severity of military laws : for remeid whereof , and that all souldiers who have deserted as said is , may be inexcusable and receive chat condign punishment due to deserters by the military laws , in case they shall not give punctual obedience to this present proclamation . therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby peremptorily require and command , all souldiers within this our antient kingdom , who have been in our service , and under our pay , in any of the regiments , troops , or companies now in our service , within this our antient kingdom , or forth thereof , ( who have not left the same upon a pass granted to them , by their captain or other superior officer , ) to return to our service , and present themselves to the commander in chief , or any commissionat officer of our forces within our said kingdom . and we with ad ice foresaid , pardon and indemnifie them and every one of them , who shall return and present themselves in manner foresaid , within two moneths after the date hereof , certifying all such who shall not return and accept , and take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity within the space foresaid , they shall be treated as deserters , when , and wherever they shall be seised on without mercy . and we with advice foresaid , require and command all magistrats and ministers of the law within this realm , to concur with , and be assisting to the officers of our forces , and such as shall be imployed by them , in seising and securing the persons of all such deserters ( in manner specified in the former proclamations , ) as shall not accept of the benefit of this indemnity , within the space above-written . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the whole head-burghs within this kingdom , and there by open proclamation , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifth day of aprile . and of our reign the fourth year 1693. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . gilb . eliot , cls sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary , edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , 1693. vvarrefare epitomized in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine levves roberts. roberts, lewes, 1596-1640. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a10822 of text s115978 in the english short title catalog (stc 21095). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a10822 stc 21095 estc s115978 99851195 99851195 16461 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10822) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16461) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 935:9) vvarrefare epitomized in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine levves roberts. roberts, lewes, 1596-1640. [8], 60 p. printed by richard oulton, for ralph mabb, london : 1640. variant: title has "vvarre-fare". reproduction of the original in harvard university. library. eng military art and science -early works to 1800. a10822 s115978 (stc 21095). civilwar no vvarrefare epitomized, in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine l roberts, lewes 1640 12072 93 0 0 0 1 0 85 d the rate of 85 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vvarrefare epitomized , in a century , of military observations : confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes . by captaine levves roberts . london , printed by richard ovlton , for ralph mabb 1640. to my worthy friends , and brethren the captaines of the trained bands , of the famous city of london . captaine . martin bond . george wawker . marmaduke royden . george langham . iohn venn . edward dichfield . thomas covell . edmond forster . william ge●re . samuall carlton . tobias massy . randolph mo●wareing henry sanders . nicolas beale . robert davis . mathew forster . iohn bradley . rouland wilson . iames b●nce . worthy friends . most certaine it is , that warre hath bad its originall from the very foundation of soveraignety , a●d thence was reduced to an art , confined within limited rules , and principles , and may ( in these our times ) be said to be either forraigne or domestique , and that either offensive , or defensive , preserving , and upholding some nations , and countries , and destroying , and ru●ning others ; but still the rule , and true scope of a lust warre amongst all nations , is held to be a firme peace , which as it is best obtained with the sword in hand , so is it best confirmed , by a prevalent victory , to compasse which many authors have undertaken to laie downe rules , some through military discipline , some through valor and policie , and most through bloodshedd , yet such defects are found in many of their precepts , that no positive rules can be collected thence , which in all points can make good the same , for it must be confessed , that they who frame to themselves , in their studies a modell of leadeing of an army , to be come victorious , find the same as full of errors , as of rules , when the application is made for a measure of warre taken by booke , falleth out either too long , or too short , when it is brought into the field , to be put in practise , and somtimes such unlooked for chances , arest even the best , and most experienced captaines ( though long acquainted with the warres ) that their skill is not priviledged from casualties , nor their iudgments , and knowledg ▪ from vaniety of accidents , because a minute produ●eth that in the field which an age hath not seene no n●r heard of before . notwithstanding these difficulties , and uncertainties , i have indeavored for my owne recreation , to collect the most certaine of these rules of warrefare , being such as admit of the least contradiction , and concluded the same in three centuries , which i have termed military observations , and are the most materiall within the compase of a soldiers & captains knowledg , either before the warre begun , or in the prosecution thereof , or after the victory gained : the first is confirmed by the authority and aprovement of antient authors , and serves as a ground-worke to the second , confirmed by reason , and experience , and both of these to the third , confirmed , and made good by practise , and the example of the greatest captaines that have left their memories registred in the bookes of honour behind them to posterity ; the two latter may hereafter see the light ; if this former find a fav●rable construction in the world , and a friendly acceptance from you , to whose love in respect of our vnited brotherly affection , and friendship , i have presumed to dedicate the same , & that in testimony of the obligement dew to your place from him that intitles himselfe your friend and brother in armes , l. roberts captaine . to the readers . gentlemen . my love to armes drew me as first to bee a practitioner thereof , in the artillery garden of london , and when occasions withheld me from the exercise it selfe , my mind was b●sied in perusing of such anchors , as treated of that subject in sundry languages , which as length proved to bee so many , and so various , and withall so differently handling the severall parts of warre , that i found not thereby either my curiosity wholly satisfied , or yet my knowledg much bettered , whereupon i indevour'd to gaine som benefit by my labour , & somepleasure by my toil , collecting into one epitome those quotations , which i had thus scatteringly met withall in my reading , reducing at length the ●a●e into three centuries of military observations ; the first confirming the moderne practise of armes , by the authority of antient authors : the second confirming the same by reason , and experience , and the third , by the practise and example of sundry commanders , and chieftaines , the second being grounded upon the former , as the ●atter is upon both : in all which i cannot boast of ●nygreat paines taken , because they were done for delight , and to please my owne fancy , nor yet appropriate therin , anything worthy note to my selfe save the labour , because they are for the most part collections , how soever yet we see oftentimes , that therei 's a labour in recreation , and a toyle sometimes in pleasures , and that the builder is many times found to take more care , and paines , to collect , and gather his materialls , then to erect the structure , or to beautify the whole edifice : but whatsoever my paines , and industry was , i take it to my selfe ; and whatsoever the benefit is , or may be , i am contented to bestow vpon my friends , and amongst the rest ( if thou art one of them ) upon the incouraging me thus by afaire construction , and friendly acceptance of this first , to present thee with the two latter , and in the interim to stile my selfe thy indebted friend , lewes roberts captaine . military observations . observation first : of military art . the art military is of its selfe so excellent , that it is fit for the knowledge of all noble personadges , and a quality most especially necessary for all kings and princes , whether they live either in peace or war , for without it their tranquillity cannot be preserved , nor their warre prosecuted , nor yet their own persons and subjects defended , for force and strength of men though valorous , sufficeth not unlesse the same be governed by military counsell and martiall wisdome , duo sunt quibus respub : servatur , in hostes fortitudo & dom● concordia . cipiatur , ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesita videatur . cicero &c. let warre be so undertaken , that nought else but peace may seem to be sought for thereby . observation xi . of unadvised warre . as we have shewed unjust warre to be unlawfull , so we will shew that temerity and unadvised warre is an enterprise most worthy of discommendation . omnes bellum sumunt facilè , aegerrimè definunt , net in ejusdem potestate initium & finis est . sallust . &c. all princes undertake a warre easily , but leave it off difficultly ; neither is the beginning and end in the power of one and the same person . observation xii . not to enter into warre without cause . as a wise prince ought not to undertake any unlawfull invasion , so ought he not without mature deliberation enter into any warre at all , as one that is unwilling to offend others , though yet of courage enough to defend himselfe and his , nec provoces bella , nec timeas . plin : neither may'st thou stirre up , neither stand in feare of warre . observation xiii . things required to make a vvarre . to make a warre three things are required , 1. money . 2. men . 3. and armes , and to maintaine this warre , provision , and counsell are needfull ; therefore the undertaking chieftaine before he beginneth a warre , doth carefully consider not onely his forces , but the charges that doth belong thereunto , diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius , pub : warre is long before hand to be provided for , that so thou may'st conquer the better . observation xiv . bread needfull in vvarre . above all the provisions of warre , care must be held , that bread be not wanting , for without it nor victory , no nor life can bee looked for or expected . quifr●mentum necessariumque c●mmeatum non praparat vincitur sineferro : vigetius . he is vanquished without weapon , who prepares not bread and other necessarie provision of victuals . observation xv . armes needfull for vvarre to be ever in readinesse . a prince or chieftaine that intends warre either offensive or defensive , must have armes alwaies in readinesse , whereby is understood harnesse , horses , weapons , engins of artillery , powder and every other thing necessary for service , either of foot , or horse , and where the princes territories are marittime , we may add hereunto shipps and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture thereto belonging both of defence and offence : these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare doe or attempt against that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge . qui desiderat pacem , praeparet bellum . caes. he that desireth peace , fore-provide's for warre . observation xvi . of captaines and souldjers . vvhen i say people , men &c. i meane a multitude of subjects , armed and trained to defend or offend , and these by the custome of these times are of two sorts , viz. souldjers and captaines , and souldiers are also of two sorts , foot-men and horsemen , the one most usefull in the champion , and the other in mo●tan●us places , and likewise for defence , or assault of townes or grounds fortified , they are most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur iacet . &c. all the strength lyes in the footmen . observation xvii . of horsemen and footmen . for sudden service , the horse hath ever beene judged most meete , and the execution of any speedy service is by them soonest performed : neverthelesse all captaines doe judge the actions of the footemen , most certaine of execution , chiefly if well trained , and skilfully lead , for so experience hath of late dayes proved , besides that , they carrie with them ever a lesse expence , and are commonly of greater number . in universu● aestimar● plus penes pedittem roboris esse , tacit. &c. generally more strength is reputed to bee in the forces on foot . observation xviii . souldiers not serviceable are to small purpose . by these aforegoing observations , it is sufficiently proved that both horsemen and footemen be necessary : yet let us remember withall , that unlesse they be also serviceable , great numbers are but to small purpose . manibusopus est bello , non multis nominibus . in warre not many names , but many hands are requisite . observation xix . to make souldiers serviceable . two things is conceaved to make souldiers serviceable , the first consisteth in good choise , and the other in good discipline : both of them , but especially the latter , at this day little regarded . emunt militem , non legunt . liv. &c. they doe not carelesly take up , but purchase a souldjer . observation xx . the election of souldjers . the election of souldiers ought ever to be out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every campe is ever ablest , when it is composed of men knowne to one another , for thereby they are made the more confident , and their love to each other will make them adventure the one for another , but small heed is taken hereof in these dayes , for they are for the most part purgamenta vrbium suorum . curtius &c. the off-scouring of their cities . observation xxi . the discipline of souldiers . in discipline it is now a dayes seene in armies , that the externall forme , and not the certaine substance thereof is observed , for whereas souldiers in former ages indeavoured to be vertuous and modest , so now they studie rather how to excell in riot then in martiall knowledge . exercitus lingu● quam manu promptior : praedator ● sociis , & ipse praeda hostium , sall : the army is nimbler in their tongue than their hand ; a robber among it 's companions , and it selfe becomes the enemies booty . observation xxii . stranger souldiers what . now in as much as souldiers are made good by choise and election , and that the foundation and ground of service seemeth to consist in the discretion , and judgement of those that have authority to make this election , yet we must adde , that they must be chosen of the number of naturall subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible , they are also mutenous , and not seldome time cowardly : the custome likewise is to robbe , burne ; and spoile , both friends and foes , and consume the princes treasure . ossa vides regum vacuis exsucta medullis . iuvenal . &c. by this meanes i professe kings bones behold you may cleane marrowlesse . observation xxiii . the naturall souldier what . now in the naturall souldier , few or none of these exorbitances are found , for he is faithfull and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyall to his soveraigne . gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt , curtius &c. nations which are under king● , honour them for gods . observation xxiv . naturall souldiers , two sorts . statesmen and politicians have noted , that naturall souldiers are of two sortes , the first are they that are in continuall pay , and the second are they that are trained ready to serve , but doe notwithstanding attend their owne private affaires untill they be called , the first sort are necessary for all princes . in pace decus , in bello prae●id●●● , tacit. an ornament they are in peace , a guard in warre . observation xxv . levy of souldiers . but these doe hold , that of this sort , no great numbers ought to be , partly to eschew disorders incident thereto , and partly to avoide the expences thereof , the second kind of foote souldiers , are to be trained in shires , townes , and villages , as people more patient of paines , and fit for the warres , yet not so ambitiously disposed , as the citizens of eminent cities . odio praesentium , & cupidine mutationis . tacit. &c. with a loathing of the present , and a desire of cha●ge . observation xxvi . the number of souldiers extraordinary . divers have left us their severall opinions touching the number of their extraordinary souldiers , but this must be referred to the discretion and wisedome of the prince , and chieftaine . bellum parare , & simul aerario parcere , sa. to make provision for the warre , and with all to favour the treasurie . observation xxvii . the number of ordinary souldiers . the number of ordinary souldiers , as well as of the extraordinary , must also bee left to the wisdome of the prince commanding , yet some hold that the same ought to be according to the number of common people in a kingdom , not inserting the gentlemen , for to such say they , is onely proper the service on horseback . alas rusticis non tribu● ; in nobilitatem & in divites , haec à pauperibus onera inclines . livins , &c. i doe not allot the wings of the army among countrie fellowes ; decline these charges from the poorer sort , and lay them upon the nobility , and wealthy men . observation xxviii . of the country of the souldiers . five certaine notes have been observed whereby the disposition of men fit to become souldiers hath beene discerned . first the country , where they are borne , second their age , third their proportion of body , fourth their quality of minde , fift their faculty . touching their country , it is a thing apparently opened , that mo●●anous regions , or barren places , and northerne habitations , doe breed wits well disposed to the warre . locorum asperit as hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. &c. the ruggednesse of their habitation doth also make the disposition of the inhabitants hardy . observation xxviii . of the age of souldiers the age in the second place most apt for the warre , was antiently observed to be about eighteene yeares , and so the romans used . facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites quàm revocare praeteri●os , vig. &c. it is easier to traine up fresh-water souldiers to discipline , then to reclaime over-growne ones . observation xxix . of the stature of the souldiers . in the third place the stature of the soldier ought to be observed : c. marius liked best the longest bodies , pirrhus prefered large and well proportioned men , but vigetius seemed in his choise rather to esteeme strength then stature , . utilius est fortes milites esse qu àm grandes . viget . &c. it is more advantagious , that the souldiers be strong then great . observation xxx . of the spirit of a souldier . in the next place , the mind and spirit of a soldier , is to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for warre : he also is of good hope that loueth honor more then ease , or profit . in briefe : is qui n●hil metuit , nisi turpem famam . sall . he that is afraid of nothing but an ill name . observation xxxi . of the faculty of a souldier . in the last place , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath beene brought up , for it may be presumed , that fishers , fowlers , cookes , &c. trained up in esseminate arts , are unfit for martiall indeavor , and as these men were in respect of their trades , thought unmeet ; so in old time , slaves , and masterlesse-men , were repulsed from armes , as in famous persons . sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt . vig. &c. but now a dayes such fellowes are entertained in their armies , as they fowlely scorne to keepe in their houses . observation xxxii . discipline maketh soldiers . how soldiers are to be chosen , these few words which wee have spoken may suffice to demonstrate : let us now in the next place say somwhat of discipline , for though choise findeth out soldiers , yet it is discipline doth make them such , and continueth them fit for service . paucos viros forles natura procreat , bona institutione plures reddit industria . vig. &c. nature bring's forth but a few very strong-men ; industrie by good instruction breed's up very many . observation xxxiii . military discipline what . militarie discipline is a certaine severe confirmatīion of soldiers , in their valor and vertue , and is seene to be performed by foure meanes , i exercise , 2 order , 3 compulsion , 4 example ; the two first of these do appertaine to valor , the third to vertue , and the last both to valor , and vertue . but first for exercise , i say that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in armes , and used in action , the word it selfe exercitium importeth nothing els . exercitus dicitur quod melius fit exercitando , varro . it is called exercitus , an army , because it is made better by often exercising . observation xxxiv . military order what . order in martiall discipline consisteth in dividing , disposing and placing of men , aptly at all occasions , to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this in it selfe requireth with the parts thereto appertaining a longer discourse , therefore i refer it to experienced captaines , and skillfull . leaders , that have written thereof , as polibius , vigetius , dela-nove , and others &c. observation xxxvi . military compulsion what . military compulsion , or coertion , is that which bridleth , and governeth the manners of soldiers , for no order can be observed a mongst them , vnlesse they be indewed with the qualities of continency , modesty , and abstinency , but first continency is chiefely to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires . degenerat aè robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum , tacitus . a souldier , by custome of pleasures , degenerates from 's courage , and manlinesse . observation xxxvi . military modesty what . the modesty of a soldier is best perceived in his words , his apparell , and his actions , for to be a vanter or a vaine-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honour , or armes , but that which hath bene held true vertu is silent , viri militiae natifactis magni ad verborum linguaeque certamina rudes . tacit. &c. men borne to martiall discipline , and renowned by famous exploits , are altogether unacquainted how to skirmish with words , or the tongue . observation xxxvii . military apparell . the modesty of a soldier is also shewed in his apparell , if therein hee do not exceed : for albeit it fitteth well the profession of armes , to be well armed , and decently apparelled , yet all superfluity and excesse , savoreth either of ignorance or vanity ; horridum militem esse decet , non caelato auro argentoque , sed ferro . liv. it best beseemes a souldier , to appeare terrible : not to be garnished with gold and silver , but with steele . observation xxxviii . military abstinence . abstinence is also fit for all soldiers , for thereby guided , they refraine from violence , and insolency , by which rule also they are informed to governe themselves civilly , in the place or country where they serve , and likewise in their lodgings , never taking away any thing from the owners , nor yet committing outrage , though urged thereto by great necessity ; vivant cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus , quise sentit armatum . cast. let them live with their provincialls in a civill manner ; neither let his mind grow insolent , who perceives himselfe armed . observation xxx . ix . military example what . the last mark of military discipline , wee called example : vnder which word is comprehended reward , and punishment , for soldiers are rewarded , whensoever they receve for any excellent or singular service , honor , or riches , and for evill they have their due , when they tast the punishment thereunto belonging , necessarium est acrius ille dimicet quem ad opes ac dignitates ordo militiae et imperatoris iudicium consueuit evehere . vig. &c. t is requisite that they should stand to it more stifly , whom the course of service in the warres , and the respect of the generall hath thought good to advance . observation xl . military reward , and punishment . as gold and glory doth truely belong to the good and welldeserving soldier , so punishment is dew to those , that be vicious and cowardly , for nothing is conceived so much to hold soldiers in dew obedience , as the severity of true martiall discipline : milites , imperatorempotius quàm hostem metuere debent . vig. &c. souldiers ought to stand in more awe of their generall , then feare of their enemy . of soldiers let these observations suffice : wee will now speak of what quality chieftaines , and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies ; militar is turba sine duce , corpus fine spiritu , curtius . a band of souldiers without a captaine , is a body without breath . of a generall . observation xli . of a chiefe , or generall . a chiefe or generall in warre , is either of his owne authority , a chiefe , or a generall , that doth command in the name of another ; of the first sort are emperors , kings , and princes : of the second , be the deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all generall commanders , in warre : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person , or by his deputy , divers wise-statesmen have diversly discussed , from which it may be in effect thus farr concluded , that if the warre do onely concerne some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of the prince doe thereupon depend , then is he to command in his owne person , and not otherwise . dubijs praeliorum exemptus , summae rerum et imperij seipsum reservat . tacit. &c. being free'd from the dangers of battaile , he reserves himselfe for authority and chiefe command . observation xlii . one onely commander , best in an army . as therefore it importeth the prince by his owne presence , and somtimes by deputation , to performe this most eminent office , yet how ever occasion shall require , it ever behoveth according to the greatest , and generall opinion of authors that but one onely commander , ought to be in chiefe , for plurality of generalls , doe rarely or never worke any good effect : with this proviso and caution that to his experience , and wisdome , he have the other properties of such a commander . in bellica praefectura major aspectus habendus peritiae , quam virtutis aut morum . aristot. &c. in warlike authority , a greater consideration is to be had of the experience , than of the vertue or condition of the commander . observation xiii . qualities of a generall . many are the qualities required by authors , in a compleat chi●taine , the principall insisted upon are five , skill , vertue , providence , authority , and fortune . first by skill , is meant , he should be of great knowledg , and long experience , for to make and fashion out a sufficient captaine , neither the information of others , nor yet his owne reading , is not prevalent . qui nor it quis ordo agminis , quae cura explorandi , quantus vrgendo trahendoue bello modus . cicero . &c. who knowe's what is the order of a troupe , what the care , of espying , how great the measure of hast'ning or delaying the warre . observation xliiii . vertue in a generall . by the v●rtue of a generall , is understood a certaine vigor or force , both of body and mind , to exercise souldiers , as well in feigned warre as in a reall fight with the enemy , and therefore to say summarily , a captaine ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industriosus in agendo , et celeris in conficiend● . cicero . painefull in imployment , hardy in danger , industrious in action , and swift in execution . observation xlv . providence in a generall . next to vertue is placed providence , to be a needfull quality , in a generall : for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard , nor yet commit more to fortune , then necessity shall inforce : yet too true it is , the fooles , and vulgar folkes , that commend , or discommend actions according to the issue or successe , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi regium est , delay is base ; to put in present execution , is princely . but the more advised , and provident captaines , do think , temeritas , praeter quam quod stulta , est etiam infaelix , livius . that rashnes is not onely foolish , but also infortunate . observation xlvi . of fortune in a gener●ll . though providence be ever accounted the best meanes of good speed , yet some captaines of that quality , and in skill excellent , have beene in their actions , and enterprises , vn●ucky ; when others of lesse sufficiency , by good fortune , have mervailously prevailed , as is plentifully manifested to us by histories , in all ages ; we may therefore reasonably say with cicero , quodolim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario , et caeter is magnis imperatoribus , non solum propter v●rtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cicero . that heretofore not onely for their valour , but also for their good fortune , that authority was frequently imposed , and the command of the army was committed to maximus , marcellus , scipio , marius , and other those great generals . observation xlvii . of authority in a generall . avthority was the last thing we wished to be in a generall , for it greatly importeth his actions , and designes ; what opinion , or conceit the enemy may have of such a commander , and likwise how much his friends , and confederates doe esteeme him : but the onely chiefe and principall meanes to maintaine this authority , as sundry authors have left us in their writings , is austerity , and terror . dux authoritatem maximam sever●ta●e sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , n●lli errantium credatur ignoscere . viget . &c. let a generall take upon him selfe very great authority , with gravity ; let him punish the souldiers delinquencies according to the lawes , let him be believed to pardon no offenders . observation xlviii . of affability , and severity in a generall . to conclude these observations , collected upon the due properties , of a generall ; experience hath proved , that such chieftaines , as were affable , and kind to their soldiers , became ever much loved , yet did they incurre contempt ; but on the other side , those that have commanded severely , and terribly , albeit they gained no good-will , yet were they ever best obeyed . dux facilis inutilis . app. a favorable generall is worth little . observation xlix . good soldiers without good counsell , bootlesse . after that a prince hath found out , and elected his men , and framed them fitt for the warres , whom now i terme soldiers ; yet serve they to small or no purpose , unlesse they be imployed according to military wisdome , of warlike counsell . non minus est imperatoris consilio quam vip●rfecisse . tacit. it is of no lesse moment to be instructed by the advise , than the valour of the generall . observation l. of counsells in warre . counsell in warre , or military counsells , is by som wri●ers branched into two several sorts , that is , direct counsell , and indirect counsell : the first extendeth it selfe to a plaine and orderly demonstration and course , for proceeding ; as to lay hold upon fitt and due occasion : for as in all other humane actions , so ( chiefly in warre ) occasion is of great force , and consequence . occasio in bell● , solet amplius juvare quam virtus . vig. &c. opportunity in warre commonly help 's more than valour . observation li. constancyin military counsells . many authors have left us in writing , that occasions presented , being then taken hold of , have often bee the meanes of good successe , and that the fame of him , that knoweth when to embrace the same , hath wrought great effects : constancy in resolutions , determined in counsells , is then behooffull : therefore a captaine ought not to give credit , nor be apt to believe the vaine rumors , and reports of every man . malè imperatur cum regit v●lgus duces suos . seneca . things are ill governed , when the foot rules the head . observation lii . confidence in military counsells . as inconstancy is to be avoided in counsels of warre , so confidence is likewise to be eschewed ; for no man is sooner surprized , then he who feareth least : and who knowes not , but that the contempt of the enemy , hath beene the maine cause of great discomfitures : therefore as a captaine that commands an army , or a towne , ought not to feare , so should he not contemne his enemy . nimia fiducia semper noxia . emil. too much confidence is alwaies hurtfull . observation liii . good information in military counsell . as overmuch estimation , of our owne vertue and valour , is hurtfull to us , causing thereby a security in us ; so to prevent the same , it doth import every good captaine , to be well and truely informed , not onely of his owne forces , but also of the strength , and vertue , of his enemy , to which is to be added , the knowledg of the scituation , of the place and country , where he abideth , or is seated , the quality of the people , and soldiers he commandeth , together with every other needfull circumstance , thereunto belonging ; moreover the g●neralls humor , and capacity , is not to be omitted ; together with the particular condition and nature , of the enemy . impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tacit. violent resolutions languish through delay , or else are turned into treachery . observation liiii . temerity to be avoyded . temerity in military actions is to be avoided as most dangerous , for iudicious captaines are not to enterprise any thing without mature delibration , and faire opportunity , vnlesse they be thereto by necessity inforced . in rebus asperis et tenui spe , fortissima quaeque consilio tutissima sunt . livi. &c. in dangerous matters , and slender hopes , the strongest things are safest by counsell . observation lv . prodigious signes , not to be neglected . some wise men , & those not superstitiously , but discreetly , do think and have noated to military-men , that prodigious signes from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected ; neither yet , according to their opinion , are dreames to be contemned . nam amat benignit as numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendunt . ami. &c. for the goodnesse of the deity , whether because that mortalls deserve it , or els being with their afflictions , loves by these meanes , to fore-shew those things , which hang over thier heads . observation lvi . time to be observed . opportunity is by a judicious captaine , to be awaited , and fit time to be spied out , when either the enemy is wearied , or by pretending feare , draw him into ambushes , and danger , all which advantages ? with many others , is principally gained , by observations , of time and seasons . quia si in occasioni● momento , cujus praetervolat opportunit as cunctatu● paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam quierare . liv. because if thou shalt never so littleslacken , in the very nick of occasion , whose opportunity slips quickly away ; 't will be too late afterward to seeke for what is let passe . observation lvii . place to be considered . as time , and the observation thereof is to be laid hold on ; so likewise is place also to be well and judiciously considered , especially whether it conduce to a captaines advantage , or to his enemies . amplius prodest locus saepe quàm virtus . viget . &c. oft' times , the place more advantageth , than valour . observation lviii . the well ●raining of the men to be noated . doubtlesse in a military action , or designe , it importeth much , that the soldiers be well trained , ordered , and prepared for the fight : for it is ever seene that the want of art , either in captaine or soldier , is cause of many disadventures , and we find in a skirmish-battell , or such incounter , that many times a small supply of ther soldiers comming opportuely , whether on horseback , or on foote , doth seeme to the enemy , very terrible , and much daunteth them : and in histories , we find noted , that a sudden showt , or such conceit , hath oftentimes amazed a whole army . milites vanis & inanibus , magis quàm justis formidinis causis moventur . curtius . souldiers are terrified , more with vaine , and naked , then with just causes of feare . observation lix . nationall soldiers , together in battell . the most expert commanders , have ever found it to best end , and purpose , that in ordering of souldiers to fight , those of one , and the same country and nation , should be still placed & ranged together ; and have ever beene so vigilant and carefull , to foresee , that the least losse of blood may fall upō the naturall subjects , & so handle the designe and skirmish as the chiefe slaughter may light upon the mercenary-men , and strangers . ingens victoriae decus citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tacit. in a victory , the chiefe renowne arising to the commander , is that which is got without domestique bloodshedde . observation lx . to be first in a readinesse , for the onsett . questionlesse , it is to a commanders great advantage , that his forces should be ordered , and in a readines for the fight , before the enemy be prepared : first , for that he may the better performe what he thinkes fittest to be done , and secondly , that● thereby his owne forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assatle the enemy , and to begin the combate . plus animiest inferenti periculum quàm propulsanti , lin . &c. he certainly hath greater courage who inforceth , and rusheth violently upon a danger , than he that withstands it . observation lxi . the commanders disposition to fight . the genera●ls , or commanders owne readines , courage , and lively disposition to fight , doth undoubtedly , greatly animate , the multitude of soldiers , to the battell : as a contrary countenance or the least appearance , of feare , will exceedingly amaze , and daunt , his company , and army . n●cesse est , ad fugam parati sin● , qui ducem su●m sentuint desperare . viget . needs must they prepare themselves for flight , who perceive their commanders despairing . observation lxii . moderate execution after victory . some captaines have held it good policie , to make the victory famous by much blood-shed : but in the opinion of most chieftaines , to execute the enemy , with an extreame cruelty , is no sound policie , nor christianlike practise : but rather to proceed with dew ●oderacy , for to such it sufficeth the victory is theirs , and the honour thereof , dewly both his , and his soldiers . clausis ex desperatione cresct audac i● , et ▪ cum spei ●ibil est , sumit arm● formido . vig. &c. those who are incompassed , with despaire , take stomacke afresh , and feare reassume's weapons , when no hope at all remaines . observation lxiii . to frustrate , pilledg , and spoyle . hereto it is to be added , that the provident commander , be circumspect , in all his enterprizes , and every of his actions , that the common soldier be frustrated from spoyle , and pilledg . s●pe obstitit vince●tibus pravum interipsos certamen omissohoste , spoli● consectandi . tacit. the pursuit of the conquered ommitted , many times a greedy strife among themselves for the pillage , hath not a little hindred the conquering . observation lxi●ii . of indirect counsells . of direct counsells , let that we have said suffice , and now speak of indirect counsells , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems , or subtill practises ; which manner of proceeding hath been in times-past , and of divers grave writers , greatly condemned . vir ●em● mentis al●ae clanculum velit occiderehostem . eurip. no one of a noble spirit will privily kill his enemy . observation lxv . stratagems without fraude . but waving in these dayes , the opinion of this , and of divers other writers worthy credit ; it seemeth reasonable in these times , and in pietie allowable , that stratagems , or subtilties , may be used in warre ; yet with this caution , that the same be such , as may stand with fidelity , and honour : for fraud , being used contrary to contracts , or agreements , made with the enemy , is meere trechery , to poyson him or hier a murtherer to kill him , were plaine impietie . foederatum injuste fallere impium . liv. &c. 't is a wicked part , to deceive him unjustly , with whom a truce is made . observation lxvi . to murther an enemy not warrantable . in the like nature , out of the warre covertly to murther or kill , a particular enemy , or by secret assault , or practice ; to doe him to death , is not warrantable , either by faith or honour : yet to use all craft , cunning , or subtilty , in open warre , is both avowable , and praiseable , and so it is thought by christian writers . cum justum bellum suscipitur ut aperto pugnet quis , aut exinfidijs , nihil ad justiciam interest . august . &c. when a just warre is undertaken , it doth nothing concerne justice , whether any one do fight openly , or entrap by wiles . this is also approved by divers authors , of great credit . confice sive dolo seu stricto comminus ense . plut. &c. by treachery do 't , or fight it out at sharpe . and this is also confirmed by xenophon . reipsa n●hil utilius in bello dolis &c. verily there 's not any thing better in warre , then guile . observation lxvii . the true vse of victory . the end of every just warre is peare nad having briefely shewed what is observable in warre , and what counsells are required thereto : let us now consider , how victory ought to be used : to the injoying then of a victorious peace , three things are required , 1. warines , 2. mercy , and 3. modestie : because that overgreat confidence may happily impeach the end , of good successe . res secundae , neg ligentiam creant . liv. &c. prosperous successe begets negligence . observation lxviii . mercy in victory . victory requires in the second place , to be handled mercifully ; for in their owne nature wee find all conquests , are crueell enough , and the fury and ire of insolent soldiers doe oftentimes force the people conquered , to become desperate . gravissims morsus irritat aenecess●tatis . curtius . &c. the nips of provoked necessity are most int ollerable . observation lxix . modesty in victory . modesty , is the third thing , required in a victory , being of it selfe , an honourable quality , in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortune men , but especially commanders in warre , doe hardly refraine , covetous , insolent , and proud actions ; yea it hath beene found , that some good , and great captaines , have in the like cases , forgotten , what did best become them . in rebus secundis etiam egregij duces insolescunt . tacit. in fortunate events , even excellent commanders , have done things most unworthy themselves . observation lxx . peace the end of vvarre . if warre should ever continue in a kingdom , or country , no estate , or government could stand , therefore after victory , followeth peace , therefore how great , or how long soever , the warre chance to be , th'end thereof , must of necessity determine in peace : the name whereof , is not onely sweet , but also comfortable . pax una triumphis innumeris potior . liv. &c. one peace alone , is more worth than a multitude of triumphs . observation lxxi . the profit of peace . peace truely considered , and in it's owne nature , is not onely good , and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those , that are victored . pacem reduci velle . victori expedit victo necesseest . tacitus . it 's profitable for the conqueres , and needfull for the conquered , that peace be reestablished . observation lxxii . of honourable peace . peace is distinguished , by some , to be of divers kinds , the best of which , is that which is by them termed the good , and honourable peace ; and untill that be offered , armes may not be laid aside , wherein may be wished , that tullius advice may be followed . bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittamus , pace nunquam fiuemur . liv. &c. warre is to be kept afoote ; for if that be layd downe , we are never like to enjoy peace . observation lxxiii . treaties of peace . many things are considerable , in treaties , of peace : but especially , most states-men have held opinion , that first , the conditions be honourable ; for that to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind , not onely great indignity , but also intollerable . cum dignitate potius cadendum , quàmcum ignominia serviendum . plutarch . &c. better it is , to die with honour ; then to live in disgra 〈◊〉 observation lxxiiii . true and unfained peace . it is also important , that peace obtained , should be in it's selfe , & simple , true , reall , and unfained peace ; for all fained , and dissembled amity , is to be doubted . pace suspectatutius est bellum . mithrid . &c. warre is much more safe , then a faigned peace . observation lxxv . time for treaty of peace . the fittest season to speake of peace as wisemen have observed , is either when the warre beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equall force , for in the continuation , of the warre , it must at last behoove the weaker , to yeeld unto necessity , and to receive conditions of peace , from the stronger , and according to the inforcement of his wants , not vnlike the pilos , and ship-master , who to save himselfe , is constrained to cast the greatest part of his lading , into the sea . necessitatipare , quam ne dij quidem superant . liv. &c. obey necessity , which the gods themselves could nere over-master . observation lxxvi . peace when to be accepted . to conclude these observations of peace , when then a comander hath generously defended himselfe , and performed all things required in a magnanimious captaine , and finding never the lesse , his force insufficient , it cannot be dishonourable to accept a peace , wherefore laying aside hatred , the effect of revenge , and hope the effect of better successe , which are then , but two weak supporters of war fare , he may recommend both himselfe , and his estate , unto the aproved discretion , of an honourable enemy . victores secundae res in miserationem ex irae vertunt . liv. good successe turnes the conquerers displeasure into compassion . observation lxxvii . gaine to conquerers by peace . forasmuch as every peace promiseth rest , and quiet , as well to the victorious , as to those that are victored , we may ad thereto ; that the prince victorious , receiveth also thereby honour , profit , and security ; for albeit , his present happinesse , may occasion a hope of greater successe , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to consent to peace . decorum principi est , cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , utsciant● mnest● , et suscipere justè bella , et finire . liv 't is seemely for a prince , not to refuse peace , even when the victory is wel-neare in 's owne hands , that all may see , and know , how he both undertakes and layes downe armes justly . observation lxxviii . moderation in victory . this point also seemeth to the victorious an houorable thing to give peace , and not to take it , whereby he likewise sheweth himselfe discreet , by using a moderation in his victory , and no extremity in spoyling ; which course , both wise , and godly writers have commended . pacem contemnentes , et gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bar. who so despise peace , and desire glory , thereby lose both . observation lxxix . profit by peace to the victorious . moreover it is ever seene , that peace is in its selfe profitable to the victorious , because continuall warre breedeth wearinesse , poverty , and many other calamities , and of violent proceedings , desperation , and perill cometh . maximè 〈◊〉 ri morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . seneca . the bitings of dying beasts are wont especially to prove mortall . observation lxxx . peace assures more then victory . it is out of question , but that peace is more assured then any victory ; for hope of the one , is in our owne power , but the other is in the hand of the almighty ; and hereto we may add the force , and effects , of fortune , which as some write , hath power in all humane actions . in secundis rebus nibil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decetnec praesenti credere fortunae , c●m quid vesper fer at incertus sis . seneca . in prosperity t is unseemely to give counsell , against any one disdainfully , and fiercely , not to trust too much unto a present fortune , sith thou art uncertaine , what the evening may bring with it . observation lxxxi . conditions of peace reasonable . in a peace granted , or received , the conditions of peace ought to be reasonable , for no people can live contented under such a lawe , as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax , bello bene m●tatur . sene. a miserable peace , may well be turned to warre . observation lxxxii . civill warre a great miserie . having handled these observations that we have collected upon forraigne warre , which happeneth betweene one prince , and another , and observations , gathered upon peace , which is obtained , and reaped , by a modest commander ? we come now to those observations collected upon domestique , or civill warre , which is the greatest , and most greevous calamity , that can come to a common-weale , for therein subjects do take armes , either against their prince , or amongst themselves whereof followeth many miseries ; indeed more lamentable , then can be described . non atas , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minùs stupra caedibus et caedes stupris misceantur . tac. nor age , nor feature can securely protect any one , or withhold rapes to be interlac'd with slaughters , and blood with ravishing . observation lxxxiii . destiny first cause of civill warre . destiny some hold in opinion is the first cause of civill warre , for god in his divine providence , doth fore see many yeares before that great , and mighty empires shall be ruined . in semagna ruunt : laetis hunc numina rebus crescendi modum . lucan . thus heavens great destiny denyes to greatest states more growth thereby . observation lxxxiiii . riot &c. the second cause of civill warre . the second cause is exoesse , riot , and dissolute life : for nothing breedeth civill fury , so soone as over great hapinesse , also pompous apparell , b●nquetting , and prodigall spending , consumeth riches , and plenty is turned to poverty , for by these meanes men may be brought to desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditissimo non agriaut foenus , sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tacit. every ravenous , and dissolute fellow , hath neither fields nor their encrease , but the instruments onely of his vices remaining . observation lxxxv . destiny in evitable now to consider how destiny might be eschew ed were in vaine , for no wit , or wisdom of man , can find a remedy thereto , because it is the decree of god , and doubtlesse inevitaole . ita fato placuit nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam , seneca . gods , providence hath so determined , that nothing shall continue alwaies in the same place and condition . againe , nothing is exempt from the perill of mutation ; the earth and heavens , and indeed the whole world is subject thereunto . certis cuncta temporibus nascie debent , cresecre , extingui . sene. all things fade at their appointed times , they must take a beginning , afterward grow up , and then be dissloved . observation lxxxvi . remedy against civill warres . but yet some remedies may be used touching the second causes of civill warre , because the same proceedeth from faction , sedition , or tyranny : now faction i call a certaine association of divers persons combined to the offenc , it proceedeth many times of privat or publique displeasure , and more oftentimes of ambition . nemo eorum qui in repub : versantur , quos vincat , sed á quibus vincatur aspicit . sene. none of those , who intermeddle thus in the commonwealth , regard so much whom he overcomes , but of whom he may be overcome . observation lxxxvii . offactions . factions may be distinguished , to be of two sorts : for either they consist of many , or of a few personsi both which be dangerous , but the former more apt to take armes ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth oftentimes aide of forrain forces , the other faction wherin are fewer partakers , becomonly greate presonages , of more importance , then ordinary people , and that proveth most perilous , and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se et in partes vniversum etiam populum . arist. the factions of the nobility , draw even all the commonalty to side with one , or th'other part . observation lxxxviii . factions how farre and where necessary i confesse i have heard the opinion of some that have had the report , and esteeme of wise men alledg that factions , are necessary , yet doubtlesse that conceit cannot be well maintained unlesse it be upon confines and in such places where conspiracies is feared , which cato in his private famely used . semper contentiunculas aliquas , aut dissidentiam inter servos callid● serebat , suspectam habens nimiam concordiam eorum metuensque . plut. suspecting , and feareing their friendly agreement , craftily he gave occasion for petty quarrels , and disagreement to arise among his servants . observation lxxxix . factions amongst nobility to be suppressed . now factions amongst the nobility is sometimes suppressed by forbidding of colours or noted and knowne badges to be worne , somtimes also by inhibiting of names , and watchwords of ●●times , and this we learne was the counsell of mecaenasto augustus , and aristotle thinketh it fit that lawes should be made against the factions of noble men . nobilium comemiones , etpartes etiam leg●bus oporte● prohibere conari . aristo . it is very requisite that the lawes endeavor to restraine contentions and sidings among noble-men . observation 90. sedition a cause of civil warre . a nother cause of civill warre , we called sedition , which is a sudden co●●otion , or assembly , of common people against their prince , or his magistrates , the originall of which disorders may proceed from diven causes , but commonly we find oppress●● the prime . 〈◊〉 periculorum● vem edi●●●sa peric●la arbir●●● . aristotle . they supposing present dangers to be the very remedy , for those mischiefes which are nere at hand . observation 91. feare a cause of sedition . againe we find , that feare may be an occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injuried , as being desirous to prevent it before it commeth : it may also proceed of over great mildnes in government . non miserijs , sed liscentia tantum concitum turbarum lascivire magis plebem quàm s●vire . liv. the insurrections of the commons are occasion'd not so much through oppressions , whereby they grow wild , as through too much liberty , whereby they play the wantons . observation 92. poverty a cause of sedition . sedition is also seene somtimes to arise of poverty , or of those artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no meanes whereof they can live , as is noted in the silver s●iths , by the neglect of dianaa's shrine and temple , semper in civitate , quibusopes nullae sunt , bonis invident , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio suar●● 〈…〉 om●ia student . salust . evermore in a city those who are poore envy the rich , distast the old , and desire new ; and being out of love with their owne conditions , they devise how they may alter every thing . observation 93. tyranny a cause of sedition . in the last place sedition cometh of tyranny , i●soleney , or mutinous disposition , of certaine captaines , or ring leaders of the people , for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , it doth ill stand firme untill some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per seimmobilis . liv. &c every seditious multitude ( as 't is their condition ) is of it selfe unalterable . observation 94. movers of sedition . the movers of sedition are many , and those of many qualities : in the first ranke i account the ambitious , who commonly wanting other meanes to aspire , do hope by a practise of sedition , to compasse their intended designe , in the next i reckon unthrifts , who having consumed their owne do seek by that meanes to possesse themselves of other mens : in the last i hold the vaine , and light persons , who without cause , or reason , doe attempt innovation , themselves not knowing why , nor wherefore . non tam praemijs periculorum , quam ipsis periculis laeti , pro certis , et olim partis , nova , ambigua , ancipitia malunt . tacit. not more joyfull with the booties they expect to get through these dangers they are to undergoe , but even with the very dangers , instead of those certaineties and what they are now owners of , they rather chuse to have new , ambiguous and uncertaine ones . and thus having told the causes of sedition : i wish the remedies were in time prepared ; for , omne malum nascens , facilè opprimitur , inveter atum fit plerunque robustius . any mischiefe is easily oppressed in the beginning , after long continuance it growes more sturdy . observation 95. the way to suppresse sedition . many politicians have noted there are severall waies to suppresse this sedition , before named : the first whereof is e●oquence , and excellent perswasion , which oftentimes is seene to worke great effects amongst the multitude , chiefly then , when it proceedeth from some reverend , and grave person , for wisdom , and honoured for i●tegrity of life , for by their opinion , the prince himselfe is not to take this office in hand , unlesse necessity doth thereto inforce him . integra a●thoritas principls majoribus remedijs servetur . tacitus . let the princes authority be reserved entire , for greater cures . now if perswasion cannot prevaile , then must force compell , but before such violent proceeding , both art , and cunning , is to be used , either totally to apease , or at least to disunite the people , and the rather , if it apeare to the multitude , that the prince do offer faire , and promise plausible . verba apud populum , plurimum valent . tacitus . words doe most exceedingly prevaile with the multitude . and in these , or in such like cases , it is held , by reason of state , lawfull for princes to use craft , and the same not prevailing to wash away the infany thereof with clemeucy , for when armes are laid downe , and every one yeeldeth , generall punishment were needles . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tacit. though all have alike offended , yet let but a few be punished . observation 96. the difference betwixt kings and tyrants . the last and principall cause of sedition , we named tyranny which is a certaine violent government exceeding the lawes of god , and nature : the difference , betweene kings , and tyrants , may be this : the one imployeth armes in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrify those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . aferre , tr●tidare , rapere , fallis nominibus imperium , atque vhi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant tacit. by false titles to take by violence , cruelly to murther , and enter fiercely into the authority royall ; and when they have eaused desolation , to call it peace . in the next place , the quslity of tyranny , is to esteeme pro●oters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others , they are also protectors of imptous persons , and stand in dayly doubt of noble , and vertuous men . nobilitas , opes , omissi gestique honores pro crimine , et ob virtutes certissimum exitiu● . tacitus . noblenesse of birth , wealth , dignities , or formerlyundergon ; are wither now borne accompted for a crime , and death is a most certaine reward , for vertue . moreover , tyrants doe indeavor to suppresse the knowledg of letters and civill life , to the end all good arts should be exiled , and barbarisme introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tacit. they expell professors of wisdom , and banish all good arts . to conclude ; these , and such like are the conditions of tyrants ; who for the most part are either deposed , or slaine , for as kings doe live long , and deliver these dominions to their children , and posterity , so tyrants being hated , and feared , cannot continue in their estate . ad generum cereris sine caede & vulnere pauti descendunt reges , & siccâ morte tyranni . inven. few tyrant kings went ever hence down to hell , without a stab ; nor heard their passing bell. observation 97. remedies against tyrants . the remedies which politicians have prescribed against these mischiefes which proceed from the violence of such a prince , is either persecution , or patience : many generous spirits have used the first , perswading themselves rather to die , then indure the sight of a tyrant : in like manner we find that the grecians did conceive it a service thrise acceptable to murder the person of such an impious prince . graecihommines deorumhonores ●ribuebant ijs qui tyrannos necaverunt . cicero . the grecians dei●●'d such as slew tyrants . nevertheles , in consideration of christianity , the other course is to be taken , and patience is fitter to incounter this mischiefe , for seeing that all kings , as well the good , as the bad , are sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . it is a heavy thing to be guilty of a princes death . observation 98. persecution of tyrants . against those that advise , the persecution of tyrants many things are to be disputed of , for it is not only a thing perillous in its selfe to effect , but for the most part infortunate : for commonly it is noted , that present revenge is taken thereof by the succeeding prince . facinoris ejusultor est quisquis successerit . tacit. the successour commonly revengeth that vile and villanous act . and the murderof tyrants is noted to have been commonly followed with many inconveniences , as publique slaughter , and intestine warre , with other dangerous mischiefs , and that in some nature , worse then civill warre it selfe . principes boni , voto expetendi , qualescunque tollerandi . tacitus . good princes are to be wished for ; & whatsoever they be , they are to be borne withall . observation 99. evil princes to be indured . some punishment vpon mankind , such as fire , floods , & other inevitable plagues , are necessarily to be suffered , & so evill princes in their coveteousnes , cruelty , and other enormous vices , ought patiently to be indured , because their offices is properly to command , and to beare sway , and the subjects to yeeld and obey . indignadigna habenda sunt rex quae facit . plaut. whatsoere unworthy things a king doth , are to be thought of otherwise . and as we see it is the use of vulgar people to find sa●iety in the long raigne of princes , so the ambition of greater subjects , is ever desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucid. the present rule is alwaies grievous . observation c. patience against tyranny . to conclude this mischiefe here in the conclusion of this warfare , we will say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience , for questionles , so long as men are , so long will vices raigne , and have their being . ferenda regumingenia , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tacit. the dispositions of kings , are to be borne withall ; nor are often changes profitable . finis . a table of the observations noted in the precedent tract . of the art military 1 of military knowledg . 2 of martiall lawes . 3 things observable in a just warre . 4 warres are of two sortes . 5 defensive warre two sortes . 6 to assist ourfriends by warre . 7 to invade our enemies by warre . 8 to invade barbarians lawfull . 9 true causes of invasion . 10 of unadvised warre . 11 not to enter into warre without cause . 12 things required to make a warre . 13 bread needfull in warre . 14 armes needfull in warres . 15 of captaines and soldiers . 16 of horsemen and footemen . 17 soldiers not serviceable are to small purpose . 18 to make soldiers serviceable . 19 of the election of soldiers . 20 of the discipline of soldiers . 21 stranger soldiers vvhat . 22 naturall soldiers vvhat . 23 naturall soldiers two sorts . 24 of the leavy of soldiers . 25 the number of soldiers extraordinary . 26 the number of soldiers ordinary . 27 of the country of soldiers . 28 of the age of soldiers . 29 of the stature of soldiers . 30 of the faculty of a souldier . 31 discipline maketh soldiers . 32 m●litary discipline what . 33 military order what 34 military complusion what . 35 military modesty what . 36 military apparell what . 37 military abstinence what , 38 military example what . 39 military reward and punishment . 40 of a chieftaine or generall . 41 one onely commander best in an army . 42 qualities of a generall . 43 vertue of a generall . 44 providence in a generall . 45 fortune in a generall . 46 authority in a generall . 47 affability and severity in a generall . 48 good soldiers without good counsell bootlesse . 49 of counsell in vvarre . 50 constancy in military counsells . 51 confidence in military counsells . 52 good information in military counsells . 53 temerity to be avoyded in counsells . 54 prodigious signes not to be neglected . 55 time to be observed . 56 place to be considered . 57 thewell training of men to be noted . 58 nationall soldiers to be placed together in fight , 59 to be first in readines for battell . 60 disposition in the generall to fight . 61 moderate execution after victory . 62 to frustrate spoyle and pilledg . 63 of indirect counsells 64 stratagems without fraud . 65 the souldiers grammar containing, the high, necessarie, and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first, whether it be in great motions in generall? or foote motions especially?, or motions of horse, generall, or speciall?, the ranges of foote, or horse?, the ranges of officers, the seuerall imbattailings of foote, and horse, the imbattailing of a regiment, the ioyning of many regiments, or the forming of maine battailes, of any extent, or number, with their formes, and figures, in liuely demonstration, &c. / by g.m. ... ; vnto which, is added the booke of postures, according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell. markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. 1626 approx. 86 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06967 stc 17391.5 estc s2808 24707987 ocm 24707987 27862 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06967) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27862) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1856:31) the souldiers grammar containing, the high, necessarie, and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first, whether it be in great motions in generall? or foote motions especially?, or motions of horse, generall, or speciall?, the ranges of foote, or horse?, the ranges of officers, the seuerall imbattailings of foote, and horse, the imbattailing of a regiment, the ioyning of many regiments, or the forming of maine battailes, of any extent, or number, with their formes, and figures, in liuely demonstration, &c. / by g.m. ... ; vnto which, is added the booke of postures, according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell. markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. [8], 64 p. : plans. for william shefford, and are to be solde at his shop in popes-head alley, going into lumbard street, printed at london : 1626. signatures: a-i⁴. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. military maneuvers -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the sovldiers grammar : containing , the high , necessarie , and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first , whether it be in great motions in generall ? or foote motions especially ? or motions of horse , generall , or speciall ? the ranges of foote , or horse ? the ranges of officers . the seuerall imbattailings of foote , and horse . the imbattailing of a regiment . the ioyning of many regiments . or the forming of maine battailes , of any extent , or number ; with their formes , and figures , in liuely demonstration . &c. by g. m. gent. vnto which , is added the booke of postures , according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell . printed at london , for william shefford , and are to be solde at his shop in popes head alley , going into lumbard street . 1626. a table of the speciall thinges contayned in this booke . chap. 1. of great motions in generall . pag. 1 the contents . motiues vnto the worke. the 19. motions vsed in the olde warres , and their interpretations . 1 of clisis , and the signification . 2 of melabole , and the signification . 3 of perispasmos , &c. 4 of epistrophe , &c. 5 of anastrophe &c. 6 of ecperispasmos &c. 7 of plagiophalanx &c. 8 of orthiophalanx &c. 9 of phalange loxe &c. 10 of parembole , &c. 11 of protaxis , &c. 12 of epitaxis , &c. 13 of prostaxis &c. 14 of entaxis . &c. 15 of hypotaxis , &c. 16 of induction , &c. 17 of paragoge , or deduction , &c. 18 of amphiltomus , &c. 19 of antistomus , &c. of diuers other motions . the intent of the authors plainenesse . chah. 2. of the particular motions belonging to the foote armie . pag. 8 the contents . in what all motions consist . of distance in files and rankes . a reconcilement between the antients and the moderne customes . a reconcilement of differences in our moderne exercises . the ground of military motions . the drawing of rude grosses , into an orderlie bodie . of single files . of files in a bodie . of closing and opening files and rankes . of files vndoubled . of files doubled . the manner of performing the motion . the aduancing of files . files vnaduanced . files aduanced . the reducing them to their first forme . the battalia of odde number vndoubled . the battalia of odde number doubled . of countermarching files of the persian , choraean or cretan countermarch . the battalia in countermarch . the battalia after countermarch . the lacedemonian countermarch . the battalia before countermarch . the countermarch performed . the macedonian countermarch . the doubling of rankes . rankes vndoubled . rankes doubled . halfe files vndoubled . halfe files doubled . halfe files reduced to their first forme . bringers vp , doubling the front. bringers vp , as they were . of wheeling . the seuerall kinds of wheeling . the battalia vnwheeled . the battalia wheeling . the battalia halfe wheeled . the battalia wheeled round about . of casting off files . files cast off in flanke . files cast off in winges . files cast off before the front. of opening and closing of rankes and files . of opening and closing , according to the word giuen . files opened or closed from the middle men . files opened or closed , to the one or the other hand . of diuers other motions . chap. 3 of the seuerall motions which belong vnto horse , or horse troopes . the contents . the vse of horse motions . the composition and extent of a horse file . the drawing vp of an horse troope . a troope of an 100. horse , trooping into the field with all their officers . a troope of horse , drawne vp into a firme bodie , for seruice , or exercise . the benefite of the square bodie of horse . the horse-mans wedge . the benefite of the wedge , and the foote battle to encounter it . the horse-mans rhombe , and the foure commanders . the foote battaile , to oppose the rhombe ; and the halfe moone or cressant . another rhombe of fiue square . of the foote battaile epicampios emprosthia , to oppose the rhombe of fiue . of the tetragonall horse battaile . of the foote battaile embolas , to oppose the tetragonall horse battaile . the forming of the foote wedge . chap. 4. of the seuerall ranges of the foote , and how they are ordered , and compounded . the contents . the ground of ranging of battailes . our moderne obseruation in ranging . how the auntients did range battailes . of the number dilochie , and the leader . of the number tetrarchy , and the leader . of taxis , and the leader . of syntagma , and the leader . of pentecosyarchy , and the leader . of chiliarchy , and the leader . of merarchy , and the leader . of phalangarchy , and the leader . of diphalangarchy , and the leader . of the foure fould battaile . the moderne range of battailes . of the halfe file , and the leader . of the whole file , and the leader . of a squadron , and the leader . of a sergeancre , and the leader . of a centurie , and the leader . of the fourth part of a regiment , and the leader . of halfe a colonie , and the leader . of a colonie , and the leader . of a full battalia , and the leader . of a double battalia , and the leader . of the vantguard , and the leader . of the reare , and the leader . of the maine battaile , and the leader . the range of weapons . the range of the light armed . the range of the armed . the moderne range of weapons . how regiments are imbattailed . how the horse doe troope . the place of the great ordnance . the guard belonging to the great ordnance . chap. 5. of the seuerall ranges of the horse , and how they are ordered , and compounded . the contents . the ranges vsed in old times . the ranges of horse vsed at this day . the range of curasheires . the range of curasheires in trooping . the generalls range . the lord marshalls range . the range of the colonells , and captaines . the range of the curasheires in battaile . distances obserued in battaile . the forme of horse battailes . the generalls range . the lord marshalls range : the colonells , and captaines range . the quarter masters range . the dignity of place , betweene the horse man , and the foote man. the range of harquebusheirs , or dragoones . the range of harquebusheirs in trooping . their range in battaile . their range in campe. their range in garrison . of their scouting and watching . where they take directions . the sovldiers grammar . chap. 1. of great motions in generall . hauing in a former short discourse , or small booke , intituled , the soldiers accidence , ( being an introduction or first guide into the art mylitary ) shewed all those first precepts and rules which necessarily belong to the knowledge of euery young soldier , so farre forth as concernes the manage and gouernement of his owne particular person ; as also those foure principall grounds , from whence all the rest of this famous art taketh its deriuation and perfection , that is to say . first , the carriage and vse of armes , conteyned in diuers postures or stations , expressing the forme , comlinesse and readinesse of men in armes . secondly , distance or seperation of place , whereby battayles are formed , changed , and proportioned , according to the will and pleasure of the principall commanders . thirdly , march and motion , which proceeding from certaine peculiar words of command , and generall direction , the soldier applieth himselfe to performe euery command in the fullnesse of perfection . and fourthly and lastly , the knowledge of the beatings of the drumbe , by which the soldier taketh notice of euery command , when the sound of mans voice is drowned or obscured . it now seemeth good vnto me ( and i hope it will yeeld a generall profite to the whole kingdome ) to fixe vnto the aforesayd accidence a grammar or introductiō into more higher , necessary and more subtile and curious rules of the art mylitary , whereby the younger schollers may be enabled to proceed and goe forward in the greater and more hidden secrets of the arte , and the elder or better experienced men of warre , may eyther finde solutions for such doubtes as shall incumber them ; or else matter whereon to worke , and make their owne more singular inuentions and applications more wholesome for the common vse , and more pleasing to their owne studies and labours . the first thing therefore which i hold most necessary to intreate of in this grammar , is of great motions in generall ; because according to the opinion of the auncients , these military motions are the life of an armie , and only giue meanes of victorie ; and without which , all preparation of forces are vaine , and auaileth nothing in the field , nor to the end for which they were leuied . since then , motion is of this inestimable reputation , the labor cannot be misimployed , which bringeth any luster or explanation vnto the same . of the smaller motions , i haue spoken somewhat already in the accidence ; as of fileing , rancking , returning to the first posture , countermarching , doubling , and such like , so far foorth as they appertayne to euery single person , or to the parts and members of a priuate companie , which we call squadrons or camerados . but now i am to intreat of the greater motions , which belong to regiments , battalias , and the whole bodie of an armie : neyther in the discourse of these things , are you to expect much alteration of wordes , or sence , but only the application of them vnto the greater and more infinite bodies , from whence they take the denomination of the greater motions . the gretians ( as aelian and his schollars ) doe reckon vp nineteene seuerall great motions , to which they giue especiall names and titles . the first , they call clisis , which is a turning to eyther hand . the second , metabole , which we call turning about . the third , perispasmos , which we call wheeling about . the fourth , epistrophe , which we call a wheeling , eyther to the one , or the other hand , but not entire , or about . the fifth , anastrophe , which we call a returning of the wheele vnto the first posture or station where it stood before it was mooued , or wheeled to eyther hand . the sixth , ecperispasmos , which we call a treble , or threefold wheeling , carrying the battalia three parts about , but not wholy and entire . the seuenth , plagiophalanx , or the broade fronted phalange , which we call the broad fronted battalia , which hath the length much exceeding the depth . the eight , orthiophalanx , which we call the deepe battalia , or herse battayle , which is a battayle drawne out in wing , and hauing the depth much exceeding the length . the ninth , phalange loxe , which we call an vneuen fronted battalia , because one of the winges ( which is thought fittest ) is euer drawne forth before the other , and as a forlorne beginneth the fight against the enemy , till opportunity serue that the whole battayle may ioyne with greater aduantage and assurance . the tenth , parembole , which we call insertion , being a drawing vp of the souldiers before , then taking off the hindermost , we ranke them within the distances of the first . the eleuenth , protaxis , which we call fore-fronting , as when we place eyther the light-armed or other loosse shotte before the front of the battayle , and make them fore-standers or beginners of the skyrmish . the twelfth , epitaxis , which we call an after placing or attending on the reare , so that if the enemie shall charge behind , yet are the light-armed in readinesse , and prepared to giue their volleys , being placed so behind the reare ( as the other before the front ) for a singular helpe and anoyance . the thirteenth , prostaxis , which we call a ioyning of bodies together , by adding to eyther of the flankes , or to both entirely , any new supply of men , eyther from the reare of the same battalia , or otherwise , from any other remooued bodie or regiment , whereby the front of the battayle is increased . the fourteenth , entaxis , which we call insition , or inserting , as when we draw the light-armed , or loose vnguarded shotte , within the spaces of the fyles and rankes of the armed battalia , so as they may be free from danger , and yet notwithstanding , euer readie to deliuer their vollies in the face of the enemies , be they foote or horse , as they shall giue their aproaches . the fifteenth , hypotaxis , which we call double winging , as when we draw the light-armed or loose shott , only within the armed winges of the battalia , and not into the entire bodie , and placing them in such an embowed forme , that the whole forme or figure thereof may resemble a threefold gate or doore . the sixteenth , we call an induction , or a right induction , as when one bodie or battalia of one and the same kinde , in forme and proportion , followeth one another , and so the march of motion stretcheth out it selfe into the manner or forme of a wing , hauing the depth much exceeding the length ; and this kind of battayle or right induction , may consist eyther of a single bodie , as when but one enemie is feared , or of a double bodie , as when two are expected , or of a treble , when three are on foote , or of a quadruple , when the enemie purposeth to giue on all sides . the seauenteenth , paragoge , which we call deduction , is when a battalia mooueth in a wing , not by file , but by ranke , hauing the file-leaders on the right-hand , which is called a right deduction , or on the left hand , which is called a left hand deduction ; and this bodie or battalia also marcheth ( as the former ) eyther in a single , double , treble , or quadruple deuision , according to the feare they apprehend of the enemie , and the aduantage of the place & ground , vpon which they march and mooue . the eighteenth , amphistomus , which we call the two fronted battayle , and looketh vpon the enemy two seuerall wayes , that is to say , by an euen and lust deuision , in the midst of an equall conuersion of the two parts ; the middle-men or halfe-fyle men are turned back to back , and those in the front and reare make two equall fronts , and brauely aduance against the enemie , and this kinde of motion is excellent against horse . the nineteenth , antistomus , which wee also call a two fronted battayle , and differeth only from the former but in this , that as the two fronted battayle amphistomus is fronted by the front and the reare , so this two fronted battayle antistomus , is fronted by the two flanks , the right flanke , and the left , and the motion hath the like vse and perfection which the former hath , being generally applyed for the encounter of horse . diuers other particular motions they haue , both for armies and battalias , as that which they call diphalange peristomus , diphalange homoiostoneus , diphalange heterostomus , the rhombe , the heteromekes , the epicampios emprosthia , the cyrte , the tetragonall , ploesium , and diuers others , of which i shall haue occasion to write hereafter : for this present , and for the generallity of motion , these already shewed and expounded are sufficient ; of all which , you shall in the ensuing chapters ( as particulars shall arise ) receiue both full demonstrations and examples , whereby the dullest vnderstanding shall be enabled to conceiue , and carry away those mysteries of art and science , which hetherto haue layne hidden and obscured ; nor haue i any intention in this worke , so to tye and conforme my selfe to the auncients , eyther gretians , or romans , that thereby ( knitting my selfe to their words and phrases ) i might bring a cloude of darkenesse ouer my labours , which i haue only dedicated to trueth and plainenesse : but i doe freely intend to set downe euery thing , in those plaine , moderne , and vsuall formes of direction , as may be auaileable for the simplest capacity , and profitable for all those that haue bound themselues prentises to this noble art , and glorious aduancement . chap. 2. of the particular motions belonging to the foote onely . all manner of marches and motions whatsoeuer , belonging to a foote company ( as i haue touched before in my accidence ) must of necessity , be eyther in distance , or forme ; & eyther of these must be , eyther in fyles or rankes , seuerally , and of themselues , or else ioyntly , both together . of fyles and rankes , what they are , what their extents ought to be , what effects , vertues , and vses are wrought by them , i haue sufficiently shewed in my accidence : only , because there is a little difference betwixt vs and the auncients , and betwixt the schollers of these moderne times , and the schollers of the elder world , i will as neere as i can , reconcile them , or at least , bring them to shake hands , and agree together . the first receiuers of millitarie discipline ( and those which are at this day their schollers , and profest imitators ) would haue a file to consist of sixeteene men in depth , successiuely one after an other : others would haue it consist of eight ; and others ( which are our latest and best approued ) would haue them consist of ten. the reason why the first would haue it consist of sixteene , is because it is an euen and proportionable number , which may bee doubled to the last man ; as from sixteene to eight , from eight to foure , from foure to two , from two to one ; and so backe againe reduced to the first forme or station . this i confesse beares a faire shew of much probability , and was doubtlesse in the first age , of singular vse and benefit , both for the forming and proportioning of battailes ; as also for the readinesse of marching , and the mixing or ioyning of many grosses , or great bodies , in one square , round or triangular fashion . but it is to be vnderstood , that in these former dayes , there was no vse or knowledge of shot , because the inuention of fire lay then vnknowne ; their darts , slings , crosse-bowes , long-bowes , and the like , which passed vnder the light-armed , held then no method or prescript forme in giuing their volleis , but deliuered them one ouer anothers head , without danger : so that the deeper the file was , the greater the volley was , and the enemy the more indangered ; besides the drawing and nocking of the arrow , the lading of the sling , the bending of the crosse-bow , and the charging of the dart , are motions so soddaine , so quicke , and so secure , that there is no necessity of alteration of place ; for in as much as not any of these volleis are deliuered vpon the leuell , but vpon necessity on the mounture ; therefore the forestanders , or leaders of files , and their followers are not indangered by the reare : so that in this case , the deeper the file is , the more hands are brought to fight , and the victory the sooner obtained . but with vs now in these moderne and latter times , wherein the inuention of shott and powder is founde out ; and the danger , sodainnesse and violence of the fire is knowne : in so much that it is euer deliuered in leuell , seldome or neuer at random ( for that is vselesse and to no constant purpose ) . in this case there is great respect to be had to the alteration and change of place , for ( as i haue sayd before ) to deliuer short one behinde another ( and that also in leuell ) is for the hindmost to kill the formost , if they shoot in leuell ( as they ought ) or otherwise shooting at randome , to spende their bulletts to no purpose and leaue the enemie vnauoided ; therefore in this true and certayne discipline , fier is onlye to be giuen in the front , and so by succession of ranks , one volley after another , euery hand is in his due time and place brought to fight , and the volley hath no intermission or respeit . now it is to bee considered in what space of time a man may charge and discharge his peece mouing from the front to the reare , and so assending vp to the front againe ; and it is found by the experience of all well iudging souldiers , that the depth of tenn men is the absolute best number , for the first man discharging in the front , in the space that nine more shall come and doe the like : the first shall make his place good againe , & so continnue the volley ad infinitum . now there are some which strongly hold opinion , that eight in depth of file shall doe as much as ten , and with as litle difficultie make readie and present ; which no question , may be possible , in expert , old , and readie soldiers and so a competent and sufficient file ; but in raw , ignorant , and half exercised men it cannot be so , neither can it be hoped that dutie shall so sudainly be performed , and if there be losse of dutie in one man , there will be losse of duty in more , and so the volley will be weakned & the battalia put in danger ; to add a man and make the file nine , is no good extent , because that odd number comming to be doubled , there will be a weaknesse either in the front , or in the reare ; and that wekenesse may ouerthrow the whole battalia ; so that for a conclusion of this point , i cannot but disallowe sixteene in file as being to great a number , in which no lesse then six men are lost in euery file so oft as they shall sallie vp or make their aproaches , eight i feare is two men to litle , the skill and dexteritie of the souldiers being doubtfull ; and nine , for the odds may not be admitted , so that it resteth that tenn men in file is the olde cettaine , and alowable number . i doe not denie but that in exercising of the souldiers , the number eight is very alowable and will bring them to a great quicknesse and readinesse , but when they shall be brought to to fight , and mixe with other regiments ; then you are to obserue the generall forme of the armie , and what extent of file the whole armie marcheth in , the same number and proportion you shall keepe in your priuat companie , which questionlesse at this day is the number tenn , and no other : both for the fittnesse of the number in discharging dutie , as also in that by the number tenn , euery hundred men make a perfect square , and so are the soonest and with the least trouble drawne into any forme of battaile that the prncipall commander can desire . thus i haue shewed you the trne extent of a file , and the impediments which hang vpon the alteration of opinions ; wherein you are to vnderstand that in all millitarie motions there must be euer a certaine and infallible grounde whereon to builde the greater workes ; for where euerie thing is vncertaine there all things must needes be confused , now in the artt of warr , rankes are vncertaine , and doe consiste of numbers accordinge to pleasure ? companies are imperfect , occationed by imployment , sicknesse , death , or other dissasters : regiments are more or lesse according to the goodnesse , or badnesse of the officers , only the file is certaine and without alteration , so that from that ground , euerie good and great commander ( vpon the first view ) can tell howe to shape and proportion any battaile whatsoeuer . this being then the concluding maxime touching the true extent , and quantitie of a file , which is the grounde or foundation where vpon all great battailes are built . we will now proceede to the seuerall motions belonging to the foote companies , of which the first and principall , is the drauing of rude , and indigested grosses , into a faire , orderlie , and well proportioned bodie ; and this must not in anie wise be done by rankinge , and drawinge forthe of rankes , for that is rude , and vn-souldier like , because ranks haue no certainty , nor hold any constant number : so that no man taking a rude heape of confused men ( which number he knoweth not ) can tell how many rankes they will containe , and keepe the files certaine : therefore to put these men in order , it must be done by filing , and not ranking ; euery file of one and the same weapon , being drawne out file after file , and then ioyned and formed into one grosse body , according to the pleasure of the commander . and in this drawing vp of bodies , is to bee considered the composition , or parts , whereof euery file must consist ; that is to say , the principall and first man of euery file , is called the leader , or captaine of the file , hee leadeth ; then followeth him three of inferiour degree ; the first man is called the middle man to the reare , or a leader of halfe files to the reare ; the sixth man is called the middle-man to the front , or leader of the halfe file to the front ; then after them , three other inferiour followers ; and lastly , the reare , or bringer vp : so that euery file consisteth of foure men of eminence and desert , as the leader , the bringer vp , the middle-man to the front , and the middle-man to the reare , and sixe inferiour followers or attendants , as by this example you shall see more plainely . single files . files in a body . the next motion after the drawing vp of confused numbers into an vniforme , is the closing and opening of fyles or rankes , or both fyles and rankes at one instant ; and in this motion , is to be obserued , true distance , or seperation of place , according to the will of the commander , because it is a motion that only consisteth in distance . the next , is a motion in forme , and that also consisteth of fyles or rankes seuerally , or of both fyles and rankes ioyntly , in one instant ; and this is doubling of fyles , or rankes : if doubling of fyles ? it is according to this example . fyles vndoubled . fyles dubled to the right hand . these fyles being eight in number , are doubled to the right hand , the outermost or corner man of the rght hand standing still , and making good both his owne place , and all the rest of his fyle , and the next man on his left hand passing behind him , and so successiuely the whole second fyle passing ( as the first ) behind the first fyle , the fourth fyle behind the third fyle , the sixth behind the fifth , & the eight behind the seuenth ; and so they stand doubled , as in the example before shewed ; where eight fyles are brought into foure , and the depth of ten brought into the depth of twentie : and in this doubling , is to be obserued , by those which remooue and passe behind the other , that if it be to the right hand , then he is first to come about round with his left foote , then step forward with his right foote behind his leader that must be , and then bring on his left foote , and place his body euen ; so that by these three motions , the action shall be performed in perfection : and thus as you double fyles to the right hand , so you may also double them to the left hand , vsing euerie motion in a contrary manner ; that is to say , where the right hand man did before stand firme , and the left hand man did moue ; now the left hand man must stand firme , and the right hand man must remoue ; and as before , the left foote did first come about , so now the right foote must , and when they shall be reduced back againe to their first place or station , then it is to be obserued , that they must in three stepps or motions , recouer their former places , remouing first the left foote , if the double were to the right hand , and the right foote , if the double were made to the left hand . the next motion , being also a motion in forme , is the aduancing of fyles , which is also a doubling , though after another manner : for in this aduancing of fyles ( if it be to the right hand ) then the right hand file standeth still , and the leader of the next file vnto it , doth advance before the right hand file , and his whole file following him in true order and distance , they all aduance , till the bringer vp , or reare man , stand iust before the leader of the right hand file , which standeth still , and moueth not ; then the fourth file aduanceth before the third , the sixth before the fifth , and the eight before the seauenth , and so forth , till euery other file haue aduanced in the whole battalia : and in like manner , if the aduancement be made to the left hand , then those which stood still , when the aduancement was to the right hand shall moue , and they which did moue shall now stand still , as by these examples doth more plainely apeare . fyles vnaduanced . fyles aduanced . thus you see how fyles are to be aduanced , eyther to the right hand , or to the left , wherein is to be obserued ; that howsoeuer i speake of files to be aduanced distinctly , one after another ; yet the motion is to be don entirely , of one mouing file at one instant : and thus , if you please , you may aduance so oft , that you may bring a whole battalia into one single file . now for reducing them into their first forme or body againe , the word ( as you were ) being giuen , euery mouing file that did aduance , shall turne faces about , and so march back to their first places ; and as thus , you aduance eyther to the right or left hand at one instant ; so you may also at one instant aduance both to the right and left hand by deuision , making the second file aduance before the first , the fourth before the third , the seuenth before the eight , the fyfth before the sixth : and as thus in aduancing , so also in doubling of files , as you double to the right or left hand ; so you may double to both the right and left hand at one instant by deuision , the second file passing behind the first , the fourth behind the third , then the seuenth behind the eight , and the fifth behind the sixth . now here by the way there may a scruple arise , that for as much as numbers may vary , and that all bodies hold not one euen or iust content or number ; that then in case there be an odd file , how then shall the bodie be doubled ? to this i answere , that if you happen to haue an odde file , then looke to what hand you double vnto , then the outmost file to the contrary hand shall stand and keepe his place firme , without doubling at all ; as if you double to the right hand , then the left hand file stands fast and vndoubled ; or if you double to the left hand , then the right hand file stands fast and vndoubled , as by these examples plainely apeareth . the odde battalia vudoubled . the odde battalia doubled . thus you see how the odde fyle standeth , and is still preserued in euery motion , being still kept in its order , both by the leader and the side-man ; and when so euer the bodie is reduced into its first forme or station , then is it full and perfit , as any other file what so euer . the next necessary motiō vnto the doublings , and aduancing of files , is the countermarching of files , which is also another motion in forme ; and of countermarching , there are diuers kindes ; as first , the ordinary countermarch , which is daily vsed amongst vs , when so euer we march or turne the bodie of the battalta too or fro ; and this countermarch , is called of some , the persian countermarch , because it was first in vse amongst them ; others call it the cretan , as taken from the immitation of those souldiers ; & others call it the choraean , from chorus , which signifieth a companie , of which companie , there were certaine dancers , who in a warlike dance were the first beginners of this motion ; this motion is performed of the whole battalia all at one instant ; the leaders of the fyles ( vpon the word giuen , to which hand they shall countermarch ) beginning the motion , as thus , if the word be giuen to countermarch to the right hand , then shall the leaders of the fyles , at one instant steppe one steppe forward with the right foote , then bringing the left foote and the bodie round about to the right hand , and so march downe through the distance betweene the fyles , till they come to the reare , where the bringer-vp stood , and there they shall make a stand ; and in this motion , euery leader shall obserue his right hand man , that they may keepe their front whole and vndismembred , because the least disorder in this motion , is the ouerthrow & disgrace of the whole bodie ; and as these leaders begin and conduct in this orderly manner ; so shall all the rest of euery file , obseruing true place and distance , follow with as great care and seuerity , euery man obseruing his leader and his right hand man , and that by no meanes they offer to turne , till they haue made good the first place , where the fyle leaders did turne , and so keeping their rankes euen and iust , the motion will be exceeding comely , as by this example apeareth . a battaila in countermarch to the right hand . the battalia after the counter march . now as they doe thus countermarch to the reare , so they may if the commander please , countermarch backe to the front againe without intermission , and so as oft and as farre as the commander pleaseth . now in this countermarch , it would bee obserued , that the files should euer be well opened ; as at the open order of sixe foote at the least ; as for the ranks they may be either at order , or close order , vnlesse they consist of shot , and then they may not march straighter then the order of three foot ; because otherwise it will incumber them , and take from them the vse of their weapons : and as thus the countermarch is made to the right or left hand entirely ; so it may bee made both to the right and left hand by diuision , as hath beene shewed before in other motions . and this countermarch is of singular vse , for it chargeth the enemy standing , it chargeth him marching , and it chargeth him retyring ; besides it bringeth euery hand to fight and suffereth none to loose duty . the next countermarch is that which is called the lacedemonians countermarch , as being first receiued from their example , and it is of singular vse in charging of the enemie , in making of approaches , and in gaining of ground of aduantage ; and though at first the ancients found it out for their light armed , which were their slings , darts , crosse-bowes , and long-bowes . yet now with vs it is found of most excellent vse for our shot , and not vnnecessary for the pikes , and other short weapons for execution , because it bringeth forward euery hand in the charge , and suffereth none to loose duty , neither doe they at any time stand or slacke in their charge , but still aduance and goe forward , till they haue attained the ende of their purpose . the manner of this nation is thus , the first ranke or leaders of the files of shot , doe present and giue fire , then stand ; and the second ranke passing either to the right or left hand ( according to commandement ) aduance before the first ranke , couering them both in order and distance ; then the third ranke aduanceth and couereth the second ; the fourth , the third ; and so foorth in an orderly charge , till the bringer vp or reare be brought and made the front ; and so as occasion shall serue to continue still , till the ende of commandment . now for the pikes or short weapons , they shall not need to aduance one ranke before another , but shall keepe their constant march ( with their pykes aduanced , ported , or shouldered ) euen still with the first ranke of shot , till they come to encounter and charge the enemy , and then at pleasure , and as occasion shall serue , they may couer one another , and bring euery seuerall hand to the pushe , till the last be first , and the first last , as by this example doth plainely appeare . the battalia before the countermarch . the countermarch performed . there be others which would haue this lacedemonian countermarch in an other maner , which is for the first ranke to face to the reare , then the second ranke , and so all the rest of the body , to march vp and turne behinde their leaders ; but they are mistaken , and conceiue not rightly of the author from whence they take their instruction : for this motion rather looseth then gayneth ground , and seemeth rather to retyre , then charge ; but i leaue the reconcilement of the doubt to those of better iudgement . the next motion is called the macedonian countermarch , but from what ground , it is not yet discussed . as for the manner of the motion , it is in this wise ; the file leaders all turne about their faces , and all the rest with the bringers vp , goe against them on the right or left hand , and passing on to the ground before the front of the battalia , place themselues in order one after another , according as the file-leaders haue turned their faces , making a shew vnto the enemy as if they were retyring , or running away ; which inticing the enemy to pursue , is of most singular vse to make him leaue and forsake any place or ground of aduantage . others take this motion to bee the macedonian countermarch , when the file-leader turneth about his face , and the rest passing by him on the right or left hand , place themselues orderly , one behinde another . and here is to be noted , that all these countermarches already spoken of , may as well be done by ranks , as by fyles , and both to the right or left hand entirely , or to both by deuision , or both by conuersion ; as in the former examples . the next motion , is the doubling of rankes either to the right or left hand intirely , as when the second ranke marcheth into the first , the fourth into the third , the sixt into the fift , and the eight into the seuenth ; and this motion must be done very orderly , beginning with the left foote , and at three steps making perfect the doubling ; then when they are to be reduced to their first forme againe , to obserue that if they doubled to the right hand , then they must turne on the left hand , to come to their first places againe , and so contrary to the other , as occasion shall serue ; or this motion may be done to both hands by deuision , or to both hands by conversion , and to either open order , order , or close order : according to these examples . rankes vndoubled . rankes doubled . thus you see rankes doubled and vndoubled , now there is another manner of doubling of rankes , and that is by the middlemen , or halfe files , when they aduancing and leading vp their halfe files brings the fift ranke on which hand they are commanded ( being middlemen to the front ) into the first ranke , the sixt into the second , the seuenth into the third , and the eight in-into the fourth , which are middlemen vnto the reare : as you may see in this example . halfe files vndoubled . halfe files doubled . now to reduce , or bring these into their first place or forme , the halfe fyles which did ascend , shall turne their faces about , and following the reare , or bringer vp , euery man shall descend , and come into his first place , as he was before . and when this bodie shall againe be reduced into his first place , then shall the bringers vp , or reare , with their halfe files , turne their faces about , and the ranke 5 shall fall behinde the ranke 4 the ranke 6 behind 5 the ranke 7 behind 6 and the ranke 8 ( being the reare , or bringrs vp ) behind the ranke 7 and so euery man is in his first place againe . the next motion vnto these , is wheeling , or turning the whole bodie of the battalia , to one , or the other hand , or entirely round about , or otherwise by deuision , to wheele it to both hands at once , eyther in part , or else round about ; the generall manner of the motion is thus ; first close your files to the right hand , and your rankes to the swords poynt ; then make the corner file leader to the right hand stand fast , and then all the whole bodie of the battalia to mooue or wheele about him , as about a center , eyther halfe about , or three parts about , or else wholy and fully round about : now to reduce it to the first posture or station , you shall command euery man to turne his face to the left hand , then wheele the bodie back againe , till it come to its first place , and then open the rankes downeward , and the fyles eyther to one , or the other hand , at pleasure : as thus you wheele the whole body to the one , or the other hand , or entirely round about , so you may wheele it to both handes at once , by deuision , eyther in part , or round about , according to pleasure ; and this is of singular vse , when the horse shall come to charge the foote ; for by this wheele , you shall couer your shotte safe , and leaue your pikes outmost , to receyue the charge : now this wheele is to be made after an other manner ; for where before , eyther the corner man of the right hand file , or the corner man of the left hand file , was to stand fast and firme , now all shall moue , and onely the middle man in the reare , to the right flanke , and the middle man in the reare , to the left flanke , shall stand fast , and vnmoued , and all the rest of the two deuided bodies shall moue about them , according to these examples following . the battalia vnwheeled . the battalia wheeling . the battalia halfe wheeled . the battalia wheeled round about . thus you haue seene the manner of wheeling , with the seuerall motions , and vses thereof . the next motion , whereto foote companies ought to be applyed , is the casting off of files , or , as some call it , the giuing of fire , by flanke , or in the flanke ; and this motion of casting of files , is done diuers waies ; as first , in flanke , then in wing , and lastly , before the front : if you cast off files in flanke to the right hand , then the right hand file ( being readie to giue fire ) standeth still , till the bodie of the battalia be marcht so far forward , that the reare , or bringers vp , become euen with the leader of the right hand file ; then that file so standing , and prepared , giueth fire altogether ; then presently march vp betwene the outmost file of pikes , on the right hand , and the inmost file of shotte ; then the second file of shotte , as the first , doth stand still , till the bodie be marched by , and then giue their volley , and then march vp as they first did , betweene the outmost file of pikes , and the inmost file of shotte , as aforesaide ; and thus successiuely , euery file of shotte giueth their volley , that are conteyned in that right wing , which done , wheele the whole bodie about , and bring the left wing , to doe as much as the right wing , and so wing after wing , according to pleasure ; and this manner of casting of files in flanke , is of excellent vse for the beating of paces in woods , or bogges ; also , for the mayntaining of straight and narrow waies , for defence of bridges , and the like ; and that you may haue a better vnderstanding therein , behold the figures following . files cast off in flanke to the right hand . here you see the file 1. standeth still , and hauing giuen their volley , are to retreat betweene the file 4. and the file 3. then the file 2. standeth still and hauing giuen their volley , retreat betweene the file 4. and the file 1. then the file 3. standeth still , and hauing giuen their volley , retreate betweene the file 4. and the file 2. and then the whole wing is as it was at the first , 1.2.3 now as thus you may cast off the files to both hands , making the file 10. to stand , and the volley giuen to retreate betweene the file 8. and the file 7. then the file 9. to stand , and the volley giuen to retreate betweene the file 7. and the file 10. then the file 8. to stand , and the volley giuen , to retreat betweene the file 7. and the file 9. so then the body is brought againe to his first forme , 8.9.10 . now for the casting of files in wing , you must draw foorth the file 1. on the right hand , and the file 10. on the left hand in the manner of wings , and hauing giuen their volley , shall stand still till the reare bee aduanced , and then the file 1. shall retreat betweene the file 4. and the file 3. and the file 10. shall retreat between the file 7. and the file 8. as in the former example , and so the rest of the files one after another , this example appeareth . files cast off in wings . lastly , there are files cast off before the front of the battalia , after this manner . files cast off before the front. here as you see the file 1. to the right hand is drawne before the front , who as soone as they haue giuen fire , shall turne their faces to the right hand , and following the bringer vp , shall make retreate betweene the files 4 and 3. and there couer themselues till they haue made ready againe . then shal be drawn forth before the front , the file 10 to the left hand , who after they haue giuen fire , shall turne faces to the left hand , and retreat betweene the files 8. and 7. then shall bee drawne out the file 2. to the right hand , which hauing giuen fire , turne faces as before to the right hand , and then retreate betweene the files 4 and 1. likewise in the same manner the file 9 is drawne out to the left hand , and hauing giuen fire , turne their faces , and retreate between the files 7 and 10. and thus successiuely one after another you shall drawe foorth euery file of shot , first on the right hand , then on the left , till the seruice be accomplished , and thus much of the casting off the files . there is yet an other motion of the foote , which is worthy obseruation , and that is opening and closing of rankes and files : wherein is to be noted , as i haue shewed in the accidence , that rankes when they open to any order whatsoeuer , ought , for the most part , to open downeward , by turning face about , and descending till they come to the distance commanded , and then to turne faces as they were , but when they close to any order , it must euer be done vpward , towards the front. 〈◊〉 files when they open or close must euermore doe it to the right or left hand , or to both , in this manner . if you giue the word of command plainely , and barely , without any implication , or addition thus , open your file to open order , &c. or to any other order ; then shall the two middle men to the two flankes standing in the middest of the front , open the one from the other according to the distance appointed , and their whole files shall follow them in an euen line ; then the rest of the file-leader shall open from these middle men , one halfe to the right hand , the other to the left , till the whole battalia bee opened , according to commandment , as you may see by this example . files opened from the middle-men . and as thus you open , ( if the word be giuen in one and the selfe same manner : ) so likewise you must close your files , the middleman first ioyning with their files ; then after all the rest of the file-leaders , with their files to both hands , till the commandment be fulfilled . but if the word of command bee giuen , files to the right hand open to open order , &c. or to any order else , then shall the right hand file-leader with his file , and so successiuely euery other file-leader ( with their files ) shall open after the right hand man , till the command be perfited ; and as thus you open , so you must also close ; and as you open or close to the right hand , so you must open or close to the left hand , when the word of command is giuen to that purpose . diuerse other motions there be belonging to the foote companies , as the turning of faces to either hand or about ; the forme whereof is express almost in euery figure before shewed : also the charging to any hand , to the front , to the reare , or to all at an instant ; of which i shall haue cause to speake more amply in anoother place : therefore at this time , these already expressed , shall serue for the motions of the foote company . chap. 3. of the seuerall motions which belong vnto horse , or , horse troopes . the motions of horse are diuers , according to the opinion of the auntients , and to these moderne times also , as you may perceiue by my accidence , wherein i haue set you downe the seuerall words of command , belonging to euery motion of horse now in vse ; all which , are so neere a kinne to the foote motions , that i hold it needelesse to repeate them ouer heere againe , but referre those which desire to learne those generall motions , to the accidence , and to those motions of foote which are already specified and set downe in this grammer : i will now proceed to those other motions and imbattaylings of horse , which being more difficult and strange , doth more amase the minde of the industrious learner , and are harder attayned vnto by discourse , without some playner demonstration . first therefore , the generall motions of horse at this day ( wherein the launce the light staffe , and the snort pistoll are taken away , and onely the long pistoll and dragoone in vse ) are conteyned in trooping , discouering , charging , wheeling , and retyring ; and all these are done , eyther by whole bodies , by parts , or deuisions , by many files , few files , or single files : and herein you are to call to minde ( as i haue shewed in the accidence ) that as the rankes of horse are compounded of vncertaine numbers ; so the file must euer be constantly sixe deepe , being compounded of a leader , a follower , two middlemen , a follower , and a bringer vp or , the reare man , according to this demonstration . 0 leader . 1 follower . 0 middle man. 0 middle man. 1 follower . 0 bringer vp . thus you see the contents and forme of a horse file , from which certainty , and true knowne ground , euery skilfull commander may builde vp any bodie that he pleaseth ; whereas , if both ranke and fyle should be incertaine , and at pleasure , there would then be no ground for any thing , but euerything would be confused , according to the phantast quenesse of opinion . when you haue therefore drawne your horse troop into rankes and files , which you must doe file after file , till euerie man be placed according to the order , & not according to the fashiō of our ignorant commanders , whom i haue heard ( at the first gathering of a bodie together ) to command the men to ranke three , fiue , seuen , or as fancie leades them , for this is most absurde , and vnproper , because rankes are , and may be of vncertaine number ; so that ranking at hap hazard , it is almost impossible that the files should fall out euen , whose number must not be changed ; and so a new worke to begin , which at the first might better haue bene finished . but to my purpose againe ; when you haue drawne vp the bodie of the horse in true files and rankes , and hauing euerie officers readie for his due place , as captaine , liuetenant , cornet , trumpets and corporalls : you shall then ( according to the figure or example following in the next page ) troope into the field , eyther for seruice , or other exercise . a troupe of an hundred horse , trouping into the field , with their officers the former troope drawne vp into a firme body either for seruice or exercise with all the officers . thus you haue seen the maner of trooping into the field , with al the officers of a priuat troop , and how they are deuided into foure deuisions . the first , or head , being lead by the captaine ; the second diuision by the cornet ; the third , by the eldest corporall ; the fourth , by the second corporall ; the reare or hindmost being brought vp by the lieutenant , the two yongest corporalls are extrauagant , and ride vp and downe on both sides , to see the whole body keepe their true order . the trumpets ( if their bee more then one ) the edest troopes vpon the head next after the captaine , and the second troopeth in the reare , two rankes before the lieutenant ; if there bee three , the third soundeth before the cornet . now for the drawing of this troope into a firme body , for seruice , or exercise , the captaine hauing found conuenient ground , maketh a stand with his deuision ; and the cornet bringeth vp his deuision , on the left hand the captaines , placing himselfe vpon the left file of his owne deuision ; then the eldest corporall bringeth vp his deuision on the left hand the cornet , and as soone as they are ioyned , hee departeth himselfe to the outside of the right wing , to see that true order and distance bee kept ; then the second corporall bringeth vp his deuision on the left hand the eldest corporalls , and himselfe departeth to the outside of the left wing , to see that true order and distance be kept ; for now all corporalls are extrauagant ; and all the trumpets ascend to the head and troope next behinde the captaine , and before the cornet ; the eldest trumpet taking the right hand , and so the rest according to antiquitie . this body , or square battalia is of all other the best , and most sure for all manner of seruice , and may the easiliest be reduced , and brought to any other forme , that inuention can finde out ; and with this body , you may eyther charge entirely and wholy at once , or you may deuide it , and charge sundrie waies , or else by drawing out two , or three , or more fyles , skirmish on euery side the foote battaile , and put them to much anoyance . there is another forme of imbattailing the horse , which is called the horsemans-wedge , and it is drawne vp into the forme of this figure , or example following . the horsemans wedge . this wedge , charging poynt-wise vpon the foote , seeketh to disfeue : and breake the front , whereby , getting an entrance , they put all into route and confusion , which the footemen perceiuing , they haue no meanes of safety , but eyther by maine strength to repulse them , or else to deuide their body in the midst into two parts , and to giue the horse a free and thorow passage ; which foote battaile so deuided , is called the battalia antistomus . there is an other battalia of horse , which is called the rhombe of horse , and it is proportioned according to this figure , and is of great vse , hauing in euery corner a leader . the rhombe . this horsmans rhombe was first found out in thessalia , and thence brought in great practise , through the benefite thereof , being able to passe through , and to peirce any foote battaile whatsoeuer ; and is only to be opposed , by that foote battalia which is called menoides or cressent , and in forme of an halfe moone , whose winges being stretched out by the leaders , the middle part is imbowed , and bent to inuyron and wrappe in the horse men as they charge , and so put them to route and disorder , and therefore in this case are to keepe aloofe off , and not to come in , but to plye their pistolls , till they see the foote battaile stagger , and fall into disorder : another rhombe of fiue square . this rhombe of fiue in square , doth not ranke , but onely fileth , and is of equall vse with the former rhombe , and is as necessarie for our pistolers in these daies , as it was in times past for the crossebow men , and other archers , and dart casters on horse backe . there is no foote battaile more excellent to oppose , then as that which is called of the auntient epicampios , emprosthia , which as the halfe moone carrieth a circular hollownesse , so this carrieth a square hollownesse , as you may see in this figure . the foote battaile , epicampios . the end or purpose , to which this foote battaile is framed , is to beguile and ouerreach the pistoleirs , eyther by inticing them into the voyd or emptic place of the battalia , as they charge in furie , and vpon the spurre , or else , by disordering their horses with their winges , and so driue them into an vtter confusion . this battalia makes shew but of a small number , because the deuisions lie hid and couered , and so much apter to be mistaken ; for , the winges which are the least number , are only apparent to the eye , the bodie ( which is three times more ) is hardly discerned ; so that if the winges preuaile , the conquest is sure ; if they faile , they may easily retire into the maine bodie , and make a powerfull resistance . there is another horse battaile , which is square in figure , but not in horse , being eleuen in ranke , and but sixe in file , which is called of the auntients a tetragonall horse battaile ; this is a very strong battaile , as all square battailes are , and our fore fathers did affect it much , and we at this day finde it of great vse for our pistoleirs , both for the strength , and the ready framing thereof , there is no battaile on foote to oppose it , but that which is called embolos , or the wedge of foore , which is framed of foote men , as the former wedge was made of horse men , all the outsides consisting of armed pikes , and the lynings within of shotte : also the front of this foote wedge , consisteth of three armed pikes , as the horse wedge did consist of one single armed pistolier . many other motions and imbattaylings of horse there be , but none more vsefull then these already expressed ; and he that is able to draw horse and man , into these formes and figures all readie expressed , may without any difficultie or amazement , draw vp any other battaile at the first sight , be the inuention neuer so deepe , obscure , and curious . chap. 4. of the seuerall ranges of the foote , and how they are ordered , and compounded . generally , all foote battailes , or battailes of the infantrie , are ranged into rankes & files ; now the rankes are vncertaine , therefore from them no true ground can be taken ; but the files are certaine , therefore from them must arise the ground of well ranging of battailes , for these files are ordered into bodies , and those bodies haue euery one a seuerall name , or denomination , by which the auntients did distinguish them ; but we lesse curious , and finding that playner demonstrations , and names of lesse difficultie , were sooner apprehended , and conceiued of the ignorant souldiers , haue neglected those hard and vnacquainted names , and haue reduced them to termes of greater familiarity , and much lesse trouble and vexation to the memory : yet because i know that noueltie is pleasing vnto many ; some , desirous to know what they neuer intend to practise ; others , willing to satisfie their mindes , least questions of this nature might be vnseasonably brought vpon them ; and others , for argument sake , to fill vp discourse , with those knowledges which they imagine are obscured to others : for these reasons , i thinke it not amisse , to shew how the auntients did range their battailes , and what names they gaue to their seuerall numbers ; and then , to shew our owne manner of range , and the easy apprehension thereof , that being compared together , iudgement may soone finde out , which is most auaileable . and heerein , you must first vnderstand , that the auntients did range their battailes into files , euery single file contayning in depth or number , full sixteene men , and so called a file ; a bodie compounded of two files , they termed a dilochie , of two and thirty men , and the leader , or captaine of those two and thirty men , was called dilochita ; foure files , contayning threescore and foure men , they called a tetrarchy , and the captaine or leader thereof tetrarcha ; eight files , a taxis , and the captaine taxiarcha ; then is sixteene files , a syntagma , and the captaine thereof syntagmatarcha , which indeed , is that man which we call a captaine in chiefe , for euery syntagmatarcha had vnder him , fiue inferior commanders , that is to say , a reare commander , which we call a liuetenant , an ensigne , a trumpeter , which in our foote companies is the drumbe , a sergeant , and a cryer , which we call a corporall : now two and thirty files ( which is two syntagmas ) they call a pentecosiarchy , and contayneth fiue hundred and twelue men , which with vs is called a colonie or regiment , and the captaine thereof is called pentecosiarcha , which we call a colonell , now two of these pentecosiarchies being a thousand and twenty foure men ; and three score and foure files , they call a chiliarchy , and the captaine thereof chiliarcha , which indeed we call a colonell generall ; two chiliarchies amounting to two thousand and forty eight men , they call a merarchy , being a hundred and twenty eight files , and the captaine merarcha , which is with vs the sergeant maior generall ; two merarchies they call a phalangarchy , and the captaine phalangarcha , which is as much as the master of our ordnance ; two phalangarchyes they call a diphalangarchy , and the captaine diphalangarcha , which is with vs as liuetenant generall ; and two diphalangarchies make a foure fold battaile of phalange , consisting of a thousand and twenty foure files , and sixteene thousand three hundred and eighty foure men , whose captaine is the king , or his generall . thus you haue the range of a foote battaile , according to the custome of the auncients , from the first file ( which is the lowest ) to the full extent of a maine battaile . it now resteth that i shew you our moderne or late manner of range , by which all our battailes are compounded , gouerned , and conducted ; and in this discription , i must varry much from the auntients , and begin a steppe lower in degree ; but two stepps ( at least ) lower in number . and here i must haue you first remember , that as the auntients began with whole files of 16. in number , so i must now begin with halfe files , being but fiue in number ; for in this range ( of which now i write ) no file must exceede the number of 10. fiue then , which is the roote or beginning of this range , is called halfe a file , or halfe a decurio , and the leader or captaine thereof is called lanspesado , or middle man ; two halfe files make a whole file of ten , and the leader or captaine thereof is called decurio , or the file leader . two whole files and a halfe , which is 25. men , we call a squadron or square of men , being fiue euery way , and the leader or captaine thereof is called the corporall : two squadrons , being 50. men , and fiue files , is called a sergeancie , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called a sergeant . two sergeancies being 100. men , and ten files , is called a centurie , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the captaine , which captaine hath vnder him 11. superordinary men , that is to say , a liuetenant , an ensigne , a drumbe , two sergeants , foure corporalls , a surgion , and a clarke . two centuries and a halfe , being 200. men , and 15. files , is called the fourth part of a regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the sergeant maior of a regiment . two fourth parts of a regiment being 500. men , and 30. files , is called halfe a colonie or regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the liuetenant colonell . two halfe colonies , being 1000. men , is called a colonie or regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called a colonell , which colonell hath also vnder him in his regiment ( besides the captaines and officers before named ) one that is called the quarter maister , whose range is inferior to euery captaine , but before euerie liuetenant , and the officers that are vnder them ; as for the range of the captaines which are vnder these three greater officers , they shall take precedencie of place , according to their antiquitie in cōmand , and the eldest captaines collours shall flie first , the second next , and so of the rest ; and the colonells liuetenant shall take his place as the youngest captaine of that regiment . two colonies or regiments , is called a bodie , or full battalia , consisting of 2000. men , and the chiefetaine or leader thereof , is called colonell generall . two battalias consisting of 4000. men , is called a double battalia , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called the sergeant maior generall . two double battalias , containing 8000. men , is called a vantguard , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the lord marshall , commanding the first third of the battaile or army . two vantguards being 16000. men , is called the reare , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called the liuetenant generall . two reares being 32000. men , is called the maine battaile , and the cheife or leader thereof is called the king , or generall , who hath also supreame authoritie ouer all the whole armie , how great or puissant soeuer . thus you haue seene the true range of footemen , and their leaders , according to their numbers : it now resteth , that i shew you the true range of their weapons . in the auntient times the light armed ( which were bowmen , darters , and slingers ) had the vantguard , and were the first beginners of fight and skyrmish , for by their darts and arrowes , they prouoked the enemie to breake their rankes , and ouerthrew and killed many in their approaches , they galled and repulsed the horse much , and indeede , were euer the first authors of victorie ; and as thus they sometimes placed them in the front , so at other times , they had their places in the flankes , and sometimes in the reare ; but the generall and most certaine range which they held , was euer betwene the armed pikes : the first file of the light armed , behinde the first file of the armed ; the second file of the light armed , behind the second file of the armed ; and so consequently , to leuie all the armed menne through the whole batttalia ; yet the file of the light armed , shall be but halfe the number of the armed ; and these battailes shall be drawne into diuers deuisions . but this range of weapons agreeth not without discipline at this day , for our battailes consisting only of armed pikes , muskatiers , and a fewe short weapons , they are raunged in this manner , when they march into the field , they march company after company single of themselues without any mixture : and in this march of single companies , the muskatiers are deuided into two parts ; the one part hath the vanguard , the other hath the reare , and the pikes march in the midst ; vpon the head whereof is the ensigne , and about it the short weapons , as halberd , partizans , or the like , ( if the company haue any ) when they are come into the field , then is euery regiment drawn vp into a body by it selfe , whereof all the pikes are drawne into an entire body by themselues , and the shott deuided into two bodies , whereof one halfe wingeth vp the right hand of the pikes , and the other halfe wingeth vp the left hand of the pikes . the ensignes stand still on the head , or within a ranke , and the short weapons of execution about them for guard . these regiments are drawne into the battaile , according to the pleasure of the lord marshall , or serieant maior generall . the horsemen are the wings which troope on each side of the battaile , keeping the distance of halfe a furlong at least from either side of the shot . the great ordance , or artilery are drawne from the two outmost poynts of the battaile , a pretty distance from the vantguard , and extend themselues wider and and wider frō the battaile , being drawe at length in a single file , their carriage , prouision , and munision being drawn neere vnto them , and the regiment belonging to the master of the ordnance , following closse about them as a sure defence , wall , or guard . and thus you haue the full range of the foote battaile , and how it is disposed . chap. 5. of the seuerall ranges of the horse , and how they are ordered and compounded . the horse-troopes in the ancient and first times had no one certaine range , or place in the battaile , but according to the humors and opinions of their generals , so they were altered and carried vp and downe to seueral places of commandment . aelian saith , that in some battailes within his own memorie and knowledge , the horse troopes were ranged after the light armed , yet doth not constantly stand vpon the allowance of that range ; but saith , that although they were ranged after the light-armed , yet other places might be more conuenient , and this range might be altered at the pleasure of the general , or vpon any necessary occasion , where victories stood doubtfull : others of the ancients , as at sometimes the macedonians , now and then the romans , but many times the thebans & thessalians haue ranged their troops of horse in the reare of the armed battailes , and good successe hath many times issued thereof , & the rangers of such battailes haue returned victors : others of the auntients , and especially alexander himselfe , craterus , and most of the worthiest macedonians , haue ranged their horse battailes vpon the right and left winges of the maine armie ; and indeed , these places are most probable and best agreeing with our present discipline . to come then to the range of the horse battaile , as it is vsed at this day , you must vnderstand , that it varyeth foure seuerall waies ; two in the range of the curaseires , two in the range of the harquebuseires or dragoones . the curaseires haue two seuerall ranges , the one in ordinary trooping , the other in a formed battaile . in an ordinary troope where the whole battaile mooueth , the first day , the troope and regiment belonging to the generall , troopeth formost , and hath the leading of the poynt ; after him , troopeth the troope and regiment of the lord marshall ; and after him , euery colonell , and his regiment , according to his antiquitie : the next day , the lord marshall , and his regiment , hath the leading of the poynt or vauntguard , and the generall hath the reare ; the eldest colonell succeedeth the lord marshall , and so the rest of the colonells , and their regiments after him , according to antiquitie : the third day , the eldest colonell hath the poynt or vantguard , and the lord marshall hath the reare after the generall ; and thus alternately euery colonell shall change his place , & haue the leading of the poynt or vauntguard , according to the seuerall daies of trooping ( there being no intermission or stay of many daies betweene the seuerall remooues : and as thus the chiefe and superior cōmanders doe remooue and alter their places , so shall the inferior commanders of euerie regiment doe the like ; the colonell hauing the principall place the first day , the liuetenant colonell the second day , the sergeant maior the third day ; and so euery captaine after , according to his antiquitie ; in which order , no commander looseth dignitie , but hath his seuerall day of glory , and as much preheminence as the generall , or any other commander , whatsoeuer . now if it come to a formed battaile , then the ranges change , and the regiments are drawne vp into one whole and entire bodie , in which drawing vp of regiments , this order is to be obserued , that euery perticular troope shall duely keepe their two distances , that is to say , open order in their rankes , and close order in their files , then betwixt company and company , in euery regiment , shall be the space of 25. foote , that thereby they may be the better distinguished , and the sooner drawne foorth , and imployed in any needefull place , as the superior commanders shall thinke good . this order and distance being obserued , regiments are to be brought into maine bodies , eyther square , long , tryangular , or dyamond , according to the nature of the ground , and the fashion of the enemies battaile , for therein is the aduantage . now for the true range , the generall hath euer the vauntguard , which is the right wing of the battaile , and the lord marshall hath the second vauntguard , which is the poynt of the left wing of the battaile ; for here is to be vnderstood , that when battailes of foote are drawne vp and formed , then the battaile of horse is deuided , and extended forth in length , acording to the number of the regiments , which as wings stretching themselues foorth from the two points of the right and left hand battaile of foot ; are as a wall or defense betwixt the enemy & the foot army , being to charge vpon all aduantages , to defend the ordnance & great artillerie when it shal be assaulted or ingaged ; or otherwise to keep the carriage , munition and baggage , from the pillage of the enemy , or other defeiture . for the range of the colonels they take their places according to antiquity ; the eldest colonell secondeth the generall the third , the lord martiall , and so according to antiquitie their regiments doe troope , either on the one or the other hand , all things being ordered according to dignitiy and antiquity . now whereas a question may be demanded touching the place of the quartermaster , were he shall range himselfe ; i thus resolue it . that if the quarter-master , who is a necessary dependant vpon euery horse regiment , haue no troope of horse , as seldome or neuer they haue , then his range or place is euer to troope with the collonels lieutenant , and the commissary or prouost of euery regiment with the liuetenant collonels liueteuant , or otherwise ( at his pleasure ) extrauagantly in any other inferior place of the regiment . againe , here is to be noted in the generallitie of the army where horse and foote are mixed together , or whensoeuer they shall meet either in publicke court or priuate counsell , that the commander of horse hath priority of place before the commander of foot. and howsoeuer some opinions would sway to the contrary , preferring number before vertue ; yet it is most certaine , that in all courts of warre , the horseman hath the first place , a collonell of 500. horse preceeding a collonell of 1000. foot. a captaine of 100. horse takes place before a captaine of 200. foot , &c. antiquity in this place being no let , but the dignity carried according to the honor of the command , & the nobility of the number . now next vnto these curasheirs are the harquebusheirs , who at this day , and in this present discipline , stand for the light horse ; these likewise haue two seuerall ranges , the one in their ordinary trooping ; and the other , when they come to be drawne vp into ordinary or extraordinary bodies : for the ordinarie trooping , it is eyther when they troope into the fielde to receiue directions , or else troope forth as vantcurreers and dicouerers of all impediments that may happen to the army , for these are they which scower the coast , and preuent ambuscadoes , they make good ryuers , bridges , and all straight passages , and albe their trooping is loose and disbanded , holding no strickt or curious forme , eyther in ranke or file , nor any certainety in pace or motion , but sometimes galloping , sometimes trotting , & sometimes standing still , ( as danger or discouerie shall giue way to their proceedings ) yet doe they troope most commonly in regiments , the vauntguard being led eyther by the colonell himselfe , or some other officer in chiefe , who being better acquainted with the places they goe to discouer , hath this authority cast vpon him , and rangeth himselfe in the front , which is the greatest place of eminence : as the colonell or chiefe officer thus taketh the first place , so the liuetenant colonell taketh the second , and so the rest of the captaines successiuely , according to their antiquity : these are the ordinary scoutes , watchmen , and sentinells , and if it be in campe , their guard is euer without the verge of the campe , and if it be in a walled towne , citty , or garrison , their guard is without the walles of the citty , and their quarter in the suburbes ; there are dependants on the lord marshall , and take directions from his commands ; and thus much for the range of horsemen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06967-e3160 motiues to the worke. motions vsed in the olde warres . diuers other motions . the authors plainenesse in what , motions consist . of distances . the ancient and the moderne author reconcil'd . the ground of all motions . the drawing of grosses into order . of single files . of closing and opening . the manner of performing the motion . aduancing of files . reducing thē to their first forme . of countermarching . the lacedemonian countermarch . the macedonian countermarch . doubling of rankes . halfe files as they were . bringers vp , as they were . of wheeling . casting files . of opening and cloasing . files opened or closed by the middle-men . files opened , or closed to any hand . other motions the vse of horse motions . an horse file . drawing vp of a horse troope . the benefite of the square bodie . the prospectiue glasse of vvarre shevving you a glimpse of vvarres mystery, in her admirable stratagems, policies, wayes; in victualling of an armie, prouiding money to pay souldiers, finding out the enemies purposes, traps, and stratagems: ordering of marches, framing of battails, sundry fights, retreats, and the like, to auoide battell or fight. furnished with argument to encourage and skill to instruct. by c.e. warre is a schoole of necesary knowledge. cooke, edward, fl. 1626-1631. 1628 approx. 90 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19256 stc 5669 estc s120766 99855960 99855960 21471 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19256) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21471) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1231:01) the prospectiue glasse of vvarre shevving you a glimpse of vvarres mystery, in her admirable stratagems, policies, wayes; in victualling of an armie, prouiding money to pay souldiers, finding out the enemies purposes, traps, and stratagems: ordering of marches, framing of battails, sundry fights, retreats, and the like, to auoide battell or fight. furnished with argument to encourage and skill to instruct. by c.e. warre is a schoole of necesary knowledge. cooke, edward, fl. 1626-1631. [10], 51, [1] p. : ill printed [by t. cotes] for michael sparke, dwelling at the signe of the blue bible in green-arbor, london : 1628. by edward cooke; title page and a4v erroneously give author's initials as 'c.e.'; a3v corrected to 'edward cooke'. woodcut illustration on title page. printer's name from stc. h2r has advertisement for postures of pike and musket sold at the 'angell in lumberstreet'. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the prospectiue glasse of vvarre . shevving you a glimps of vvarres mystery , in her admirable stratagems , policies , wayes ; in victualling of an armie , prouiding money to pay souldiers , finding out the enemies purposes , traps , and stratagems : ordering of marches , framing of battails , sundry fights , retreats , and the like , to auoide battell or fight . furnished with argument to encourage , and skill to instruct . by c. e. warre is a schoole of necessary knowledge . london : printed for michael sparke , dwelling at the signe of the blue bible in greone-arbor . 1628. to the honorable sir iohn cooke knight , principall secretarie of state to his maiestie . sir , as shape beautifies an image , so good actions commend a man. that which did commend lucullus most , was this , * hee would rather deliuer a roman citizen from the hands of his enemy , then win all that his enemies had in their power . lucullus in this did conquer himselfe ; as alexander did in containing from darius his most faire wife and daughters ; and caesar , in sparing to punish his greatest enemies . to whom cicero said , that in other victories , fortune , policy , & souldiers , might claime a part , but in this , he alone should haue all the glorie . glorie , thirst of prey , and loue of country , were the three things that set all the romans vpon admirable action . the first is counted but a * vice ; the second , no better then theft ; the third , is the vertue heroicall . in this vertue cicero excelled the other three , and therefore was honoured with this epitaph , pater patriae . he was called father of his country , because he kept it from decay . all those that in their consultations doe seeke the benefit of their country , doe deserue the like like reward and praise . you then sir , are to be praised and honoured of all men , whose consultations tend to the benefit of the whole kingdome : hauing obtained a conquest of your selfe ( being a christian ) far aboue that of lucullus and caesars . therfore you shall attaine a most sure triumph , the guide of whose chariot shall be grace giuen from aboue , and glory , that shall neuer faile you . it is reported of roscius ( the tragedian ) that men durst not aduenture to act in a tragedie in his sight , because of his excellencie in that facultie . and shall i dare to discourse of warre ( or any other subiect ) before so great a statesman , so learned , exquesite a mathematician as your selfe ? behold i were blanckt , and should stand as queene hester did ( dead in all mens opinion : ) did not your septer of benignitie giue me life , and tell me that you are a fauoror of arts and armes . therefore i take courage , and prostrate this my poore labor to kisse your honorable hands , not as any addition to your vncontroleable and approued knowledge , but as a weake fabrick , which onely wanteth the support of your much admired goodnesse . pleaseth it you therefore to accept my booke , to peruse and allow of the same , that it may the more safely come abroad , and thereby deserue the better fauour and acceptance of all the readers thereof : as allowed of him , whose noble acts as well within the realme , as without , haue alwayes from time to time , so well appeared . so i shall be the more boldned , and encouraged to take the like paines hereafter , if good and meet occasion , may serue there vnto . euer vowed to you ( honourable sir ) in all dutifull seruice , edward cooke . the preface to the reader . iudicious reader : it is not the least , but the greatest kinde of folly , when a man hauing but a little science , presumeth to teach not onely those which haue onely science , but such as haue most certaine experience . for mine owne part ( among many ) i am most free from this guilt : though for the good of many i haue published this treatise which will make me thereby seeme guiltie . yet i confesse the booke or treatise is a collection of such notes as haue bin by me selected out of the best tacticke writers both ancient and moderne . all which i haue illustrated with examples , and precepts , the better to instruct all yong commanders ; who by reading them may get much knowledge . but it may be these braue spirits are minded to get knowledge by experience , and not to ioyne experience vnto knowledge : therefore they affect the bloody fields of africke better then the beautifull schooles in greece . well , let them doe so ; but in my opinion it seemes a farre better and shorter way ( for them ) to attaine to the name of worthy perfect captaines , to ioyne experience vnto knowledge , then to get knowledge by experience . for mans life is short and subiect to many casualties , oftentimes it is cut off before it can come to any such perfection as is required in an excellent man of war ; whereas small experience with diligent reading , and perfect learning of feats of warre may frame and make many politicke captaines in a small time . i doe not meane that knowledge without experience can doe any great thing at all ; but being ioyned both together , doubtlesse they may be as able to bring to passe as great and as merueilous things in valiant men in these our dayes , as they haue done to others before our time : to which not only experience alone brought them , but diligent learning and study of the art of warre , written and set forth by historicall writers and poets . innumerable are the bookes which this age doth afford of the like subiect for their direction : the number of which i haue augmented by two ; namely , the character of warre , and the prospectiue glasse of warre . the character of warre , doth instruct them in the vse of the postures , in the vse of facing , wheeling , countermarching , doubling , distances , and the like . and how to command a company . the prospectiue glasse of warre doth instruct them how to victuall an army , how to prouide money to pay souldiers , how to finde out the enemies purposes , traps , and stratagems ; how to direct an army to march either by day or by night ; how to embattell ; how to behaue themselues in battell , when to fight , when to auoide fight , with many other excellent things worthy of their knowledge . then let them read , and reading they will learne to iudge aright of the author ; who puts a difference betweene the state of philosophers , and the state of captaines ; betweene the skill to read in schooles , and the knowledge to rule an army ; between the science that wise men haue in books , and the experience that others haue in war ; betweene the skill to write with the pen , and others to write with the sword ; betweene one that for his pastime is set round with deskes of bookes , and another in perill of life , encompassed with troopes of enemies . therefore presumes not to teach any such graue experienced souldiers ; onely records what they haue done , or can doe ; which he recounts to others to imitate , who it may be haue neither seene nor read them . spare not then to iudge and censure him who will euer remaine thine . c. e. hiss . hiss . a battell both with seconds , and ayds for all attempts ; containing 12000. foote , and 4000. horse , with ordnance on the hils , reare & flanks . the prospective glasse of vvarre . chap. i. after what manner a commander or generall should best prouide victuals and mouie to content his souldiers , & how to finde out the purposes , trapps , and stratagems of his enemy . victuals is the soule of an army : money , but the sinewes : without the first your army cannot at all subsist ; without the second , but indifferently : but with both , admirable well . that your army may haue both soule and sinewes , thereby to subsist long and well , prouide for it good store of victuals and money : likewise prye into the wiles and stratagems of the enemy in time , that it may go well with your army . which that you may well do , these precepts following will direct you aright . but first of victuals . victuals consist first in conuenient prouision of them , then in safe keeping and preseruing of them , then in good distributing , or spending , or bestowing of them alwayes . all which you must carefully execute if you would not willingly taste of want . 1. prouide for victuals before you vndertake the warre , for then is the time of best prouision . 2. in your warre begun , store your selfe with victuals , either neere hand or farre off . and conduct it with good and strong conuoyes , lest the enemy surprise it . 3. in your townes of warre , either without or within , haue great store of milles to grinde corne to sustaine you the better in a seidge : and bee sure to looke well vnto them , & sufficiently to defend them , especially those that are without the towne . 4. if you beseidge townes or cities , you ought to hurle downe all milles within and without , and to cut of the water from them , if you cannot keepe them for your owne vse . 5. prouide that such neighbours as dwell neere vnto you , may safely bring victuals into your campe without danger of the enemy . 6. in case of necessity send your souldiers into their prouince to abide & be relieued with victuals for a time . example , galli being in some distresse of victuals , choose the citie attella , a citie full of victuals , to stay there vntill by their friends they might bee relieued , both with victuals and souldiers . in which citie their souldiers for a while were largely relieued and freely , with or at the charges of the cittizens . 7. seeke by all meanes to intercept your enemies victuals ; and lay seidge to those places from whence their chiefe reliefe of victuals doth come . example , the captaines of charles the sift , in the warres against the germans , lacked victuals somewhat , where on the other side , the germans lying in a plaine fertill country , had plenty of victuals , vpon the occasion of the aoundance of the country , being large ; and partly because certaine friendly cities and countries lay behinde them on the otherside of the riuer . for the same purpose charles the emperour went about for to gaine the cities standing about the riuer from them , and so the aduantage of the same riuer with victuals : which was a braue act . like this was that of francis sforsa , who vnderstanding that the frenchmen , or army at nouaro , had great comfort of victuals from biagrassa , he beseidged that towne suddenly , & tooke it : by which occasion hee tooke from them their chiefe victuals : and shortly after the french army was faine to remoue . 8. if you are for to iourney towards the warres , iourney in a plentifull country , and which hath in long time beene in peace . thus did the french king charles the eight when he came to the citie of ast . 9. also you are to iourney in your confederates country , and who vpon very great occasion is to desire your society , for such will ayde you liberally . this was likewise practised by charles the eight when he inuaded naples : for other wayes of getting of victuals , and preseruing them so got , peruse these presedents . 10. some kings , captaines , and generals , which haue either taken , or saued some citie which was likely to be lost , haue caused their souldiers to be releiued of victuals in the same ; in the houses of them which were their enemies . 11. some haue vsed for to send certaine captaines of souldiers into other cities , for to ease the present spending in the place where they were . 12. some haue vsed to send all the poore and impotent people out of their citie so beseidged , that their victuals might last the longer . 13. some would suffer none either to returne or to haue reliefe of victuals : which vnreasonable hard vsage needed not , if gouernors would before hand , and before need , prepare both for abundance of victuals , or else withall take order for the moderate spending of their victuals : for negligence of prouision of victuals in time , and mispending , or else lacke of good keeping or ordering them which you haue , should be well seene vnto . i pretermit this . and i fall vpon the prouision of money for the payment of your souldiers wages . hauing money sufficient , it is best to pay your souldiers beforehand , or monthly . 1. if you be bare of money , pay some wages , and procure that the souldiers may haue victuals good cheape all the while you lacke money , or imploy them where continuall spoyle may be had . 2. if you haue little money , pay a part of that openly in the hands of such souldiers as are most likely to make a mutiny . 3. some generals when as their souldiers haue beene ready to reuoult or mutiny for lacke of pay , haue straight way brought them to the battell , for this purpose ; if victory happened on their side , they would pay their souldiers of the spoyle of their enemies , or else if their army were ouerthrowne , then they should be cleerely and well discharged of the grieuous and dangerous complaint . 4. some haue caused the cittizens of cities to receiue souldiers into their houses for to giue vnto them meate , drinke , and lodging , and to giue wages vnto the same souldiers . thus did anthony de leua at millan . this was he that forbad all his cittizens for to eate any bread but onely such as should bee bought of him : for which purpose he appointed in euery streete certaine houses where bread should be sold , at what price he lusted , and none durst do the contrary . by which kinde of means he got into his hands all such kinde of money as any citizen of millan had in his chests , or else could make or reserue by any meanes or wayes ; with which he payd his souldiers . this was his way , but some haue found other wayes besides these . 5. some generals haue gaged all their plate and iewels vnto rich monyed men , to pay their souldiers . 6. some kings haue borrowed all the iewels and ornaments of certaine great ladies or estates , which were their friends and kinsmen , and haue pawned the same to vsurers for to pay their souldiers . 7. borrow largely of your confederates money , who seeketh your society in his warres : for his speciall purpose : the french king charles the 8. could do this passing well . 8. seeke of such a confederate any other ayde or furniture for your warres , which furniture can stay your laying out of much expence . 9. seeme ( to such a confederate ) to deferre your warres that you may the better wring forth of him greater summes . it may bee he may proue like lodowicke sforza duke of millan . this duke , seeing charles the eight make no haste to inuade naples according vnto promise , because lodowicke was to worke a feate by charles his comming , which otherwise hee was very hardly to do ; he sent his sonne in law with a braue captaine into france vnto the king , offering him money , shippes , horsemen , and many other things of great importance , which the king accepted , and for that cause before did stay the warre . thus much of this , which shall suffice for the wayes of getting of money to pay souldiers , and likewise for victualling your army . i will now shew the wayes by which you may finde out your enemies purposes , trapps , and stratagems . to doe which , well obserue these precepts . 1. first , you are to suspect vehemently , or else to feare , how your enemy hath an invention by some subtiltie or politique stratagem , or inuention , or else some crafty deceite or wile to entrap , beguile , or ouerthrow your army . 2. next for such intents or purposes , you should entertaine very good and sundry espialls , who by all meanes are to be very attentiue , inquisitiue , curious , liberall , suspitious , and bold . 3. which especially should remaine or abide neer the court of your enemy , or else neere vnto the army of your enemies , or in some friends country of your enemies , or neere some neighbour of your enemies , or in the way of your enemies , or else a common trauellor , or else a studient in the land of the enemies , or a subiect of reputation in the land of your enemies , or else a merchant or common seller of wares , or a barber , or a victualler in your enemies country . 5 which kinde of espialls , you are neuer to trust throughly , but euer to bee iealous of them , and to weigh and conferre their reports with the reports of other espialls , and with likely-hoods , oppertunities , and reasons . haue espialls continually , if it be possible , in your enemies army . the langraue , with other captaines of the germans , ( against the emperour charles the first by name ) had in charles his army ●00 . good espials , whereby he almost euery houre had certaine knowledge what was done or said in charles his campe or tents . charles the first emperour lacked good espials , for which cause he left many things vndone , which had beene for his singular profit , if hee had knowne of such occasions . therefore prouide you good espialls ; which espials are so necessary in the wars as any thing else : for by them you shall vnderstand how your enemie will fight , what hee will doe against your army , marching , fighting , or flying . which motions , ( or rather principall heads of the art of warre ) shall be handled in the foure next chapters following . chap. ii. how a commander or generall should order his march , both by day and night for the saftie of his army : how passe woodes , hills , and riuers , beset or not beset with enemies . with many other necessary circumstances appertaining to marches . i am now to enter by degrees vpon these foure principall heads of the art of warre : namely , marching , embattelling , fighting , and flying from an enemie . all which i will deliuer with as good method , plainnesse , and breuitie as i can . i am to begin with marching : wherein i pray obserue my method and order ; which shall be , fiirst by precept to prescribe it : then by example to approue it ; example being the life of precept . i begin . 1. in marching you must bee very mistrustfull of your enemie , lest he entrap you with ambushes . 2. you must therefore appoint some to march before to discouer suspected places ; as woodes , mountaines , forests , rockes , banckes of riuers , caues , hills , hollow and deepe wayes . the most of which are rough and intricate , and scarce passable for the heauy armed and horse . 3. the fittest for this seruice are your musketteers ; i , and your dragons to ioyne with them , for they may alight from their horses and serue on foot . 4. you must march sometimes in one forme , sometimes in another , according to the place and occasion offered . example . alexander at the riuer granicus marched with his horse foremost to passe the riuer , and to assaile the persians , who had opposed their horse against him on the bankes . 5. marching through the streights to fight the battaile of issos , he marched with his horse behinde his foot , because he was vncertaine how neere the enemy lay , and was loath to put them to hazzard before they had libertie of ground to order themselues , and might haue assistance of the foot. at the riuer of ister hee did the like ; for hauing past the riuer , hee marched through a corne field , and therefore so marshalled them for feare of an ambush . otherwise it was his custome in marching ( as it is the manner also at this day ) to dispose his horse halfe behinde , and halfe before : the carriage in the midst , or otherwise . but how to march properly both by day and by night , with your carriage truely placed , and euery thing rightly ordered , is a point worthy to be taken notice of : briefely thus . being to march in the day , obserue the manner of march now in vse . 7. let some dragons and musketteers march before to represse the enemies incursions , and to search woods and forrests for ambushes , and to surprise straight wayes , bridges and foords . send after them your pyoneers to mend the wayes , to cut the woods that are in the way , least by bad way the army be tyred . 8. let the foot of the vantguard ( or right wing ) follow , enery battalion there of in order , hauing halfe the horse of the army before them , and all their baggage and carriage behinde them . 9. after let the battalions of the battell follow with all their baggage and carriage in the reare , as the former . let the battalions of the reareward ( or left wing ) follow , with all their baggage or carriage behinde them . let euery one of the battalions haue their shoot before and behinde . and let the remainder of your horse bring vp the reare . as for your ordnance , distribute that ( as your carriage ) both behinde the vantgard , the battell , and the rereward ; the better to serue against all attempts . 10. at night , quarter the battalions of the vantgard all in one place ; those of the battell all in another ; and those of the reareward all by themselues , but not too farre a sunder for feare of danger . 11. in the morning being to dislodge : first shoot off one peece of ordnance , a little after that another , and so a third in his time . shooting the first , the army takes notice you will dislodge ; therefore they trusse vp their baggage and load it . shooting the second , they take vp their armes and fall into ranke : shooting the third , they set forward to march . thus graue maurice did dislodge his souldiers . vespatian did it by the sound of a trumpet ( as iosephus doth report ) in the third booke of his antiquities , chap. 3. 12. being to march in the night obserue the graecian order . send your baggage and carriage before with a sufficient guard . then follow , first with your pikemen , then with your light armed ( being musketteers ; ) next with all your horse in the reare ; the better ▪ by breake of day to come all together into one place , as ought to be . this way your army in the night is easily kept together , and is soonest espied if it breake . 13. being to inuade an enemies countrie , march with your carriage in the reare . when you doe dismarch from an enemies countrie , let your carriage be in the front , vnlesse great store of enemies be suspected to intercept it ; then you must place it in the midst . 14. now in fight you may dispose of it fiue manner of wayes ; either before the army , or behinde , or on the one flanke , or on the other , or in the midst . before the army , when you feare to be charged behinde : behinde the army , when you lead towards the enemy : when you feare to be charged in flanke , on the contrary side : in the midst , when a hollow battell is needfull and fit . this last was practised by s r horatio vere in the pallatinate , and by the graecians ( as zenophon doth record in his third booke of the ascent of cyrus . 15. being to march through a wood obserue zenophons counsell . let your foot and horse in order single themselues as the way fals out , and you shall make your passage the more secure and easie : zenophon did thus , as you may read in his sixt book of the ascent of cyrus . 16. it were not amisse to haue some musketteers to march on the sides of the wood , to secure the rest within . 17. if your enemy be in a wood , fenne , hill , fort , towne , or other place of strength , that admitteth no accesse , send your musketteers to shew themselues , and with a brauado to toule him out of his aduantage , and bring him into the field , where he may the more easily be dealt withall : with these musketteers send some horse to set vpon him , if he dare to venture forth . example . alexander leading his army against the tribals that had hid themselues in a wood , commanded his archers and slingers to run out and shoot , and sling among the barbarians , to see if he could toule them into the plaine . the archers and slingers spared not to let flye , and the tribals being wounded with arrows , threw themselues out of the wood with all speed , to fall vpon the vnarmed archers . then alexander with his horse presently charged them , and being ouerborne by the horse they fled through the wood to the riuer . 18. alexander whensoeuer he was to vse expedition , marched away with the horse and light armed , leauing the armed to come after . the armed are for a firme and stedfast fight , not for concursions . 19. being then forsome farre , yet sodaine attempt , leaue your pikemen behinde , and march away with your horse and musketeers : for when celeritie is requisite , who so fit to be imployed , as they who haue nothing to hinder their speed . 20. being to march against an enemy in his owne countrie , giue the word to come to such a prouince , but inuade another : by this you shall deceiue your enemy . agesilaus to deceiue tisaphernes , made countenance as though he would first inuade caria ; whereupon tisaphernes gathered all his power together ; but agesilaus on a sodaine returned backe againe , and entred into phrygia , tooke there many cities , and won great spoile . 21. many generals besides agesilaus haue done the like , then be not you carelesse of it ; for by such a plot the enemy some other time may perchance be drawne to deceiue himselfe . example . agesilaus vpon another time gaue out that he would enter lydia , not meaning to deceiue tisaphernes againe , but tisaphernes deceiued himself , and thought he would haue inuaded caria , a woodie countrey very ill for horsemen , in which he was the weaker : but agesilaus tooke the champion countrey of lydia contrary to his expectation , so that tisaphernes was inforced to come with all the speed that might be to the rescue thereof : therefore leauing all his foot behinde him , he came stealing vpon them with his horse : agesilaus vnderstanding by his men that tisaphernes was come ( and had made some slaughter of such as were found stragling abroad out of order ) imagined with himselfe that the footmen of his enemies could not yet be arriued , therefore with all speed he thrust in among the horsemen ( which he had ) his light armed footmen , and commanded them straight to charge the enemy , whilst he caused the heauy armed men to follow at their heeles , as they did : but tisaphernes men fled vpon it immediately , and agesilaus men lustily followed the chase , tooke his campe , and made a great slaughter of them that fled . 22. being in an enemies countrie , march in battell array , and let your pyoners worke the harder , for a long march here is dangerous . send horse and musketeers a good way before , to search the hils , and to surprise them from the enemy . 23. in marching betweene mountaines and hils , see that your vantgard succour your rereward , your rereward the vantgard , if your enemies goe about to intercept or molest you marching . zenophon and cherisophus did thus against the carduchans : obserue the manner . the carduchans by fighting took the streights which lay in their way , and indeauoured to hinder and shut vp their march : but when they opposed against the vant , zenophon from the reate ascending the mountaines , and gaining the vpper ground , remoued all the impediments the enemy could cast vpon the way : when against the reare , cherisophus ascending vp tooke the vpper ground likewise , and freed the way from them that came behinde . so they alwayes succoured , and had mutuall care one of another . 24. lighting in your march vpon deepe and impassible riuers , and hauing no boats ( to make bridges ) to waffe you ouer ; marching further to the heads of the riuers , you may goe ouer without wetting your knees : zenophon in the third booke of the ascent of cyrus . 25. being come to some passable riuer , where the currant runnes exceeding strong ; cause your horse to breake the waters , and then let your foot march ouer , but sheltered on each side with the horse . 26. if the currant be ouer bigge , so that you cannot waide ouer ; cut the same riuer in diuers places , and turne it into the landward with other currants , and you may passe ouer with ease . 27. being to passe a great riuer where the enemy on the bankes stands to intercept your passage ; to withdraw him from thence ( and to deceiue him ) seeme to leaue the attempt , and march away ; then hauing left some behinde you to make a bridge ( vnknowne to the enemy ) returne when you see your time , and passe your men ouer with ease . example . caesar hauing his army on a banke of a riuer in france and his passage being let of vergintorige a frenchman , the which on the other side of the riuer , had his men , marched many daies along the riuer , and the like did the enemy : wherefore caesar encamping in a woodie place , apt to hide men , he tooke out of euery legion 3. cohorts , and made them to tarry in the same place , commanding them that so soone as hee was departed , they should cast ouer a bridge , and fortifie it , & hee and his other men followed on the way : wherefore vergintorige seeing the number of the legions , thinking that there was not left any part of them behinde , followed also his way . but caesar when hee supposed the bridge was made , turned backward , & finding all things in order , passed the riuer without difficultie . in marching , to auoyd contention about place ; let euery nation haue his honour of place : that which had the vantgard this day , must haue the reareward the next day ; and so of all the rest by turnes . thus much for marching . chap. iii. how a commander or generall , should order his battells , and how behaue himselfe in the time of fight , and after the battell lost . the substance of the art military doth subsist in this : how to order your battell , and how to behaue your selfe in the time of fight , and after the battell lost : to do which , obserue these particular precepts , and you will be enabled to doe accordingly . i begin with the ordering of your battels . 1. you are to chuse your place both for rainging of your battels before fight , and in the fight of the battell , that the same place be able to containe your whole army without disturbance . 2. next in ordering your battels ▪ you must consider what dangers are likely , or else may happen by causualtie or fortune , and to prouide for remedies by your order beforehand . 3. likewise you are to consider , that you ought not to order your battels in all cases and respects alike , but very diuersly as your case shall require . for you are to order your battels according , partly vnto the nature of the ground , partly vnto the quantity , quality , or regard of your enemies army , and partly vnto such respect as is fittest against such orders or battels of your enemies best knowne to your selfe for your best aduantage . 4. you are to order your army into conuenient parts , and to appoint euery one his place , number , and action . 5. you are to order your battels , that no part of your army be any disturbance to any part of your battels . 6. your are to chuse your place , and to order your army so , that your enemies cannot compasse you either with their horsemen , or with their shoot , great or small , or otherwise to your hurt . 7. you are with discretion to learne and know the equality and inequality of the number of your enemies army with your owne army . for you can neuer most aptly order your army in iust battels , for to be ordered according to discipline of warre , before you know and consider throughly , the nature , force , and weakenesse of either of your armies . 8. also you are to consider , how you may take any aduantage vpon any orders , prouisions , oractions ; of your enemies present order , weakenesse , or strength . 9. consider also what kindes of aduantages the times of the yeare or the day affordeth , which can bee had by your enemies or your selfe , or else of the ayre , or else of tempests past or present . 10. further consider which things first are possible or may be ; then which are likely ; next which are apparant before your eyes easie to bee knowne or to bee prouided for . 11. which well knowne and considered , you are then to order your battels , to take your ground , for to plant your ordnance , to auoyd your dangers , to take your aduantages , for to worke your stratagems also for your most comfort , and so to fight accordingly . but how to order your battels , and so to fight accordingly , is to bee discussed of more largely ; for therein is the chiefe substance of the art military , in which some generals haue beene more expert then others . excellent generals ( of old ) commonly did vse to ordaine of footmen apt for to fight , three great battels ; a vantgard , a battell , and a rearward ; and two wings of their horsemen : and when they came to fight , they did set them for the most part in an euen front : the battell in the midst ; on the right hand the vantgard , which was called the right winge ; on the left the reareward , which was called the left winge . their order we doe in a manner follow : for wee haue vantgard , battell , and reareward , which wee place in front as they did ; onely we differ in the kinde of embattailing . by kinde of embattailing , i meane not bils , & bowes ; but grosse bodies : for they parted their army into three parts , and embattailed them into three grosse bodies . wee diuide our army into three parts , but not into such grosse bodies ; as for example , say wee haue 12000. foot , and 4000. horse ; if we bring them into one front without seconds , we do thus . in our vantgard , or right winge , we put 3000. men , diuiding them into three battalions , sometimes into more , as we see occasion . in our battell wee put 6000. men diuiding them into three battalions , euery one containing 2000. a piece , for the battalions in the battell , must exceede those in the wings . in our reareward or left winge , we put 3000. men , diuiding them into as many battalions , with as many men in either of them , as was to bee in the vantgard aboue mentioned . our horse we place halfe in the righwinge , and halfe in the left winge , the ordinary place for horse . for proofe of this , looke into the ordinary practise of the netherlands , and you shall see them sometimes to put two regiments into one battalion , sometimes but one , and sometimes they will make two battalions of one regiment . wee as they are not tyed to any certaine number , but may vary as we see occasions . occasions are produced by the enemy , by the ground , by our selues to our best aduantage , and therefore we do accordingly . if our number bee more , wee haue the more battalions ; if lesse , the fewer , vnlesse some pollicie be vsed . some generals haue martialed their army onely into one battell , some into two , some into three , some into foure , some into fiue , some into six , and some into nine . the venetians at the battell of taro , did martiall their army into nine battalions ; whereof three was to fight with the enemy , other three to bee aide to the other three fighting , and the other three was appointed for sundry other purposes and effects . king ferdenand , besides his ordinary battalions , had another standing aloofe behinde his other battailes , for to take aduantage , or else to helpe in necessitie as occasion serued ; which were light horsemen . the earle of surry , at the battell of sloddon , had likewise besides his ordinary battels , one battell of light horsemen , with which hee discomfitted iames ( the fourth ) king of scots . iames king of scots , at the same battell of sloddon , did martiall his army into six battailes , without horse reliefe , or seconds , which lost him the field . for the english with their horse ( when the king had the better ) would presently giue vpon his flanks , so snatcht the victory out of his hands , hauing neither horse nor seconds to recouer it . the argonians , haue diuided their army into fiue battels ; which battels in forme of straight or direct hornes , were extended from the great battell or midle-ward . but these were partly horse and foote . the heluetians , haue martialed their army into three battels , without horse or seconds ; sometimes into one battell onely of footmen , which was their vsuall forme by custome . but not to be imitated . the spaniard , haue martialed their army into two battels ; one of footmen in one winge , and another of horsemen in another winge , all in an euen front. now they do otherwise . the ancient romanes , haue martialed their armed foote into three battels . the first subsisting of the hastatij , the second of the principes , the third of the triarij : with velites to either of them , and horse in the winges . how their velites ( light armed men ) were placed , being too weake to deale with horsemen , or armed foote ( without aduantage ) i will shew you hereafter . some haue ordered a weake battell of foot or horsemen , against a strong battell of their enemies foote or horsemen , thereby to bring their enemies strength into some stratagem , which was wisely done by the great captaine gonsaluo , against the frenchmen . this gonsaluo sent a noble spaniard called mondotius , against the generall of the frenchmen to fight with his reareward ; which mondotius , had a company of light horsemen for to inuade the reare of the frenchmen , and with him likewise went two cohorts of calliuer-shot , which kept company in the front almost with them , being extended as in two spred winges . mondotius horse left these shot , and inuaded freshly the hindermost of the french. the french barbed horsemen , with fury set vpon mondotius light horsemen : mondotius light horsemen retired as though they were not able to encounter the barbed horsemen : thus flying , caused the barbed horsemen to persue out of order : then the calliuer-shot keeping aloofe off ( about a furlong ) and in forme of a halfe moone , shot of vpon the french barbed horsmen , before & on the flanks . gonsaluo thereupon sent a company of his barbed horsemen to the aide of his light horsemen flying , & his calliuers fighting : thereupon his light horsemen returned , and ioyned with their owne barbed horsemen that came for aide , and both of them in order , did set vpon the frenchmen out of order ; the shot continuing on both sides , and backes as before . which kinde of order ( you see ) and flying , and ayde of the spaniards , was for to bring first such french force to disorder , and so thereby to discomfort them the easlier , which was done to their mindes . the forme of the french kings battell , containing 12000. foote , and 4000. horse . the horse should haue beene higher placed , and more inclining to the three vppermost field peeces . where you shall see 15. battalions of foot , martialed in a manner after the french kings forme , viz. in the vantgard or right wing , are three battalions of 500. a peece , flanckt with muskettiers ; before euery one of which are raunged ten files of muskettiers ; three in the right angle , three in the left , and foure in the midst iust before them ; euery file containing ten men , which shot are to make their way through the interuals of the battalions in the reare of all , there to giue vpon the enemies flanks . in the battell are three battalions , containing 3000. men , ( a thousand a peece ) flankt with muskettiers , and with muskettiers before them in the same fashion as the rest . in the reareward ( or left winge ) of the battell , are likewise three battalions of 500. a peece , embattailed as the rest , with muskettiers before them , in the same forme as the other : behinde these battalions ( for seconds ) are foure battalions of 500. a peece , standing against the interuals of their opposite battalions ; which interuals are 200. foote broad , that the foure battalions may the better passe through them . these foure battalions haue shot before them as the former , which with the rest may march forth to skirmish with the enemie ; or stand still to second them vpon their retreate , before the battels ioyne : after being in the reare to giue vpon your enemies flanks as the other . the rest of the battalions are in front but twelue foote distance one from another , and at three foote order . the diuisions of muskettiers are allowed six foote , that they may the better fall through , hauing giuen fire . in the reare of all are two battalions , of a thousand a peece , standing iust behinde the three battalions of the battell , about a furlong of . on the flanks of these are 800 , horse , 400. in each flanke , oblique wise , the better to start forth and inuiron the enemy . in like manner are the horse martialed in the outward flanks of the rest , but in greater numbers . peruse the figure . by the winges of these two battalions are two field peeces ready turned and bent to the reare , to discharge vpon the enemy , if he should with horse or foote giue vpon that part ; if not , then these field peeces may bee with ease brought from thence to some other place to annoy him other wayes . as for the rest of the ordance , i haue planted them vpon two hils opposite against the enemies flanks , thereby to distresse him . and for the better performance of this , i haue planted 700. muskettiers to guard them ; and will ayde them with more if neede be . now against this battell hauing ordnance in the reare , and on the hils , to distresse the enemies flanks , i oppose this battell following . a battell of 12000. foot and 4000. horse , with ordnance in the midst , and on the wings . described in the next page . the pricks inclosed with lines are 800. shot to surprise the enemies ordnance on the hils . here ( or in the figure going before ) you see are sixteene battalions . the ordnance planted both in the wings and in the front of the maine battell . the ordnance in the maine battell , hath before them 400. muskettiers , ranged in the same forme as the enemies , the better to hide the deceit : for so soone as the muskettiers are cleare of the battell , the ordnance are to discharge vpon the enemy to breake his maine battell ; and then the other battels are to march on to charge the enemy in disorder : the horse are martialled outward on the wings , and stand oblique wise to inuiron the enemy . now before the horse giue the charge , eight hundred musketties doe sallie forth to surprise the enemies ordnance , being planting on the hils . the figure doth demonstrate it as plaine as can be , with the number of euery battalion ; onely take notice that the shot before euery battalion are to make their passage through the interuals , and sides of the battailes , in the reare of all ; from thence to giue vpon the enemies flankes , if occasion be , otherwise to aide their own men in the fight . all the shot before the battalions are in number 1200. this appointing of shot for to march before , and to surprise the enemies ordnance ( in such a place of aduantage ) was heretofore practised by ancient generals , and lately by our great commander sir horatio vere in the palatinate , though the battel were vnfought . the planting of ordnance in the front of the maine battaile , betweene the interuals , to breake the enemies battalia , was , and is at this day practised by the turkes , and other nations . likewise the placing of ordnance in the reare with seconds for all attempts , was , and is at this day practised both by italians , french , germanes , and other generals besides . you see then that all this is no crotchet of mine ( as the pacing of the shot before euery battalion was no crotchet of the french kings ) but the vsuall custome of all generals before and in his time . the ancient romans did continually obserue it in placing their velites before euery maniple . their velites were their light armed , such as vsed throwing weapons ( in latine massilia ) as bowes , slings and darts . to a popular legion they allotted 1200. velites . 1200. hastalij , 1200 principes , and 600. triarij . these made vp a legion . this legion of 4200. foot was deuided into 30. maniples ; ten of the hastatij , ten of the principes , and ten of the triarij . the ten of the hastatij made the first battell , the ten of the principes the second battell , the ten of the triarij the third battell : if but one legion were embattailed . to each of these battailes were allotted 400. velites , fortie to a maniple : the battels containing 3000. of well armed men , besides the velites which were but lightly armed . how these maniples were placed : how far distant each battell stood one from another : the order of the velites : the number of their horse , and how ranged by troopes , must not be passed ouer . briefly thus . the embattaling of a romane legion ; shewing you how the velites were first placed , being in number 1200. they are marked with prickes , being fiue in ranke , eight in depth , 40. before euery maniple . the maniples of the hastatij are marked with h. those of the principes with p. those of the triarii with t. fiue troupts of horse in the right wing , fiue in the left , and 32. in a troupe . lastly , at a larger distance behinde these were the triarij set , aud deuided with spaces betwixt euery maniple , which spaces were great enough to receiue the principes in case they retired also : but how bigge the crosse interuals were i cannot truely and soundly set downe ; rather i beleeue they varied , according to the forces and will of the generall . polibus noteth that haniball in his affrican battell remoued the third battell ( for so he had diuided them according to the roman fashion ) more then a furlong from the second . and although i dare not affirme that the romans did the like , yet may i probably guesse it differed not much , because they had neede to haue such space to retire , and to auoid the mingling and confusion of troopes . now the direct waies were indifferent , sometimes of one distance , sometimes of another , as vse required : if the velites were there placed as often as they were , they had neede be broad , so large as to receiue them with the maniples ; yet not so large as the crosse interuals , of which i haue spoke . the manner of the velites fight dismarching from their maniples , marked with s. with their retreat in the reare of all behinde the triarii , marked with v. and prickes . the horse of this legion were in number 320. diuided into ten troopes , 32. in a troope : fiue troopes placed on the right wing , fiue on the left wing , oblique wise , withall closing in the front , and opening in the reare , like this letter a put downewards . the manner of the velites fight with their retreat into the reare of all behinde the triary is in the former page figured to the life . with the station of the horse on the flanks , to saue the battell from inuironing , and to charge the enemy in the flanke , if the enemy gaue the charge with his horse in the front. i with iustus lipsus doe admire the romane embattailing , and will affirme as much as hee , that if this ancient discipline were ioyned with these our new found armes , the old and new world would be subiect to one man : for surely if our light souldiers ( so i call shot ) were mixt betweene the maniples and before the maniples of the armed , with interuals and distances for retreat , and that against the horse and armed foot , what battalia durst assaile , nay , what battalia could resist vs ? for in regard hereof our men should be alwayes fit to charge , fit to retire for a second charge . all which notwithstanding is to be done with long vse and exercise , least they trouble vs in the doing . if any obiect against the romans discipline , because such maniples are not able to cope with great battaliaes ? let them know , that the romans did make their maniples cohorts ; and their cohorts were sometimes 500. sometimes 600. nay , a thousand if we beleeue vegetius : and is not this our number when wee embattaile ? and will not you imitate them ? well , if you will not , yet follow the discipline now in vse ; a discipline approued for instruction , instructing you to doe thus . 1. when your battalia of footmen come to ioyne battaila with your enemies footmen , haue a great company of muskettiers before you to hurt and weaken your aduersary before you ioyne battell or fight ; which shot when they haue wrought their effect must haue roome ready open for them to retreat into the reare ; from whence they may be fecht to serue against the enemies flankes . your enemies battalia in such case , comming without shot before , hath his next remedy in all haste to ioyne to handy stroakes . your care must euer be to auoid confusion of fight . confusion of fight isto begin before your time , which causeth such inconuenience , as is cause oftentimes of losse : therefore in the beginning of your fight take great heede that you inuade nor fight confusedly . whereas euery part of the army hath his ordinary time to fight : neither suffer any part of your army to fight with your euemy in any other fashion then you appointed him . and for such casualties and accidents as may happen to you in battell or fight , keepe these conclusions following in memory and heart , and they will much auaile you in time of neede . 2. if your horsemen be oppressed with your enemies horsemen , send for succour a supply of musketties , who may scattering and out of order , as occasion shall serue , shoot at the oppressors , and vpon occasion retire and returne very often . 3. to these you may send a gard of pikes for rescue , the better to bring them off safe : but if you inuade your enemy with muskettiers , with your gard of pike send some horse , that both may defend them from inuasion of the enemies horsemen . 4. likewise to giue the enemy his hands full , follow him with a battalion resolutely , to put all or one of his battalions to rout ; and hauing discomfited any one of his battels , send onely a small or conuenient company to persue the chase , and with the rest inuade quickely some part of his army fighting with any one of your battels : this must of necessitie be done ; for sundry victories haue beene lost vpon this occasion : that when one battell hath ouerthrowne his first encountered enemies battell , it hath immediately followed the chase , and not holpen his owne fellowes in danger . likewise in your first ioyning of battell , if your foreward gaine the victory , ioyne your other battels immediately whilst comfort is on your side , on your enemies discomfort . this got bucoy the victory at prague . 6. if your footmen be vehemently oppressed with your enemies footmen ; send your horsemen to inuade the sides of your enemies , and with them some shot to hold them play : but if you can plant a peece of ordnance against their flanke , it will much abate their courage . 7. if your enemies come vpon you vnprouided and vnlooked for , send your horsemen or shot , to skirmish with them , whilst you intend to make you ready for battell . also your horse may extend themselues into a deepe heirse battell , for to inuade your enemies with their more trouble and stay . 8. or to deceiue your enemies , march towards them with a company of horse , and make semblance of fight , as if the whole army followed . the enemy at this will stand ; your battels in the meane time be set : you by this may outface the enemy , and returne againe without fight . 9. then being in good order , if your occasion be such , that you would not haue your enemies vnderstand of your orders and policies , cause you horsemen to run vp and down : the dust , to let their fight . doe the like if you haue planted and ordered your army all in stratagems . 10. if your enemies maine battell doe vrge very valiantly your foreward , and his other battell be not ready to helpe , or rescue , cause both your other battels one on the one side , and the other on the other side , freshly to inuade your enemies maine battell ; and herein you shall doe wisely , imitating your predecessours , the braue english , at the battell of poytiers . 11. if you hauing a small and weake number , and you vnderstand that your enemies goe for to distresse a certaine aide comming to helpe you : where you be sent after the enemy to inuade the backes of them when they be fighting with your aide ; comming , set not you on rashly vpon your enemies , before your time appointed ; for if you fight with your enemies so , being stronger , before your aide haue set vpon their front , you foolishly cast away your selues , and also leaue your aide in danger : and by your vntimely , rash , and vnwarlike onset bereaue your selues of your aide and helpe . and withall you much comfort your enemies , who might haue beene discomforted ; for if you had obserued your discipline and purpose , you should haue followed your enemy closely , with as little noyse as might be , vntill your enemies had set vpon your ayde ; then in the heat of their fight , you should haue set vpon their backes , before your enemies were knowing of your comming : which kinde of dealing had beene most hurtfull to your enemies , commodious to your ayde , and profitable to your selues ; for warlike discipline is , that a weaker company neuer fight with a greater strength , without a speciall aduantage of time , occasion , and place for to helpe you . also , neuer to breake your aduised determinate purpose , without you be either enforced , either drawne to fight by occasion of some notable accident offered by chance . accident will happen ; for in warres no most certaine rule can be appointed , which is not broken by some meanes at some seuerall times : therefore wait time , and so i proceede to other councell . 12. if you abound in number , couet to compasse your enemies , and to distresse them being weake . 13. if your enemies abound in number , prouide by order , or stratagem , or place , that your enemies cannot compasse you . 14. plant your campe or army to fight in a very strong ground by nature , and helpe it by art. 15. some haue vsed to choose their ground fortified by nature , as prosper colonno . 16. some haue no regard of the strength of the place by nature , but choose rather to fortifie all wholly by art and industry , as the ancient romans . 17. some seeke places somewhat by nature strong , and by art and industry make them more stronger . they fortifie themselues as well in fight as in campe , which the good captaines of our time doe vsually . 18. therefore if you be vnwilling to fight , and your enemies must needes fight with you , by your industry make a ditch three foot deepe , and fiue or sixe foot broad , and cast the earth towards you ; which ditch , if you thinke good , let it be especially in the front , also in the sides , and on your backes also , as prosper colonno would often dot . 19. which ditch , if it haue sundry places open and free for your enemies to enter , of no great space , it shall encourage them there to enter ; where if you prouide some stratagem against them , you doe well . the fittest stratagem for this occasion , is to place certaine companies before the gaps , and certaine ordnance behinde them to be discharged when they open in the midst . 20. whereupon , if your enemies desist , vrge them hardly , onely make a faire shew , but proceede no further . for you are not to put your confidence in such weake fortification : nor in the arrogancy of your men to fight ; by arrogancy many armies are ouerthrowne , where by wisedome many are saued . i present you the figure of such an intrenched battell to peruse ; ( in the next page following ) but you may doe as you please . 21. if your company be small , and your enemy haue great store of horsemen against you , so that you be likely to loose the battell , if your enemies againe set vpon you ; if any great wood be neere , seeke to saue your army by the thicknesse of the same wood , and suffer your enemies to gaine your ordnance , and baggage , and victuals , that they spoyling the same , you may the better escape . 22. likewise when you haue a battell more then the enemies , diuide it into two parts ; and where you see any danger among your enemies , send first one a foure-fronted battell for stratagem , being enuironed with a ditch . the ditch is 6. foot broad , and 3. foot deepe . it hath foure gaps ( for sallyes ) twentie paces broad , to allure the enemy there to enter . it hath at euery gap fiue battalions of 300. a peece : it hath a field peece behinde euery middle battell ; euery middle battell must open in the midst , before the peece doe discharge ; then the horse must issue forth vpon the enemy : for this cause the horse haue their place in the midst , remote from the foot , diuided into foure squadrons , ( in the forme of a crosse ) ready faced to the gaps : being in all 1600. the foot 6000. if you will haue no horse in the midst , then diuide them into 8 troupes ; place them for wings , in an euen front , or on the angles : so the battell will be hollow , and the foot battels for the gaps but 3 a peece . part , and then another : or else , if occasion serue , ayde your battels , as reason shall moue you to helpe . 23. and in the heat of your fight , if newes come that your baggage is in danger , in no case the captaines must not suffer the souldiers , or horsemen confusedly for to runne for to recouer the same , in case of losse ; but by aduice to send a company of conuenient men for to doe it , onely by their commandements , and no otherwise ; for by seeking to recouer the same pelfe or baggage , sundry armies haue been ouerthrown , which otherwise might haue beene saued . 24. if your enemies come ouerstrongly vpon any part of your army , shoot off your great ordnance amongst the thickest of them , and when your great ordnance hath dispersed them , then cause your horsemen to inuade them so disordered most furiously . 25. as for your ordnance , you may plant them either before you , or on your wings , or else vpon some conuenient hils behinde you , to shoot ouer your heads ; or on some high grounds on the sides , or before . 26. some haue planted their ordnance on a leuell ground behinde their battell , and causing the battell to open in the midst , haue deliuered the volly vpon the front of the enemy . in which case you are to marke , that if your enemy so open , then his great ordnance is so planted ; and then you haue no better remedy , but to open your selues as you see them doe before you : in which case also your footmen may suddenly fall down flat vpon the ground , and that safely , and rise againe immediately after the enemies haue shot ; for in such a case they will neuer inuade you in your front , before their shot haue been discharged : and being down , your ordnance behinde you may flanke-wise immediately play on them , if you were so prouided . 27. in marching against an enemy , if you feare his great ordnance shooting directly against you , fetch a long compasse to passe by them , and so to auoid them , if no greater impediment let you . 28. likewise fearing your enemies great ordnance , let your iourney be behinde the couert of corne high standing , creeping close , and your pikes trayling , so couet to inuade the sides , or backes of your enemies . 29. some haue , being in danger of the great ordnance , caused their seruants in armour for to stand behinde great trees , standing directly in the face or sight of the gunners , therby to cause them to shoot off the more vehemently , as though the whole battell came that way , and ment for to come vpon the ordnance : in the meane space , vnder that colour , their souldiers haue come conueniently some other way ; or else behinde their seruants , creeping loe , towards their enemies ; which to imitate , you must beforehand learne perfectly the nature of the ground , which you are to passe , that you may take all aduantages which the nature of the soile can render vnto you . 30. if your enemy march with all his ordnance in the vantgard , and his other battels lagge halfe a dayes iourney behinde , follow him with all your power with as great celeritie and secrecie as you can , and so fight with him , being depriued of his chiefe strength . 31. if your enemy march away in good order with his ordnance before , and in the reare of his army so trauelling ( not determined to fight ) and you seeke by following your enemy to fight with him , you must haue a great regard vnto the place where your enemy and you both iourny , and there a company of dragons with curassiers , or pistoliers , with two or three field peeces , are to be sent before to stay your enemies , and to disturbe them ; that when you see them thereby stayed , you may haue the more leasure to order your battels , and to make choise of your ground to fight . then if you fight ( if it be possible ) by all meanes bring your great ordnance round about your enemies armie ; plant them vpon some high ground , that you may without impediment shoot free vpon your enemies backes , or sides : and withall guard your ordnance with a conuenient number of shot , that they may not be surprised by the enemy , and turned vpon your selues . 32. if it chance that your battell be ouerpressed by your enemies , and begin to scatter , or for to disorder ; then all your captaines must with all diligence bestir themselues , first in exhortation , and comforting their souldiers ; then by bringing them againe into order , and turne them againe , which haue turned from their enemies : if faire words will not serue , then let them vse foule , and from words fall vnto blowes , it may be that will force them to returne . if they persist and will flye , then let some few valiant captaines as know such streights through which they must passe , runne before to possesse the streights ; there after blowes and slaughter , force them to fall into order againe . 33. bridges , deepe riuers , streight wayes inuironed are to be set . 34. by which waies oftentimes recoueries haue bin gotten , although very deerely . 35. it is very necessary for a generall to haue before-hand perfect knowledge of these wayes ; that hee may somewhat the better behaue himselfe after the losse of his battell . his behauiour after his battell lost , consisteth best in his good prouision of all kindes of duties made before his fight or battell . for if he haue prouided beforehand by wisedome some place of safe refuge , neere hand vnto the place of the battell , hee hath very well taken order for all mishaps . if he by wisedome before haue taken order that the enemy can in no safetie , but with his danger persue him , he hath well holpen his danger . if knowing no other helpe to be likely , he began the battell ouer night ; in which case hauing lost the battell , his enemies could not persue him very farre : hee hath done very well . if he haue beforehand , when hee saw himselfe likely to loose the battell , in some conuenient place laid some ambush , which in order will set vpon his enemies , persuing out of order ; he hath performed the part of a good generall . a good generall will forecast what may happen , and therefore will consider alwayes of euery ground , as he passeth by it , what occasion it can worke , and how he can take aduantage , or helpe himselfe thereby ; either by the impediments of his enemy there , or else by some ambush , or some other stratagem to be wrought vpon the occasion of the same ground , good or bad . and if his enemy very wisely , and with good reasons and discretion seeke battell or fight , he with like wisedome and discretion wil auoid battell or fight , and seeke to get away by flying : which is the next point to be handled . chap. iiii. in what case it is best for a commander or generall to flye , and how . as great iudgement was required of you in the ordering of your battels , and behauiour of your selfe in fight , and after the battell lost ; so there is as much required of you in taking time to flye : for if you flye not like a good souldier , but like one voide of iudgment without discipline , you will bring distruction to your army , shame to your friends , and dishonour to your selfe : but if you flye with iudgement as a souldidier , you bring safetie to your army , glory to your friends , and hope of victory to your selfe . that you may be enabled to flye thus with honour , obserue these precepts following . 1. when your enemies being mightie , or else very strong , vrgeth you being weake in strength , helpelesse ; then know , that vpon such an occasion ( so necessitated ) that a wise , orderly , and politicke flight is better then an indiscreet stay without reason . 2. if you be by necessitie compelled to flye , flye in order , and in battell array , fully prouided of rescues and helpes , that your enemies eagerly vrge you not . 3. flye with sufficient space of time and place , that your enemies cannot easily ouertake you before you come into safetie ( i meane places of aduantages for you . ) 4. flye in many parts and sundry wayes , which conceale , that your enemies may haue no intelligence of your meaning , and diuersitie of flying . 5. if you flye or auoid the fight ; doe it either compelled by necessitie , or subtiltie , or cautiously to bring your enemy into your danger , or else to seeke places or occasions for your best , or better aduantage . 6. if you flye , your enemy hardly vrging you in the reare and flankes ; your hosemen or else your muskettiers , or both , should eagerly skirmish with them which persue so earnestly ; so that your army may in the interim win a good space of ground . 7. before your horse and muskettiers should issue out ( as aboue said ) you should haue a peece of ordnance remaining in the reare of your army for to shoot off vpon the vrgers , as opportunity should serue . 8. in like fashion two or three peeces of ordnance in the reare of euery battalia , trauelling , iournying , or flying . 9. commonly your muskettiers ( in such cases last rehearsed ) are vsed to be placed both in the reare and flanks , for the said speciall purpose ; namely , to skirmish with such as doe disturbe your march ; and yet to keepe on their iourney with the rest . 10. some such as flye vse to leaue some great stales or ambushes , in places very conuenient ( as woods , mountaines , forrests , rocks , banks of riuers , caues , hils , hollow and deepe wayes , corne-fields , and the like ) for such a purpose , to intrap the vrgers , if occasion can serue . 21. sometimes ( as count mansfield ) they fire houses to stay their enemies following : and on that side the smoake fals ( by reason of the winde ) they lay an ambush to intrap the enemy . the like doe you , that the rest of your army may passe with safetie . 12. when you flye onely the battell , and seeke order and time conuenient for the same , send all your baggage and carriage before , and after them all your footmen , and with a strong company of horse fortifie your reare , and leaue many fires in the campe ; and for time , choose a cloudy darke morning . 13. in your flying , or before , learne exquisitely of them as be skilfull of the wayes and places , where , how farre off , or how lye such places , as you hope may somewhat defend you from any danger of your enemies , and make the greatest haste towards them . 14. if you can learne of any narrow passage between two great hils , or betweene some great riuer or wood , & some dangerous hill , or some other dangerous place wherein you may safely rest from your enemies , make haste thither . 15. in which case learne very diligently whether there be not some secret place in the same place of your quietnesse , whereunto your enemies getting , may disturbe your quietnesse ; and if there be cause , such kindes of dangerous places , to be either well warded , or else stopped by a trane-ditch , or by another good way . 16. also learne very diligently , whether your enemy seeke not by their horsemen to fetch a great compasse about any side of your said place of your securitie , either to inclose you there , or else for to goe before you to some place of their aduantage against you . 17. in which case , if your enemies with their whole army seeke to compasse the place , and for to be before you , take good aduice , if you may not turne that their practise vnto your commoditie , by some new inuention . as first , for to returne backe againe vnto some place of refuge ; for you are else ( as the graecians ) to seeke another way not suspected of your enemies . or else to returne a little backe to giue a colour to your enemy of flying away , so to draw him into the same streight to follow you the easier in his opinion , and to returne to incounter him the more easely . 18. a chiefe , or else a notable place of refuge for flyers , is to flye to be vnder the wings , or safetie of some citie , or else strong fort , well furnished with great ordnance vpon the wals ; it is able to shoot ouer your flying army into the army of your prosecuting enemy , and so hurt him , to his great danger , and your great securitie , and comfort many wayes . 19. if you flye , or iourney in three battels , or more , euery battell must alwayes be in sight of the next before or behinde , in such order , that the one be alwayes able to succour the other ( in case it be inuaded by enemies ) so flying , or iournying . otherwise , for lacke of such order and aide , one may be discomfited for want of others helpe . to conclude . 20. if flying , your enemy with a great company of horse and shot , inuade your hindermost battell , discharge two peeces of ordnance vpon them , or more , which will coole their courage , and will likewise by their roaring and thundering noise , warne your other battels to make alt or stand , whereby you may worke your will. example . the landgraue with his germaine great army , when charles the fift emperour sent a great company of shot for to inuade their hindmost battell , and to stay them , hee caused two culuerins to be discharged vpon them ; and all the army staid . thus much for flying . chap. v. how a commander or generall must auoid battell , and when accept of fight . the wisedome of a generall doth best appeare in the auoiding of fight , and in the taking of opportunitie to fight ; both of which are so necessarie in the warres , that the one cannot be without the other : but which of these for a time are first to be vsed , and for a time laid aside , resteth in the wisedomes of a wise generall to determine . wisedome willeth you to begin with wars , when you see your selfe very strongly prepared , and your enemies contrariwise altogether weake and vnprouided . and wisedome willeth you , as you begin well , so to continue your warres wisely for your most commoditie . in warres , if you either for lacke of knowledge , or by negligence , or else by pride let slip most apt occasions , you seldome after can get them againe . to let slip a good opportunitie , bringeth both repentance , shame and losse also . many haue felt this to their sorrow . therefore let their losses admonish you to let nothing slip , that may either dispatch your warre quicke , or prolong it to your enemies losse , and your owne aduantage . that you may be enabled to doe this , take these rules for your direction . 1. if your enemies be few in number , and raw souldiers , ill furnished , ill willing for to fight , and not fortified by place : if you abound in number which are better souldiers , you are to seeke the battell . vegetius , lib. 3. 2. when your enemies aboundeth in all things , and therefore auoideth to fight , and where you want of prouision , and your souldiers lustie , and desirous of battell ; there you may seeke battell . antony at philippi against cassius and brutus . 3. where you be determined to seeke the battell , make good choise of your ground where you be to fight , and see your selfe in perfect order and direction , and yet seeke all aduantages you can by any meanes finde out . prosper colonno against the frenchmen at bicocca , and bassan . 4. though you abound in number , seeke not to fight rashly , neither be very desirous of battell , without very good apparance of likelihood of victory : neither fight before you haue intelligence of your enemies strength , pollicies , and orders , except extreame necessitie compell you . 5. auoide not to fight with one great army , when you know , that if you stay , you shall shortly be compelled to fight with two great armies . this was well foreseene by claudius nero , and as well executed to his glory . claudius nero the roman consull , intercepting asdrubals letters ( directed to his brother hanibal , to meet him at vmbra , to ioyne both their powers together , for the subuersion of the romans ) presently vpon the reading , left his fellow consull in the night ( vnknowne to haniball ) and with six thousand foot , and one thousand horse , came to liuius another roman consull , who was to intercept asdruball comming from the mountaines into italie , and there ioyning force with his , gaue battell to asdruball , ouercame him , and slew him before euer haniball knew of his being in italie . haniball vpon this was much grieued , both for the death of his brother , and the depriuation of his power , and remoued into the fields the brutians . and for that hee had no power left him of men , to defend his portresses that hee held , being so farre off ; hee gathered together all the metapontancs , and the lucanes , such as were his friends ; and brought them all into the countrie of the brutians , where hee remained for a season , counselling what were best for him to doe . thus was haniball brought to distresse by the wisedome of one man , taking his time and opportunitie to fight . hauing showne you when to fight ; now let me shew you when to auoide it . auoide fight vpon these occasions : where you by deferring the battell are to finde all things in better case ; and contrary , your enemies are to lacke , and loose by the same victuals , wages , good will or friendship , you are to auoid battell . vegetius , lib. 3. where you abound in number and victuals , and other prouision , and your enemy wanteth of your abundance , and therefore seeketh to fight , auoid you the battell . cassius and brutus at philippi , against antony and caesar . where the enemy must needs dissolue his army shortly , if he fight not with you ; there you are to auoide the battell . pompey at durazzo against caesar . where you are in danger to loose a realme , or two , if you loose the battell , your enemies are in danger onely to loose their present army : being no stronger then your enemies , seeke not to fight . hispani . bell. verona . where your souldiers and captaines be marueilously vnwilling to fight , seeke not to fight . vegetius lib. 3. cap. 9. if your enemies be poore and needy , beware of their necessitie ; for alwaies necessitie makes men desperate , and causeth them to thinke there is no remedy but victory in fight . if you be in any strong place , so planted that your enemy cannot fight with you , but with his great losse , seeke not to fight with him . prosper colonno at bicocca . if your enemy be so placed in a strong campe , seeke not there to fight with your enemy . carolus caesar in germany . frenchmen are by long dalliance and time to be deluded , because they be hot , and desirous to fight when they be fresh , and eager to be put on in the beginning of the warres ; afterwards , when by long time they are wearied , they are tractable enongh : so will others be besides frenchmen . if you haue warres made against you by a number of confederate princes or magistrates ( take caesars counsell ) deferre the battell for a time , and weary them out by polliticke vsage . keepe them from victuals ; kill all such as goe for forrage , or any other purpose ; make many alarams nightly vpon them in their campe , and toyle them with watches and sodaine labours : by this meanes you shall make the warres seeme loathsome vnto them , and protract it the longer ; whereby , they may fall into dissention one with another : for such a number of confederates cannot long agree , but that some quarrels will fall out betweene them , or else some grudges ; so that some may be deuided from the other by some kinde of perswasion or other , whereupon you may , if you thinke good , giue battell to the relinquished : or chase them ( as the imperials did the french out of millan ) with light skirmishes . for the better performance of these skirmishes , let all your souldiers haue the perfect vse of their armes . they may haue the perfect vse of their armes quickely , if the seriants doe but at vacant times plye and exercise them . finis . at the signe of the angell in lumberstreet , you may haue an excellent plotforme for the postures of pike and musket . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19256-e140 * plutarch in the life of lucullus . * august . de ciuit. dei . li. 5. cap. 3. notes for div a19256-e820 precepts for prouision of victuals . precepts for the payment of souldiers wages . wayes to get money to pay souldiers . charles the 8. of france . waies to finde out the enemies purposes traps , and stratagems . precepts for marching . how to troule an enemy out of a wood . plutarch in the life of agesilaus . example . how to passe riuers . ☞ precepts for the ordering of your battels . how a generall should behaue himselfe after the losse of his battell . precepts for flying . zenaphon of the graecians retreat from babylon , lib. 3. when to fight . when to auoide fight , aluians . the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir, 1592?-1667. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a42639 of text r39567 in the english short title catalog (wing g555). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a42639 wing g555 estc r39567 18431586 ocm 18431586 107649 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42639) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107649) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1632:74) the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir, 1592?-1667. [4], 20 p. for robert ibbitson ..., printed at london : 1650. dedication signed: balthazar gerbier. imperfect: cropped, with print show-through and slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng fortification -england -early works to 1800. military architecture -england -early works to 1800. a42639 r39567 (wing g555). civilwar no the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir 1650 6865 3 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-07 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture , or fortifications . read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy . psalm . 144. ver. 1. o de davidis , benedictus fit jehova rupes mea ; qui docet manus meas praelium , digitos meos bellum . blessed be the lord my strength , which teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight . imprimatur , hen : scobell , cleric : parliamenti . printed at london for robert ibbitson dwelling in smithfield neer hosier lane , 1650. to his excellency , the lord generall thomas lord fairefax . may it please your excellency . should i not proceed methodically in the dedication of the lectures which are read in my academy , for languages , sciences , and noble exercises ( as in all affaires and sciences , seemes most requisite i should neither remaine blamelesse , nor be freed from your excellencies just censure , and dis-favour , if what concernes military architecture or fortifications , should appeare to the publique view under any other notion then your high protection . and therefore it is , that i doe now presume , to expose and submit to your excellency this first lecture concerning military architecture , with intent to proceed upon all the following parts , which as it makes its entrance by the properties belonging to a governour of a frontier town , describing how that the maine consequence is in the choyce of the person , so that he must neither be of too greaters , 〈…〉 to my academy , which 〈…〉 the glory of god , as well as the honour of this nation , the incouragement and improvement of all lovers of vertue , are interested . cannot but promise to it selfe , that so great and eminent a person ( as your selfe ) will not onely countenance and promote the same , for the compleating of all those who practice in warres , but also for the benefit of all such as strive to be endowed with any other laudable vertues . such a publick good , serving for example to ( strangers , ) and not to boast , that they only possesse , or are capable of those qualities , when the english nation is every whit as able in body and minde as they can be . and this being truth , i shall with the more confidence indeavour to continue in this undertaking , on the hopes that truth will make good what is and ever shall be my aime , by the settlement of such an academy ; so that your excellency may please to take to your selfe the due title , not only of its mars , but of its mecenas , since all the vertues in your excellency so fitly occurring , make you both in generall , and in particular , a true lover of all what is honourable , generous , usefull , and necessary : and as my selfe to remaine your excellencies most humble and most obedient servant , balthazar gerbier . from the academy this 28 of decemb. 1649. the first lecture touching fortifications read publiquely at sir balthazar gerbiers academy : the introduction as by the holy writ it appears that god , who is the creator of heaven and earth is likewise termed the lord of hoasts , and battels , so the royal prophet david sought him , that he might teach his hands to warre , and his fingers to fight . god permits men to finde out inventions , and engines to wage war withall : and that ever since caine brake the league of amity and brother-hood with abell . experience is onely gotten by length of time , and not by birth , nor courage : for if so bee the first rabins were wel grounded in what they affirme of caines death , lamech slew him with an arrow , which time had taught men to make . the severall pretences of waging war are various : nature warrants the first , which is selfe-defence ; religion the second , lawes and liberties the third . the germans rose against the romans , for the defence of their liberty ; the thebans against alexander ; charlemaine for religion , warred on the saxons for the space of thirty and three yeares ; pippin king of france took up armes against adolph king of lombeardy for the point of religion : king lewis the second , for pope john the third : geffery of bullon for religion warred on the turke . but it would require too long a discourse to insist on the rediculous slight pretences which have been made use of to wage war : that betweene the suisses , and the earle of burgandy , proceeded from the taking away of a cart loade of skinnes , which the lord of romond tooke from a suisse alcibiades his ambition was but a pretence to perswade the athenians for to attach sicilly . scilla and marias only warred out of an ambition to reign : and as cyrus and alexander , so did caesar and pompey . but theseus he purged the land of robbers , and hercules of monsters . abominable warriours there have been , who made their wars detestable ( as the switsers did in the romans time ; when they wasted the land by fiering ) and the campanians were no lesse to be abhorred , when agatotles fighting in cicilly being entred messina , under pretence of friendship , he caused the greatest part of the citizens to be put to death , onely to get their meanes . nor was it lesse odious in hanniball , when after he had given his word to gerion a towne neare misena , that afterwards he put all the inhabitants to the sword . my glory said a great captaine is to vanquish , and to pardon . as it is one of the most glorious and necessariest parts of a great captain to have the like hands , as the italian famous poet marino describes those of emanuel duke of savoy to have been : mani che si stringianno al ferro , e si oprano al oro , hands that cling to the iron , and open unto the gold . let a souldier fight well , and let the generalls hand distribute gold , and reward . let mee have gold said a captain to king phillip the second , and no fortresse shal hinder me its entrance . all such places into the which an asse loaden with gold can enter , are pregnable said phillip king of macedone . but marcus curtius his ambition was to command those that had gold , for thereby hee commanded all , and such a general , or commander , is like a lyon that commands an army of stagges , since nothing runnes swifter then gold . yet better is it , said a great captain , to have an army of stagges commanded by a lyon , then an army of lyons commanded by a stagge . but before we enter into the field , display colours , and draw forth our armies : as we finde god to be the lord of hoasts and battells , preservation , the first law of man ; the defence of religion , the next strong tye ; lawes and liberties the third grand interest and greatest concerment of nations . let us then take along with us the prescriptions of the scripture concerning wars , deut. 20.11,12 . when thou commest nigh a city to fight against it , then proclaime a peace unto it , and it shall be , if it make thee answer of peace , and open unto thee , then it shall be , that all the people that are found therein shall be tributary unto thee , and they shall serve thee : but if they will make war against thee , then thou shalt besiege it . neither was this commandement without a restriction , as we read in the 19. v. of the said chapter of deut. when thou shalt besiege a city a long time , in making war against it , for to take it ; thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof by forcing an axe against them , for thou maist eat of them , and thou shalt not cut them downe , for the tree of the field is mans life , to imploy them in the siege ; onely the trees which thou knowest that they be not trees for meat , those thou shalt destroy , and cut them down . thus duty fitly appearing in the front , its most proper to begin with that duty proper to those , who are to command both in the field , and within the towns ; and so proceeding with the duty of those that are to be commanded : we shall afterwards treat of all the particulars appertaining to the military architecture , or fortifications ; as likewise of the divisions of the severall parts belonging unto the same . of the explaining of such termes and words as are proper to fortification ; of the maximes or generall rules to be observed in fortifications , what we are to consider before we begin to fortifie ; of the severall seats , or scituations of places , of the qualities , and properties of the soyle : and lastly , how to flanke , and secure ones selfe . all which consisting in demonstrations , it will bee necessary to proceed with the names and termes proper in fortifying , as well in the scenography , as orthography ; the manner to finde out the angles necessary in all fortresses , and that by foure severall wayes , according to the foure most famous authors that have written on that subject ; to wit , merolois , fritach , errard , and deville . how to divide a circumference , and therein to mark the severall polygones of all regular figures : the manner how to stake out , or trace the principall parts as well within , as without any place ; and so forth : for that it will availe but little to know what is to be don , when the maine is unknown , and the way how to performe it , which ought to be learned by any man who desires to be a perfect souldier both for his honour and use ; for as ignorance is despicable , so its prejudiciall : let not any souldier then perswade himselfe , that it can any wayes suffice him to goe but just as far as the pronunciation of the alphabet ; for that it will availe them no more , when they shall come to be put to the practicall part , then it will to any auditory when they shall onely be told , what followeth , viz. that the orthography , or purfile of a fortresse , is a section , or a perpendicular line , running eaven with the horizon , and that which representeth unto our view the severall parts of a fortresse . that the scenography , it an explaining of the names and termes properly used in the art of fortifying . that a walled place , where store of houses are seated together , whose inhabitants are governed by a civill magistrate , may properly be termed a towne . that a fort , is a place , environed with motes , ramparts , and with bulwarks , wherein a few men , may defend themselves against a greater number , and the assault of many . that a cittadell is a fortresse of foure , five , six , or more bastions , which is joyned to a town for to command , and keep it in awe . that a castle is an ancient kinde of building , with severall towers or turrets , and a mote or ditch about it , either dry , or full of water . that the hold is the block-house , or redout in a castle , unto which usually the last retreat is made . that a place of armes , is an empty space within the walls , whereunto the principall streets do lead , and where the souldiers doe assemble to receive orders for the guards or any other commands , and likewise there to be exercised . that a peculiar place of armes , is a certaine space near unto every bastion , or at the foot of the rampart whither the souldiers are sent from the maine guard , to repaire unto their severall posts , as well to relieve those on the guards , as to refresh , and relieve them that fight . that the rampart is an elevated earth , which incloses the place , and is capable to resist the canon shot . that a parapet , is a banke of earth raised on the rampart , behinde which the souldiers may give fire in safety . that the banquet , or foot-banke , is a little height of earth , on which the souldiers stand when they give fire . that the maine breadth , or walk , is that part of the rampart which is made eaven , and sollid , for the recoil of the cannon , and on which the souldiers march in a body . that the way for the rounds , or false bray , is the space between the rampart , and the list or berme , where an enemy is to be resisted when he draws near the town , and when the shot from the rampart can do no more execution on the assailants . that its parapet , is like to that of the main rampart , with its foot-banke . that the listor berme , is the support of the false-bray , next adjoyning to the mote . that the mote or ditch , is an empty depth , or full of water , environing the town , or fortresse . that the little ditch or cave , is a small overture in the midst of the great mote , deeper then the said mote . that the conidor , or covered way , is raised on the counterscarp , and secured by its parapet , its foot-bank and the sloape . that its parapet is the outmost breast-work beyond the mote ; and that it termineth it selfe , slantingly , or shelvingly with the plaine field . that cavalliers or platformes , are raised eminencies , or rather naturallones , either on the curtaine or bulwarks , over-topping the rest of the workes as a horse-man , may be said to do one on foot . that half-moons are small works advanced towards the fields , and are usually placed before the points of the bastions for their re-inforcement , having small flanks . that a ravelin is a peece of fortification consisting onely of two faces , usually placed in the mote , before the curtains , and gates . that flatformes are all kinde of fortifications built on outward angles . that horne works , are advanced towards the fields , having halfe bastions at their heads , and are usually placed on the weakest parts of a fortresse , to hinder and retard the approaches of an enemy towards the maine works of the place . that crown works are advanced into the fields , much like the horne works , broad before , and narrow behinde , with one , two , or more bastions , in the midst , and on each side a halfe bastion ; and they are placed on such eminencies as chance to over-top any fortresse . that tenalies are much like horn-works , save that they have no bulwarks . that star sconces , have onely flanking sides , either of foure , five , or six angles , and derive their name from the resemblance of a star , being usually placed on the trenches . that redouts are little square workes , placed here and there in trenches and approaches , for the strengthning of them , and are also sometimes advanced on the advenues in the fields . that trenches are works containing and inclosing the whole camp , by a continued line , called the line of circumvalation : as also they serve to environ and fortifie the whole army , or any part thereof . that approaches are lanes digged through the earth , by the which an assailant may with security advance unto a fortresse , without being endangered by the enemies shot . that counter approaches are such like lines which the besieged make , to crosse and interrupt by their sallyes the enemies approaches . that a gallery , is a covered way made over the mote , it being filled with bavens , and earth , whereon gabents are placed at certaine distances to uphold the gallery ; which being lined on the sides with good oken planks , and likewise boarded on the top , is secured from the enemies shot , and granadoes , and thereby the souldiers are safely conducted over the mote , to storme a breach , or for the miners to open a mine . that a breach is a rupture , which either by canon shot , or by the springing of a mine , is made in some one part of the bulwark or curtain , and by the which the assailants may enter the fortresse . that a mine is a trench or secret hidden alley , sunck under the face of a bastion , curtain , or any out-worke , wherein a chamber being made , and powder placed , it serves to ruine and blow up an enemies work , and so to facilitate an entrance , which art of undermining hath been made use of both in the greeks and romans time . that gabions are defences made of baskets , filled with earth , and they are of severall heights , and thicknesses , as to resist cannon shot on batteries , musket shot in approaches , or sconces . that there are other countermines or cavernes , vaulted lanes , or allies , called trenches , which are usually made under the foote bancke , running along the rampart , with many vents , reaching from the bottome to the top of the rampart , for to hinder and breake the force of the powder , and also to swallow up the ruines of the mine , which otherwayes would render the breach more large , and its accesse more easie . that re-intrenchments are fresh works , made to defend the ruined rampart , being separated from the same within the place , and such like are to be provided in time , to sustain an enemies assault , and make good the place , till the capitulations can be made . that all eminencies or places commanding each other in a fortresse , are only heights of nine foot , or there abouts , over-topping the rest of the workes , that these eminencies may be made either simple or composed , steep and precipitated , flanking the breach , either in front , sidewayes , or backwards . that candlestickes , or blindes , are high peeces of timber stakes , which serve to uphold either branches of trees , rice bushes or planks , and by the which , blinds are made to hinder the enemies viewing or discovering of the assailants , approaches , or sappings . that pallisadoes are a defence of high stakes of timber , set together like pales , shod on the top with iron forked heads , which are for the most part placed on the outsides of the fortresse , as also at the foote of the curtaines , rampart , and oftentimes of the levelled outworke , or esplanade , some two or three foote distant from the conidor or covered way . that baracadoes on turn-pikes are to be bodies of trees cut in severall squares ; and are fortified with severall staves of an halfe pikes length shod with iron , which are passed through the said bodies of trees , facing to all sides on which they were severally placed , as on passages , advenues , or breaches , both for to hinder the advance of horse or foot that there is also another kind of defence , or pallisadoe , called a ruffe , consisting of wooden stakes , shod with iron pegges , and that they are placed sloaping wise , on the middle height of the faces of any fortresse , as also on the out-workes . that these defences are very necessary to discover an enemies intended surprize , or suddaine attalke , as also to hinder any souldiers from running out of the place , or stealing away by night . and therefore to proceed methodically , we shall begin with the governour of a place , and with those qualities which he ought to possesse . of the governour . as the governour in a place , represents either the state or the sovereign , so of his fidelity , diligence , and courage , depends questionlesse the preservation of the inhabitants of the land , as well as of the place , and it is therefore one of the most importantest charges to a state , for that in effect the preservation of a shire , nay , of the whole country is often concerned in that of one particular towne , as the losse of such places prove oftentimes no lesse prejudiciable then that of an army : after a battle is fought men may be rallied , and an army may be made up againe , by a retreate unto an adjacent strong place , which when once fallen into the possession of an enemy , is neither so easie , nor so soone recovered againe , therefore great care must be taken in the election of governours , for such places of importance : and that a state may not be deceived , their persons must bee well knowne to bee men of godlinesse , and that they may possesse as much as possible can be , all the most necessary qualities requisite in a governour . men of two great power and credit must not be put into strong frontier townes , for that a soveraigne or a state would otherwayes be constrained to yeeld unto them in all that they may demand , for if they should but seem to displease them , it s then to be feared that on the least occasion , suspition , or discontent ; they would be apt to revolt . those of a low ranke , except they have some notable vertue which makes them commendable , as their long since knowne honesty , and tryed fidelity , are worse then the former ; for that being men who have little to loose , are not to bee relyed on in that they may be soone wrought upon by the proffers of an enemy . those of a meane or indifferent condition between both are the fittest for such a trust , since they are not subject to the foresaid faults ; being not powerful enough to make a party for to revolt , and though they should do so , yet can they not make their party good , besides that , divers considerations will hinder them to render themselves to an enemy : having their friends , their kindred , their familie , their meanes , their houses , in regard of which they will not so soon venture to loose all those certainties , for a doubtfull hope . when they must ( by the betraying that trust reposed in them ) submit themselves to the mercy of an enemy , who is apt enough to imbrace that treason which brings him profit , and honour , but ever dispiseth , nay hateth the traytour . king henry the fourth of france , among many great actions , is to be remembred eternally in this particular , that he sent notice to the duke of joyeuse of a traytor , who came to the said king with an offer to kil that duke , and many such like examples may be alledged to confirme that traytors are alwayes to bee had in abomination . and it is altogether necessary to consider how those persons , who are to be chosen for governours , have lived , nature cannot be forced , for a long time will scarce serve to discover mens inclinations , and those who have all their life time lived honorably , wil hardly commit a base action , when they shall be put into such a place of trust ; but such as are of an ill disposition will soon fall into relapses , and shake off that constraint which made them to disguise their vices : nature alwayes comes to its selfe , neither can dissimulations last long . such as have alwayes approved themselves true , and who have had severall imployments whereby they have given a testimony of themselves , are to be preferred unto all others . and many have been found , who at first could so well counterfeit their humours as they have made themselves to bee esteemed brave men , and by their impudence in forging lyes , have obtained the government of most important places , which they have most miserably lost so soone as they were set upon , and though their heads were taken off , yet the townes were not thereby re-gained . and if any government bee conferred by way of reward for services done by aged men , it s not fit to put them into frontier townes , for that instead of procuring rest unto them , they would be put unto turmoyles and labours . they must bee men of vigour , and such as may bestirre themselves , and are able to indure hardnesse , paines , and take care both for the preservation of the place , and of the land , and for its defence in case it bee attacht : he that will acquit himselfe well of this charge , ought not to sleepe in the nights , but must keepe both the souldiers and the inhabitants in a perpetuall feare , hee must take a continuall care of them , and often visit the walls and rounds . those that are old , are fittest for such places as are in the maine body of the land , wherein the cares and paines are not so requisite . and besides these naturall qualities they ought to have others , partly acquired by study , and partly by exercise and experience , they ought above all things to know their charge and duty , for its altogether absurd , to give government to such persons as know not what they are to govern , and how they are to command , neither is it then time to learn , since it proves of too dangerous a consequence , for that the faults then committed are of too great consequence , and cannot be redrest . neither will it justifie , that they have read or heard say : they must have seene divers sieges , and especially they must have seene how townes are set upon , whereupon they will have discovered and observed both the offence and defence of places , for that such a one who hath not been in the like occasions , findes himselfe pusled , and knows not what to resolve unto , for that all events surprize him , and all that an enemy doth affrightens him , a potent army that summons him , so many canons that incessantly batters him , trenches so suddenly comming upon him ( at least the first ) all which makes him apprehend , that his towne is set upon by some other way then ordinary , and that its impossible to hold out against such on-sets : then they easily beleeve they have done their duty , and that they may render themselves up , when they ought but to begin to defend themselves in good earnest . to the contrary , a man that hath seene divers sieges perswades himselfe , that he shall in a little space see the great part of that army perish , and all the continuall shooting of the enemies canon , can doe him but little harme , that the first workes are easily advanced , and so never is astonished at any event , for that he well knowes what an enemy can doe , and in case any thing should happen contrary to his expectation , yet his expereince and judgement affords him meanes to remedy the same . hee well knowes how the enemy must advance , what they can attempt , and how he can oppose them , as also to what extremity or passe he ought , or can hold out , so that he never yeelds untill he hath done all what a man of honor is capable of . neither shall we need to speake of courage , since to tell you , that a man pretending to a government ought to be couragious , would be as frivolous as to say , that a souldier ought to have a sword , for that the one and the other ought to be inseparable , so when one is said to be a governor , it s to be supposed that he is couragious , and consequently free from the two vices which are the two extreames of that vertue . those that are to be 〈◊〉 handed , and who must only execute , can never have too much courage , and the excesse thereof is very good in them , but such as have all the command , and are alone , must not be presumptuous , especially those who defend a place : for if they go rashly to work , and if they make daily sallies , without taking the advantages both of time and place , and if they continually hazzard themselves , they will soon cause the losse not onely of their best souldiers , but of themselves , and so consequently the place wil be taken . they must consider that they are constituted in the place , for to keep it , and to defend it as long as they can , so that if they chance to occasion the losse thereof , either out of a vanity , to manifest that they feare nothing ; or on the contrary by too much timerousnesse , they are then equally guilty , both in the one , and in the other particular , and so the state or the soveraign , chanceth to lose the place by either . a governour then ought to be prudent , of an undaunted mind , who starts at nothing ; who gives courage to others ; who when its requisite for him , to prove a bold man , must at the same time remember his owne preservation , as well as that of the place , to defend it as long as hee can , and in case will perish in the same , rather then survive its losse , that it be at the last on-set , and utmost resistance . what vices a governour ought to shunne . there are certaine vices of which all honest men ought to be free : ungodlinesse the first , since those cannot expect gods assistance , who doe not acknowledge him , and that place is guarded in vain , if god doe not guard the same . covetousnesse in a gove●our is unsupportable , for that he will racke the country , hee will not pay his souldiers , he will acquire the hatred of the inhabitants and so be odious to all men , and be abandoned of all his garrison , and moreover such a one is likewise subject to be corrupted . drunkennesse is no lesse to be abhorred , for that a drunken man is void of reason , and if in that moment a place should be set upon , it must be lost of necessity for want of orders , besides that , all other do easily follow his example ; and so give an enemy just cause to watch for , and take their advantage at their usuall times of meriments ; for that no place ought to be entrusted to a man that cannot conserve himself . a governour ought to be versed in the military lawes , for to order , and punish according to the souldiers misdemeanour ; he ought likewise to understand the civill law to order all fit establishments , and to cause them to be observed ; as likewise to decide such differences as may chance to arise between the souldiers themselves ; or between the souldiers , and the inhabitants . the first , its true , are ready framed ; to that its onely needfull to reform them according to the exegency of times , and occasions ; and for the other , a man may remit himselfe to jurists , since neither the one , nor the other do properly belong to the preservation , or defence of the place . a governour ought to esteem his place as the most dearest thing in the world to him , and whereon his honor , and life depends : and at his entrance therein , he ought to represent unto himselfe , that he deserves not to live after its losse , so that he ought to have as much care of it , as of his own preservation ; and he is bound in duty continually to thinke on the bettering of his place , how it may be best guarded , best provided ; and to thinke in peacefull times , what he might stand in need of when the wars should be renewed , and so to provide for all ; for that no man of sense , or reason will leave any thing at a venter ; nor ever say , who would have thought this , or that . the greatest honour for a governour . to conclude , i shall say , that there is no place in the wars , wherein more honour is to be gotten , then in a governour , when he is set upon , and defends himself well in a good place . for that in combats , fortune hath the greatest share ; parties are oft equall , the courses are not regular ; so he that besiegeth hath alwayes a divided command , for that divers onsets are to bee made , which are to be performed by sundry commanders ; and it is to be presupposed that the besieger comes with sufficient forces to take the place . and finally , that all besieged places must be taken ; so that he that takes it not , deserves more blame , then honour , when he shall have taken it . for that the one is directly contrary to that which was expected , and supposeth a default ; and the other was a thing which was sure to come to passe . the great advantages in standing out a siege . now he that defends a place ; first he is alone in power , and all what he doth , is attributed directly unto him , be it well or ill done ; the defence depends of his person , and of his carriage , and but very little of fortune ; so that if he defends himselfe in such a manner , as he constrains his enemies to raise the siege , it must needs be admirable ; since it was against the opinion of all men , in that he held longer then it was expected he could ; all which is attributed unto the person that commandeth in the place . lastly , it may truly be said , that he who stands out a siege , gets more honour , then he that wins a battle ; for that by his gallant resisting , he destroyes an enemies army , saves his owne men and place , and secures the state , &c. in the next ensuing lectures on the military art , there shall bee treated , of that which a governour ought to doe at his entrance into a place where he is to command . of the orders he is to give concerning the civill government , unto what duties the souldiers are to be kept ; his forecast to discover the disposition of his souldiers , and their officers . what number of men he ought to have ; how they are to be armed , and what spare arms he ought to be furnisht with , what care he ought to have for the preservation of his spare arms . of the necessary ammunitions of war , as well as those of victualls , and the like . how he may discover the defects of his places . what he ought to know of fortifications , and wherein its perfection doth consist . of its construction , and its defensive lines ; and consequently on all the necessary parts thereof ; all which by the grace of god , shall be declared at large . so that for the present , wee will close this with a short meditation fit for all good christians ; that if so be it be necessary , to have so many qualities , and to take so much care for the preservation of a small compasse and parcell of clay , loam , and of a few houses within the circumference of a wall or bulwark : what care ought we then to have ( but meer dust and ashes ) for the preservation of our soules , placed in an habitation , continually beset by an army , compassed by legions of princes of the ayre , by spirits of darknesse and destruction , who are never to be tyred , who need neither to borrow or buy any victualls , for their subsistance , who have numberlesse engines at hand , who have placed their petards and murdering peeces at all the gates of our senses , and never run any danger themselves of being surprised , though they have millions of deceits , to ensnare the onely two sentinels of our body , our eies , by giving a world of false alarm ; to surprise our hearing ; and who at the very first , strike at the maine fortresse , the heart , and the minde of men : and if so be the gaining of all the world , be nothing , in comparison unto the losse of one soule ; o what a precious task must the preservation of that soul be against the grand and common enemy to mankinde ; and what an honour is the preserving thereof ! as it ought to be mans sole blisse ; who can never miscarry therein , so long as he fixeth on his strong tower , and fortresse of defence ; and that he doth continually watch , pray , and manfully fight the good combate of faith ; hereby the greatest honour is to be acquired , for that by so doing , the grand enemy will be forc't to break up his siege , and retire . it was the servent , zealous , and most pious prayers of the royall prophet david , that gods enemies might bee confounded and be put to flight ; and what can we desire more , then that by his unspeakable mercies ( we that are the precious gems for the which christ jesus hath spilt his most precious blood ) have made the grand enemy of our souls to retire , &c. the end of the first lecture of fortification pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes, demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfulness, and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons, to the people of england: their inability to protect them from invasions, depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land: the great mischiefs, pressures, inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants, country, and adjacent places in times of open wars, when pretended most usefull: and the grand oversight, mistake, injury in continuing them for the present or furure [sic] reall defence of the peoples lives, liberties, estates, the only ends pretended for them. / penned by william prynne of swainswick, esquire, during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle. and now published for the common benefit, ease, information of the whole nation. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91238 of text r203277 in the english short title catalog (thomason e896_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91238 wing p4028 thomason e896_5 estc r203277 99863277 99863277 115467 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91238) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115467) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 135:e896[5]) pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes, demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfulness, and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons, to the people of england: their inability to protect them from invasions, depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land: the great mischiefs, pressures, inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants, country, and adjacent places in times of open wars, when pretended most usefull: and the grand oversight, mistake, injury in continuing them for the present or furure [sic] reall defence of the peoples lives, liberties, estates, the only ends pretended for them. / penned by william prynne of swainswick, esquire, during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle. and now published for the common benefit, ease, information of the whole nation. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [6], 15, [1] p., 17-24 leaves, 25-32 p. printed for the author, and are to be sold by edward thomas in green-arbour, london, : 1657 [i.e. 1656] the page after p. 15 is numbered 8. annotation on thomason copy: "dec: 5"; the 7 in the imprint date has been crossed out and replaced with a "6". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. standing army -early works to 1800. military bases -great britain -early works to 1800. a91238 r203277 (thomason e896_5). civilwar no pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes,: demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfuln prynne, william 1656 16716 191 0 0 0 0 0 114 f the rate of 114 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled : or , eight military aphorismes , demonstrating the vselesness , unprofitableness , hurtfulness , and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons , to the people of england : their inability to protect them from invasions , depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land : the great mischiefs , pressures , inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants , country , and adjacent places in times of open wars , when pretended most usefull : and the grand oversight , mistake , injury in continuing them for the present or furure reall defence of the peoples lives , liberties , estates , the only ends pretended for them . penned by william prynne of swainswick , esquire , during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle . and now published for the common benefit , ease , information of the whole nation . habak. 1. 10. they shall deride every strong hold , for they shall heap dust , and take it . hosea 3. 14. iudah hath multiplied fenced cities , but i will send a fire upon his cities which shall devoure the palaces thereof . 2 chron. 12. 4. and he took the fenced cities which appertained to judah . dan. 11. 15. the king of the north shall come , and cast up a mount , and take the most fenced cities ; neither shall there be any strength to withstand . ezeck. 26. 11 , 12. he shall slay thy people by the sword , and thy strong garrisons shall go down to the ground : and they shall make a spoile of thy riches , and make a prey of thy merchandise ; and they shall break down thy wals , and destroy thy pleasant houses , and they shall lay thy stones , and thy timber , and thy dust in the middest of the water . london , printed for the author , and are to be sold by edward thomas in green-arbour , 1657 ▪ to the ingenuous reader . during my neer 3 years causeless close imprisonments , ( without the least accusation , hearing , crime , then or since suggested against me ) by john bradshaw and ●his whitehall associates , in the since slighted disgarrison'd castles of dunster & taunton in sumersetshire , and yet continued garrison of pendennis castle in cornwell ; i had severall discourses with their officers and souldiers ( who , though seeming zealous professors of the gospell , i found very unwilling , * to beat their swords into ploughshares , and their spears into pruning hooks , and not to lift up a sword against any christian nation , nor to leavy wars any more , as the god and gospell of peace prescribe them ) concerning the vselessenesse , hurtfulnesse , and prodigall unnecessary annuall expensivenesse of those and other standing forts , garrisons , in-land and maritine , both in times of warr and peace , as being unable to defend the realm , or countrey round about them from invading forraign enemies , or pillaging pyrates , much lesse any parts of the kingdome remoter from them , and drawing many intollerable pressures , mischiefs upon the inhabitants in or near them , and on the whole nation ( especially in times of hostility when pretended most beneficiall ) infinitely over-ballancing all the advantages that could be alleadged either for their originall erection , or future continuation , if duly pondered in the scales of right reason . which being a theam never yet ( to my knowledge ) publickly debated in print , tending much to the common ease and benefit of the whole nation from these unnecessary pests and burdens , i did thereupon in my dark pendennis cell ( where i had few books and lesse light to read ) in september 1652. to passe away idle hours , digest the substance of my discourses against forts , and garrisous ( to which i could receive no satisfactory replies from any officers or souldiers ) into these ensuing aphorisms , which i sent from thence to a since deceased friend in london . where gods providence ( after his death and my enlargement ) unexpectedly bringing them to my hands , i was thereupon induced to make them publick ; humbly submitting them to the serious consideration , approbation , or correction of every candid reader , and publick spirited statesman , sword-man , preferring the commonwealth , ease , interest of the over-exhausted nation , before his own personall pay , honour , command , and self-respects . a very rare vertue in this self-seeking age ; wherein few christian souldiers can truly say of themselves , as the thebaean christian legion under dioclesian the emperour did ; * offerimus nostras in quemlibet hostem manus , quas sanguine innocentium cruentare nefas ducimus . dextrae ipsae pugnare adversus impios & inimicos sciunt , laniare pios & cives nesciunt . meminimus nos pro civibus potius quam adversus cives arma sumpsisse . pugnavimus semper pro justitia , pro pietate , pro innocentium salute ; haec fuerunt hactenus pretia periculorum . pugnavimus pro fide , quam quo pacto censeruemus tibi , si hanc deo nostro non exhibemus ? and wherein we may justly take up the apostles sad complaint in his time , as suited to ours , phil. 1. 20. 21. i have no man like minded , who will naturally care for your estate : for all seeke their own , not the things that are jesus christs , or things really tending to the publick liberty , ease , wealth , and happinesse of the nation ; pretended to by all , for self-advantages alone ; but sincerely intended , endeavoured by few or none , if vox populi , or dei , may be credited . accept and peruse this treatise ( i beseech thee ) as a new light , springing out of darknesse , first compiled , and now divulged , onely for the generall ease and welfare of our english nation , by him who hath ever studied , to promote gods glory , and his countries publick liberty , interest , ease , more than his own private safety , or self-advantage , and desires to live no longer then he shall manifest himself upon all occasions to be , lincolns inne . december 6. 1654. his native countries faithfull freind and servant , william prynne . errata . pag. 4. l. 25 ●lay . r. stay . l. 28. r. rovers . p. 5. l. 10. if of . p. 32. l. 11. pruda penda ▪ margin . p. 27. l. 7 ▪ gul. nubrig ▪ l. 10. ecclesiae . l. 14. bromten . ( 1 ) eight military aphorisms ; demonstrating the uselesness , unprofitableness , hurtfulness and prodigal expensivenesse of all standing english garrisons to the people of ●ngland ; their inability to protect them from enemies invasions , depredations by sea or land , the great mischiefs they occasion in peace & open war , the oversight , injury of continuing them at the peoples excessive expence , ( or any other mercinary land-forces for the present or future real defence of the peoples persons , liberties , laws or estates . ) though garrisons in three or four of our greatest , richest , strongest cities ( which are as so many magazenes and places of refuge ) may in some respects be necessarie and convenient in times of war ; especially when guarded by the cities own arms and forces yet that our ordinary standing mercenary garrisons ( especially in small castles and blockhouses ) are not only altogether uselesse , but most dangerous , oppressive and mischievous grievances to the nation , both in times of war and peace , i shall briefly evidence by these ensuing aphorisms . 1. that the principal use , end of garrisons is onely to keep a * forraign conquered enemy or countrey in constant subjection and contribution to the conquerers ; therefore not to be contniued in our own free nation by those who pretend its freedom and enfranchisement from bondage , unlesse they resolve to make us their conquered vassals and ●ributaries , instead of english-freemen . 2. that all garrisons , castles , forts & block-houses throughout england if their works and fortifications were demolish't , would be nothing else but meer despicable , worthless , barren hills , or clods of earth , scarce worth two hundred pounds a yeer at their best improved value ; which no wise state●man or enemy , upon due consideration , would either value , look after ▪ or go about to fortifie , more then those many thousand unfortified rocks , hills upon the sea-coast or in inland counties , which any forraign or domestick enemies might , with as much advantage to themselves , and prejudice to the nation , soon fortifie and garrison with ●ase and advantage , if they would bestow so much charge & pains , as on those now fortified & furnished to their hands at the peoples cost , if once but masters of the field ▪ wch for●s would stand the enemies in no more stead , if now sleighted , then any other unfortified hills , rocks , or those garrison'd hills and rocks would do before they were fortified and garrison'd , being altogether as unuseful , unable to defend or secure the nation and people near them from the invasion● , plunder● , conquests of any po●ent enemy or party stronger then these petty garrisons , as any other unfortified , ungarrison hills or rocks throughout the island of like , or as strong a situation , and really serving only to defend the bare mercenary garrison-soldiers in them ; and the barren rocks , hills alone whereon they stand , not the whole nation or counties adjoining , in time of such invasion , danger , till they be either taken by , or surrendred to the prevailing party & enemy . therefore to put the nation , countrey to a vast annual expence of many thousand pounds each yeer to fortifie , furnish and man such garrison'd fruitlesse rocks and clods of earth , ( not worth 200. l. a yeer at utmost value ) which can neither secure the whole island nor people near them from forraign or domestick , enemi●s , and to continue them garrison'd at such a prodigal expence , is as great a solecis● , mad●ess● , prodigality in true martial & state politicks , as it would be ill countrey husbandry for the whole nation or private statesmen to bestow one hundred thousand pounds every yeer in planting , sowing the hills and rocks whereon these garrisons now stand , to reap a barren crop only of 200. l. a yeer at most ; which ( as they are now garrison'd ) yeild them not one farthing towards the pub●ike ●evenue , and yet have cost the nation very many thousand pounds out of their purses every yeer , to no use or end at all , but to cast away so much money on lazie garrison-soldiers , to smoke t●bacco , and cry one to another , who goes there ? ( as if we had stil too much mony in our dry-dra●n●d-purses ) and to continue them at this grand charge , only because the island and places near them , might be endangered , if slighted , & their ruins supprised regarrison d by an enemy ( who wil never certainly be so mad or sottish , as to fortifie any slighted garrisons , unlesse able to defend them against the whole nation ) is as grosse an absurdity , as to argue ; we must forthwith fortifie , garrison , all other advantagious sea-●oasts , rocks , hills , ●asses in england , because else any enemy might master , seise and fortifie them to the nations , peoples danger , damage ; and repair , fortifie all old late demolished castles , forts , block-houses , upon the same reason and accompt , ( which all the indian mines would not suffice to garrison ) 3. that england being subject to the forraign invasions , depredation● of enemies or pirates , only by sea with ships , which no fixed land-garrisons can incounter , assault , board , take , sink , or pursue from place to place , nor hinder from landing under their noses , if stronger then they ; muchlesse in any other place out of their command ▪ ( as is undeniable by our ancient seising of cadez and sundry townes , garrisons in the indies by sir francis drak , & others , and our late invading and taking in of the isles of silly , gersey , ga●nsey , the barbadoes and scottish island● , without the losse of any one ship , and of very few men , notwithstanding all their bl●ckhouses , forts , garrisons , for to secure them they are altogether useless prodigalities ; our victorious puissant navy being the sole , best , sufficient defence against them , and only able to resist , take , sink and surprise them : that england ( as mr. cambden and † others write ) being 1836. miles in compasse , all invironed with the sea , except for some few miles space next to scotland ; it is as great a mistake in point of state-policy & as grosse an absurdity in military-skill , to assert or believe , that 40. or 50. standing garrisons , forts and block ▪ houses , distant sundry miles one from the other , not taking up or securing 40. whole miles of this vast circuit , and leaving no lesse then 1800. miles thereof , and near as many ●an●ing places for enemies and rovers open to their invasions ; without any defence at all , can hinder either their landing or pillaging , or secure the island from invasions , by any considerable fleet and forces now , which they never could do in former ages , as its frequent invasions and conquests too by the romans , saxons , danes , normans and others , notwithstanding all our ancient castles and garrisons attest . and to continue them for this very end upon the impoverished nations drained-purses , by imposing unusual , unsupportable taxes , excises on them for their support , is as grosse a conceit , as to assert , that the garrison and guns in dover gast●e can forciblie keep off any forraign fleet of enemies or pirates from landing or plundering at the lands-end , lizards poin● , or whitsand-bay in cornwall , or at st. davids in wales ; or ▪ that the fortifying of the tower of london alone , or the uselesse block-●ouse● at graves-end ( which can neither slay , hurt nor sink any resolute ship or vessel , much less an whole fleet in a sunshine-day , nor yet discern them in a mist or darksome night , and can discharge their guns at them only at roves but once at most , with more expence of powder and bullet to the state , then harm to the vessels they shoot at ) will hinder a whery-boat or navy fraighted with soldiers at brainford from landing in ●u●●le-fields or vvindsor ; or the guarding and locking up of crippl●-gate alone , hinder an whole army or br●gade from entring into london at newgate , or any other gate of the city , though they all stood open , unguarded , & though all its walls and works ( like the late line about it ) were levelled to the ground . yea , as vain 〈◊〉 state , a military policy , as formerly to have built a fort onely at tyburn to secure all london , westminster and southwark , against the late kings army , without drawing any line of communication round about them , or placing any other guards then those in tyburn fort for their defence against them ; or to have placed a single company of the london militia at vvhite-chapp●l , to guard both houses whiles they sate at westminster , without auy other guardians to secure them nearer hand ; it being both vanity and folly to fortifie only one inconsiderable part of a town or garrison ( and so if the island ) if all therest be unfortified , and lie alwaies open to all enemies invasions without defence . 4. that in all times of publick peace , or when and whiles there is no enemy near , it is peace it self alone , and want or absence of enemies that secures the peoples , nations persons estates from danger , plunder ; not garisons or field armies ; which cannot universally protect their lives or goods in all places and at all times , when there is any open war or enemie in the field , as peace alone always doth , and will do still , without cost or trouble : therefore it must needs be very ill hu●bandry and no good state-●olicy [ in these or other times of inland p●ace ] to keep up land-forces and garrisons throughout the nation at the peoples intolerable costs , now there is no enemie at all in arms amongst us , to protect the peoples persons and estates from spoil and danger , when as our very peace it self and want of armed enemies , doth and will absolutely secure them both , without any charge at all , or either of these costly lordly superfluous guardi●n● ; which could not secure the greatest part of the nation from the late kings forces , power and plunder in times of ●●r nor yet the kings forts , his friends or quarters from the parliaments forces . 5. that in times of open war , no garrisons throughout the nation can secure themselves and those within them against a puissant army , or any party stronger then these garrisons ; which will soon * take them by force , stratagem , composition ; or for want of provision , ammunition , and ot her necessaries ; or by 〈◊〉 reachery or mutiny within themselves , unless timely relieved by a ●arching field-army able to raise their seiges , as late experience and all histories attest : yea oft-times a small party , far less and nothing so numerous as those garrisons , by some stratagem of war , sodain surprize , or through security or negligence of the garrison soldiers , or by the casual death of some eminent commander ; unexpected forcing of a passe or routing of some of the garrison soldiers in their sa●l●●s ▪ and entring with them in their retreat ; the successful springing up of some mine ▪ the blowing up of a magezine ; the stopping of all provisions for their relief , advantage of ground ▪ divisions amongst the garrisons , treachery , bribery in officers , soldiers , centinels , or townsmen , and a thousand other casualties , have in all former ages ( and will hereafter do the like ) conquered sundry strong garrisons throughout our three nations , and in all other parts of the world : besides no garrisons in our nation , without the assistance of a field army , either are or ever were yet able to protect themselves by their own strength against any powerful enemies seige , who resolved for to gain them , in times of war . it can be therefore little less then apparent folly or frenzy for us , to perpetuate and maintain them still at so vast a charge in these times of in-land peace throughout the nation , to protect and secure the whole land or country about them ; being thus unable to defend and secure themselves in the heat o●●war from foreign or intestine enemies . 6. that garrisons both in times of peace and war , are so far from being a benefit , safeguard or protection to the whole nattor , or to the inhabitants within them , the country about them , and the contributers towards them ; that in truth they are commonly their greatest grievance , oppression , loss , damage , mischief , and frequent occasions of their u●ter ruine both in peace and war , as shall be evidently demonstrated for our soldiers , state●-men , and nations future in formation , and speedy suppression of these grandest grievances , by these particulars . 1. in all times of peace , they put the whole nation , inhabitants , country , to an excessive prodigal expence of moneys , which would be better imployed in relieving and setting poor people on work , advancing trade , manufactures , merchandize , improving lands , and supplying the peoples particular occasions ; to all which , and the better relief of maimed soldiers , their continuance is and will be still extreamly prejudicial : they much impoverish , grieve , oppress , discontent the people by endless taxes , excises to maintain them ; by billeting , quartering , and oft-times free-quartering the garrison soldiers on them ; by the frequent mutinies , misdemeanors , abuses , outrages of garrison soldiers , and lordly imperiousnesse of their governors and officers , over-topping , over-ruling , and sometimes abusing in many places the nobility , gentry , ministry , and civil magistracy , as well as common people ; and interrupting the course of justice , by protecting both themselves and their soldiers from arrests and executions for just debts , duties , trespasses to the people ; by entertaining , listing and detaining children against their parents , servants and apprentices against their masters , husbands against their wives and families good wills , to their great grief and prejudice ; by keeping of many thousands of able , young , lusty men in meer idlenesse , spending their time in eating , drinking , gaming , whoring , sleeping , lewdnesse , or easie uselesse duties day and night , onely to gaze about them ; to call to one another , stand , &c. and to spend much match and powder to no purpose , but to waste them and our treasure in complements ; and in the mean time robbing the nation of the benefit of their honest painful labors in their callings ; by their frequent running away upon discontents or misdemeanors● , leaving their wives , children , and not a few great bellies and bastards on the inhabitants and countries charge ; running into their scores and debts for quarters and necessaries , and then departing without payment of them ; by infecting the inhabitants and country with the vices , errors , blasphemies , sins , corruptions , diseases of the worst and deboysest soldiers ▪ by occasioning many murders , men-slaughters , blood-sheds , quarrels , brawls , robberies , thefts burglaries , dlsorders , oppressions , drunkennesse , idlenesse , gaming , whoring , swearing , neglect contempt of magistracie , ministry cods publike ordinances , sacraments , sabbaths disturbances of our ministers and publike assemblies in and near the garrisons by dangerous practices to undoe or vex many innocent persons , which else would be prevented ; by hindring peoples free ingresse into , and egresse out of garrisons about their urgent occasions , concerning which their centinels , corporals , governors strictlie interrogate them ex officio , and force them to dance attendance on them sometimes many hours space ▪ to extort beer or money from them before they can passe or repasse about their businesse ; by searching the houses , studies , seising the persons letters , writings of divers persons by their own bare authorities or others unlawful warrants ▪ against all law and the peoples native freedom upon feigned pretences , causeless jealousies , idle rumors vain fears , and sometimes secret conspiracies against their very lives and estates , which are made a prey to these soldiers : by sundry other abuses , in seising their arms . birding and fowling piec s , moneys plate , horses , goods ; and impresting their horses , ploughs carts upon needless , or wrongful publike or private occasions and pretences . in all which , and sundry other respects they are extraordinary grievances to the nation , garrison'd places and countrey adjoining even in time of peace . therefore not to be continued upon any vain pretence whatsoever . 2. in times of war , when they are pretended most necessarie , they are then most chiefly prejudicial , pernicious , destructive both to the whole nation in general ; the places garrison'd ; the adjacent country and all contributing towards them , as these experimental demonstrations will undeniablie evidence against the erroneous opinions and practise of all pseud●-politicians and soldiers contrary pretences , wherewith they delude , yea , cheat the ignorant people : for , in times of actual wars ( especially civil , when they are most pernicious ) they bring a general mischief on the whole nation , and that in these respects : 1. by length ning and drawing out their intestine wars with the plagues and miseries attending them , for many yeers space , as our ancient and late wars manifest ) by a tedious and successive seige of their garrisons , till reduced ; to the great waste , spoile , destruction and impoverishing of the people ; the innumerable increase of fatherlesse children , widdows , poor and maimed persons , the slaughters , deaths of thousands more then if there were no such garrisons . 2. by multiplying the peoples taxes , expences , to furnish and maintain these garrisons , and raise , pay a great field army besides , for these garrisons security , which would be a sufficient safeguard to the nation without them . 3. by lessening the number , weakning the strength , substracting the military provisions with all other supplies and recruits of the field armies , in whose good or bad successe , strength or weaknesse , the safety or ruine , preservation or conquest of the nation ( next under god ) doth alone principally consist ; and whose victories or ill successes the whole nation , with all garrisons usually do , will and must of necessity follow ; their garrisons being unable to defend them from plunder , total and final conquest , if their field armies be quite routed or destroyed ; which would speedily end the wars by pitched battels in the field in a few dayes , weeks , months at furthest , were it not for besieging and taking in garrisons , which ( through the artifice of mercenary o●ficers and soldiers ) protract the wars for many yeers , and continue the plagues and miseries of war upon the nation far longer then if there were no garrisons in it as , ancient and present experience must and will attest . 2. they are in times of actual war most prejudicial to the towns and places garrisond in these ensuing regards . 1. by doubling , trebling their taxes , contributions , payments , charges to new fortifie and furnish these garrisons with ammunition , artillery , cannons , provisions , magazines of all sorts ; augmenting their mercenary guards and soldiers by hundreds and thousands in some places , to their great impoverishing and vexation ; and that oft times , to betray them to the enemy at last ; yea , to lose those garrisons in a few dayes or howrs , which they have thus ( to their vast expence and trouble ) been fortifying , furnishing , guarding many moneths or yeers space together , as the late presidents of bristol , hereford , with other garrisons belonging both to the king and parliament in england , ireland , scotland and elsewhere , demonstrate ; and the histories of all ages , countries testifie . 2. by continual billetting ▪ quartering and free-quartering the garrison soldiers and officers on the inhabitants , within or near the garrisons , to their great oppression , vexation ( superadded to their taxes ) oft times to their utter undoing . 3. by drawing the field-forces likewise into them , and free quartering them all the winter long , or when they are out of action , for their better accommodation and safety , to add to their former affliction ; and by continual uncessant qnartering of other marching soldiers on them upon all expeditions , parties sent out upon emergent occasions ; from which heavy pressures , ungarrison d places and villages remote from garrisons , are either totally exempted or ten times more free then garrisons ; which would be as free as they , were they not made garrisons . 4. by exposing them to all the forementioned mischiefs and inconveniences of officers and garrison soldiers in times of peace ▪ doubled and trebled in seasons of warre , when the soldiers are farre more unruly , deboist , injurious imperious over them in all kindes then in peace . 5. by inviting , inducing or necessitating the enemies forces to besiege , and inflict upon them the saddest calamities and plagues of war , from which ungarrisoned towns , and places far from garrisons are usually exempted ; or not so liable to , especially in civil wars . to enumerate some particular miseries accompanying seiges . 1. burning , wasting , destroying their own suburbs , neighboring houses , villages , orchards , gardens , trees in or near their garrisons , walls or works , and that frequently by their own officers and garrison soldiers , to prevent the enemies quartering in them or some annoyances from them ; or to contract their works for their better and easier defence of what remaiins unburnt or unwasted , to the undoing of hundreds and thousands , left houslesse and harborless by this inhumane policy , as bad or worse then any enemies rage ; as the sad late presidents of the firing the suburbs of bristol , excester , taunton , lincoln , york , colchester , and other garrisons , experiment ; with some stately houses , and whole villages adjoyning to them : to which may be added , the like frequent furious devastations of them by the enemies , if spared by themselves . secondly , losse of all trading , commerce ▪ and markets , during the leaguers about them , when they need them most of all . thirdly , perpetual fears , alarms , disturbances , watchings , frights , day and night ; continual hard military duties and skirmishes with the enemy , even by the inhabitants themselves at their free cost , notwithstanding their hired , dear-waged guardian soldiers to secure them . fourthly , forcible seisures of the inhabitants houshold-provisions of all sorts , with their beds , bedding , arms , money , plate , to feed , lodge , arm , pay , their mercenary servants ( then in all things , their most absolute lording masters ) who extort and will take from them and theirs all they have , of purpose forsooth to protect them , though those their protected pay-masters and their whole families starve , lye cold or naked on the boards , want money to buy them bread , necessaries , or lie sick in greatest distress . fifthly , the losse of many of the inhabitants lives by assaults , granadoes , fire-works , sallies , shots , wounds , famines , plagues , feavers , and other sicknesses ( usually accompanying sieges and wars ) by invented false accusations , suspitions of holding intelligence with the enemies , or plotting to betray the garrison to them ; by suddain fears , frights , discontents , firing or beating down houses , springing of mines , and the li●e , during their seiges ; in many whereof if sharp or long , or accompanyed with plagues and sicknesses , above half the inhabitants or more have frequently been quite consumed , and the rest utterly undone , though the enemies left the seige at last . sixthly , the wounding , maiming , loss of limbs of many of the inhabitants , multiplying of their poor widows , desolate orphans by seiges , and their new charge to relieve them . seventhly , the total banishment , captivity , slaughter and extirpation of all the inhabitants and mercenary soldiers too in garrisons , if taken by storm or assault , by putting them all to the sword , man , woman , and childe , without distinction , or the greatest number of them , and carrying the rest captives thence , whereof there are hundreds of sad presidents in * sacred and prophane history . the famous protestant town of magdeburgh in germany , of late years was by bloody general tilly , put totally to the sword , and then burnt to ashes : and tredagh in ireland , though for the most part protestants , always constant to the parliament , enduring many long and sharp seiges by the irish popish rebels ; yet submitting to marquesse ormond ( a sincere protestant , formerly general for the parliament in ireland , and then for the king ) and receiving a garrison from him at the last , when their governor entred into an offensive and defensive league with owen roe-oneal ( the general of the popish rebels ) their greatest enemy , and chief contriver , fomenter of the irish massacre and rebellion ; upon the late taking of it by storm , most of the inhabitants were thereupon put to t●e sword , without distinction , together with all the garrison soldiers , by gen. cromwel himself and his forces , to the great grief of many good protestants there ; which fatal desolation and total destruction they had all escaped , had they not been a garrison . eightly , the total demolition and burning to the very ground , of sundry private garrisons , castles , strong magnificent houses of ancient nobles and gentlemen , and of some fair churches too , when taken ; whereof our late wars have produced many sad spectacles , as rag land castle , basing house , rowden house , cambden house , litchfiel● clos● , banbury , pomfret castles , with sundry more : and which is yet more grievous , the burning to the ground , and total desolation , depopulation , ruine of many great famous garrisons , cities and towns ; as troy , jerusalem , tyrus , athens , with hundreds more ; and of the best and greatest part of other stately cities , never since repaired , re-peopled , whereof * sacred and prophane stories of former ages , our own annals , and late experience can furnish us with multitudes of sad presidents : which fatal subversions , devastations , they had all escaped , had they not been garrisoned and stood out a siege . ninthly , the total spoil , plunder , confiscation of all the inhabitants goods and estates ( if not their lives ) to the enemy , if taken by assault or stratagem , to their universal undoing ; and yet putting them to future fines , ransoms , and heavy taxes afterward , to buy their peace , or save them from the general subsequent plunder of all not formerly spoiled by the soldiers ; all which they had escaped , if un-garrisoned . tenthly , the unavoidable reception of greater , and usually worse domineering new garrisons from the conquering enemies ; oft spoiling , plundering , firing ransoming , executing the wealthiest of the inhabitants ( notwithstanding all articles of agreement for their indempnity and security ) though taken by surrender onely , not by storm ; which articles are usually much violated , and very seldome kept by faithlesse , greedy , rude , plundering officers or soldiers , who add affliction to affliction , and a new undoing to the old ; to whose new lording lawlesse power , orders , pleasures , government , the inhabitants must all submit , or else they & their families must be forthwith banished out of their native habitations , as enemies , stript naked of all they have , and forced to wander cold & naked about the countrey like vagrants for bread , clothes , relief , houseroom , which they plentifully enjoyed before , to the breaking of their hearts , and shortning of their lives . eleventhly , these garrisons are oft taken & re-taken over and over ▪ and so as oft plundered , re ▪ plundered , spoiled , ransomed , and new garrison d by both sides yea those of them who were protected as friends and favorites to the one side , are sure to be most spoiled , plundered , oppressed , persecuted by the other ▪ and to suffer thus in their successive turns till they be quite undone and ruined by their frequent takings and re-takings on both sides ; as bristol , exeter , with other places ▪ have found by late sad experience : the vicissitudes and miseries of these garrisons never ceasing till their wars and garrisons cease , and they became no garrisons . twelfly : if any besieged garrisons escape taking in the wars by seige ( as gloces●er , hull and l●me did in our late wars ; but scarce any else ▪ ) yet , as it was more through gods mercy , and the valor , vigilancie and strength of their own inhabitants and other volunteers then of their hired mercenaries ; so the length of losses and damages by their very leaguers , did more indammage , impoverish them , then an honorable composition with the enemy at first , or the leaving their towns quite ungarrison'd would have done ; besides their exemption from all those fears ; hardships and other miseries accompanying their leaguers . there was no garrison in the late wars throu ghout the nation , but if left ungarrison'd by either side , might with the quarter or half quarter of its unnecessary expences to make and keep it a garrison , have avoided all the miseries , losses , devastations , plunders , pressures it suffered as a garrison on both or either side , without an● great danger or pillage to the inhabitants , persons or estates by either side : and half the charges of our garrisons on both sides , would have defrayed the whole charges of both the field armies , and ended the wars in far lesse then half the time they were protracted by means of garrisons . in brief , our small castles and garrisons even in times of wars , are , & can be no defence at all , but great oppressions and grievances to the people and countrey ; our great garrisons are then but small defences and greater burdens and grievances to the people then smaller ; yea , all of them after all their fortifications , costs & expences , are , or may be taken by * forc● , stratagem ▪ famine or treachery at the last , by any enemy who is but master of the field ; witnesse the strongest of cities , ●yrus , ezek. 26. and ierusalem gods own most fortified city , of which the prophet thus writes , lam. 4. 12. the kings of the earth and all the inhabitants of the world would not have believed , that the adversary and the enemy should have entred into the gates of jerusalem ; yet was it often taken , pillaged , dismantled and burnt by the enemies , 2 chron 12. 4. &c. 2 chron. 36. 7 , 10 17 , to 21. yea , our own garrisons were the principal seats , theaters of all our former and late wars , epsecially when besieged by either party : whence a siege is usually termed le-guerre , from the f●ench , that is to say , the war ; because there is no war to speak of , till then : battels in the field being fought and ended usually in half a day or lesse , and oft within one hour or two at most ; when as sieges ( accompanied alwaies with frequent skirmishes , constant batteries , sundry assaults , sallies , stormings on all hands , or in some quarter or other ) continue many dayes , weeks , months and yeers , sometimes with far greater danger and losse of men on both sides ; and are usually seconded with many skirmishes , bloody battels and incounters of armies or parties sent to victual , relieve the besieged , or raise the siege , occasioning more and greater slaughters then a pitched battel in the field alone , as all histories and experience manifest . upon all which confiderations , all statesmen , soldiers and intelligent inhabitants of garrisons , who have any brains remaining in their heads , or consciences in their brests ) must ingenuouslye ( after due deliberation ) acknowledge ; that garrisons even in times of open wars ( especially intestine ) are so far from being a benefit , blessing , security or protection to their inhabitants and owners , that they are the extreamest pressures , grievances , curses , plagues , dangers , and most destructive , desolating instruments that possible can befall them ; as bringing all the furies , plagues , miseries and extremities of war upon them in perfection , so as it were better , safer for the inhabitants of all or most garrisons at least , and more conducing to their safety in respect of bodies , goods , and freedom from all sorts of inconveniences by war , to continue disgarrison'd , and lye open to both parties armies , as countrey villages do , thereby to escape all the forementioned plagues , to which garrisons are exposed ; or else ( if there be cause ) to fire their own houses before hand , or leave them empty , and flie with their families , goods , moneys , and what else they have , into bogs , woods , rocks , caves , wildernesses ( as the the wilde irish , high-landers , scythi●ns , and all nations wanting garrisons do ) and there to secure themselves from the enemies , till withdrawn thence , routed , or the wars ended ; and thereby to save all or most they have for their own and families uses ; then unadvisedly of their own heads , or by the command of any in power over them , to put themselves to an extraordinary vast expence to erect , fortifie , furnish and maintain garrisons of mercenaries to no other purpose at all , if seriously considered ( unlesse able to defend themselves without any mercenaries or taxes , but meerly voluntary , when and where there is occasion only and no longer ) but meerly to expose themselves to all the premised calamities of war and garrisons , under a brain●esse pretext and lying imposture of defending their persons and estates from ! danger or molestation by the enemies or others , the contrary effects whereunto they ever occasion , both in peace and war . thirdly , in times of open wars garrisons bring these manifold evils and miseries on the adjacent countrey villages and contributing friends and neighbors near them , instead of any real benefit or protection from them ▪ which they neither do , will nor can afford them in their greatest needs , though they voluntarily or by co-action ( against all reason ▪ and conscience largely contribute to their fortifying and supplying for this end . 1 , upon the approach of any enemy to besiege them , these very garrisons ( their friends and protectors ) like professed enemies , oft fire their adjourning houses , cut , pull down their trees , orchards , fences , ditches , walls , pales , drive away all their cattel , carry away all their goods , money , plate , arms , houshold-stuff , with their very houshold provisions into their garrisons ; by meer violence against their wills , intreaties , cryes , tears , without any price or consideration at all , to victual and furnish the garrisons with necessaries against the siege , or else to preserve them ( before the enemies approach ) from the enemies possession or plunder , who else would seise them to their disadvantage , when as the enemies for their own better accommodation , would use them more favorably , and not plunder them half so much as these their pretended friends and new protectors . secondly , they are more frequently visited , plundred , spoiled , captivated , fined , ransomed by the enemy upon all advantages and occasions , when there is no siege , then places more remote from garrisons , and not contributing to them for protection , upon these two accompts . 1. to deprive or straiten these garrisons the more of all provisions , necessaries , supplies and contributions from them , if not totally to withdraw them from them . 2. because they accompt them their professed enemies , for being contributers , friends , neighbors to these garrisons , & so all they have is lawful plunder without dispute , unlesse they will redeem it , by fines or ransom s , or by paying as great or greater constant contributions to them and their nex t adjoyning garrisons , as they do to those , to live in peace ; being thus made a double prey to both sides , under colour of protection by and from both . an intolerable double pressure and imposition , of which our late wars afforded many experimental presidents , in most places next to garrisons ; who if the pillaging enemies be strong at any time , neither will , dare not ought ( as they hold by the laws of war to stir out of their garrisons to encounter or protect their country neighboring contributors from their plunder , even under their walls and view , for fear of being cut off , and losing the garrison to them : such notable useful protectors are they to the adjacent countrey , as not to stir one foot to help them at their greatest needs , but expose them to their enemies spoil without resistance , if unato protect themselves . thirdly , they are more frequently then any others of the country further of , oppressed , vexed , hindred , impoverished , with the seising impresting of their servants , children , ploughs , carts , horses , and sometimes taking them quite away , by both sides alike , either for publick services or private occasions , to their vexation or undoing . fourthly , they are more oppressed by laboring in , and contributing to these garrisons fortifications , carrying in their ammunition and other provisions cost-free , or for little pay & that long ere received ) constant contributions to their garrisons ; quartering , free-quartering , insolences , outrages ▪ abuses of the garrison soldiers , of marc●ing parties of the field army it self , when drawn into quarters , then any parties more remote from garrisons ▪ and their persons more oft imprisoned , beaten , wounded , their wives , children , servants , more abused , their houses more ransacked ; goods , monies , more frequently seised and taken away upon malice , jealousies , pretences by crafty knaves , officers and pillaging soldiers , then others farther off them . fifthly , when these garrisons are besieged ( as usually and frequently they are ) their pressures and miseries are beyond expression : the men , if well affected to the garrisons , are all forced by fear or otherwise from their houses into the garrisons , woods or other counties ▪ if not their wives , children , and whole families likewise , to avoid the fury , pressures , troubles , insolencies of the besieging enemies , who fill all their houses with their free-quartering rude abusive soldiers , eating , drinking up all their beer and other provisions whatsoever for man or beast , both within & without , not leaving them or their families bread to eat , or beer to drink , nor yet any bed , bolster , cushion , or ought else to rest their heads on , or straw to lie in : tread and eat out all their grasse , hay , corn standing or cut , with their horses : kill , devour , drive away all their stock , cattel , which the garrisons have left them , as good booty ; burn up all their pales , houses , wood , timber-trees , fruit-trees , for firing , & soon make them all as poor as job himself . 6. they are more frequently then any others of the countrey further off , oppressed , vexed , hindred , impoverished , as aforesaid ; and every new siege by either party reiterates the same or worse effects as the first , to their reiterated beggerie , as many late experiments fresh in peoples minds about plimouth , excester , lime , ●aunton , bristoll , glocest r , worcester , oxford , york , hull ( whose first siege produced the drowning of all the countrey round it in the beginning of our wars ) and most besieged garrisons evidence beyond contradiction ; which miseries countries void of garrisons , or remoter from them , doe not sustain ; the quarterings on them being neither so frequent , thick , long-lasting , or oppressive , as in places next to garrisons , especially in sieges . 7. in these garrison'd leaguers their gardens , grounds , orchards houses , are frequentlie destroyed , digged up , or pulled down , their trees and timber felled , their men , women , children , ploughs , carts , horses forced day after day , to toile and labour in making trenches , sconces , batteries , approacees , mines , redoubts , or carry timber , provisions , artillery , armes , and other baggage , which remoter parishes are free from ; and themselves would be so too , but for these garrisons , which occasion and enforce these sieges . 8. if the opposites field armie or strong parties from them during the sieges , approach to raise them , or to victual or relieve the garrisons , the oppressions of the adjoyning parts ate then doubled , trebled , and spread wider round about these garrisons , till the whole country , ten , twenty ▪ or thirty miles about , by the long quartering and lying of so many armies , parties upon them , and marches to and fro to take or relieve the garrisons , be quite undone and eaten out ; and so one or both armies necessitated to seek out fresh quarters ; or the garrisons taken or relieved . after this the necessitated neer-starved garrisons requiring new supplies of all sorts , if not taken , extort them from the adjacent countries , if they be to be had above ground , which addes much to all their former afflictions : and then again some other new sieges or occasions drawing one or both armies thither afresh , so soon as the miserable country people have gotten any thing about them , they are , to their endlesse vexation , exposed afresh to all the fformer miseries of wars , s●eges , and never eased of them till the garrisons either be demolished or disbanded . from all which experimentall arguments , and real demonstrations of undoubted verity , all rational men whatsoever , and no doubt the whole nation , country , inhabitants of garrisons , with all consciencious self-denying statesmen and souldiers , who really intend or affect the peoples true weal , ease , or safety ( the supream law , the prrncipal end of war , peace , garrisons , armies , parliaments , councils , magistrates , government and higher powers ) as the army-officers themselves ●emonstrated , in the very worst of their remonstrances ▪ nov. 20 1648. making it the basis of all their exorbitant unparallel●d demands therein , & of their violent proceedings in pursuit of them ever since ) will and must henceforth confesse , conclude against all erroneous opinions and practises to the contrary ; that t●e raising , fortifying and holding up of garrisons , ●ept by mercenary soldiers , even in times of civil or other wars , is so farre from being a protection , advantage , security to the nation in general , the garison inhabitants , owners of garrison'd castles , or houses themselves , or the country adjoyning to and contributing towards them ; that they are their greatest oppression● , gri●vances , calamities , plagues , burdens , vexations , damages , ●or●ures , heart-●reakings , and usually the chief occasions of their oppressio● , utter ruin● , desolati●n , devastation in war and peace ; and so in reason , justice , conscience , prudence , ought to be eternally exploded , dismantled , disgarrison'd ( as well as sundry heretofore and of late , there being the selfe same reason for all as for any ) for the nations , inhabitants , countries ease , peace , weal , and future exemption from all the forementioned evils and miseries attending them both in peace and war , without delay or further dispute , by all in present power , or by the supream authority of the people themselves in their wilful neglect or delay ▪ out of any sinister or self seeking ends or designs whatsoever , which their publike ease and benefit should outvie . 7. that in all times of civil or other wars within the nation , the true interest , safety , preservation and protection of the island and peoples persons , estates , laws , liberties , inheritances , rights , consist not in our garrisons , or any mercenary officers and ●oldiers , english or forraigners , modelled or new modelled into a field army , since mercenaries , as well domestick as forraign , in all ages have ever sought nought else but their own private lucre , honor , power , advancement to places of greatest authority , gain , trust , and frequently ( after good successe in wars ( presuming on their strength and merits ) have supplanted , subverted , suppressed , destroyed those very powers and persons who first raised , paid and confided in them for their preservation , and preferred their own mercenary officers and generals by treachery , murther , perjury and open violence to the imperial and royal thrones of their lawful soveraigns and superiors ( murdered and deposed by them ) as the * roman histories and others ; the practice of the m●maluhes — in egy● ; of alexander the great his own captains , who notwithstanding their extraordinary pretences of honor and respect unto him and his , not only poysoned himself ( as some authors write ) but murdered his own son , heir to his empires & conquests , together with his mother , wife , & all his remotest 〈◊〉 that might lay claim to his dominions by hereditary right & then divided his territories between themselves made , crowned & styled themselves kings ; and then by gods avenging justice out of covetous , ambitious spirits , warred upon each other so long , till they had all murdered and slain each other , as arrianus , plutarch , justin , curtius , diodorus siculus and dr. usher in his ecclesiastical annals of the old testament record at large ; with † other innumerable presidents abroad ; and the practice of vortigerr , heng●st , horsa and divers others at home , sufficiently manifest in all times , with scripture presidents likewise : but our real interest , protection , safety resides ( next under god ) in the nobilities , gentries , and peoples united voluntary , unmercenary defence and protection of themselves in and by their own persons , with their own arms , servants , sons , tenants , retainers , according to their respective abilities ; as appears by the politique original institution of ancient * ●enures in knight●-service , escuage , castle-guards , and the like ; the old charters of our corporations and cinque-ports , obligi●g them to finde a certain number of men and ships at their own costs , to defend the realm in times of war ; with all ancient writs , commissions , p●ecepts for arraying the people of the realm in times of war and danger , according to their tenures , estates , customs , to defend the realm and themselves from invading enemies at all times ( cited in the printed argument● concerning ship-money , and the * declarati●ns bo●h of the king and par●iament concerning the commission of array ) all former statutes concerning arrays , arms , musters ; and the old long continued practice of our ●rain'●-bard in each county and corporation , formerly reputed the nations chief ●●curity in intestine and invasive wars , with the late militia'● raised on and by each county at their own vast expence to defend it and the nation , as the best & safestguard when all sorts were commanded to serve in person , ( notwithstanding all garrisons , mercenary field-forces , and the army then and since continued ) as our fafety . and indeed common reason proves , that as every man loves and prefers his own person , family , estate before a strangers , or any others ; so he will more vigilantly , sincerely , effectually defend and protect them from enemies or dangers then a y mercenaries , how trusty and valiant soever they be . and as every true s●epherd and owner of sheep is more careful to defend and preserve them from thieves and robbers with the hazard of his own ●●fe , then any stranger or hireling whose the shee● are no● , who will s●ie and desert , or else he●p to prey upon them , and play the ●hief himself in times of danger or advantage , as christ himself resolves john 10. so every able private person , family , parish , town county , association ( and by like consequence the whole nation ) will better , cheaper , and with lesse inconveniences by far , defend and secure themselves by their own unmercenary persons & arms , voluntarily united according to their respective abilities , without any general forced taxes and illegal excises imposed and continued on them against their wills , then any mercenary officers and soldiers whatsoever , ( who making onely a trade and gain of war wil therefore spin it out as long as the nation or people have any moneys or estates to pay and inrich them ) and will sooner conclude and settle peace upon their own terms upon all overtures and occasions , then mercenaries , who neither desire nor intend our publike peace in reality but interrupt it all they may , when neer concluded , ( as in the late treaty ) with armed violence both against king and parliament . uup ▪ on which grounds our a●cestors never usually entrusted any mercenary armies , but themselves alone with their own and the kingdoms defence , scarce ever imposed any taxes on the people by publike parliamentary authority in any civil wars and very rarely ( except a subsidy , or fifteen now and then ) for the kingdoms defence against forraign invasion ; but onely for their inva●ive , de●ensive forraign wars in fr●nce or elsewhere . why then the whole nation , nobility , gentry and people of all sorts , should not now again be trusted with their own arms and self-defence , as well as in former ages , being their native priviledg● and b●r●hr●gh , their onely best security and prevention against all publike enemies and invaders , but are forced to pur their armes , lives , estates protection into the hands of mercenary officers ▪ soldiers garrisons , who notwithstanding ● their vast endlesse expences for their pay , have so often abused , violated their trusts , lengthned our old , engaged us since in successive new wars against our protestant brethren and confederates themselves ▪ and have almost eaten up all our real & personal private estates , with , the whole publike ancient inheritance and standing revenues of the nation ; let all prudent statesmen , and patrons of their countreys rights and priviledges resolve ; the rather , because our mercenary soldiers ▪ garrisons , forts , are so far perverted from their primitive use , to preserve our persons and estates from enemies and violence , that they are now made the only janazaries , goalers , goa●s , prisons forcibly to seise , imprison , close imprison the persons , ransack ●t he houses ▪ studies of the emminentest parliament member● , patrons and freemen sufferers for our publike libe●tie● , laws , propertiesr , religion ; and the onely instruments under the new guardians of our libertye ▪ , to bring the whole nation and all english freemen of full age , into perpetual wardship to these new seigniours , since the old cour● of ward ▪ for ●nfants , only till they came of full age , is quite voted down as a grievance , though not comparable unto this ▪ of men of full age ; yea , parliament members new strictest wardships and close restraints under armed garrisons and centinels of meanest quality in these garrison'd new courts of wards . 8. that maritine garrisons , forts , blockhouses at the entrance of our harbors ( as pendennis and s. mawdits castles at the mouth of falmouth haven , harwich , and others of that nature ) are altogether useless , unnecessary expensive charges to the republike , unable to hinder the ingress , egress , or regress of any warlike ship , ships , or navy into the harbors , much less to sinck them , with all their cannon-shot , which i shall thus demonstrat● . 1. in dark nights , and misty days , mornings , evenings ( which take up neer halfe the space every yeere ) they can neither clearly see nor discern any ship or vessel passing into or out of their harbo●s , muchlesse then hinder their free ingress or egr●ss by shot or otherwise , when they cannot so much as see them . 2. in clear sunshine dayes , and moon-shine nights , any small vessels ( much more then resolute men of war , and whole squadrons , navies ) may safely pass and repass into or out of these harbors , or anchor in them without any great danger , harm , or sinking by their cannons ; which standing for the most part high upon the land ( especially at new flood , half tide or ebbe ) and not levell with the sea at full tide ; an● being likewise not halfe so many in number , nor so large in boar , as most men of warre now carry in one tire or side , discharged for the most part at rovers by unskilfull gunners and matrosses one after another , and fixed upon one platform , whence they cannot easily or speedily bee removed , can hardly in several shoots so much as hit any one single vessell , much lesse hurt or sink it in its passage under saile by these forts and blockhouses , being past their levell and danger at the first discharge of their cannons over against them , and quite out of it ere they can be recharged ; much lesse then can they stopp , sinke or mischiefe an whole navy or squadron of men of warre , which i shall demonstrate by several instances old and new , beyond contradiction . 1. sir francis drake in his famous voyage to the west-indies with a small squadron of ships , entred five of the chiefe ports the spaniards there held ▪ took and fired their ships there riding under their castles , forts , blockhouses , and pillaged their towns themselves , notwithstanding all their cannons and artiliry playing upon his ships , both from their forts , castles , blockhouses and ships there riding , and that without the losse , sinking or spoyling of any one of his vessels : and some other english sea ▪ captains then and since did the like , as mr. harkluit in his printed voyages at large relates . 2. our english navy in queen elizabeths reign , in their expedition against cadez , tooke the whole iland and city in one day , burnt and tooke all their ships , treasure , magazine and ordnance there , notwithstanding all their forts , block-houses , numerous mounted cannons discharged against them , without the loss or spoil of any one ship , and of very few men , as mr. cambden , speed , and others inform us in her life . 3. the hollanders both in the east and west-indies have frequently entred the spanish havens with their ships , in despite of all their cannons , forts and blockhouses , anchored in them , and pillaged , fired , took the spanish vessels riding in them under their castles , without the sinking of any one man of warre by their cannons firing , as the history of the netherlands , purchas and hackluit in their voyages , and others record . 4. the dutch men of warre , and other vessels have sundry times in a drunken bravado , at mid-day passed in and out of our harbors at harwich , plimouth , falmouth , & southampton , without striking sail to the forts there , and gone away without any hurt , danger , stop , notwithstanding all their cannon-shot to bring them in , as i have heard by many credible eye-witnesses . 5. sir robert mansel in his voyage against algier , with his boats fired sundry of their ships , drawn on shore under their castle-walls & blockhouses , without the loss of one boat or ship , and very few men , notwithstanding many thousands of cannon and more of musket-shot from the castle and ships , as captain george carteret who saw it , and was active in it , informed mee whiles i was prisoner in jersey . 6. since our late unhappy wars , two very small squadrons of our ships successively landed the parliaments forces under the very blockhouses and forts of scilly and jersey , without the loss or hurt of one ship or barque by their cannon shot , and with the loss of very few men , and reduced the castles and ilands too with a farre lesser land-force then the king had there in arms to defend them . since this , sir george ascough with a smal navy entred into the chief part & harbor at the barbadoes , took & brought out thence fourteen or more dutch vessels , and others riding therein , passing and repassing , without the loss , sinking , hurt , of any one ship , or slaughter of one man , within half pistol shot of their castle and blockhouses , which plaid upon his ships all the time with their cannon & musket shot ; and soon after he reduced the whole iland notwithstanding all their forts and forces ; as the printed diurnalls and relation of its taking , and letters thence inform us . 7. since this i read in our diurnalls , that prince rupert took some of our merchants ships riding under the castles and blockhouses of our english plantations in the indies , which played upon him with their cannon without hurt , he returning them two cannon shot for one , and riding within musket shot of them without any fear or hurt . 8. to come home to pendennis castle and st. mawdits , so much cryed up as the most usefull and considerable of all other : whiles they were in the kings power since these warres , as the inhabitants and some souldiers assure me , a single man of warre of the parliaments party in the day-time entred the harbor , boorded , took and carried away thence a rich ship there riding in the view of both the garrisons , notwithstanding all their cannon shot and blockhouses , without any harm at all , shee shooting as fast at the castles as they shot at her , and so departed with her prize . 9. since my imprisonment in pendennis castle , a turkish man of warr at mid-day , in the view of all the garrison , and my selfe , came up to the mouth of the harbor , and very neer the blockhouse , took a great english lighter of thirty tun , sunk the vessell in the place , and carried away some twelve persons in it prisoners into sally or tunis ; after which , she came close up to the harbor two or three mornings together till chased away from thence by a man of warre ; one stout ship of warre being a better guard against pyrates and sea-enemies then all the maritine forts and garrisons , being able to pursue , fight and take them , which no forts or garrisons can do . not long after a little pink , not above nine or ten ●un , anchored some three dayes together just between pendennis castle and st. mawdits , to carry away tinne , as was supposed ; sir george ascough sailing within view of the castles with his whole fleet towards plimouth , ▪ some eight days before his fight with ruttier ) sent four men of warre to convey such ships as were in the harbour to plymouth ; two of them came into the harbour , the other two plied up and downe at the mouth of it , till the other two came out of the harbour to them ▪ this little pink thereupon hoysed saile , as if she were bound for plymouth with them , without any discharge or leave from the castles ; whereupon they shot two warning pieces over , and under her , to bring her in for this affront , and to make her pay for the shot and custome of tinne , which they imagined she had stollen ; i looking on , the captain , gunners , and souldiers told mee , they would warrant mee shee would come in and submit ; but i observing her course , told them , shee would no more come in to their lure then a wilde hawke got loose ; whereupon both castles discharged their cannons in earnest , to hit , sink , or bring her back through fear , but shee in despite of them ( though there were two men of warre before , and two behinde her under saile ) got away from them all without any hurt or stop , the whole garrison looking on . vvhereupon i laughing at their confidence , and uselessness of these castles , ( serving only to shoot away * powder and bullet in salutes and frollicks ) told them , that our wise statesmen and the kingdome were very much overseen to keep two castles , three or four blockhouses , so many score cannons , gunners , souldiers , and matrosses there , as cost them eight or ten thonsand pounds a yeer , under pretence to secure the haven and nation against enemies and pirates , when they could not at noon day ( as they now saw by experience ) so much as stay , take , hurt or sink one little pink of nine or ten tun with foure or five sea-men onely , and not one gun in her , whenas there were four men of war under sail so near her , and she had stollen customes : much lesse then could they stop , hurt sinck any stout man of war , or an whole squadron of ships or navy , or hinder them from entring the harbor , riding or landing there , and returning at their pleasures , their pieces and bl●●khouses not commanding one half quarter of the harbor when entred , not being able to hurt or sink them in their entry or retiring , as i clearly demonstrated to them , then and afterwards , especially by these unanswerable experiments in our late sea fights . collonel blake ( my countrey-man ) in his first sea fight with van trump , as his and others printed letters relate , had many scores ( if no● hundreds ) of broad sides discharged against his ship by the dutch , at nearest distance , by far greater better cannons , cannoneers and tyres of ordinance , charged with chain and crossbard shot as well as bullet , lying nearer the water then any guns in pendennis or st. maudits castles , blockhouses , or in any other of our forts , receiving no less then 3000. cannon shot in his hull , tackling masts , sails , after which he received in his ship as many or more broad sides and shots in his third fight with the dutch in their return from france with their merchant ships ; and sir george ascough received neer as many in his ship in his fight with ruttier : yet all these broad sides & thousands of shot , did neither sink split , fire , nor make unservicable either of these ships , which were soon repaired , neither did they kill any store of their men with their cannons , their musket shot and boording only doing their men most harm . therefore questionless so many thousand cannon shot discharged agaiust any other stout single ship or man of war from these castles and blockhouses at greater distance , uncertainty , and higher level , with smaller ordnance balls , by worser guners can neither sink nor spoil her , muchless sink , hurt , spoil , stop or take an whole squadron of ships of war ( which our whole fleets can hardly do ) when they cannot come neare to board or fire them ; & by this proportion , all the powder , cannon shot , bullets , guns in both castles would not be sufficient to sink or spoil one single ship riding at anchor within their command , muchlesse in her passage in or out , since 3000. shot in her bulk , sails , masts and tackling would not do it ; and half of the cannons discharged would not hit , but passe besides her : therefore to keep up such castles and blockhouses to secure harbours , sink●ships , and hinder any fleets or squadrons of ships from entring or harbouring in them , was but a prodigal oversight and mistake : there being never any warlike ship yet sunk by our forts & blockhouses since their first erection , for ought i could read in history , or hear by information from credible witnesses ; nor any navy repelled from entring , riding , or landing by them ▪ had they a resolution to do it , as the premised instances with sundry others manifest . ( and one since these aphorisins penned , namely general blakes fireing the turkish ships lying under their very strongest castle walls , notwithstanding all their cannons , blockhouses , ships playing upon our ships , assaulting them and beating down their castle about their wars , with the cannon from our ships , without the loss , sinking , spoile of any of our ships . ) a sufficient demonstrative evidence of the uselesness of maritine forts and blockhouses , which in truth are meer idle scarecrows and bugbears to fright raw cowardly sea-men , not daunt or keep off experienced resolute ships or marriners . vvherefore to draw towards a conclusion , i shall onely adde , that the onely pretended use of mereenary garrisons and souldiers , , being but to defend the peoples persons and estates in times of necessity , when and whiles end angered by a potent enemy in actuall armes , who are secure enough without them , when , where and whiles there is no such visible enemy to assault them ; it can be neither justice , equity , conscience , honesty , good husbandry nor true state-policy , to continue any such garisons or feild souldiers on them to their vast expence and undoing , ( now there is no armed enemy in the island , and so strong a fleet at sea to secure them against forraigners ) upon endlesse , full and constant former pay , without any necessity or actuall service till the next spring or summer , because then peradventure , there may be some new imployments for them , ( at home or abroad , ) onely to enrich the mercinary officers , souldiers , and oppresse , undoe the undone people , lying down like issachars under both these heavy burthens of mercenary garrisons and a mercenary field army too , even with broken backes and bleeding hearts , without ease or commisseration , notwithstanding all their clamours . no present ruling potentates or states-men ( who should help and right them ) will be such prodigals or ill husbands of their owne purses and estates , as to keep those reapers , mowers , who have cut down their corne and done their harvest work the last summer , in ful constant harvest pay all the following autumne , winter and all the succeeding spring till the summer harvest come again , without any other usefull work or imployment for them , till then , because peradventure they may then imploy them again for a month or two in reaping and inning their next yeares crop , which they have not so much as sowen , and are yet uncertaine whether to sow or not ; which if they did , would render them ridiculous to every country clown , who hath so much policy , and frugality , as to discharge his mercenary harvest folke so soone as they have ended their harv st worke ▪ and not to keep them still idle and pay them harvest wages till the next summer ; because he can then , if need be , soon hire them or other reapers , mowers , when his corne is ripe for cutting , not before , for lesse then one quarter of the money their pay would come to if kept in hire till that time , without doing him any other service : and shall our wise new statesmen then be such prodigals and ill husbands of the exhausted peoples purses and estates ; as to keep many thousands of mercinary field and garrison horse and foot in constant full pay , ( who many moneths since have done all their sommer and present publick worke for the peoples safety , ) all the censuing autumne , winter , spring in no actuall necessary service for them a● all , onely because perhaps they may make use of them the sommer following , or a year or two hence ( if then ) to cut down imaginary armed enemies in the field or island , if any then appeare to invade the peoples persons and estates ; of which there is yet no probability . verily if they shall still do thus , every country peasant will despise , deride and ensure this their folly and unthriftinesse , and the whole exhausted oppressed nation condemne , if not casheir them for such grosse imprudence . certainly every rich private statesmans , noblemans , gentlemans , peasants house , person , in these necessitous times , when theives are so busy in all parts of the nation , are in greater danger of being robbed , plundred , murdred by murderers and robbers , then any garrison , towne or village to be piliaged by any forraigne forces or domestick enemies , appearing in no parts of the isle , nor likely to do it ; yet none of them will be so ridiculous , prodigall , or distrustfull of gods protecting providence , as upon their owne purses to hire any horse , or foot perpetually to guard their persons , houses day and night till the next sommer , because some theeves and robbers ( these long tedious winter nights ) may probably assault their houses , steal their moneyes , plate , goods , or murder their persons , but will ease themselves of this cost and charge , till they be certainly informed of a company of robbers conspiring for to plunder , rob , or kill them about some certain time , or have news that they are ready to execute this designe ; and then they will time enough summon their domestik servants & freinds to encounter , and surprise them if they come : and should they not then intrust the peoples persons , estates to gods protection and their owne , at this present , without any mercenary garrisons or forces to guard them against their wills or desires , to their superfluous vast expence , when there is farr lesse probability or feare of danger to them in generall from armed enemies , then to their owne private persons , houses or moneys , from theeves and robbers ? if they be thus continued on them , onely to enrich the officers , souldiers , and secure their own usurpations , intrusions , or over ruling powers ( preferred before the peoples ease or weal ) under a pretext of danger from some enemies that may or will infest , plunder , destroy the people so soone as the army and garrisons are disbanded ; we shall then desire , that all officers , souldiers unwilling to disband upon this pretence of great imminent danger for the peoples more certaine security from enemies , and meriting of their future pay , may be strictly enjoyned to put on all their armes , and draw up all their forces in battalio , where they most feare the enemies , in the field ; and all their garrisons likewise kept in a constant standing posture ▪ to receive the enemy , in their respective forts ; and there to stand night and day in their compleat armes ▪ in a perpetuall readinesse and posture of defence , till the next sommer and our fears be ended ▪ without putting off their arms ; as our * king richard the first kept the bishop of bev●ies taken prisoner by his forces in the field , harnessed from head to foot , in his iron armes night and day , above two months space , without suffering him all that time to put them off , lest some enemies should surprise them , our island & garrisons on a sudden , ere they could arme or put themselves in an actuall posture to receive them , if permitted once to retire into their winter quarters for their ease ; and then we suppose these pretenders of imminent danger , only to get pay , when and where they neither do nor can do the people the least reall publick service , but greatest prejudice ▪ as the premises evince ; will soone become as humble and earnest petitioners to our present swaying powers who continue them , and to the people ( who desire it ) to be forthwith disbanded and sent home again to their friends & further imployments as this harnessed bishop was to our king richard himselfe , the pope and his brother prelates , to be disrobed , disarmed of his heavy iron rochet , so long keept on his back and body to his little ease and lesse content ; it being altogether as just , equitable , and reasonable for them to keep the army and garrison soldiers in this unreasonable hard constant duty and armed posture day and night till they be disbanded , as to lay unsupportable endlesse taxes , excises on the oppressed peoples backs to maintain them in constant pay to their intolerable oppression , till the next sommer or longer upon the premised pretences . if any now demand ( as many officers and souldiers oft do , being their chief plea against disbanding ) how shall the officers and souldiers live , after all their good service in the wars , if they shall be now at last disbanded to ease and pleasure the people ? the answer is very obvious , just and equall . 1. how shall the poor people live or maintain themselves and families , if these garrisons and mercinary forces be still continued , being already like to starve ? 2. how do the poor people live who are still enforced to give them full pay and maintain them in idlenesse without any labour , to do very little duty , & that wholly useless , in field or garrisons ; wherein their onely necessary , uselesse , present dutie is , to stand centinell once or twice a week , one houre or two ; to take tobacco , play , sleep , drink , and cry stand ; or , who goes there ? to one another in the night , as they passe by the centinels ; to as much purpose , in relation to the peoples safety , as one night . owles crying , hallowing is to another ; or to demand of those that enter into the garrisons in the day time whence come you ? what are you ? what is your name ? businesse ? whom would you speak with ? have you taken the new engagement ? else you must not enter the fort or garrison , no not alone in these times of no danger , as if one disarmed non engager might surprise an whole lasie fortified garrison , in the day time , aswell as a sleeping one in the night ; how much more then an armed enemy ? which learned questions standing the nation in very many thousand pounds every year in garisons now kept up , as much concern the peoples security from enemies , as the ministers interrogating of children formerly in the church , what is your name ? who gave you this name ? and to maintain near a thousand block-headed slothfull-gunners in blockhouses and garrisons only to shoot away above six or seaven thousand pounds worth of powder in courtship , and frolicks to ships , and visitors every year , who deserve rather cashiering for this their prodigal and onely dutie , for which they receive great constant pay . certainly their country pay-masters live not by such idle , uselesse , fruitlesse , rare duties ; but by hard studying , sweating , labouring night and day in their honest lawfull callings usefull for the publick ( the whole profits whereof these idle lurdanes must still monthly devoure for such ridiculous services , and new kinde of catechising the people ex officio like our cashiered unpreaching curates ; ) and so must these officers and souldiers too , if they cannot otherwise live aswell as they . 3. how did they live and maintain themselves before they were listed souldiers ? surely not as now but like other christian people , by labouring daily in their lawfull callings , living frugally , soberly , obediently like others of their equals , not in such idlenesse , luxury , pride , & state as since : and is it not possible that they may , yea just & equal that they should thus live and maintain themselves now , and not still live like idle drones in great sloath , pompe , state , and honour upon the honey of the poore painfull bees 4. how do many hundreds of formerly disbanded officers , souldiers now live and maintain themselves , who did as much , and good service as those now in pay ? doubtlesse by returning to the diligent exercise of their former callings , or some other good imployments , or going to some lawfull forraign wars . 5. if any old officers and souldiers in present service be so poor , that they know not yet how to live if they be now disbanded , certainly it is through their own ill husbandry , pride , or prodigality ; never officers or souldiers in the world being more royally , duly , justly paid and rewarded ( especially in a civill war ) than they have been ; whereby thou●●●●● of them ( especially generals , colonells , captains , and superiour officers , with many inferiour ones likewise ) are grown exceeding rich and wealthy over what they were before the wars ( which have undone most others ) and are lately beyond expectation , become the greatest purchasers in the nation of the richest publick and private mannors , seates , revenues , offices ; this civill war being the richest trade they ever yet met withall in their lives , which makes them so unwilling now to give it over ; & to continue these poor unthrifty souldiers still in pay till they grow as rich as these their fellowes , is to be worse husbands for the nation for the future , than these unthriving officers and souldiers ( who have not yet gotten enough to live by the wars ) have been for themselves in time past , and that onely to maintain and enrich them with the whole nations ruine . 6. the plain meaning of those who make this demand is , that they expect and intend our mercinary armies , and garrisons shall by one means or other , be continued in pay , and our wars not ended , our peace not settled till doomsday , or at least so long as the people have either lands , stock , goods , or moneys left , to pay heavy unceasing taxes and excises for them to live upon , at that high , lasie rate as now they do . but better ten thousand times such idle wretches should be disbanded , though they starve and perish , if they will not betake themselves to some honest vocation to live by it ; then that the whole nation should starve or perish , to keep them and our unnaturall , unchristian wars still a live , to murther our own christian brethren or allies , of purpose to keep our armies and garrisons in action and preserve them from present or future disbanding . as * war and the oppressing sword of war ( especially when civill ) are in gods own judgement and all wise mens , the severest curse ▪ plague , punishment , that god in his wrath can here inflict upon any people for their sinns and wickednesse , as includiug all sorts of other evills , spirituall and temporall , in its bowells ; so for any to make a trade of war , & to continue , perpetuate this heaviest plague and curse upon their own native country without absolute necessity , or just grounds , is the worst of crimes and treasons ; and those that are guilty thereof the worst of traytors , of christian men , unworthy the name of saints or christians , whatever their pretences be to colour it . if therefore machiavills atheisticall infernal paradox ( applauded and oft justified in print by his new disciple * politicus ) he that hath once drawn his sword against his lawfull soveraign , must throw away the scabbard , and never sheath it more ; no , not after he hath cut off his soveraigns head therewith ; hath prevailed more with any machivilian states ▪ men or sword-men , than our saviours own more sacred christian gospell precept and speech to peter , when he drew his sword , and onely cut off ma●chus his ear ( not head ) coming then forcibly to apprehend our saviour ( who presently cured his ear again , and gave this command to peter , though certain himself to be crucified ▪ if then apprehended ) * put up thy sword into his sheath again ; for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword ; and therefore upon his diabolicall advise they peremptorily resolve to keep our mercinary armies garrisons swords still drawn , and unsheathed amongst us , without ever putting them up again , upon the peoples dry drained purses , notwithstanding all their cries and premised reasons against it ; ( not for the peoples safey , which cannot now be so much as henceforth surmised , after this discovery of its grosse imposture , but for their own private present and future indempnity alone . ) let all such cheating oppressing unrighteous machivilians assuredly know ▪ that these words of christ will certainly prove true and take hold of them in conclusion , he * being truth it selfe that spake them ; and that such who resolve to live in warre still , shall never die nor rest in peace , but perish by and with * the sword at last ( as pompey , cyrus , pruda , and others have done , ) though they had all the garrisons and armies on earth to protect them ; whom god in his justice , if other instruments be wanting , can make their unexpected executioners in stead of guardians , when they wander out of his protection in wayes of violence , oppression , rapine , blood , warre , discord , and will neither know nor pursue the wayes of peace and christian unity , for the peoples publick ease and whole nations welfare . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91238e-500 * isay . 24. mic. 4. 3. lu. 2. 14. heb. 13 , 14. jam. 4. 1 , 2. * grotius de jure belli & pacis l. 1. c. 2. p. 36. notes for div a91238e-1400 * 2 sam. 8. 14. 1 chr. 18. 6. 4 , 1 sam. 13. 3 , 1 , 22 , 23. c. 14. 5. 22 , 23. c. 10. † m●rcator , heylyn , sir thomas smith . * 2 kings ●8 . 13. 1 sam. 13. 3 , 4 ▪ hab. 1. 10. dan. 1● . 15. * josh. 8. 21 , 22. c. 6. 20 , 21. c. 10. 28. to 41. 1 sam. 13. 3 , 4. 2 kings 25. 8. 10 12. 2 chr. 36. 1● , &c. * josh. 8. ●9 , 20 ' 28. c. 6. 21 , 22 , 26. 2 kings 19. 25. c. 25. 9 , 10 , 11 , &c. isa. 17. 1 , 2. c. 25. 12. jer. 49. 37. ezek. 26. 10. to 15. — amos 1. 7 , 8 , 10 , 14 , 15. c. 2. 2 , 3 , 5. isa. 30. 13. c. 32. 13 , 14. ez. 26. 10 , 11 , 12. * hab. 1. 10. josh. 10. 28. to 41. 2 king. 18. 10. 2 chron. 12. 4. c 32. 2 , 1. sam. 3. 4. dan. 11 ▪ 1● zeph. 1. 26. * see entropius zonarus , and grimstous imperial history . † heylyns microcosm , p. 7. 56 , 757 , 758 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 613 , 614 , 586. to 590. * see cocks 1. inst. * exact coll . ct. . p. 336. & 608. 850. &c. * they have often discharged 20 , 30 , 40 , 50 , 60 cannons or more at a time to ships coming in , & the ships as many to them , since my imprisonment there : a strange prodigality ! * rogerde hovesd●n annal par● posterior p. 768 778 ▪ mat west in an. 1 196. p. 17. gal. nubigensis . 1 ● 5. c. in antique ecclesia . brit. p. 140 hol nshed p. 150. 151. chron johanis bucōt con●cor . 1272. 1273. quest . answ. * deut 28. 22. c. 23 22. to 27. l●vit 26. 25. to 38. 1 kings 19. 17. ezr. 9 8. job . 19. 29. isay . 5● . 19. c ▪ 65. 12. c. 66. 17 jer. 9. 16. to 23 c. 12. 12. c. 14. 13. to 20. c. 15. 2. to 15. c. 24. 10 c. 25. 16. to 34. c. 29. 17. 18 c. 34. 17. and c. 43. 11. c. 40. 10. to 27. c. 47. 6 , 7 c. 50. 16. 35 , 3● , 37. ezech. 5. 2. to 18. c. 14. 21. c. 21. 9. to 30. jer. 4. 19. 20. tos 31. 1 ay . 19. 3. cron. 15. 6. * who hath printed it man● times with approbation ▪ mat. 26. 51. 52 ▪ * lam. 1. 20. rev. 13. 9. 10. * john . 14 6. gen. 9. 6. the military garden, or instructions for all young souldiers and such who are disposed to learne, and have knowledge of the militarie discipline. ... observed and set in order according to the best military practice by iames achesone gentleman at armes, burges of edinburgh achesone, james. 1629 approx. 64 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22383) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 507) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 864:11) the military garden, or instructions for all young souldiers and such who are disposed to learne, and have knowledge of the militarie discipline. ... observed and set in order according to the best military practice by iames achesone gentleman at armes, burges of edinburgh achesone, james. [4], 36 p., plate printed by iohn wreittoun, edinburgh : anno dom. 1629. at foot of title: cum privilegio regali. the plate is a folding typographic diagram of battle formations. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 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markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the military garden , or instrvctions for all yovng sovldiers and svch who are disposed to learne , and have knowledge of the militarie discipline . wherein are set downe the conditions and qualities which are required in every severall officer of a private company . observed and set in order according to the best military practise by iames achesone gentleman at armes , burges of edinbvrgh . edinbvrgh printed by iohn wreittoun anno dom. 1629. cum privilegio regali . to the right vertvovs and worshipfvl david akenhead , provest , iohn sinclaire , archbald tod , edward forker , alexander heriot ballies ; iohn maknath dane of guild ; david makall treasurer : and to all the remnant of the councell of the towne of edinbvrgh . right vertuous and worthshipfull , having by your direction trained vp and practized in the militarie discipline , the youth of this most flourishing towne , and now for the common good being to publish to the world those precepts which i had privatlie taught all them that would learne of mee ; i thought i could not more deservedly present the fruites of my laboures to any than vnto that towne to which i was so much oblished , and to you which were so carefull to haue your burgesses made able , as well for warre as peace . as the governour of this world hath apointed life and death , summer and winter , day and night , and almost given evrie thing a contrarie , so hath hee made peace and warre to haue an interchanging course on the face of this earth . though peace bee alwayes to bee desired , yet warre is to bee provided for , and the youth when it should fall forth ( for the chasticement of people ) is to be trained therevnto . all civill lawes and orders , if there were no defence prepared to maintaine them , were no better than beautifull pallaces destitute of roofes to hold out the violence of storme . what haue the most peacefull comonwealths beene without trained souldiers , but a pray to some stronger ? it is set downe as a blemish in constantin the great , that at the desire of some ( too peacefull ) subjects , hee cassired the auncient legions , and in them overthrew the militarie discipline of rome , leaving a breach for barbarous nations to invade the empyre ; not considering how lawes , justice , subjects , and the whole bodie of the estate lie vnder the protection of armes , as by a mighty forteresse . salomon in tyme of peace prepared armes and chariots : none dare doe wrong to that nation which they know it ready prepared , and promptlie furnished for warre . if god shall moue the posteritie to continue this noble exercise , which yee in this tyme haue so happelie begunne , there are faire hopes , that as this towne is the chiefe of this laend , so shall it be farr : aboue many , and equall if not exceed the braue number of souldeours , that haue with losse of tyme and blood followed the warres in forraine partes of the earth . to which they may bee stirred vp , if there were some plot of ground alloted to bee a militarie garden for the training vp of the rude youth : which the kings m. desired most earnestlie to be done , knowing how the youth of scotland is not inferiour to any living in courage : to which worthie purpose i found the most and best of the commons most willing and well affected . by this meanes , of weake citizens yee shall haue strong , of timorous couragious , of idle laborious , and for a people which scarce are able to sustaine a desensiue warre against invaders , a nation reddie to offend any stranger kingdomes abroad . thus hoping yee will accepte of this tractise with the same minde that it is presented vnto you , i pray almightie god to prospere , and make ever flowrish this towne with a race of such worthie and vertuous magistrats and councellours as yee are , which now this present yeere governe it . yours ever to command . iames achesone . the militarie garden . as naturall things are conserved by comelie disposition , so arte which followeth nature is most maintained by the same : confusion is the mother of mischiefe , and nothing can be strong where disorder is admitted either to giue counsell or to command . so long every common-wealth and pollicie hath beene able to stand , as it hath found citizens submit themselues to the authoritie of the lawes and the power of magistrats ; and so long may wee hope to haue happie successe in the exercise of armes , as these who professe to follow the same , shall bee readie and willing to keepe that station wherein their merits hath placed them : but that it may bee knowne what is required of every one in his office , i shall touch alittle their severall dueties according to the order and place they carry ; first , a captaine . a captaine should consider that he hath the charge of mens liues committed to his hands over the which hee should watch , least any of them bee lost vnder his conduct either by rashnesse or want of knowledge , which should bee more easilie performed if skilfull and sufficient men were chosen to beare rule , and such as either had passed ▪ or at least did vnderstand the degrees of all the inferiour officers , whereby hee may bee able to discharge a place of such importance , that hee may presentlie redresse any thing amisse , and giue ininstructions , and orders vpon every new accident , either in marching , encamping , or fighting , what the said officers haue to doe , for no man is able to teach that which he hath not himselfe before learned : for if hee haue not experience ( by his ignorance ) a whole company may be overthrowne , hee must diligentlie vse his souldiers to the often vsing of their armes , which shall bee more profitable vnto them than the asistance of the physitians , for dayly practise and exercise makes them both perfite and healthfull , and at last victorious in the fields in tyme of battell . leivetenant . hee that is elected vnto this office , ought to bee a man of great experience , fidelitie , and valour , who in the absence of his captaine carryeth his place , charge , and command , vnto whom the souldiers and vnder officers are to obey for the tyme , as vnto the captaine himselfe . his place of march , his captaine being present , is in the reare of the company , but in retiring or marching out of the field , hee is to march in the front , and the captaine in the reare . the handsigne . the handsigne is the foundation of the company , wherein consisteth the honour and reputation of the captaine and souldiers , hee ought not onely to bee a good souldier , bold and valiant , but as neere as may bee the captaines equall , in valour , discretion , and counsell . his place of march is vpon the head of the pickes , the same place hee must obserue in set battells , but rather betuixt the third and fourth rankes . the sergeant . in this officer consisteth the principall partes of the observation of military discipline , and for that the execution of the supperiour officers orders , and commands , doe concerne his charge and duety , it importeth that hee bee a skillfull and valiant souldier , and well experienced in military discipline , yea of so great importance , that more tolerable it were for all the officers of the company ( were it the captaine himselfe ) to bee vnskilled men and of little experience , rather than the sergeant , who of necessitie ought to bee an expert souldier , and of great spirit and diligence . hee is to ranke the souldiers as hee shall thinke good , not suffering them to contend or fall out amongst themselues for the front or best places . the corporall . as hee is a degree aboue the privat souldier , so ought he in skill , let no man that is a souldier , seeke to come to preferment in any office in the field , except hee know himselfe fit to discharge the same , or els hee shall become a laughingstock to others , and be contemned of all men , as he justlie deserues , that taketh vpon him more than hee is able to performe . i thought to haue written more at large of every officer but for brevities sake i haue but onely touched every one apart , hoping god-willing my selfe to showe it more at large by my selfe vnto them in exercise which i hope will worke more in them than writting . so wishing all to take this in good part , not set foorth for the well experimented souldier , but for such as yet haue not tasted thereof . heereafter followeth how a company should march , as lykewayes the severall words of commands for exercising a company , with their reasons . the order how a company should march of 200 men , 100 picks , and 100 musquets . c m m m m m leaders . m m m m m first division musquets . m m m m m d m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m bringers vp . h p p p p p leaders . . . . . . first division pickes . . . . . . d . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p bringers vp . 1. s p . . . p leaders . . . . . . 2 division picks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p bringers vp . 2. s m . . . m leaders . . . . . . 2 division musquets . . . . . . d . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m bringers vp . l the company brought vp in battell for the exercising . 200 in company front.   left division .   right division . left wing m m m m m p p p p p * p p p p p m m m m m right wing m . . . . . . . . p   p . . . . . . . . m . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . m . . . . p . . . p   p . . . p . . . . m   *                                       *   6 ranke or reare division . m . . . . p . . . p   p . . . p . . . . m 6 ranke or reare division . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . m . . . . p . . . p * p . . . p . . . . m the reare . next followeth the handling of musquet and picke ▪ with the severall words for every posture . the words for the musquet . the musquet shouldered . 1. sinke your musquet . 2 handell your musquet with your right hand . 3 vnshoulder your musquet and hold her vp . 4 fall backe with your right leg and hand . 5 bring your rest to your musquet . 6 ioyne both in your left hand . 7 hold your musquet mouth over your leaders right shoulder . 8 open your pan with right finger and thumb . 9 take your pryming wyre and clense your touchholl . 10 blow your pan . 11 morse with powder . 12 clese your pan . 13 grip the but-end of your musquet and rest with your right hand and shake off the loose powder . 14 bring about your musquet to your left syde . 15 discharge your measure into your barrell . 16 draw foorth your scrow or ramming sticke with the middle finger and thumb of the right hand . 17 shorten the same at your right pappe within a handfull . 18 ram in your powlder , furring , and bullet . 19 draw foorth your scrow and shorten it as before . 20 put vp your scrow in its place . 21 recover your musquet and hold it vp with your left hand . 22 take it bee the butt hard at the pan and shoulder it . 23 your rest being in your left hand with your thumb vpon it aboue the butt . 24 sinke your musquet . 25 handell your musquet . 26 vnshoulder your musquet . 27 hold vp your musquet . 28 bring your rest to your musquet . 29 ioyne both in your left hand . 30 take foorth your match with the finger and thumb of the right hand . 31 blow your match vnder your right arme . 32 cocke your match . 33 try your match to your pan . 34 guard your pan with the first two fingers of the right hand and the thumb at the backe of the pan . 35 blow your match againe . 36 take off your pan . 37 present your musquet vpon your rest , your left foote being at the rest vpon the ground . 38 giue fire . 39 fall off either be the right or left hand , as the command is given . 40 in going off take foorth your match , and returne it in your left hand againe , betwixt your little finger and middle finger , or in both , having two ends lighted . in service all this being learned and practised in exercise , there is but only three words of command , viz. make reddie . 2. present . 3. giue fire . the postures of the picke . your picke lying vpon the ground going to list it vp . 1 pvt your toe of your right foote first to it . 2 then your right hand with your thumb at the but-end of it . 3 in lifting step forward with your left foote and left hand and so lift it vp . 4 then your picke is mounted . 5 ordour your picke at 3. 6 mount your picke at 3. 7 shoulder your picke at 3. 8 mount your picke at 3. 9 port your picke at 1. 10 traile your picke at 4. 11 cheeke your picke at 1 ▪ 12 recover your picke at 4. 13 port your picke at 1. 14 mount your picke at 3. 15 sinke your picke at 1. the but-end being at halfefoote to the ground . 16 hold your picke vpon your right shoulder with your right hand , and your thumb vpon your shoulder , the palme of your hand vp , and your foure fingers lying aboue the picke . 17 vpon a long march and vpon double distance in rankes , you may carry your picke levill vpon your shoulder but not so comely as sinked . 18 your picke being ordoured at close ordour the but-end of it must bee betwixt your feete , holding the same with your left hand , being ready to present to charge horse , and your right hand to draw your sword , setting forward your left foote laying your picke , and left hand vpon your left knee the butt being close at the right foote and your sword in your right hand . 19 your picke being ordered at open ordour your feete must bee a foote a sundrie and your picke in your right hand , with thumb vp , and the picke a foote from your right foote . 20 your picke being ordered at order your feete may be close at halfe a foote , and the butt of your picke at the toe of your right foote a little distance from it . when you come to vnderstand distances of rankes and strings these will bee more clearer . as for the presenting and charging of your picke when wee come to the exercising of the pickes , the whole forme shall bee showne god willing , which can not be done but by practise and vse of exercise . the first principall in military instructions , bindeth every one that myndes to practise in military discipline , after the handling of his armes , to vnderstand the severall soundes of the drumme , without the which no souldier is able to knowe his commanders pleasure when to march , charge or make a retreat &c. for when the commanders voyce can not extend to the hearing of the company , the drumme denunceth and expresseth the same . the soundes especially to bee learned are these . viz. a gathering . a march. a troupe . a charge . a retreat &c. the second principall is to knowe how to offend and and defend after the learning of his armes , the readiest and easiest way with skill . the third principall to be learned , is the distance and order of standing and marching that is to bee observed betweene strings and ranks , which is a speciall poynt of discipline , some make fiue sort , but i content mee onlie with three most in vse . distance in strings . order is three foote . open order is six foote . close order is a foote and halfe . distance in ranks . order is six foote . open order is tuelue foote . close order is three foote . great is the necessitie of the learning of this principall , for if order and perfect forme be not observed , it can be tearmed no other thing but a disordered company . in the next place , let the souldier know how to distinguish betwixt every severall place in the company , as followeth . the front. the front is alwayes where the faces of the company are directed all one way . the reare . the reare is ever where the backes of the whole company are turned . a string . a string is a sequence of men standing one behind another , back to bellie , and consisteth commonlie of 10 , or 8 , or sometyme 6 depth . a ranke . a ranke is a raw of men , standing one by another , shoulder to shoulder , their faces being directed all one way . leaders of strings . leaders of strings are these that are in the first ranke ; every one in the same ranke is a leader of a string . bringers vp . bringers vp , these that are in the last ranke are called bringers vp , every one being a bringer vp of a string . reare division , half strings , or sixt rank , all these three names may bee given to this division . the leaders of the reare division are the sixt ranke , if their bee ten depth , if but eight , the fift ranke . also this division is called by some middle-men , but the most sure being what depth they will , reare division separats best , and is soone knowne . the wing . the wing is the side of the company from the front to the reare , the right side being called the right wing , and the left side the left wing . heereafter followeth certaine generall observations . let every souldier know that in marching they are to follow their leaders in strings , as also keepe even with their right hand man , which is their leader in ranke , the like must bee done vpon a stand , to stand right after their leaders in string , and ranke even with their right hand man in ranke , observing true distance and forme according vnto such order as shall bee enjoyned by the commander . let the pickeman know that in a march hee must alwayes shoulder his picke , either just or sinking , as the word shall be given ; and comming thorow any port or gate , hee is to port his pick , vpon a troupe hee must carry his picke mounted , and vpon a stand let him alwayes set downe or order his picke , vnlesse he haue command to the contrary . let the pickeman further know and obserue that in charging ( being ten depth ) half the ranks or front division are to charge or present their pickes , the other half or reare division are to carry their pickes mounted or ported over the heads of their leaders , that they bee no hinderance to them , either in charging or in retiring . obserue likewayes that when they present standing to fall backe with the right foote , and marching to present the left foote being stopped fordward . the musquetier must obserue vpon a march to shoulder his musquet , and carry the rest in his right hand except he prepare to giue fire , then is he bound to carry his rest in his left hand : the like also in a troupe , but in a stand let him ever rest his musquet , except he haue command to the contrary . in exercising of the company , first cause the bodie to stand in good order , and being in such order as they are enjoyned to , let them face to the right or left hand , and so looke vpon them round , seing them stand right in strings , and ranks . ten ranks and fiue strings face them to either hand , and then their is as many strings as ranks were before ; the strings being become ranks , and the ranks being converted into strings . when you double your strings to any hand , by doubling of ranks to the contrary hand , they are brought to their first forme : likewayes having doubled ranks to any hand , by doubling of strings to the contrary hand , they become to their first order , or as they were . now the next for the fift principall shall bee expressed , the most vsuall words of command , especially vsed in the exercising of a company , with the reasons thereof , which every souldier must bee well acquented with all , otherwayes they can never rise vnto any preferment . the words of command following . 1. strings double to the right . doubling of strings to the right is after this manner , the vtmost string moveth not , but standeth fast : the next string vnto the right string moveth into the right string , so that of ten in deepe it is now become twentie , accordingly every second string moveth into their next string on their right hand . 2. strings double to the left . the left string must stand fast , and every second string is to moue into their next string on their left hand . the vse . thus you strengthen your wings . 3. ranks double to the right . in doubling of ranks you must know the formost ranke stands fast , the second moveth into the first , to the right hand ( for that is commounlie first done in exercising ) the third ranke standeth fast , the fourth moveth into the thrid , and so of the rest , every second ranke moveth into the ranke before them , that of fiue in ranke they are doubled and become ten in ranke . 4. ranks double to the left . doubling of ranks to the left , every second ranke moveth , passing vp by their leaders left hand , and so stand in the ranke with them , beginning at the front first , and so take it one from another . note that in doubling to any hand , in going to your first order that you fall out with the contrare foote . the vse . thus you strengthen your front . 5. strings close being in open order , the word is strings close without nameing to any hand , which is thus performed , the two middle leaders close first , the one to the right , the other to the left , till they are in the distance commanded , the rest of of the company to take their distance from them , on either wing closing to the middle leaders . 6. strings close to the right . the right hand string moveth not but standeth fast , all the rest close to the right string , taking their distance one from another , from the right hand . 7. strings close to the left . strings closing to the left , then the left string stands fast , the rest of the strings close , and take their distance from the left hand . their is great vse in closing of strings for many causes . 8. strings close to the right and left by division . strings closing to the right and left by division , the one half of the strings close to the right string , the other half to the left string , leaving a space betweene , which is done vpon some speciall vse best knowne to the commander . 9. strings open . being in close order , the word is , strings open ( not naming to whether hand ) and is thus to bee done , the middle leaders presse vpon their wingers , first taking the distance commanded , having then opened both wayes , the rest of the company on both wings take their distance from them . 10. strings open to the right . the left string is not to moue but standeth fast , the next to the left string first taketh the distance , pressing vpon the right , vntill the distance commanded bee obtained , the rest of the strings doe the like pressing vpon their right , still opening by the righ vntill they haue all done it . 11. strings open to the left . the right string standeth fast , the rest open to the left , still pressing vpon their left string vntill they are all in distance commanded . this word of command is ever given to that hand where there is most ground , or fittest ground for conveniencie . 12. ranks close from the front to the reare . after this manner , the reare ( or last ranke ) moveth not but standeth fast , the rest of the ranks fall backe to the reare . 13. ranks close from the reare to the front . to doe this , the first ranke moveth not , but standeth fast , all the rest of the ranks close vp , taking their distance commanded , ranke after ranke from the front , ( or first rank ) the second ranke to the front beginning first , the rest consequently one after another , till all haue done it . 14. ranks open from the front to the reare . the first ranke moveth not , the rest of the ranks fall backe , till they haue gained the ground to the distance commanded , then stand , the second ranke taketh the distance first , the rest in like manner one from another , vntill they haue all effected it . 15. ranks open from the reare to the front . which is thus done , all the body advanceth ford-ward , the last ranke onely standeth fast , the second to the last taketh the distance first , then the rest advancing fordward till they haue done it . 16. strings and ranks close . the whole body being at open order , the word is strings and ranks close , to doe the which your middle leaders of strings close first , the rest of the strings close to them , the ranks close all vp to the front , or the first ranke to such distance as is commanded . 17. strings and ranks open . the whole body being close in ranke and string , the word is , strings and ranks open after this maner : the middle leaders of strings open , and take the distance first , the rest of the strings on either wing from them , the ranks fall backe , the second to the front taketh the distance first , the rest in like maner from the front to the reare backwards . 18. strings countermarch and maintaine ground . to countermarch and maintaine ground , the leaders of every string , having turned to the hand directed ( which is specially to bee observed ) passe thorow the company , their followers march vp to the leaders ground , making the same good , then turne and passe thorow the company after their leaders , till they haue all done the same . 19. countermarch and lose ground . to countermarch and lose ground , the leaders of everie string , turne to the hand directed , passing thorow the company , the followers moue not till their leaders are passed by them , then they turne and passe after their leaders , the ranks doe the same one after another , not moving till their leaders are passed by them , then they turne in the same ground . by countermarch the reare may become the front , in the same ground that the front stood in , having brought them vp , and face about . note . the strings must bee in their open order when they countermarch . 20. rankes countermarch from the right to the left . the right hand man passeth betweene the first and second ranke , all the rest of the same ranke follow , the right hand man of the second ranke passeth betweene the second and third ranks , passing to the left wing the rest of the ranke follow him , all the rest of the ranks doe the like , bringing the right to the left . 21. ranks countermarch from the left vnto the right . the left hand man of every ranke turneth first , passing to the right , all the ranke followeth him , the rest of the ranks doe the like , so bringing the left wing to the right . this is done vpon some politick respect of the commander to change the wing , doubting the courage of the one by the other , or otherwayes best knowne to the commander . 22. strings ranke 3. 5. 7. or 9. the right hand string first executs the same , advancing fordward , and fall in ranke to such number as shall bee enjoined , the next string doeth the like , advancing fordward fall in ranke after the former string , the rest of the strings keepe the same forme and order , vnto they are all ranked . 23. strings ranke 3. 5. or 7. the left string first advanceth , falling in ranke , the rest of the strings obserue the like forme , till the words of command bee fully executed . 24. ranks ranke 4. 6 or 8. the first ranke executeth the same beginning at the right hand man , the first ranke having ended , the right hand man of the second ranke beginneth , the rest of the ranks doe the like , till all haue done it . 25. ranks ranke 2. 4 or 6. the left hand man first beginneth heere , the rest of the ranks joyne with him , making so many in ranke as shall be commanded , every ranke passing vp till they haue all done it . 26. ranks string to the right . the right hand man of every ranke stirreth not , but the next to the right hand man falleth behind his right hand man : the rest of the ranks follow : all the ranks doe the same , falling behind their right hand man , making one string of the whole company . 27. ranks string to the left . every left hand man stands fast , the rest fall behind one another to the left hand , and so are converted into one string . the vse . thus you giue a strong charge vpon the wing by facing to any hand : this serveth also for a narrow passage , to doe this let the ranks bee in open order , and the strings in close order . 28. ranks turne to the right . the right hand man turneth in the same ground he stands , not moving foorth of the same : the rest of the same ranke turneth altogether and become all aboue him , the left hand man being vppermost , all the ranks doe this . 29. ranks turne to the left . the left hand man turneth in the same ground he stands in , the rest become all aboue him , the right hand man being vppermost , all the ranks doe this . the vse . by this you may giue a charge by either wing very easily . note . to performe this easily and shortly , let the strings be in their close order , and the ranks in such open order as shall be requisit according to the number of men in ranke . 30. ranks and strings turne to the right , the great turne . this word of command is spoken to the whole body , know that the right hand man moveth not but alittle and slowlie , the left wing somewhat faster , but all the whole body together till such tyme as the left wing bee brought about , and then halt , their faces being all one way . 31. the great turne to the left . then the left hand man moveth but litle and slowly , all the rest of the body turne together , the right wing being brought to the left . 32. the great turne right about to the reare . the right hand man moveth but little and slowlie , as it is said before , vntill his face be at the reare , then standeth . 33. the great turne left about to the reare . the like doeth the left hand man as the right did before , vntill all bee turned . the vse . thus the front is brought to either of the wings , or to the reare , being strongest and best armed . note . for turning of this great turne , the whole body must bee at their close order , both in ranks and strings . 34. reare division , half strings , sixt ranke , or middle-men double the front to the right . i haue showed you before of these four words of command , but tend all to one purpose . therefore i say reare division double the front to the right , the leaders of this division are according to the deepnesse , the just half of the number , and they passe vp every man of the ranke by the right hand of his leader , vntill they haue all done , and then stand in the front or first ranke , the next ranke followeth and standeth in the second ranke , and so the rest , till all haue done it . 35. reare division double the front to the left . the leaders of this division or first ranke of it passeth vp vpon the left hand of their leaders vnto the front or first ranke of the front , and so consequently all the rest , vntill all bee doubled . the vse . there is a speciall vse of this motion , for by this the same order in distance of ranks is still observed , which can not bee in doubling of ranks . the second vse . againe they bring sufficient men into the front and reare . the third vse . thirdly it maketh the company to show faire vpon a march thorow a citie , or place of note , for faces to any hand being thus doubled and then march , and you shall bee brauely winged . 36. reare division double the front to the right and left by division . the reare division divide themselues , the one halfe of them face to the right hand , the other halfe face to the left hand , then march out both to the wing of the company , then face againe to the right and left , then march vp to the front , and stand there . the vse . thus the front is doubled on either wing , and the same distance betweene strings and ranks still observed . 37. reare division double the front to the right enteare . the reare division face to the right hand altogether , then march foorth , then face to the left hand and march vp to the front , joyning ranke by ranke and their stand . 38. reare division double the front to the left enteare the reare division face to the left and then passe out , then face to the right and march vp to the front , joyning ranke by ranke to the wing and stand . the vse . thus the front is enlarged by such wing as the commander thinkes fitt , and shall bee most vsefull . 39. bringers vp double the front to the right . the last ranke ( as formerly is showne ) are bringers vp ▪ who passe thorow the body by the right hand to the front , and there stand the second to the reare , follow the bringers vp , and stand in the second ranke to the front , and so the rest till they haue all done it . 40. bringers vp double the front to the left . the last ranke passeth vp by their leaders left hand to the first ranke and their stand , the second ranke to the reare follow and stand in the second ranke to the front , all the ranks doe the like vntill they haue all done it . the vse . this is another maner of doubling the front , and not the worst : for by this , their is sufficient men brought to the front to the strengthning of the same . by this word of command you may alter the front , and bring the reare to the front , by causing the reare or last ranke which are bringers vp to passe thorow the company ▪ the rest of the ranks following them . 41. ranks string by inversion . after this maner the whole body standing in open order , especiall in ranks , one half of the ranks fall into the right string the other half into the left hand string , becomming two strings onely , wherein you must note that the two vttermost strings , which are called the right and left hand strings , they stand fast , the rest of the strings invert to them . the vse . this serues for the avoyding of cannon shot vpon the maine body , or for a gaird for some great commander to passe thorow , it is vsed also at the lodging of the handseigne . 42 to your first order , or as you were . these words are words which bring the company to their first station or order : after everie motion foresaid wee say , either to your first order , or els as you were , which tends both to one vse . but because i vse this first word in my owne practise , i would wish all those that vseth this booke to follow it , so that there bee no diversitie . to your first order . this word of command is often vsed to perfect the body after doubling of ranks or strings , when the reare division hath doubled the front , or bringers vp haue doubled the front , after ranks turning the great turne , ranks stringing either by conversion or inversion , and at other tymes to bring them to their first forme . the vse . the vse of this is so necessarie , that when the company can not vnderstand by any other word of command , they can more easily fall to their first order . there bee diverse other words of command generally to bee observed by the whole company in tyme of service , or vpon any suddaine assault to cause face to any hand , or charge to any hand . the company standing in battell orderly , both in ranks and strings , and true distance in both the words of exercising are these , viz. faces to the right . to your first order . faces to the left . to your first order . faces right about to the reare . to your first order . faces left about to the reare . to your first order . presenting . present to the right . to your first order . present to the left . to your first order . present right about to the reare . to your first order . present left about to the reare . to your first order . faces to the right and left by division . to your first order . faces to the front and reare by division . to your first order . presenting . present to the right and left by division . to your first order . present to the front and reare by division . to your first order . there is diverse sorts of exercising of musquetiers by themselues apart , which cannot well bee set downe but in action . the first is to winne ground vpon the enemie . the second is to lose ground , or making a retreate , and yet offend the enemie . the third is , in marching by the enemie , and discharging vpon them by strings as they march . the fourth sort is by divyding the front and reare by divisions , six foote distant , and marching away by the enemie , and discharging vpon them halfe strings , the first halfe string marching thorow the division from the right to the left : the second halfe string discharging vpon the enemie , and falling by the reare or last ranke vnto the left halfe string . the fift sort is by divyding the right and left division six foote distant one from another , the first halfe rankes discharging vpon the enemie , and falling off from the right hand vnto the reare , the one halfe ranke falleth off by the right division to the reare , the left division falleth downe thorow betweene the divisions vpon the right hand vnto the reare . for brevities sake i deferre all or most kynds of frames and motions , vntill i come to the practise and exercise my selfe , which godwilling wil be more profitable to the young souldier , than many tables of motions , which are hinderance to the mynd . heeretofore i haue set foorth briefly and shortly the dueties and partes that everie particular officer ought to bee endued with , that hee may bee found qualified for the fulfilling of his place , and discharging the commandement he hath over a private company . now my discourse draweth mee a little higher to the heads , and chiefest officers in an army , by whom the whole body of the inferior companies are to bee directed ; for as the senses of our body haue residence in the head to governe the rest of the body , and the sense of touching and feeing onely is spred abroad thorow the rest of the parts thereof , that every particular member may haue functions for the execution of these offices wherevnto they are appoynted by nature , even so it is in the body of an armie , from whose chiftane , as from the head should bee deryved all sort of sense , and in the rest of the inferior members should bee found a ready obedience to bee disposed vpon according to the influence and government that hee shall thinke most expedient : now as the health and good order of the body depend so vpon the constitution of the head , that if it bee distempered , or the senses troubled , the actions of the whole man are of that same kynd confuted and perverted , so the proceedings of an army receaue their beginning and successe , according to the sense and vnderstanding of those who governe therein , and therefore i haue thought it expedient to speake alittle of them lykewayes , that everie one at his first entrie into a campe may know how all things ought to bee rightlie governed , and to whom hee ought obedience if any thing should fall amisse , so that from the lowest degree to the highest they bee not ignorant how the rule of perfection may be aymed at and obteined . the generall . the highest office of all is that of a generall , who as hee is aboue the rest in authoritie and power , so ought hee not only to know perfectly the dueties of every officer , but also to excell them all in religion , wisedome , experience , policie , gravitie , secrecie , counsell , modestie , temperance , valour , magnanimitie , vigilancie , care constancie , liberalitie , and resolution , with all other good partes incident to a perfect man of warre : and how much all these good parts , and many more ought to bee in the personage elected to this high and carefull dignitie , you may easily conceaue and gather , because hee is set over the rest , to the end that he being their chiftane and head , may not onely know how to governe them both in actions , but also in his vertuous lyfe and carriage bee a paterne , light , and lanterne vnto the whole numbers of the companies to imitate , for it is an old proverb , such master such man , such generall such officers and followers : for commonly a wise , valiant and vertuous generall will chuse wise valiant , and vertuous captaines and officers : good and vertuous captaines will as neere as they can chuse good , honest , sober , and vertuous officers vnder them , intertaine their souldiers with good and faire speeches , to command with all allurements to bring them to the due forme of martiall discipline . the crowner . the crowners place and office is to be commander over the captaines , and all other inferior officers of his regiment , having jurisdiction and dominion over them all , whereby may bee inferred and gathered the parts and qualities which ought to bee in him , and the great skill and experience in warre , as one who ought to exceede them all , for to know how to command , rule , and governe them with prudencie , and valour : and forasmuch as in many occurrants and occasions growing and presented in warre hee should know to performe the parts and office of a generall , being alone with the companies of his owne regiment , as when his generall commands him to the batterie , or seige of any fort or citie , or to defend any fort or towne , or to warre in any open campania , to giue battell to the enemie , to make incursions , to retire and withdraw skirmishers , to frame brigs over rivers , to fortifie himselfe in campe , to conduct artillirie , and many other peeces of service to bee performed in him , he is greatly to respect and honour his generall , obeying and performing his commands and orders with great care and diligence , as hee would bee obeyed himselfe and reverenced by his captaines and other officers of his regiment . the sergeant maior . his office is to bee the generall minister or officer of a whole regiment of sundrie companyes , and superintendent of all the sergeants of the same , by whose hand and industrie , the crowner doth giue the orders convenient to the due governement of his regiment ; as in marching , encamping imbattelling , and in such other matters concerning heerevnto , whereby may bee gathered the parts , the qulities , the valour , the great skill , experience , and great diligence which ought to bee in him , who is chosen to this degree of office , being of such importance : the sergeant majors office is of much higher degree than any ordinarie captiane ; for every captaine doe receaue his directions from the sergeant major , and the sergeant major from the crowner or generall if hee bee in place : the ordinarie place where the crowner marcheth is in the vangard , and so the sergeant major being his officer , by whom hee sendeth his commands vnto the captaines . leiuetennents , handseignes , and sergeants , and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alwayes to bee neere vnto his person , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 major is guide of the battell . admonitions for a 〈◊〉 souldier having said somewhat concerni●●●he conditions and qualities which are required in 〈◊〉 severall officer of a privat company . now let vs see 〈◊〉 maner of men are worthy the name of souldiers . first the souldier of all men 〈◊〉 the feare of god before his eyes , to haue a cleare 〈◊〉 , & to be of honest conversation , least in runing vp 〈◊〉 hee fall into hell-fire . secondly hee that loveth right and iustice , is sitte to bee the defender of the same . thirdly hee that pitieth the poore and afflicted , is a meete man to succour his country and towne against the violence of oppressours . fourthly hee that tendereth the wedow and fatherlesse ▪ he that delyteth to see vertue floorish in his country , honour advanced , faith and equitie to abyde in every fellowship . fiftly hee that hateth covetousnesse , thift , extortion , murther , fornication , idlenesse ; and drunkennesse , these and such like men are fit to bee , and beare the name of souldiers or martialists . for the first foundation and vse of armes was erected of necessitie to restraine and represse the disorders of lewd and wicked men , and to settle and establish peace and justice vpon earth , so then as the armed hoast is the remedie to chastice and represse the offences of others , it is convenient that the same hoast bee free from the like offences , and every vice in a souldier ought to bee strongly bridled , and punished with extremitie . a company drawne vp in forme of a triangle battell . 200 men . m . . . m h m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m m . . . m m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m   p . . . p p . . . p   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p a company drawne vp with the picks vpon the right hand . 200 men . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . . . . . . p a company drawne vp and winged vpon both the wings with musquetiers . 200 men . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m this company having their musquetiers vpon the left wing , hath now doubled the right division of pickes . 200 men . p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m this maketh a strong battell for defending and offending an horse troupe , by facing to any hand , either to the right or to the left . a company presenting to all quarters , being 200. 100 picks , 100 musquetiers . front.   front.       m . . . . . . . . m p p p p p p p p p p front. m . . . . . . . . m p p p p p p p p p p . . . . . . . . . m . p . . p p p p p p . . . . . . . . . m . p . . p p p p p p m . . . m m . . . m p p p p p p p p p p front. p p . p p p . . . p m . . . . . . . . m   p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . p p p . . p p m . . . m m . . . m     front.   because i am in opinion that there bee sundrie who will bee desirous to know the maner how to draw vp companies , and placing them in battell ranke , this being a most difficle and pleasant peace of all the exercise , i haue now for their contentment and satisfaction set downe in a table vnder their view diverse sorts and fashions of this kynde , out of the which they may bee able easily by their owne industrie , according to the occurrences to frame other formes as the number of the companies and occasions that they shall find shall permit . heere is placed the handling of picke and musquet , with your left hand because there is sundrie of this towne who are left handed and desirous to learne to handle both pickes and musquets therewith . the postures of the picke . your picke lying vpon the ground going to lift it vp . 1 pvt your toe of your left foote first to it . 2 then your left hand with your thumb at the but-end of it . 3 in lifting step forward with your right foote , and right hand and so lift it vp . 4 then your picke is mounted . 5 ordour your picke at 3. mo●ion . 6 mount your picke at 3. mo●ion . 7 shoulder your picke at 3. mo●ion . which must bee done this way , first fall backe with your left foote and your left hand , receaving your picke vpon your left shoulder , so you step vp againe with your left foote vpon your station to the right foote . 8 mounte your picke at 3. 9 port your picke at 1. 10 traile your picke at 4. 11 cheeke your picke at 1. 12 recover your picke at 4. 13 port your picke at 1. 14 shoulder your picke at 3. 15 sinke your picke , putting the but-end of it within halfe foot to the ground . 16 hold your picke vpon your left shoulder with your left hand , and your thumb vpon your shoulder , the palme of your hand vp and your foure fingers lying vpon the picke about . 17 your picke being ordered at close order , the but-end of it must be betwixt your feete , holding the same with your right hand being ready to present to charge horse , and your left hand to drawe your sword , setting forward your right foote , laying your picke and right hand vpon your right knee , the butt being close at the left foote and your sword in your left hand . 18 your picke being ordered at open order , your feete must be a foote asunder and your picke in your left hand , with your thumb vp towards the poynt , and the picke a foote from the left foote . 19 your picke ordered at order , your feete may bee close at halfe a foote asunder , and the but-end of your picke standing a little from your left toe of that foote . 20 presenting your picke being shouldred to any quarter , obserue that if hee bee a right handed man ▪ that his right foote goe alwayes backe to one place , and if left handed , his left foote alwayes backe to one place , at the exercising of these postures i shall show the reasons , but now it were too tedious . the words for the handling of the musquet for a left handed man. the musquet shouldered vpon the right shoulder . 1 sinke your musquet . 2 handle your musquet with your left hand . 3 vnshoulder your musquet and hold her vp in your left hand . 4 fall backe with your left leg and left hand . 5 bring your rest to your musquet with your right hand . 6 ioyne both musquet and rest in your right hand . 7 bee sure to have the mouth of your musquet higher then any of your leaders shoulders head , and so no harme can bee done . 8 open your pan with the middle finger and thumb of the left hana , your thumb being at the backe of the pan . 9 take your pryming wyre and clense your touchholl , and blow it . 10 morse with powder . 11 close your pan . 12 grip the but-end of your musquet in your left hand with the rest also and shake off the loose powder . 13 bring about your musquet to your right syde . 14 discharge your measure into your barrell of your musquet . 15 draw foorth your scrow with the middle finger and thumb of the left hand . 16 shorten your scrow wand at your left pappe within a handfull . 17 ram in your charge . 18 draw foorth your scrow wand againe and shortenit , as before . 19 put vp your scrow wand or raming sticke againe in its place . 20 recover your musquet alittle before you lift it vp . 21 hold vp your musquet in your right hand . 22 take it by the but-end hard vnder the pan with your left hand and shoulder it . 23 put your rest in your right hand at the inside of your musquet , and your hand at the backe of the panne . your musquet is now charged ready to doe service and execution vpon the enemie . 24 sinke your musquet . 25 handle your musquet with your left hand . 26 vnshoulder your musquet . 27 hold vp your musquet in your left hand . 28 bring your rest to your musquet . 29 ioyne both in your right hand . 30 take foorth your match with the middle finger and thumb of the left hand . 31 blow your match vnder your left arme . 32 cocke your match . 33 try your match . 34 guard your pan with the first two fingers of the left hand , and the thumb at the backe of the pan . 35 blow your match againe . 36 take off your pan or put of the cover of your pan . 37. present your musquet vpon the rest , your right foote being at the rest vpon the ground . 38 giue fire . 39 fall off either be the right or left hand , as the word of command is given 40 in going off take foorth your match , or lunte , and returne it in your right handagaine , betwixt your little finger and second finger , having two ends lighted . note that when you handle your musquet with your right hand that your bandelier be over the left shoulder & vnder the right arme . also when you handle with the left hand that your bandeleirs be over the right shoulder and vnder the left arme . a company drawne vp with the musquetiers in the front .   front.   left wing . m m m m m m m m m m right wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p   the reare .   heere the reare division of pickes , hath doubled the front division of musquetiers to the right hand .   front.   left wing . m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p right wing . m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   the reare .   a souldiers resolution to brauo souldiers . gentlemen and braue souldiers , having now ended all that i haue thought expedient to be set downe by writ for the present touching this matter , what amisse and error i haue herein committed , i yeelde the same to bee considred and reformed by the wisdome of those , whose experience , authoritie , and good indevour may bee answerable to the performance thereof : desiring that the same may bee deemed as proceeding from a souldier , who more of zeale than of any desire to offend , not to instruct the expert souldier , but to indevour my selfe by the observations to make knowne my goodwill and wishes i haue conceaved , to set forward the vnexpert and vnskilled sort , which if i haue obtained , it is the hight of all my desires , and i shall esteeme this a full recompence of my travell , if i perceaue this discourse of the rudiments of martiall affairs , to bee gratiously accepted , though it be roughlie drawne , as it were with the picke and musquet of a souldier , and no● trimmed with the delicate pen of an orator , for i haue ever judged it more becomming a souldier to vtter himselfe by workes than by wordes , and in effect , as i shall doe declare the affection and readinesse i haue to doe you better service . i. a. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a22383-e50 〈◊〉 cap. ● 25. chron. 2. cap. 1. 14. cap. 9. 25. notes for div a22383-e170 the posturs of the musquet . charge . discharge . the posturs of the musquet . charging . discharging ▪ the first part of the principles of the art military practiced in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the command of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall, for as much as concernes the duties of a souldier, and the officers of a companie of foote, as also of a troupe of horse, and the excerising of them through their severall motions : represented by figure, the word of commaund and demonstration / composed by captaine henry hexham, quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring. principles of the art militarie part 1 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43479 of text r11968 in the english short title catalog (wing h1652). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43479 wing h1652 estc r11968 13016536 ocm 13016536 96541 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43479) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96541) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:38) the first part of the principles of the art military practiced in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the command of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall, for as much as concernes the duties of a souldier, and the officers of a companie of foote, as also of a troupe of horse, and the excerising of them through their severall motions : represented by figure, the word of commaund and demonstration / composed by captaine henry hexham, quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring. principles of the art militarie part 1 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43479 of text r11968 in the english short title catalog (wing h1652). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [8], 5-46, 12 p. : ill., plans. for the lovers of the noble art military, printed at delf in holeand : 1642. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng military art and science -early works to 1800. a43479 r11968 (wing h1652). civilwar no the first part of the principles of the art military, practised in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the commaund of his highnesse hexham, henry 1642 21101 5 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first part of the principles of the art military , practised in the warres of the united netherlands , vnder the commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall . for so much as concernes the duties of a souldier , and the officers of a companie of foote , as also of a troupe of horse , and the exercising of them through their severall motions . represented by figvre the word of commaund and demonstration . composed by captaine henry hexham , quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring . the horse is prepared against the day of battell , but safety is of the lord , prover . 21. 31. the second edition newly corrected and amended . printed at delf in holland , for the lovers of the noble art military . anno 1642. cum privilegio . to the jllustrious william . by the grace of god , borne prince of orange , earle of nassau &c. marquis of veere and vlissing &c. baron of breda . and lord generall of the cavallrie , in the service of the high , and mighty lords , the states generael of the vnited provinces . jllvstriovs and noble prince , among the manie arts professed in the world , the art military practised in our moderne warres of these vnited provinces , ( the nurcerie of the milita ) ought not to be accounted the least : for what magnanimous , braue vailliant generalls , chieftaines , commandours & souldiers of all nations have bin bred , and brought vp in this academia , and sede belli is sufficiently knowne to the world , and what honorable actions , and memorable services they have done and performed , returning victorious out of the feild , i leaue to the testimonie of historie . especially , the almighty god , the lord of hoasts hath so blessed your generous house , as namely , your grand-father prince william , your vncle prince maurice , both of immortall memorie , and now your victorious father , prince fredrick henry our captaine generall , as instruments for the defence of his afflicted church , the true protestant religion , & for the maintenance of the privileges , & freedomes of the land & hath crowned them with an never-dying name , against the violence plotts and subtill machinations of one of the mightiest potentates of all christendome . what glorious actions the almighty god hath wrought by them , for the deliverance of his church and people in this land the historigraphers of our times striue as with trumpets to sound forth their fame . for if wee cast our eyes backward to times past , & the beginnings of our warres , when this state consisted but in a handfull of people , and a few townes and were in great distresse , and compare it with the state of the land as it is now , we must acknowledg how wonder-fully god hath blessed , and protected these countries against all the tyrannie , and treacherie of the duke of alva , the bishop granvelle , and diverse other spanish gouvernours , & that he by his out stretched arme , hath extenpsed the limits , & bounds of these united provinces , even ( as it were ) from the sunne-rysing , to the sunne setting , and what hath all the peruvian gold , and the topazan silver availed them , wee maye therefore truely say with the apostle , if god be with vs , who can be against vs . againe , if wee consider what god hath done for this land of later yeares , it is a wonder in our eyes how remarkeably & with what good successe he hath blessed the able conduct , and dessignes of his highnesse your father : for in the beginning of his generallship did he not take in groll , & oldenzeel , and that heauen-blessed surprisall of wesel , even when the ennemy was entred almost into the bowells of this countrie & iust at that time , when his highnesse was engaged so deepely at the seige of the bosch , and carryed that invincible towne , against the expectation of all men ? the yeare after rhyenbergh , and then became master of the strong towne of mastricht , & took it before the noses of two great armies , which lay betweene vs and home , then his and your owne citty of breda , within seauen weekes & a day , after wee putt spade into the earth , and brake ground towards it , whereas marquis spinola lay almost a whole yeare before it . and last of all the strong castle & howse of gennep , which did so much annoy these countries ; these victories and lawrils i haue briesly related , to refresh your highnesse memorie withall , & to the ende , that wee may giue the glorie and praise vnto god for them . as for my self , j haue seene these things , & haue serued this land two and fortie yeares , and learned some experience in these warres , which made me take penn in hand , to writ the principles of the art militarie , practised in these warres , first vnder the conduct of your uncle prince maurice of blessed memorie , as now also vnder your victorious father for the instruction of such english gentlemen , & souldiers , who are willing to come into the states seruice , & for the informing of their iudgments the better , & with a great deale of labour , charg , and paines haue represented this noble art by the waye of figure , the word of commaund and demonstration , & hauing once showne one of my three parts to his highnesse your father , it pleased him in your presence to giue mee encouragement , to turne my english bookes into netherdutch . in obedience whereof , i translated my first part for the exercising of a foote companie , and a troupe of horse ( and god willing intend to doe the other two parts in time ) & dedicated it to your highnesse , and now the warres of my native countrie and jreland which the almighty compose , calling for them againe , as i dedicated my first part vnto your highnesse in dutch : so now i most humbly beseech your highnesse , that vnder your gracious acceptance and patronage this second edition maye come againe to the view of the world in my maternall tounge , both in these countries and in england , and i shallbe bound not onely to pray vnto god for yow & her highnesse royall your dearest consort to blesse yow being our future hopes next vnder god hereafter , and a sprigg sprung from that noble howse of nassaw , to giue you the like successe and victorie over our ennemies as he hath done to your predecessours : but also to crowne you , and her highnesse royall with everlasting felicity hereafter resting . your highnesses humble and submissiue servant , henry hexham . the officers and dvties belonging to a foote compagnie throvgh all their degrees , from a private souldier to a captaine as followeth , and first . of a centinell , or a private souldier . a centinell or a private souldier ought to uuderstand well his duty , to come to his squadron , or company at seasonable times , at the drummes beating , or otherwise , or when they are to draw in armes , and to set the paradoe . to be very vigilent , and carefull upon his centinell-ship , & to have as many eyes about him as argus had , suffring no man in the night to passe without crying qui valá & calling his corporall to take the word , un lesse he be cōmanded to come in silently . he must also take delight in the handling , & vse of his armes and see that he keepes them fixe , neate , and cleane , and goe handsomely in his cloathes . he must play the good husband , and menage well that little meanes he hath . in marching or standing , he must have a singular care to keepe his ranke and file , & not to stirre out of it ( without command ) yea if he were sure to kill an enemy : hee ought also in fight , and in the day of battell , to hearken well to his officers command , that when his officer may fall , or cannot be heard in a charge : he may be acquainted with the sound of the drumme , when it beates a march , a charge , or a tetreate . he must not be given to sharking , and oppression , but as saint iohn baptist teacheth us in the gospell , luk. 3. 14. to do violence to no man , neither accuse any falsly , & be cōtent with his wages , he must be no drunkard , whoremaster , or theefe , knowing how honorable his profession is , & how deare his reputation should be vnto him ; but ought rather to arme himsele with these christian vertues , the feare of god , praying morning and evening , and with moses , to number his daies that he may apply his heart to wisedome , hee should of all men be prepared to welcome death , seeing that a bullet in a moment , may send him from earth to heaven . morever , he must be diligent , active , sober , patient , couragious , discrete , and curteous . carefullnesse and labour will exercise him , and fortitude , with valour wil teach him to execute , & suffer patiently all fategations of the warr . to conclude , i would have a gentleman , and a souldier ambitions of his preferment , and advancement : knowing how many brave generalls , and commanders , even from private souldiers ( passing through all the degrees , & offices of a souldier ) have raised their advancement , thinking that he may also come to the like height of honour , withal remembring how many worthies , emperours , kings , princes , dukes , earles , nobles , & gentlemen have been of this honourable profession , & what heroick , & brave actions they have performed , how many brave battells they have fought & what victoires they have gained , leaving in history traphes of their memorable actions , to eternize their everliving memory to posterity . of a gentleman of a company . in a company of foot , there are also gentlemen , especially in a generalls , or coronels company , they ought to haue many brave gentlemen of quality , valiant , and capable of perferment , when the generall , or coronel shall find them worthy , and deserving . the first duty then required in a gentleman , or private souldier is obedience , as appeared by the centurion , in his answere to our saviour in the holy gospel , which teacheth us obedience , saying , i am a man under authority having souldiers under me , and i say to this man goe , & he goeth , & to another come , & he commeth , & to my servant do this , and he doth it , math. 8. 9. for without this a whole army is worth nothing , & to this vertue also , he must joyne love , & respect to his captaine , & superiour commandour . a gentlemans duty at his first entrance into the profession of a souldier , following a generals , or coronels company , is to stand centinell for a moneth , to learne the first degree of a souldier , that he may be the better able to command others , when he is advanced . in places of danger , either in the field , or approaches he is to lye perdu , with his pistoll , and sword , & not to budge from his place , till he be relieved : not to retreate for one man , but in case of more , then to fall back to the fecond , & discovering an enemy comming off betimes & silently , hee must give the alarme so , that the corps de gard , or company may be provided to defend them selves . a gentleman also is to goe the round with the captaine of the watch , or his fellow-gentlemen , either in field or in garrison , to give the corporall of the guard the word , and to charge the centinells to looke well about them . of a barbier chirurgian to a company . there ought to be in a company , a good barber chirurgian , both to trime the souldiers , & to have skill in chirurgerie , that when the company watches in approaches , and guards , where there is danger , he may be at hand ( in the absence of the chirurgian of the regiment ) to bind up & dresse hurt , and wounded men , in doing there of , he is to be free from all other duties , belonging to the company , seing he is an officer allowed in the states list . of the clarke of a company . the clarke of a company ought to be an honest , and a sufficient man , whom his captaine may entrust for the fetching of his months pay , & the due and seasonable payment of the company : his duty is to keepe the muster-roule , to have it upon all occasions in a readinesse , to enter his men , both into his muster-roule , and pay bill , to receive the service mony of the company , to see the souldiers or their hostises where they lie duely paid it , & to deliver up every pay-day , a true pay bill unto his captaine , or chiefe officer . of a drumme majour . every regiment ought to have a drumme-majour , to whom when it is watch time , the other drummes are to repaire , there to beat a call , and to march with his company that is appointed for the guard . a drum-majour ought to be a grave man , able to instruct the other drums to beat a true march , and other points of warre , to see the drummes that beat upon a march to be duely relieved , and also to speake divers tongues , and to bee wise , and cautelous what he shall speake to an enemy . of the drummers . every company also ought to have two good drummers , that knoweth how to beate a call , a slow , or a swift march well , a charge , a retreat , and a reveille : he should also be a linguist , because oftentimes he may be sent unto the enemy , for the ransoming of prisoners , his duty is comming to the campe , or garison of an enemy , hauing his generalls passe in his hat , to beat a call , till he is fetcht in , and because he shall not discover the weaknesse of guards , workes , or trenches , he is led blindfold , and so carried to the commander , and place where his prisoners are , with whom after he hath ransommed them , he is to returne to the camp , or garison . of a gentleman of the armes . the next in degree is the gentleman of the armes , who ought to bee the eldest gentleman of a company , whose charge is to looke diligently to the armes , of the company , to marke and figure them , and to keep a list what number , and figure every souldier hath upon his armes , to cause the souldiers to keepe their armes neat & cleane , and if any thing be amisse , or broken , to bring them to the armorers to be repaired , and if any souldier have his pasport , be sick , dead , or run away , himsefe , or the corporall is to bring up his armes to his lodging , least they be lost , and to keepe them cleane , till he delivereth them to some souldier newly entertained . moreover , he is to visit the gards , to see that their armes be in good trime , to keep the powder , bullets , and match , and to deliver them out to the corporalls and lanspersadoes . in divers companies , especially in great garisons , there is a corporall of the gentlemen , who is to acquaint them in the field , when they are to lie perdues , and in garison to call them out in the round-house , to goe the round according to their sennority . of a corporall . every company is devided into three squadrons , and every squadron hath his corporall and lanspresado , hee is the head of the squadron , and ought to be an honest & able man , & sufficient to discharge his duty , sober , modest , and peaceable . he is first to have a squadron roule of all the gentlemen , and centinels names of his squadron , and when any new souldiers are entertained , he is to instruct them in the use of their armes , and must not suffer the old souldiers to mock , or geere the yonger , if they do not their postures as they ought : seeing that every man in every science , & profession must have a time of learning , before he can be perfect : & if he doth not well he must goe over & over againe with them patiently , untill such time , as hee hath made him a good muskettier , or pike-man , for which he shall get commendations of his captaine , and his officers . in marching either in his squadron , or company the eldest corporall is to lead the right hand file of the muskettiers , the second corporall the left hand file , and the third in the midst of the devision . being with his squadron upon his guard , he is to provide them wood , coales , and candle light , to keep a continuall fire day and night . having an outguard , he shall doe his best endeavour to strenghten as much as in him lieth , his little corps de guard , and set out his centinels according to the avenues , or commings on of the enemy : for the cutting off of a centinell , and the surprising of a corps of guard , is of a great imporrance , and may endanger sometimes the overthrow of an army . and therefore it behoves a corporall to be very carefull and vigilant , and to visite his centinels often , to give them charge to looke well about them , to relieve them duely , & not to suffer them to stand to long , especially in cold weather . his duty also is not to forget the word , but to imprint it in his memory , when the captaine of the watch goes the first round , he shall with his sword drawne against his brest give it him , and so receive such orders from him as he shall command him . and afterward when the round comes againe , he shall cause the rounder , or gentleman with his sword drawne to give him the word , before he let him passe , and if upon his guard , himselfe , or his centinells should heare , see , or discover any men , or light-matches , to have his men in readinesse with bullets in their muskets , and their matches lighted , and to come in silently to give his superiour officers inteligence therof , that they be provided before the alarme be given , to resist an enemy , and to defend the guard . to conclude , he is to distribute powder , bullets , & match out of his squadron , and to have a care , that they keep their armes neat & cleane . and not suffer the holy name of god to be prophaned , or taken in vaine vpon his guard . of a sarjant . next unto the three chiefe officers of a company aboue mentioned , follows the sarjants of a company , wher of there are two to a private company , and three to a colonels or a double company . the word sarjant is borrowed from the french , & signifieth a charge-bearer . a sarjant then should be a man of experience , stirring , and vigilant , and to have these three qualities , a wise man , a man of spirit , and a man of courage , for a good sarjant is a great help to his captaine , and other officers , in helping to execute their commands . he must be also able , & sufficient to teach the souldiers the true and perfect use of their armes , his duty is to march upon the flanke of the company or devision , to see that the souldiers keepes their rankes and files , and in the field or in garrison to lead the squadron to their guard , to carry to prison with his halbert ( the signe of his authority ) such offenders , as his captaine or superiour officer shall commit to the provost marshall . in excercising of the company the sarjants places are upon the right and left flankes , to looke that the souldiers stand right in their files and ranks , and to see that they performe the termes of direction in every motion given by the captaine in the front , to cause the muskettiers to make ready by rankes and to lead them up to the place where they are to give fire . moreover his duty is to attend on the sarj ' . maiour of the regiment , when he is to give out orders , & from him to receive the word , & other orders , to give it to his captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , & corporall , to fetch amunition , powder , & match , & other materialls for the company , also to set out perdues , & see them duely relieved , and thus much of the duty of a sarjant . of an ensigne . an ensigne ought to be a generous , able young man , above all things to be carefull of his honour , & reputation , & not to meddle with the company , but onely his collours , which is recommended to his charge , neither to command any thing to the souldiers , unlesse in the absence of his captaine , and lieutenant , having then full power , and command over them and to lead in the head of the company , with a corslet and pike . he ought to be beloved of all the gentlemen , and souldiers of the company , and to be kind , affable , and liberall unto them and to do them all curteous offices to their captaine , which will gaine their love and affection towards him . his place marching in a devision , or battaille ( unlesse it be a generalls or a coronells ensigne ) is to march between the third , and fourth ranke of the pikes , and when the generall , or some prince passeth by in marching , he is to vaile his collours , & if standing , to step up into the front to do the like reverence , without moving of his hat . he ought to have a singular care , that his collours be garded , aswell to his lodging , as in other places . also in the day of battaile , seeing he carries the honour , and ensigne of his country , rather then to loose them , hee ought to make them his winding sheet , and in the company , or in a body or devision , hee is to march with gravity , and modesty , and thus much of an ensigne , of a lieutenant . first , it may be demanded , why a lieutenant is so called , and the reason wherefore this name is given him . a lieutenant then is a french word compounded of lieu a place , and tenant the participle of the present tense , which signifieth in english , holding , or keeping , from whence he taketh his name , and is as much , as if one shold say , a lieutenant is he , which holdeth up , and supplieth the place of his captaine or governour . he is also called in the germane tongue lieutenampt , which is as much to say , as having the charge , or office over men : because that in the absence of his superiour , or his captaine , his office , and quality importeth as much , as if the governour , or captaine were present himselfe , and therefore lieutenant , being a name rightly imposed upon him , he is to take care , order , & governe the company , and ought to be honoured , obeyed , and respected , as if the captaine himselfe were present . hence it is also that a king hath his viceroy , a prince his administratour , a potentate his marshall , or chancellour , a lord his steward , and a coronell , or governour , his lieutenant coronell , or lieutenant governour . a lieutenant then must be an able , and sufficient man , capable of his charge , and experienced in the warrs , understanding the duty of a captaine , because he is to execute it in his absence , and to be an ease unto him . he is to receive all orders , charges , & commissions from his captaine , assuming no authority to himselfe , unlesse in the absence of his captaine : for it is certaine that every military charge , ought to go by order , and to bee received from his superiour commander . when it is required , hee is to give his captaine wise counsell , and to advise , and consult with him for the good of the company , especially in the time of action , and in matters of importance . he ought also by his command to appease quarrels , between souldier , and souldier , not to be partiall , or favour one man more then another , for it is a point of iustice , to compose a quarrell , and to give satisfaction to the party interressed , in so doing , hee shall support his command and gaine himselfe reputation . but in a matter of importance he ought to acquaint his captaine therewith , that he may punish the offender , by committing him eitheir to prison , or causing him to give satisfaction to the gentleman or souldier wronged , and that for the avoiding of blood-shed . a lieutenant also must know how farre his authority extends in the presence of his captaine , and that his captaines honour and reputation ought to be as tender and as deare unto him as his owne . in his captaines absence , he is to governe the company wel , to take care that it be duely exercised , to command the inferiour officers , as the sarjants , and corporals to do their duties , to make them teach the souldiers the perfect use of their armes , that when they shall come to be excercised by his capt , or himselfe , they may be in a readinesse . when his captaine excerciseth his company himselfe , his place is then in the reere of the company , to see that the words of command , which is given by his captaine in the front , be duely performed , and executed by the souldiers in the reare : likewise in marching his captaine being present , he is to bring up the reere of the company , and in his absence to lead it , in the front to the gards , and paradoe , and to see that every souldier do their duty upon their guards , and thus much briefly for a lieutenant . of a captaine . every company hath a head , ( to wit , ) a captaine , who in the allmaine tongue is rightly called a haupiman , a head man from the word haupt , which signifieth a head , and from the latine word caput , from whence the name of a captaine is derived in french , english and dutch . for , as the head is the principall member that governes ▪ and rules the body , and unto which all the other membres are subordinate ; so likewise the officers , & souldiers of a company ought to governe , and carry themselues , according to the charge , and command of their captaine . a captaine then having so honourable a place , as to be the chiefe of a company ought to be very capable of his charge , and as he ought to carry himselfe with austerity , and gravity in the point of his command , that he may be obeyed , feared , and respected of his souldiers ; so should hee also carry himselfe towards them , as a loving , & kind father ( seeing they must live and die together ) in paying them duely , in helping , and relieving them in their wants , nesessities , and sicknesses , neither must he be giuen to coveteousnesse in keeping back from them , that which is their due . and as he is to love , countenance , and to make much of such souldiers of his company , as carry themselves bravely and stoutly in the face of their enemy , which deserve well , seeking by all meanes to advance such , it will give encouragement to others to do the like : so ought he also to punish vice severely , quarrellers , and offenders , for the good and example of others . a captaine should also be religious , loyall to his prince & country that he serves , just , temperate , liberall , wise and discreet , valliant in the field before the face of his enemy : valliant in townes and forts besieged , and for his honour , never to give consent in yeelding up any place , till it be past reliefe , & that there is no possibility to hold it out any longer . a captaine also ought to instruct , & informe his souldiers in the point of their duties , to traine them up , & to exercise them well in the use of their armes , aswell himselfe as the officers that are under him , & to see that they readily obey , and execute his commands , which is the life of warre , and one of the principall things , required both in a captaine and a souldier . the scale . the arming of a pikeman 2 the arming if a muskettier next followes the postures of the pike , and musket , represented by figure , having the word of command under every of them , with briefe observations on the first page , answering to the number of every figure . the postures of the pike may be done , either standing or marching . in marching ( as wel as in standing ) a pike-man may advance , shoulder , or charge his pike , either to the front ; to the reere , to the right , or left flanke , according to the terme of direction given him by his officer . the postures likewise of a muskettier are also done , either marching , or standing , by himselfe , or in his squadron , company , or division . a good muskettier that is ready , and well made by his officer , will fall naturally and gracefully to the doing of his postures , and will take delight in handling of his musket , avoyding antique , and dancing postures , which hertofore haue been taught by some officers , but now is grown ridiculous , not beseeming and becomming the grave comportment , and carriage of a souldier . a captaine then , having a commission given him to raise a company , ought to make choise of the taller , and abler men for his pikes , and of the shorter , stronger , and well set with good legges , for his musketteires : yea , such as may be able to endure both hardship , and labour . and thus much as a short preamble by the way , before we come to shew the figures of the postures them selves . briefe observations upon the postures of the pike , answering to the number of every figure following . 1 set the but end of your pike neere your right foot on the outside , holding it right up in your right hand , about the height of your eye , and your arme a litle bending , and your right foot forward . 2 with the right hand alone bring your pike just before your body , bearing it directly right up , raising the but end from the ground , then take the pike with your left hand about the height of your gridle , 3 forsake the pike with your right hand , and with the left hand alone raise vp the pike , that the but end be about the height of your thigh , then take the but end in your right hand , without stooping to it . 4 forsake the pike with the left hand , and with your right hand alone carry the pike right up locking the pike betweene your shoulder and arme , your right hand holding the but end of the pike , about the height of your hip . 5 sink your right hand a litle , and with your left hand take the pike , as high as well you can reach , and bring the pike just before your body . 6 forsake the pike with your right hand , and bring downe the pike in your left hand , that the but end be neere unto the ground , then with your right hand take the pike about the height of your head . 7 forsake the pike with your left hand , and with the right hand onely set the but end on the ground , on the out side of your right foot , as in the third posture . 8 bring the pike just before your body , & raise the but end from the ground , bearing it forward , then take it with your left hand a little beneath your right . 9 bring forward the pike with your left hand , and take it in your right , reaching backeward as farre as well you may . 10 forsake your pike with your left hand , & with the right onely lay it vpon your right shoulder , bearing the but end about a foot from the ground , holding your thumb under the pike , the better to gouern it , carrying the pike forward . 11 beare your right hand with the pike backward , as farr as well you can , with your left hand take the pike forward , and with the right beare the pike vpward . 12 forsaking the pike with the right hand , cast the point forward , that the but end may conveniently be taken in the right hand . 13 take the but end of the pike in your right hand , holding it about your hip , and raising the pike with your left hand about the hight of your breast , carry the pike directly before you , your left foot tward . 14 raise the right hand and stretch it backward , your left hand being at your breast , your left elbow against your hip . 15 beare downe the but end of the pike with your right hand , and raise the pike with the left , and so advance , as in the sixth figure . 16 sinke your right hand , and with your left take the pike as high as wel you may reach , brining the pike just before your body . 17 forsake the but end with your right hand , bearing forward your pike in the left hand , and take the pike backward in the right hand , as farre as well you may reach . 18 forsake the pike with your left hand , and with your right onely lay it vpon your shoulder , or as in the twelfth figure . 19 beare the pike with your right hand backward , take it forward in your left hand as you may conveniently reach , bearing the pike with your right hand upward . 20 forsaking the pike with your right hand , beare it over your head , and at the same instant turne your body to the left hand , that you may conveniently take the but end of the pike in your right hand . 21 having the but end of your pike in your right hand , stretch your right arme backeward , and set your left hand at your brest , &c , as in the sixteenth figure . 22 slip your left hand forward as farre as well you may , and lift the pike upwards to your head , and with the right hand beare the but end some what downeward . 23 forsaking the but end of the pike with your right hand , beare up the pike over your head with your left hand onely , at that instant turne your face to the right hand , and be ready with your right hand to take the pike more backward . 24 having the pike in the right hand , forsake it with your left , and with the right hand onely lay it upon your shoulder , as in the 12 and 20 figure . 35 this is to be done in three motions , as the contrary is showne in the ninth , tenth eleventh figures . beare the pike with the right hand backward , with your left take it forward , bearing the but end downeward , then slip downe your right hand a little aboue your left , and set the but end on the ground , as in the ninth figure . 26 this is to be done by severall palming postures , with the right hand beare the but end of the pike backward , as farre as you can , and continue palming till you come to the head of your pike . 27 with yout left hand hold the pike a litle below the head , your right hand more backward , as farre as the cheekes , or arming reach , set your right hand upon your hip , your elbow stretch foorth , and your left hand more forward before your breast . 28 remoue your right hand to your left , & in your right hand onely carry your pike , your hand being vpon your hip . 29 this is to be done by severall palming posturs backward , bringing forward your right hand as farre as well you can , and with the left hand gripe the pike backeward as farre as you can . 30 forsake the pike with your right hand , bring forward the pike with the left , & take it backward with the right , and so cōtinue palming , until you have the but end of the pike in your right hand . 31 stretch your right arme backward with the pike in your hand , your left hand at your breast , and your elbow upon your hip , as in the sixteenth figure . 32 this is to be done in three motions , first bearing the pike right up before the body , and so forward as from the advance in the 6 , 7 and 8 figures , onely you must observe to set the but end of the pike at the inside of the right foot , which is your close order . 33 the but end of the pike resting against your right foot , take it in your left hand , abouthe heigh of your gridle , and step forward with your left foot , the knee bent , lay your left arme , vpon your knee couching downe low , and draw your sword over your left arme . 34 raise your body right up , set your pike against your right shoulder with the left hand , the but end being stil upon the ground , then put up your sword . briefe observations upon the postures of the musket , answering to the number of every figure on the other page . 1 this figure sheweth a muskettier marching with his musket on his left shoulder aslope holding the but end of it with his left hand , and his match between the two lesser fingers , with his rest in his right hand , and his right leg before . 2 how he carrieth his musket shouldred with the rest crosse , close to the inside of his musket his match between his two fingers , holding his thumbe upward to the forke of the rest , and his right leg before . 3 draw the right leg to your left , and withall sink your musket , and then slip your rest , griping it with your right hand between the brich and the thumb-hole , 4 hold the musket upright , in your right hand , and on your side , raise your left hand to the forke of your musket , and set your thumb against the forke . 5 sink your right hand , and gripe the musket fast in your left hand , with your rest on the out side , holding your thumb hard against the care of your fork , to lock the rest fast to your musket in your left hand , that you may have the use of your right hand , to do the posturs following . 6 take your match from between your little finger , with your thumb , and the second finger of your right hand , being turned with the palme from you . 7 bring the right hand with the match backward , and your left hand with the musket and rest forward , turning your face a little backward , and blow of your match with a good blast . 8. holding your match between your thumb and second finger , then bring it to the cock , & presse it into the cocke with your thumbe . 9 your thumbe and finger being upon the cock , and your second and third finger under the cock , pull the cock downe to the pan , and with your thumbe and middle finger , either raise or sinke it , that it may fall right into the pan . 10 lay the two fore fingers of your right hand upon your pan , the thumb behind the schutchin of the pan , the easier to lift up the musket , and so bringing up the musket with both hands toward your mouth and yet not stooping , blow againe your coale . 11 open yonr pan with your two fingers , and withall bring backe your right hand to the thumbe-hole of your musket , your second finger to the tricker , and with your left hand fix the forke of the rest to your musket , your thumbe against the forke , and set the pick end of the rest vpon the ground . 12 lye on , and lift up your right elbow , bringing the but end of your musket with in your shoulder , neere your breast , winding your shonlder to it , holding it fast from recoiling , presenting a faire body , the small end appeareing a little aboue your shoulder , haveing the left legge before , bending a little with the knee , and resting stiffe upon your right legg , take your marke breast high . 13 first , sinke the but end of your musket , and with the rest bring it to your right side : then stepp forward with your right legge , and carrying your musket in your left hand , fall away . 14 take the match out of the cocke with the thumbe , and second finger of your right hand , holding the musket and rest in the left hand onely . 15 returne the match betweene the two lesser fingers of your left hand , from whence you had it . 16 bring up the musket with the left hand onely towards your mouth , and withall , blow your pan stiffely , not stooping with your head , in the meane time take your touch boxe in your right hand , as this figure sheweth . 17 hold your touch-boxe betweene the thumbe , and fore-finger of the right hand onely and so prime as sheweth the figure . 18 lay the right thumbe over the barrell neere the pan , and with your two fore-most fingers shut the pan . 19 hold your musket fast with the right hand at the breech , the left as before , turning the pan downewards , that the loose powder may fall off . 20 hold your musket in both hands as before , heave it vp towards your mouth , not stooping blow off the loose dust , or cornes . 21 hold your musket in both hands as before , beare it upright towards your left side , and with all step forward with your left leg , then holding the musket only in the right hand at the breech forsaken your rest . 22 having forsake your rest , take the musket into your left hand , about the middle of the barrell , so as the but end touch not the ground , trailing your rest between your musket , and your body . 23 take your charg in your right hand , with the thum , band fore finger there of , thrust of the cover . 24 draw back your left hand with the musket , as far as conveniently you can , and with your right hand put powder in to the boore of the barrell , holding the charge between your thumb & fore-finger onely , as this figure showeth . 25 take your bullet forth of your bag , or out of your mouth , and then put it into the muzzell of your musket . 26 vvith your right hand turning the palme from you , draw forth your scouring stick , bearing your body , and your left hand with your musket , so farre backe as you can . 27 having drawne forth your scouring-sticke , set the rammer head against your brest , and slip your hand closse to your rammer , that you may the easier put it into the muzzel of your musket . 28 after your bullet , least it should fall out againe , either in skirmishing , or upon a slooping trench , put in some harts haire , or some other stopping , and then with your scouring-sticke ramme home your powder , bullet , and stopping twice or thrice . 29 vvith your right hand turned , draw your scouring stick out of your musket , as before . 30 your scouring stick being drawn forth of your barrell , turne it , and bring the scouring-stick end to your breast , and so slip your hand within a handfull of the end . 31 beturne the scouringstick into its socket ; from whence you had it . 32 bring forward your musket with your left hand , and beare it right up , take it into the right hand at the breech , and so hold it in your right hand onely , either to showlder it or to lock yt to your rest and so much for your marching postures . the standing postures of the musket , and how to make ready upon the rest . in a squadron , company , or division . 1 bring up your left hand , with the forke of the rest to the musket , and pick your rest upon the ground , your left leg , some-what bending , as in this figure . 2 take the match betweene the thumbe , and second finger , as in the 16 figure marching . 3 turne a little with your head behind your pan , and blow your match with a good blast . 3 holding your match betweene your thumbe and second finger , cok it , as in the eight figure marching . 5 your thumbe and fore finger being vpon the cock , and your second , and third finger under the eock , pull your cocke to the pan , and raisiug , or depressing it looke that it fals right into the pan . 6 hold the two fingers of your right hand upon your pan , and the thumbe behind the scutchian . 7 in presenting draw backe first your left leg to your right , and withall stooping a little with your head to your pan being guarded , blow off your coale . 8 lying on ( as in the 12 posture marching ) opening your pan , fal backe with your right leg , bring your right hand to the thumbe-hole of your musket , presenting a faire body , hold your musket hard and closse betweene your brest and your shoulder blade , and pulling your tricker with your fore finger give fire . 9 having given fire , bring up your right leg againe to your left as in the 7 figure , and withall vn cock your match . 10 set forward your left leg againe to your first stand , and returne your match betweene the two lesser fingers of your left hand , and after that doe these postures following , as in the figures marching , viz cleare your pan , prime your pan , and shut your pan , as in the 17 , 18 , and 19 , posture marching . 11 in taking up the rest , hold your musket right up , cast off your loose cornes , and falling backe with your left leg somewhat stradling , bring vp the pan even against your mouth . 12 first blow off your loose dust , or cornes with a stiffe blast , and then cast about yout musket to your left side , falling a little backe with your left leg. 13 having forsaken your rest , hold the musket fast in your left hand , about the middle of the barrell , so as the but end touch not the ground , and bringing forward the muzile of your musket to charge , your right hand being at liberty , do these postures following namely , open your charge , charge with powder , draw forth your scouring stick , shorten charge with bullet put in stoping ramme home , with draw your scovreing sticke , shorten , and returne as in the 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , and 30 figurs marching . 14 bring forward your musket with your left hand , bearing it upright , taking it into your right hand at the brich , withall bring forward your left leg even with your right , as in the 11 figure . 15 hold the musket bolt vpright in your right hand , and having , the rest in your left hand , slip your right hād , and your thumbe vpward to the forke , as in the marching posture number foure . note by the way , that from this poizing posture , you may either joyn your rest to your musket , es in the fift posture marching , or rest your musket as in the first figure standing , or else shoulder your musket , as in the next figure following . 16 having your musket poized , hold the rest a hand full under the forke , then bring the musket , before your body , and your rest crosse over it behind your thumb-hole , and so with both hands lay it gently on your shoulder , having the rest a crosse your body , drawing in your right leg to your left , and then falling back againe with your right leg to your stand , either stand or march away . and thus much for the standing postures of the musket . briefe observations for a muskettier . vvhen a muskettier is to be excercised in his squadron , company , or devision , all postures both marching , and standing are readily done , and reduced to these three words of command , to wit . make ready . present . give fire . for first a good muskettier , which hath all his postures perfectly , hearing his officer give the first terme of direction make ready , will quickly run them over , even from vnshouldring of his musket , to the guarding of his panne , which is the sixth posture standing , and the eleventh marching before he comes to present . secondly , in presenting he wil be sure to blow his match well , open his panne , and fall backe with his right hand to the thumbe-hole of his musket , & having his fore-finger vpon the tricker , setting forward his left legge , will attend the next word of direction . thirdly , lying on before he comes to give fire , bending his left knee , will fall back with his right legge , bringing the butt end of his musker , close betweene his brest and shoulder , raising his musket fast , and hard to his shoulder will keepe it fast from recoyling , & resting firme vpon his right legge will give fire . having given fire , he takeeth up his musket , and rest gracefully , and bringing up his right legge againe , falls away in his ranke , returnes his match , cleares his panne , prims his panne , & doth quickly all his postures standing , or marching , as hath been taught , and which shall bee showne more at large by figure , when wee come to the excercising of muskettiers in grosse . practised in the warrs of the united netherlandt . now followes the true forme of exercising of a foot company of 40 pikes and 40 muskettiers besides officers , represented by figure , the words of command and demonstration : but before we come to the particular motions , it is necessary for a yong souldier to know first what a file and a ranke is . files number 1 the leader of the right hand file . 2 the leader of the left hand file . 3 the middle file on the right hand . 4 the middle file on the left hand . 5 the second file next the right hand . 6 the second file next the left hand . 7 the third file from the right hand . 8 the third file from the left hand . the demonstration . rankes . letter . a the first rank of leaders . b the last rank of bringers up . c the rāks of the leaders of half files to the front . d the rank of the leaders of half files to the reere . e the second rank next the front . f the second rank next the reere . g the fourth rank from the front . h the fourth rank from the reere . i the third rank from the front . k the third rank from the reere . thirdly , to vnderstand well the three distances , namely , open order , order & close order . the definition . open order then , or the first distance is , when the souldiers both in ranke , and file , stand sixe foot removed one from an other , as the scale , and this figure following shewe . observations . because the measure of these distances cannot be taken so exactly by the eye , we take the distance of sixe foote between file and file , by commanding the souldiers , as they stand , to stretch foorth their armes , and stand so remoued one from an other that their hands may meete . and for the rankes , we make account we take the same distance of sixe foot , when the butt end of the pikes doe almost reach their heeles , that march before them . the second distance , or your order is , when your men stand three foot remoued one from an other both in ranke and file , and this order is to be vsed when they are embattailled , or march in the face of an ennemy , or when they come to stand , or when you will wheele , as this next figure represents . observations . vvee take the second order , or distance betweene file and file , by bidding the souldiers sett their armes a kenbowe , and put themselves so closse ; that their elbowes maye meete . and wee reckon wee take the same distance betweene the rankes , when they come vp almust to the swords point . note , that when you march throw any countrie , you most observe three foote onely from file to file , and sixe from ranke to ranke . the third distance , or your close order is commanded by this word close which is , when there is one foote and a halfe from file to file , and three from ranke to ranke , as this figure demonstrates . observe that though this figure stands but at a foote and a halfe distance : yet this is for the pikes onely , and must never be used , but when you will stand firme to receive the charge of an ennemy . the muskettiers must never be closer , then the second distance of three foote in square , because they are to have a free vse of their armes . this figure represents the 40 pikes , and 40 muskettiers , standing in their order because the page will not beare the first foure motions in their open order . here begins the words of command . 1 stand right in your files . 2 stand right in your rankes , 3 silence . here begins the first motion . 5. to the right hand . it is to be noted , when you are commanded to be as you were , you are ever to turne to the contrary hand from whence you came , as for example , if you did turn to the right hand , you are to return to the left hand , and so in the rest . as you were , that is , as you stand in your order in the figure aboue marked with the letter i. 9. to the right hand about 10. as you were . 11. to the left hand about . 12. as you were . an observation . these turnings to the right or left hand , or to either hand about serue for the given or receiving of a charge vpon the right or left flank , or in the reere about . as you were , because there is now roome enough this figure showes them standing in their open order of sixe foote distance one from an other both in rank and file from which standing they are to doe these motions following . 13. ranks to the right hand double . the demonstration . the 2. 6 : 8 & 10 rancke from the front marked with the letters . b. d. f. h. & k. moues all together and doubles into thier order on the right hand of the files numbred 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. & 8. making 5. rankes at thier double open order of 12. foot , & 16. men in each rancke as is seen in this figure aboue . the demonstration . this motion differs not from the former , but onely that the vtmost man of the second ranke , and subsequently al the other ranks which moued before comes now vp together to their order on the left hand of the files numbred , 8. 7. 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. & 1. 17. files to the right hand double . the demonstration . the 2. file ( next the right hand ) moues & fals back betweene the right hand fiile , the 4th file betweene the 3. the 6. betweene the 5. & the 8. ( or left hand file ) betweene the 7 fiile all to thier order , making foure fiiles , 20. men deepe , and 12 foote distance betwixt file and file , as in this figure . the demonstration . the files which moued before stand now still . and the 2. file next the left hand file fals back betweene the left hand file the 5 file betweene the 6 the 3 betweene the 4 and the 1 ( or right hand file ) betweene the 2 file makeing 20 men deepe , and 12 foote distance betwixt file and file as before . 19. half files to the right hand double your front . the demonstration . the leader of the halfe file on the right hand , ( noted f ) steps to his order beyond the right hand file number 1. and also all the rest of the files stepping to their order on their right hand , comes vp together betweene the files numbred , 1. & 2. 2. & 3. 3. & 4. 4. & 5. 5. & 6. 6. & 7. 7. and 8. into the rankes marked a. b. c. d. & e. at their order of three foot distance in file , and 6. in ranke , as this figure aboue showes . 20. half files to the right hand double your front . the demonstration . this motion differs not from the other , but that the leader of the halfe-file on the left hand & consequenitly al the rest of the files , steps to their order on the left hand , & comes vp together betweene the files numbred 8. & 7. 7. & 6. 6. & 5. 5. & 4. 4. & 3. 3. & 2. 2. & 1. into the rankes marked ( as before ) with the letters a. b. c. d. and e. the demonstration . when you will countermarch to the right hand , the first ranke of leaders numbred 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. onely must advance one stepp forward with the right legg , and then turne , and all the other rankes must march first up to the place , from whence the first ranke did countermarch , before they turne , where the sariant stands marked with a starre . this figure shewes that betweene the rankes a and d there are 8 rankes mett at their order , and the captaine countermarching to the reere , with the first ranke of leaders , to the 6 ranke marked f. and the lieutenant , with the ranke of bringers up noted k. towards the front to the ranke noted e. which represents the countermarch incompleate , as is seene in this figure aboue . this figure showes the countermarch compleate , when the captaine ( or officer ) is come with the first ranke of leaders to the place , where the bringers up , & the lieutenant stood , and the lieutenant with the bringers up to the captaines place , standing in their open order in ranke and file , as this figure demonstrates . observe likewise , if you will now countermarch to the left hand , the first ranke must stepp forwards one stepp with the left legge : and then turne , and all the other rankes behinde , must come up to that place before they turne , where the sariant with his halbart stands as before . 25. rankes to the left hand countermarch . note that this figure ( as the first ) showes the countermarch incompleate as before . this figure showes , that the captaine is countermarcht up with the first ranke of leaders into that place , where the front stood before , and every ranke , and file in their open order . the like countermarch is performed , either on the right , or left flanke by giving first this word of command , to the right , or left hand , omitting the naming , either of rankes or files , in saying onely , to the right , or left hand countermarch , which you lift . observations before yow wheele . first files to the right , or left hand , or to the middle . close to your order . to 3. foote betweene file and file . if you would close your files to the right hand , the outermost file on that hand stands still , and the next on the right hand , ( numbred 2 ▪ ) moues first to their order , and then all the files ciphred , 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. & 8. the left hand file closes in all to their order . and if you would have them close to the left hand , the outermost file also on that hand stands still , and then the file next the left hand ( numbred 7 ) moves first , and afterward all the other files , noted 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. & 1. ( or the right hand file ) close all to their order . but if you desire to have your files close to the middle , then the two middle most files numbred 4. & 5. close first to their order of three foote , and having their distance , the other files numbred 2. 3. and 1. on the right hand , and the files , 8. 7. and 6. on the left hand closes both waies into their order . secondly rankes to your order close . that is to three foote betweene ranke and ranke . note , that in this motion also the rankes , which stand in their open order on the other page , marked with the letters , bc defghi and k moving all to gether in an even front , comes up to their order , or distance of three foote , as this figure demonstrates , where both files & rankes stand in their order of 3 foote distance observe , that when you exercise a company single , you double your front before you wheele , in regard the body is smal : but in a devision , or a greater body , you close both your rankes and files to your order ( as aboue ) omitting the doubling , and then wheele : but being a single company when you wheele to the right hand , then double your front to the left hand : for so the leader of the right hand file will keepe his place on that corner towards which you wheele . this figure before you wheele shews your men to stand in their close order in file , and their order in ranke , as 〈◊〉 . againe when you wheele to the left hand , double your front to the right hand , and then the two leaderson the left hand , doe but onely turne their bodies like the point of a compasse , to that hand whereto they wheele , while the body comes about with a faster motion and an even front . note also , that after you have wheeled to which hand you list , and as often as you will , you give in a single company this word of command , halfe files as you were , that is , as they stood in their order both in ranke and file before ; but in greater bodies where the doubling is omitted , you first open your rankes , by giving this terme of direction . rankes backward to your open order , and then likewise your files by commanding . files open ( both waies ) to your open order of six footes as this figure both in ranke , and file represents . in opening of rankes and files , you must make all the files or rankes , saving the outermost on that hand from whence you meane to open ( which must stand ) to moue altogether , till the second ranke or file from that which standeth , haue gotten its distance , and consequently all the rest . having performed the former motions you may afterward exercise your company of pikes , and muskettiers together , or if you pleafe each a part . to beginne then with the pikes you may commaund them to doe these motions standing , to wit . advance your pikes . order your pikes . shoulder your pikes . charge your pikes . order your pikes . traile your pikes . checke your pikes . but these motions are to be performed , both standing , and marching , namely . charge your pikes . shoulder your pikes . to the right hand charge . shoulder your pikes . to the left hand charge . shoulder your pikes . to the reere charge . shoulder your pikes . stand . order your pikes . first , note that in charging halfe the rankes onely must charge their pikes , the other hindermost halfe of the rankes , doe but port their pikes that is , they cary them so couched , over the heads of the foremost as may giue them no offence , either in charging , or retyreing . besides , this way the pikes are not so subject , to be broken by the shot of the enemy , as when they are advanced . secondly , they must likewise obserue , when they charge standing , to fall back with the right legge , and marching to steppe forwards with the left . standing , thirdly , the exercising of your muskettiers is likewise performed either or marching . that is , either by rankes , or by files after three manner of waies , to wit , first having an enemy in your front . secondly in your reere , and thirdly vpon your right , or left flanke , as these figures following in exercising of 260 pikes & muskettiers ( besides officers will demonstrate , whereof the first showes the manner of giving fire standing , vpon an enemy in your front , by commanding these three termes or direction ) vnderneath . this figure aboue shewes , that the first , and second rank of both the wings of muskettiers , having given fire are fallen away , and are a doing their postures , till they come in the vacant rankes in the reere noted , i & k , while the third and fourth rankes ( on both flankes ) make ready , and advances up to the same ground where the first were : even with the front of the pikes : note also , that the first ranke falling backe with their right legges , bending their left knee , lies on and giues fire ( as hath bin taught ) and the first ranke falling away , the second ranke in presenting , having their pannes garded , blowes their matches , opens their pannes , and steps forward with their left legs into the place of the first ranke , lies on , giues fire , and fall away while the rest of the body of muskettiers mooues up to their place , and so two rankes at a time , making ready , you may giue fire as often as you list . you must observe likewise , that the muskettiers in all these motions , do turne to the right hand , & so to have a cingular care , to carry the mouthes of their muskets aloft , aswell when they are shouldred , as in priming , as also when they keepe their pannes garded and come vp to give fire . moreover , if an enemy should appeare on either your right , or left flank , and that you resolue to maintain your ground , and would gaule him from either flank : it is performed by giving first this word of command to the right or left hand , which you please , and then making an interval of 6 foot distance between the two middlemost leaders of the halfe files , e & , for the halfe rank on the left hand , marked a b c d and e do fall away between the files to the reere before the pikes and the half rank on the right hand k i g h & f , on the right flank likewise , you may giue fire from either , or both flankes , as you list . again if an enemy should shew himself in your reere , the like is done by giving this term of derection , to the right hand about , and having given fire upon them , fall away to the place , where the front stood , even in the same manner as you did before . the manner of giving fire marching and advancing towards an enemy is performed , as this figure following represents . in advancing towards an enemy , two rankes must alwaies make ready together , & advance ten paces forwards : before the bodies , at which distance , a sarjant ( or when the body is great some other officer ) must stand , to whom the musketteirs are to come up before present , and giue fire . first , the first ranke , and whilest the first ranke giues fire , the second ranke keeps their muskets close to their pannes guarded : and assoone as the first are falne away , the second presently presents giue fire , and fall after them . now , assoone as the two first rankes do moue from their places in the front , the two rancks next it must unshoulder their muskets , and make ready : so as they may advance forward ten paces , as before , assoon as ever the first two rankes are fallen away , and are to doe in all pointes as the fmorer . so all the other rankes through the whole company , or division must doe the same by two one after an other . a way how to giue fire retreating from an enemy , which is performed after this sort as this figure following shows as the troupe marcheth , the hindermost rank of all , keeping still with the troupe maketh ready : and being ready the souldiers in that ranke turne altogether to the right hand , and giue fire , marching presently away a good round pace to the front & their place themselves in a ranke together iust before the front . assoone as the first ranke turneth to giue fire , the ranke next makes ready and doth as the former and so all the rest . last of all the troupe , or whole wing of muskettiers makes ready altogether standing and the first ranke without advancing , giues fire in the place it standts in & speedily as may be yet orderly falles away the rankes doing the same successiuely , one after another . a manner how to giue fire , either from the right or left hand flanke , as these 6 files of 60 muskettiers demonstrates . to the right hand , present , giue fire , captaine , to the left hand , present , giue fire . the demonstration . the company or division marching , the outermost file next the enemy are commanded to make ready , keeping still along with the bodie , till such time , as they be ready , & they turne all to the right , or left hand , according to the fight of their enemy , either upon their right or left flanke , and giue fire all together : when thy haue discharged they stirre not , but keepe their ground , and charge their peeces againe in the same place they stand . now assoone as the aforesaid file doth turne to give fire , the outmost next it makes ready , alwaies keepeing along with , the troupe , till the bringers vp be past a little beyond the leader of that file that gave fire last , and then the whole file must turne and giue fire an doe in all points , as the first did , and so all the rest one after another . a sarjant or ( if the troupe be great ) some better qualified officer must stand at the head of the first file , and assoone as the second file hath given fire , and hath charged , he is to lead forwards the first file vp to the second file , and so to the rest one after an other till he hath gathered again the whole wing , and then he is to ioyne them againe in equall front with the pikes . a briefe , index of the points , postures , and severall motions , contained in this first part of the principles of the art militarie . the first is the duties of a private souldier , a gentleman of a companie , and of all the officers belonging to a companie of infanterie or foote , pages 1. 1. 3. 2. the armes belonging to a pike-man , & a muskettier represented by figure 4. 3. the directions and the postures of a pike-man pages 5. 6. 7. 8. & 9. 4. the directions & postures of a muskettier marching , pages 10. 11. 12. & 13. 5. the direction & the centinell postures standing , pag. 14. & 15. 6. briefe observations for a muskettier pag. 16. 7. the beginning of the exercising of a companie of foote , consisting of 40. pikes & 40. muskettiers , and the definition what a file and a ranke is , with the demonstration of the dignity of files and ranks , pag. 17. 8. of the three distances , obserued in exercising of a companie to wit open-order , order , & closse-order , , with the definition thereof , & observations there-vpon pag. 18. & 19 9. of conversions & turnings with the words of commaund pages 20. & 20. 10. the standing in open order , fit for the doubling of ranks & files pag. 21. 11. the doubling of rankes pages 21. 22. & 23. 12. the doubling of files pages 24. 25. 26. 27. 13. the doubling of the front by half files pages 28. 29. 30. & 31. 14. the countermarchings , either to the right or left hand pages 32. 33. 34. 35. 15. observations before wheelings pag. 36. 16 , the wheelings to the right or left hand , or about pages 37. 38. & 39. 17. the opening of ranks and files pag. 40. 18. the posture ; of the pikes , commaunded either marching or standing , & the several givings of fire pages 41. 42. 43. & 44. for the cavallrie . 19. secondly , the duties of a private horse , a gentleman , & the severall charges , and officers belonging to a troupe of horse , beginning with letter a. pages 1. 2. & 3. 20. the armes belonging to a curassier & a harquebusier , pag. 4. & of the managing of his horse , and their armes represented by figure pag. 5. 21. the directions & postures of a curassier , & a harquebussier , represented with their words of commaund in two great plates pages 6. 7. & 8. 22. the exercising of a esquadron of cavallrie , according to his highnesse the prince of orange , by the way of figure , the word of commaund & directions pag. 9. 10. & 11 23. his highnesse order for filing and marching of horse pag. 12. thirdly an appendex of marshall discipline enacted and statuated by the lords the states generall & his highnesse , for the militia of the vnited provinces , beginning with letter a. b. c. d. the book-binder is to follow in this first part in binding it , first the tytle and dedication , sheete then letter a. b. c. d. e. e2 . ( and the half sheete for turning pages 21. & 21. because a half sheete comes in here . ) e3 . f. g. h. i. k. l. l2 . and this half sheete which makes l3 . and so ends this first part : for the printer according to the figures of the pages , hath committed an errour in not figuring the pages right . finis . briefe instructions of the duties of a horseman , and the severall officers belonging to a troupe of horse , practised in the service of the lordes the states generall of the united provinces , vnder the commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange . first , the cavallrie , or horse are ordered into two troupes , namely , either a troupe of curaissiers , which are heavelie armed , consisting of able and lustie men , and the highest and strongest horses , or a companie of harquebussiers , or carabines , which are more lightly armed , as shal be discribed in the states list following . the officers then of a troupe of horse , and the dutie of a horseman , or a centinell , through their severall degrees are these , 1 a horseman 2 a good-smith , or farrier . 3 a clark or fourrier . 4 two trumpetters . 5 three corporals . 6 a quartermaster . 7 a cornet . 8 a lieutenant , and 9 a captaine , & of these in order . of a private horseman , and a gentleman of a troupe of horse . his dutie consisteth chiefely herein , first , that he feares god , secondly , that he respects , honours and obeys his superiour officers . thirdly , that he doth noe violence , outrage , or wrong to any man , fourthly , that he mannage well his horse , and bring him to readinesse , fifthly , that he keepes his armes , and pistolls neate and trime . sixtly , and lastlie , that he carries him self vailliantly vpon service in the face of his ennemie , and to be carefull vpon his march in keeping his order in rank and file , and to be vigilent vpon his watch , and sentinelship , and to doe all other duties belonging to an honest souldier , whereby he shall gaine the loue of his captaine , and officers , and so by his good carriage , and deserts make himself capable of better advancement . of the smith , or a farrier . his dutie is as occasion serves , to drench and lett bloude the horse of the troupe , and allwaies , either vpon a march , or in a quarter , to have in a readinesse his buggett of tooles , horse shooes , and nailes , whensoever he shal be called vpon by his officers , or when any gentleman , or souldier of the troupe shall have use of him , and for this reason , that he must duely attend vpon the troupe , he is freed from other duties , and hath a greater paye then an ordinarie horseman . of a trumpetter . everie captaine of a troupe of horse , ought to have two good trumpetters , who cannot onely founde the bouteselle , that is , a call to horseback , a march , a charge , and a retreate : but also to speake diverse languages , to be wise discreete and circumspect , especially whensoever his generall , captayne and commaundour shall have occasion to send him to the ennemie vpon a message , or for the ransoming of prisoners , and that when he is with the ennemie , he must be wary & cautelous what he speakes , and to lett noe words slipp , which maye be disadvantagious to the service of his prince and countrie , and that he observes , and markes well , how and in what manner the ennemes workes and trenches lie , that he maye make report thereof to his generall , or captayne at his returne , and give him intelligence of whatsoever he hath heard or seene . a trumpetter also ought to be lodged neere his cornett to be in a readinesse vpon all occasion , to sound an allarm , that the troupe maye betimes putt on their armes , and gett a horseback . of the clarke to a troupe of horse . the next degree to a trumpetter is the clarke of the troupe , or as some calls him the fourier , whose dutie is to fetch moneys , to pay the officers , and souldiers duelie , to keepe a perfect musterrolie of all the names , and surnames of the horsemen of the troupe , and to procure their billers , and their lodging moneys , when they lie in guarrison , and to deale vprightly and justly with the companie . of a corporall . as a compaigne of foote , so also is a troupe of horse devided in to three esquadrons , or corporalships , over which a corporall commaundeth , whose dutie is tokeepe a perfect roole , of the names and surnames of everie horseman of his esquadron , and to cause them to have their horses in a readinesse , to see that their armes , pistols , and carabines be fixe , and kept in good trime , whensoever they shall have occasion to vse them , and that they be carefull and vigilent vpon their watch , that the sentinels performe their duties well , that he relieves them in due time , and that now and then he exercise them in the vse of their armes upon their guards , and other places . seing he also is a good helpe , and an assistant to his lieutenant by preventing of disorders and disputes , and by composing of quarrels which maye arise amonge the souldiers of his esquadron . yea and to doe whatsoeuer else belongs to a worthy corporall , that he maye gaine the loue of his officers , and attaine vnto better advancement . of the quartermaster . everie troupe hath also a quartermaster , whose dutie is to see that the troupe be well lodged and quartered both in feild and in garrison , especially , when they are separated and quartered apart from the armie in villages and houses , more ouer his dutie is likewise to attend the quartermaster generall , and to receiue from him such houses for his captaine and the troupe as he shall appoint him , after which he distributes those houses to the esquadrons and troupe , acconding to their seignori●es , also he is often employed in ferching of the word and orders . if the regiment or troupe be quartered about the armie in campaignie , then he is to observe , and keepe that forme , which the generall hath ordayned for a regiment of horse , and as the quarter-master generall shal shew him . of a cornet . a cornet ought to be a brave young gentleman , full of spirit and courage and though he be young , and hath noe great experience , yet time and service will teach it him , and afterward make him ambitious of greater advancement . he is chosen soe , because he maye be capable of his place , and that charge which is committed to him from his generall and captayne , and rather vpon any peece of service to loose his life , then his honour , & reputation . he ought also to carrie him self amiable , loving , and affable to the gentlemen and souldiers of the troupe , where by he shall gaine their loues , and affections , and who will gladlie vpon any occasion hazard their lives for him and that badge of honnour which he carries . to conclud , a cornet in the absence of his captaine , and lieutenant hath absolute command over the troupe . the cornet sometimes marches in the head of the troupe , but when the troupe is to be embattailled , his place is betweene the third and fourth rank , for the better safegard of his cornett . of a lieutenant . it is necessarie that the lieutenant to a troupe of horse be an old able souldier , and well experienced in the warres , and who vpon divers peeces of service hath showne his worth and valour , and for his deserts hath raised himself from inferiour degrees as from a corporall & a corner , to this charge wherein he is now , and from it to make himself fitt for higher preferment . he is a great helpe and an assistant to his captaine , and therefore beares the name of lieutenant , who supports and keepes vp his captaines place and authority , and who in his captaines absence hath absolure commannd over the troupe . it is his office also to prevent , and compose quarrels and disputes , arising among the horsemen of the troupe , to carrie a severe hand over the willfull , and obstinate offendours by punishing them toundlie for the exsample of others , and to countenance favour , and encourage those that carrie them selves worthely , and to discountenance malefactours , till they are sorrie for their disorders and offences . moreover he is to giue charge to the corporals that every man manages , and keepes his horse in a readinesse , that they keepe their armes neate and cleane , and their pistols , and carrabins sixe , and to exercise the squadron himself in the feild or vpon their guards . hee ought also to be a good guide , and to know well the passages , and avenues of a countrie for the expediting of a sudden surprize . his place when his captaine is present , is to bring op the reere of the troupe , causing the horsemen to follow their captaine and cornett in good order , and that they keepe duelie their rankes , and files , and to have an eye , that none of them straggles out of his ranke or file . comming to fight either in battell , skirmish , or ortherwise , when his captaine and cornet is to give a charge vpon an ennemie , he keepes him self alwaies in the reere with his sword drawne , to animate , and encourage the souldiers to fall on ; and if any one of them should play the coward , break out of his rank , or run away , if he should kill him , he hath the mends in his owne hand , and the lieutenant maye wel answere it to his chiefe : for such a coward , or faint hearted souldier , by his euill exsample showes others to runaway , which maye not onely be the overthrouw of the troupe , but also of a whole regiment . his dutie is also to visite the guards , and to see that the centinels discharge well their duties , and to give commaund to the corporals that they be duely relieved . that vpon the sight of an ennemie they come in orderlie , and guie the alarme betimes , that the troupe maye draw into armes , and be in a readinesse to entertaine the ennemie , or else have leisure to reteate unto stronger forces for their defence . of a captaine . the commaund , and charge of a captaine of a troupe of horse is very honorable , and it ought to be given to a man of respect , and qualitie , and one that is descended of a noble birth , whose valour , and worth maye be answerable thereunto . he ought also aboue al things to be religious , fearing god , temperate , moderate , just , continent , wise , and discreete , curious in the choise of his men , and horse , and to see that they be well managed , readie , and his troupe well exercised , that they carrie themselves vaillantly vpon service , in the face of the ennemie , and to be carefull , and vigelent vpon their watch , countenancing the good , and puinshing the badd . in doeing where of , these christian vertues will gaine him honour , loue , and respect , not onely amonge those of his troupe , whome he commaunds , but also of his chiefs , and all other men besieds . but if a captaine either of horse , or foote be debauched , leads an intemperate , and a disorderlie life , giuen to covetousnesse , lucre , and gaine , he gives an ill exsample to those , whome he commaunds : for if he himself doth commit such vices , how can he fasten a reproofe vpon a souldier , or how can he with a good conscience , punish that fault in his souldier , whereof he is guilty himself ? for surely a captaine being the head of a compaine ( from whence his name is derived ) who governes him self well , and leads an vn blame able life , guies a good exsample to his inferiour officers , and the souldiers of his compaine , who lives vnder his commannd . he ought likewise to observe , and keepe punctually all the orders and commaunds given him by his generall , to be with his troupe at the rendevous vpon the time appointed . to respect and obey his chiefes , and superiour officers . he is vpon all occasions to be first on horseback , and vpon all services to carrie himself couragiouslie in the face of his ennemie , to showe noe signe of feare in the greatest danger , least he should give discouragement to his souldiers . he ought to take notice of those souldiers vnder his commannd , who carrie them selves vailliantlie , and couragioustie before their ennemies , to encourage them , and to reward them according to their deserts , and to take notice of the names and surnames of everie gentlemen and souldier of his troupe , and sometimes to take the advise of some old experienced souldiers of his compagine . he ought not to suffer the horsemen of his troupe to ravage , and spoile the countrie , nor to pillage , and plunder the poore husbandmen and contributaire pesants , contrarie to the orders , and proclamations of the generall , for obedience is the first christian vertue required in a souldier , and thus a captaine by his valour , worth , wisedome , and discretion maye aspire and attaine to a higher degree of honour and commaund as his service and merit shall deserue , and thus much in briefe for the souldiers , gentlemen , and officers appertayning to a troupe of horse . of the armes belonging to a curassier , and a harquebussier , according to the placcard of the lords the statee generall of the vnited provinces . having showne the severall duties of a souldier , a gentleman , and the officers belonging to a troupe of horse , it resteth now that wee come to the arming of them as followeth . in a cuirassier then is required , that he be a man of an able bodie , who is mounted vpon a strong , and a lustie horse , that he hath on a good buff-gerkin , a short sword , or coutlase by his side , a skarff about his armes , and bodie of his princes coullour , to distinguish him from his ennemie coullour vpon any service , or in the daie of battell . he ought to be mounted upon a stronge , and a lustie horse , or gelding , which is fiueteene palmes high , according to the measure there of ordayned by the states edict , namelie , to meate his height with a cord of that length , beginning from his fore-hoofe vpwards to his shoulder blade , and soe to the lower part of his maine , and likewise to be provided with a good sadle , and bridle , with two good pistolls hanging at his sadle bowe , in two strong pistoll cases , the length of the pistoll barrils , being at the least foure and twenly ynches long , carrying a bullet of twentie in the pound , and of 24. which will roule in to his pistoll . for his armes about his bodie , he is first armed with a close helmet or a cask pistoll proofe vpon his head , 2. with a gorget about his neck , 3. his brest and back peeces , which ought to be pistoll proofe , 4. his pouldrons and vambrases his guard de reines , 5. his gandes , 6 his cassets or thigh peeces reaching from his girdle beneath his knees , and ( as is said ) two pistolls hanging at his saddle , and thus a curassier is armed de cap en pied pied at all points even from the head to the foote . the armes of a harqut bussier , is lighter , to wit , first with a cask open before . 2 with a gorgett brest and back peeces , which ought also to be pistoll proofe , a good carabine hanging at his belt about his bodie , where of the length of the barrill ought to be at the least three foote longe , which will carry a rowling bullett of 17 in the pound , haveing his touchboxe , and cartouch all in a readinesse , provided also with a good horse 15 palmes high & well managed , with a good sadle , bridle , coutlace , and a skarff as the figure on the other sijde demonstrates . of the managing of his horse . a cuirassier , and a harquebussier being thus armed , it is very needefull , that a horseman be skillfull in the well managing , and makeing or his horse readie for service , and to bring him to his commaund and obedience , namely , to teach him to pace , trott , gallop , and to runne a full careere , how he is to advance , to stopp , and goe backward , and to turne and wheele with readinesse , to which hand his rider shall please . now to bring his horse to this , and to learne him to turne and wheele with dexteritie , he must often vse him to ride the ring , first with a greater circumference , and then litle and litle by lesser degrees ▪ as first vpō his pace , then vpon his trot , and so to the gallop and careere . these things he maye be taught by using the hand , legg , and voice . for the hand ( observing not to move the arme , but onely the wrist ) if yow would have him to face to the left hand , then a litle motion of the litle finger on that rein , and a touch of the left legg ( without vsing the spurr ) doth it , but if to face or turne to the left about , a harder , &c. if yow would have him to trott , then yow are to move both your leggs a litle forwards , if for the gallop to move them more forward , and to move your bodie by litle & litle forward with it . after everie motion performed , it were good to keepe him a while in that motion , as when yow bid him stand to stand a while &c. also it were not a misse after every thing well done , to give him some bread , or grasse as a reward . for the voice yow maye vse the words advance , hold , turne , or the like , but because the voice cannot alwaies be heard , it were good to use him chiefly to the motions of the hand and legg . it wil be also very vsefull to teach him to goe side waies : this he maye be brought vnto , by laying his provender some what farre from him in the manger , and by keeping him from turning his head towards it . he must also be often vsed to the simell of gun powder , the sight of fire , and armour , and the heareing of short , drumms and trumpetts , &c. and that by degrees and with discretion . when he is at his oates ( a prettie distance from him ) a litle powder maye be fired , and so neerer to him by degrees , yow maye also shoote of a pistoll some distance off , and so neerer and neerer . in like manner , ye may use him to a drumme or trumpet . the groom maye some times dresse him in armour , and he maye be vsed ( now and then ) to eate his oates from the drumme head . it will also be very vsefull to cause a muskettier to stand at a convement distance , and both of yow to give fire vpon each other , and there vpon to ride vp closse to him , also to ride him against a compleate armour , so set vpon a stake , that he maye over throw yt , and trample it vnder his feete : that so and by such other meanes your horse ( finding that he receiveth noe hurt ) maye become bolde to approach any obiect . he maye also be used to mountanous and uneven waies , and be exercised to leap , swimme , and the like . thus farr captayne cruso who hath wrote worthely of this subject in his 27 chapter pag. 34 & 35. and he that desireth further directions for the art of rydings and managing his horse , let him read monsieur pierre de la noüe in his cavallerie françoise & italienne , also the instruction du roy de france en l'exercice de monter a cheval , par antoine de plurier , francisco melzo , and diverse others to whome , referre the reader for brevitie sake . next followes the postures of a curassier , and a harquebussier , with the words of commaund , and the demonstration answering to the number of everie figure , as they are sett downe by captaine cruso in his 29 chapter , and represented by figure . it is to be supposed , that noe cuirassier or harquebussier , will presume to mount on horseback , or repaire to his cornet , before his pistoll , harquebuse , or carabine be spanned , primed , and laden : and his cases furnished with cartouches , and all other equipage belonging to himself , his horse , and armes made fixe and in a readinesse . the first figure then showes a horseman how he is to mount on horseback , and takes both reins hanging in a loose position over the horse neck , & vpon the pummell of the saddle , and first laies hould on the ends of the reins aboue the button in his right hand , and with the thumbe , and the two first fingers of that hand , draws them to an even length . then putting the litle finger of his left hand , betwixt both reins vnder the button , with the other three fingers of the same hand on the further rein , and his thumbe on the neere side of the button to graspe both reins , that so ( before he endeavour to mount ) he maye have his horse head in ballance and at commaund : then grasping the pummel of the sadle with his left hand , and standing with his full bodie to the horse side , and just betwixt the bolster , and cantle of the sadle , alwaies on the neere side of the horse , with the help of his right hand , he shall putt his left foote into the left stirop , & with his right hand takeing fast hold on the highest part of the cantle behinde , he shall ( with the help of both hands ) gently ( yet stronglie , and in a right posture without inclyning his bodie to either hand ) raise himself untill he maye stand perpendicular vpon his left foot , and then putting over his right legge cast and place himself in the sadle . 2. vvith the right-hand he is to turne downe the caps of the pistoll cases . 3. he is to drawe the pistol out of the case with the right hand , and alwaies the left pistoll first ) and to mount the muzzle of it , as in posture 15. 4. he is to sink the pistoll into his bridle-hand , and to remove his right-hand towards the muzzle , and their to rest the butt end vpon his thigh . 5. he is to sink the pistoll into his bridle-hand , and takeing the key , or spanner into his right-hand , puts it into the axletree , and windes about the wheele till it stick , and so to returne the spanner to its place , being vsually fastned to the side of the case . 6. holding the pistoll in the bridle-hand ( as before ) he is to take his priming boxe into his right-hand , and pressing the spring with his fore finger , puts poudre into the pann . 7. he is to presse in the pan-pin with his right thumbe , & so shuts the pan . 8. vvith the bridle-hand he is to cast about his pistoll , and to hold it on his left side , with the muzzle vpwards . 9. vvith the right hand take forth your cartouch out of your pistoll case : for now flasks are growne out of use amongst vs . 10. put your cartouch into the bore of your pistol . 11. he is to draw his rammer out with his right-hand turned , and to hold it with the head downeward . 12. holding the rammer head in his right hand ( as before ) he is to take the bullett out of his mouth , or out of his bullett-bagg at the pistoll case , with the thumb and fore finger , & putt it into the muzzle of the pistoll , and the rammer immediatly after it , & then rammes it home . 13. he is to drawe forth his rammer with the right hand turned , and to returne it to its place . 14 with the bridle-hand he is to bring the pistoll towards his right side , and placing the butt end vpon his thigh , pulls downe the cock . 15 he is to take the pistoll into his right hand , mounting the muzzle vpward . 16. having the pistoll in his right-hand ( as in posture 15 ) with his forefinger vpon the tricker , he is to incline the muzzle ( with a fixed eye ) towards his mark , not suddenlie but by degrees ( quicker or slower according to the space he rideth ) and that not directly forward towards the horse head , but towards the right , turning his right hand so as the lock of the pistoll maye be vpward , and having gotten his marke he is to draw the tricker , and so give fire . 17. he is to returne his pistoll into the case , and then drawes out his other pistoll ( as occasion maye serve ) and doeth as before , and thus much for the postures of the fire lock pistoll . now concerming the snap-hane pistoll , or snap-hane carabine ( more vsual in england then in these countries ) those postures , wherein they differ from the fire-lock pistoll are these following , which beginn with the 18 figure . 18. holding the pistoll in the bridle-hand as before hath bin shewed in figure 14. with the right-hand he is to bend the cock . 19. vvith the right hand he is to pull downe the back lock , and to secure the cock from going of . 20. with the right hand he is to draw downe the hammer vpon the pan . 21. with the right thumbe he is to thrust back the back-lock , and so to give the cock libertie . the 22. the 23. & the 24. figures shew the marching postures of a harquebussier or a carabine . the postures for the snap-hane carabine vsed in england , are some thing differing from the fire-lock pistols , which captaine cruso hath sett downe in his 30 chapter , and follio 43. & are these . 1. order your carabine . 2. sink your carabine into your bridle hand . 3. bend your cock . 4. guard your cock . 5. prime . 6. shutt your pann . 7. cast about your carabine . 8. take forth your cartouch . 9. lade your carabine . 10. draw your rammer . 11. shorten your rammer . 12. lade your bullet & ramm home . 13. with draw your rammer . 14. shorten your rammer . 15. returne your rammer . 16. recover your carabine , 17. order your hammer . 18. free your cock ▪ 19. present . 20. give fire . for the vse of his sword he is to demeane him self as the cuirassier observations for the makeing of cartouches . seing that flasks are now growne out of use amonge our horsemen , for the gaining of time , and the quicker giving of fire , especially vpon a skirmish , or in a battell , it is needefull for to make cartouches . now the cartouch is to be made of white paper , cutt out of a convenient breadth , and length , and rowled vpon a stick ( or the rammer if it be not too litle ) fit ( according to the bore of the barrell ) to containe the due charge of powder and the bullett . the proportion of powder vsually required is half the weight of the bullett : but being strong & fine pistoll powder , it is held too much in the opinion of some men . having moulded then the paper to fitt the calibre , or boore of your pistoll ( as is said ) the one end of it is to be turned in ( to keepe in the powder ) and the due charge of powder to be putt into it at the other end , which powder is to be clossed in by tying a litle thred about the paper , then the bullett is to be putt in , and that also to be tyed in with a litle thred , and when the curassier , or harquebussier is to vse his cartouch , he must bite of the paper at the head of it at the powder and , and so putt it into the barrell of his pistoll with the bullet vpward , and then ramme it home for a readinesse vpon any peece of service . briefe observations touching the exercising of cavallerie , through their severall motions , as it is commaunded amongst vs by the prince of orange , and what a young horseman ought to know before the exercising of his esqadron , or troupe begins . first as amonge the foot companies , so the horse troupes are ranged into files & ranks , and their choisest men are made leaders of files , and bringers vp . secondlie , distance is also observed , namely , closse order , and open order . the closse order is taken at three foot distance , and the open order at six foote distance , betweene rank and ranke , and file & file , yea , noe more then a horse can wel turne about , & in the standing of sixe foote , or open order in rank and file they are to doe their motions . thirdly , it is necessarie , that a horsman vnderstand wel the severall motions vsed in the exercising of a troupe , or battaillon of horse , which are these three observed amongst vs . 1. facings . 2. countermarching . 3. wheelings . 1. the vse of facing , either to the right , or left hand , or to the reere , is to make a troupe , or battaillon of horse perfect to be suddainly prepared for a charge on either flank or in the reere . 2. countermarches serve either to reduce the file-leaders into the place of the bringers vp , and so to have the best men readie to receive the charg of an ennemie in the reere , or to bring one flank into the place of an other . 3. amonge the horse wheelings , either to the right , or left hand , or to the reere about , is of excellent vse to bring the front which consist of the ablest men to be readie to receiue a charge , or to give a charge vpon an ennemie on either flank , or in the reere . note that doubling of ranks , doubling of files , as also doubling of halfe files , and halfe ranks is ommitted amongst our horse , because according to his highnesse commaund , the files of the horse are but fiue deepe , in regard whereof there is alwaies an odd ranke . the demonstration of the figures on the other side , answering to every number of the words of commaund videlizet . 4 showes the forme of a squadron of horse , consisting of 30 men standing first in their close order , at three foote distance one from another both in rank and file . 5 showes that their rankes are opened backward to six foote distance , or their open order in ranke and file . 6 showes that their files are also opened to six foote distance , & now stands in their open order both in rank and file . note that in opening of their files , the two middlemost files open first to their distance of 6 foote , and the other files both to the right and left hand also , till they are in their open order . 7 showes the clossing of their files to their closse order , observing also that first the two middlemost files , take their distance first of 3 foote , and consequently the rest , clossing both to the right and left hand . 8 showes that the rankes are also closed to their closse order , and that both rankes & files stand three foote distance one from another as number 4 demonstrates . number 9 this motion is performed by turning and facing all to the right hand . number 10 this is done by bringing them againe to the first forme in turning all to the left hand . number 11 to face them to the reere , is done by turning all to the right hand , till their faces front in that place , which was before the reere . 12 is to reduce them to their first forme by turning all to the right hand . 13 this is performed by turning all at an instant to the left hand . 14 this serves to reduce them to their first forme , number 6 by turning to the right hand . 15 is to face them to the reere , by turning all to the left hand , till their faces front in that place , which was before the reere . 16 this is done by turning all to the right hand , standing in their first forme as number 6 showes . 17 showes the counter march from the right flank by turning all to the right hand . 18 is to bringe them againe to the right flanke , by turning to the left flanke . 19 showes the countermarch from the left flank , by turning to the left hand . 20 this reduces them againe to the left flank in turning all to the right hand and by giving the word of commaund as ye were , & then they stand in the first forme , as number 4 demonstrates before they come to wheeling . 21 showes the vse of wheeling , eitheir to the right hand , or the left hand , & is to bring the front which is supposed to consist of the ablest men , to give or receive a charge eitheir vpon the right or left flank , or in the reere , as hath bin said . the ordre , which his highnesse the prince of orange , will have duely kept and observed by the captaines of the troups of horse vpon their march , without any alteration therein , vnlesse by expresse commaund . everie troupe shal be devided into three corporallships , & in filing them , they shall alwaies follow this order , to wit , that before everie corporallship an officer shall ride . the captaine of the troupe first , the cornet before the second , a corporall before the third , and the lieutenant in the reere of the troupe . and if any of these officers should be wanting as the captaine of the troupe , the lieutenant shall march in his place , and if the lieutenant be wanting , a corporall shall march in the place of the said lieutenant . and if they have any bedets , a principall souldier shal be appointed over them , to see that they keepe their closse order in marching . the quartermasters place is to march with the lieutenant in the reere . 2. the files shall never be made noe deeper then fiue horses , how great or small so ever the troupe bee : so that if the troupe consist of a hundred horse , everie corporallship shall haue fiue , or sixe horse in a rank , and fiue in a file . and the officer shall be carefull when he is to draw out the files in a narrow waye , which is long & that there can passe but three horses in a rank , then they shall devide the corporallship into two parts : but if the waye will permit it , then they shall not devide the corporalship , but march with fiue or sixe in a ranke as abouesaid . 3. the officers shall commaund the souldiers expresly that in marching , they alwaies keepe the distance of three foot betweene file and file , & sixe foote betweene rank and rank , and that they never ride noe faster then the pace , vnlesse they becommaunded to the contrarie . 4. there shal be noe more distance left , betweene each corporallship , then is needefull for an officer to march betwixt them . 5. the lieutenant and quartermaster , which brings vp the reere of the troupe , shall take care that the souldiers in the reere shall begin to march , assoone as those in the front moue , and that they observe well their distance , and see that they doe not straggle out of their ranks & files . 6. a troupe of horse standing in battaille , the lieutenant and the quartermaster shall haue their place in the reere of the troupe . 7. in marching and filing of the troups , they shall follow one another so closse , that there shall be noe more place left , but as will serue iust for the trumpetters horses , and the captaines . in the yeere 1635. his highnesse ordered the lords the states horse consisting of eighte troups of curassiers & harquebussiers into regiments , to wit foure troups of curassiers into one division , or battaillon , and foure troupes of harquebussiers into an other battaillon , both which made a regiment , over which a colonell commaunded . note also that comming to march over a heath , or a compagnie . as the foote , so may the troups and regiments of horse be embattelled , and ranged into three brigades , as the avantguard , the battell and the reere , which is a goodle sight . and thus much in briefe , of the officers , of the arming , of the managing , of the exercising , and marching of our cavallrie and horse , practized in the warres of the united provinces , vnder the charge and commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange our victorious generall . finis . warlike directions, or, the sovldiers practice set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be, scholars of martiall discipline, but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled or rightly grounded in the arte of warre, by a practitioner in the same art, t.f. fisher, thomas, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39580 of text r9303 in the english short title catalog (wing f1060). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 91 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39580 wing f1060 estc r9303 13743374 ocm 13743374 101681 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39580) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101681) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 454:3) warlike directions, or, the sovldiers practice set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be, scholars of martiall discipline, but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled or rightly grounded in the arte of warre, by a practitioner in the same art, t.f. fisher, thomas, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39580 of text r9303 in the english short title catalog (wing f1060). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [4], 93, [7] p. : ill. printed by thomas harper ..., london : 1642. written by thomas fisher. cf. wing. errata: p. [7] at end. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng military art and science -early works to 1800. a39580 r9303 (wing f1060). civilwar no warlike directions: or the sovldiers practice. set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be scholars of martiall discipline. but fisher, thomas 1643 14914 28 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion warlike directions : or the sovldiers practice . set forth for the benefit of all such as are , or will be scholars of martiall discipline . but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled , or rightly grounded in the arte of warre . by a practitioner in the same art , t. f. the second edition , corrected and amended . london , printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold at his house in little britaine , 1643. the preface . these indeavours of mine which i have formerly learned , and practised twenty six yeares in the low countries : and having divers yeares instructed and exercised the trained bands within the county of kent , do i present to all such as are inclinable and willing to profit themselves in the art of war . but especially to all officers of the selected bands of this kingdome , which doe yet faile in the delivering of the right words of command . my purpose is not in this small tract , to treat of the highest principles , or speculative part of military discipline ; but de●cend willingly to the lowest and meanest capacity : thereby to instruct by short and evident rules in the point of practise and obedience an unexperienced souldier : and those officers also who in a private band are not so well and fully satisfied as they themselves desire , and the good and welfare of their countrey necessarily requires . for whole better satisfaction & instruction , i have also drawn some small maps : for smaller and greater bodies , as you may perceive at the end of the booke : that what i have written may be the better conceived and fixed in their memories . leaving all strange and forraine discourses which other painfull hands have excellently and learnedly within these few yeares set forth , and well deciphered . applying my selfe wholly unto these moderne times . wishing that every one that loves his king and countries good , the furtherance of the gospel of jesus christ , the safeguard of himself , and all his , being able and fitting for this service , would practise this noble art , and to have some of those books which have been set forth upon this subject , to meditate on them at their best leasure . for the theoricke part is good , the practicke better . but theoricke and practicke both together is best of all . he that hath neither theoricke nor practicke , cannot be best , better , nor good . so with my best wishes for the furtherance of the good desires of all such as love this subject , i humbly take my leave : remembring this old proverbe , in time of peace provide for war : that peace may continue in these , and all other his majesties dominions in our dayes , and for ever , our most mercifull god grant , amen . tho. fisher . the officers of a company of souldiers . captaine . lieutenant . ensigne . serjeants . 2. drummers — 2. corporals — 3. masters of the armes — corporall of the gentl. 1 clarke of the band . provost . in a place of duty . lansprezadoes — 3. note that in collonels companies are more serjants , and as many drummes . instructions for yong souldiers , agreeable to that discipline which is now practised within the netherlands , under the command of the prince of orange . i will first begin with the severall beates of the drum , becau●e every souldier is bound of necessity to learne to know and observe them ▪ for when the commanders voyce cannot be heard vnto the whole company , the drum denounceth and expresseth the same . the gathering of the company unto their colours : when to troope , march , charge , retreat ; and such like . the beats or sounds which are to be learned , are these that follow . instructions for the drum. a gathering . a troope . a march . a battalia . a charge . a retreat . a reliefe . a battery . a call for proclamation . the gathering is the first which is to bring the company together to their colors , or place appointed by the superiour commander a troope . a troope is , that when the company is come to the place appointed , the commander intending to keepe them close in their order , which is three foot , the readier with advanced pikes to troope up to the court of guard , or place appointed for watch . likewise to charge the enemy , or receive a charge , and is as the voyce of the commander to all , to advance their pikes , & shoulder their muskets , if they be at any other posture . a march . a march is , if the company be at a stand or trooping , charging , or retiring , as the voyce of the commander , to shoulder their armes , and march , if the march be beaten in a longer distance of time then is usuall ; then they must open their files and rankes to the next distance which is sixe foot , the body marching very leasurely ; out if the march be beaten swifter , then are they to close their files and rankes , and to march with a quicker pace ; so that a skilfull commander instructing the drummer by signes , may at his pleasure march , troope , stand , retreat , charge , in front , in reare , in right or left flanke , in front and reare , or right and left at once , or every way at one time . a battalia . is the uniting of devisions in battaile forme . likewise a preparation , the enemy being in sight or at hand , giving notice to all to prepare themselves for skirmish or for battaile . a charge is when the body is come to push of pike , or neere at hand , joyning body to body with the enemy , that no retiring be from the place , during the charge . a retreate it a retiring backward leysurely without disorder , either to give way to other battaliaes to relieve them , or for gayning some advantagious ground , or to draw the enemy in an ambush , or such like , which the superior commander may sometimes upon pollicy direct . a reliefe is a relieving of the watch , and dismissing of centinels from extraordinary places in day light . a batterie is most used in places of worke , as in trenches , batteries , halfe-moones , horne-workes , redouts , sconces , counterskarls , and such like , that those therein imployed should be diligent in that imployment . a call is onely to proclaime the commanders will concerning the well ordering of the armie , and of such military lawes which ought to be kept , that all should give eare unto that which the drummer either readeth or speaketh . for the beating of the march . i have thought meete for the benefit of each drummer which is not yet perfect in the march , to prick downe the old english march newly revived in the plainest forme i could invent . wishing that all drummers would leave off other forms invented , either by themselves , or others herein unskilfull , that there may be an uniformitie in this kingdome , as in all other nations . within the march are 9. severall lines , or ranks , which must be knowne , and distinctly beaten dividing line from line , by a certaine distance of time , deciphered in short i. and long . in r. and halfe r. note that these 2. former letters short i. and long ‑ . stands for single strokes : the long ‑ . for the right hand stroke ; the short i. for the left hand stroke . the next two letters , the whole r. for a full ruffe , the half r. in this manner , 2. for halfe a ruffe . where the ‑ joynes with the r. in this manner , r . the single stroke with the ruffe must be joyned together . the r , and halfe in this manner r 2 is a ruffe and halfe ruffe joyned . there is also a preparation to the march which is only to be beaten once , and no more , at the beginning of the march . the first is the preparation , the march follows . the preparation . riir . i●ir . — ii . ii . r ir . rrr . rriri . irir . rrrr . rr2r2 . irir . i have insisted somewhat long in the office of the drummer , for that i finde a great defect in that place , and would wish a more generall reformation . instructions for those that are ignorant in arming and disarming themselves . each souldier having brought his arms into the field , standing with them at their first order as may be observed in the following notes of the postures and motions . then the commander giveth the word . disarme , or lay downe your armes . first , lay downe your musket , stepping forward one pace with your right foot , then recover your foot to its place : then receive your match into your right hand out of the left . next lay downe your rest , stepping forward with your left foot , recover your foot backe againe . take your match into your left hand , betwixt the two lowermost fingers , as formerly : then lay downe your match with your left foot stepping forward , on the right hand of your rest recover your foot as before . afterward in upright forme of body put off your hat with your left hand , and holding it by your left side , take off your bandiliērs with your right hand laying it downe betwixt your musket and your match , the charges fromward you . afterwards retire three paces backward , that you may the more gracefully come to the stand where you were , to arme your selfe . the next word of command is . arme , or , take up your armes . first , take up your bandiliers , putting them on as you did take them off : then your match as formerly , then your rest ; last your musket . performe these directions , and all other with a gracefull and comely cariage of body . the word of command : foot your armes . the armes being laid downe , the souldier standing three paces backe . armed , and standing at his first order . being armed , and standing at your first order , then follows the preparation to the postures . the word of command is , prepare . joyne your musket with your rest ; open your pan , blow your panne , prime your pan . shut , cast off , and so forward , as you may perceive by the following notes , until you have shouldered and sloped : then begins your postures . the first motion in the postures is , slip your musket ; the last motion is , give fire . note , all the rest of the motions that follow after giving fire , until you have sloped your musket , are dependances unto the postures , but more especially to the first posture . now followeth the action of souldiers being prepared , their muskets being charged , as all ought to be , the enemy being not far from them , only waiting for the word from the commander , as you may observe in the next place . the postures and motions of a musketteere , the musket being charged , first standing , then marching . 1 hand your armes , order your musket , and rest , even with your body in the ranke you stand in , which is called your first order . 2 joyne your musket with your rest . 3 poyse your musket , and breast it . 4 shoulder your musket . 5 slope your musket . 6 slip your musket . 7 poise your musket . 8 rest your musket . falling backe with your right foot observe in this and most of all your motions , to keepe the mouth of your musket high and strait over your leaders right shoulder . 9 hand your match . 10 blow your match . 11 cocke your match . 12 try your match . 13 guard your pan . 14 blow your coale . 15 open your pan . 16 present your musket breast , or rather middle high , removing backe your left foot unto your right , then your right foot slopewaies backe , standing with a full and upright body , your left knee bending , your right elbow even with your shoulder . 17 give fire . 18 recover your ground with your feet . 19 returne your match . 20 blow your pan . 21 prime your pan . 22 shut your pan . 23 cast off your loose powder . 24 recover your rest . 25 blow off your loose powder . 26 beare about your musket unto your left side , falling backe with your left foot : trayle your rest between your musket and bodie . 27 hand your charge , and open it . 28 charge your musket . 29 draw out your skouring-sticke , and shorten it against your breast . 30 ramme downe your bullet . 31 returne your sticke . 32 recover your musket and rest . 33 poyse your musket . 34 rest your musket with your left foot forward againe . 35 your saluting posture . 36 your buriall posture . 1 your guard posture 2 your order posture 3 your sentinell posture 3. these three last are in the number of the former , but remembered because they are to be used upon severall occasions . shoulder your musket , and march with your rest in your right hand . note that the three generall postures do begin , the musket , being charged and shouldered . the names of the 3 generall postures are these that follow . 1 make ready , 2 present , 3 give fire , which are to be ●erformed in 12 motions . if marching then gracefully with an eleven paces especially to the front . note that all the rest of the motions which follow after giving fire , are dependances unto the first posture . in the first posture are 8 motions , in the second 3 , in the third 1 motion . the first posture , make ready . 8. motions . slip your musket . poyse your musket . joyne yo●r musket with your rest . hand your match . blow your match . cock your match . try your match . guard your pan . the second posture , present . 3. motions . blow your coale . open your pan. present breast high . the third posture , give fire . 1 motion . give fire . when you have given fire , winning or maintaining ground , recover your rest with your right foot stepping forward . but losing ground , recover your rest unto your foot , joyning it with your musket falling about into your file , and ranke , making ready againe as you go . if you observe 3 paces in the presenting posture , as some regiments doe , then to the front or right flanke : begin your first motion with your left foot stepping forward but to the reare or left flanke with your right foot pacing first . note that there be many regiments that observe but 2 paces in the presenting posture . note , when you give fire to the reare , turne right about . the postures and motions of a pikeman , standing and marching . 1 hand your pike . 2 advance your pike . 3 lay downe your pike . 4 take up your pike . 5 order your pike . 6 shoulder you pike . 7 levill your pike . 8 slope your pike . 9 advance your pike . 10 port your pike . 11 comport your pike . 12 cheeke your pike . 13 trayle your pike . 14 recover your pike . 15 shoulder your pike . note , when you beare your pike shouldred it must be sloped ; except you be commanded to level it . observe when you charge at a stand , fall backe with your right foot : if marching , advance your selfe forward , your body upright , your left knee bending . 16 to the front charge 17 as you were . 18 to the right charge . 19 as you were . 20 to the left charge . 21 as you were . 22 the reare charge . 23 as you were . 24 to the front and reare charge . 25 as you were . 26 to the right and left charge . 27 as you were . 28 every way charge square 29 as you were . 30 quarters every way charge . 31 as you were . 32 advance your ground and charge to either hand at discretion . betweene every charge , march . 33 retreate charging . 34 your breathing posture . 35 advance forward againe . 36 stand , order your pike . 37 open order at foot . now followes the charge against horse . 38 close order at foot . 39 draw your sword over your left arme , joyne it close unto your pike . 40 to the front charge at foot . 41 to the right charge . 42 to the right charge . 43 to the right charge . 44 to the right charge . 45 right about charge . 46 left about charge . 47 to the right and left charge . 48 to the front and reare charge . 49 every way charge square , or quarters at discretion . 50 stand , sheath your sword . 51 order your pike . 52 your buriall posture . three generall postures of the pike , in thirteen great and small motions : three standing , seven marching , three charging . the first posture . 3 standing . 1 lay downe your pike . 2 take up your pike . 3 order your pike . the second posture . 7 marching . 4 advance your pike . 5 shoulder your pike . 6 levell your pike . 7 slope your pike . 8 comport your pike . 9 cheek your pike . 10 traile your pike . the third posture . 3 charging . 11 port your pike . 12 charge overhand . 14 charge at foot . all these postures and motions both of musketteers and pikemen in a body or battalia great or small , may be performed without words , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drumme , the drummer observing every motion from the commander . now followeth the motions of facing , doubling , countermarching , wheeling , and such like , in a grose body or battalia . note and remember well that there are several sorts of distances to bee observ●d for severall uses , upon variety of occasions : for marching , for exercising , for skirmishing , for battaile , in front , in flanke , in rear , which every commander doth , or ought to know . close order : order : open order : double distance : double double distance : the first , one foot and an halfe : the second , three foot : the third , six foot : the fourth , twelve foot : the fifth , twenty foure foot . now to begin wi●h that which is first put in practise , which is open order , sixe foot . open order sixe foot square : that is , six foot , file from file , and six foot , ranke from ranke , which is the first distance that a company is framed unto , especially for exercise . next there is order , three foot square both in file and ranke , for exercise , or for battaile . thirdly , there is closest , or close order , which is one foot and an halfe , file from file , and is only used for the pikes when they come to the push ▪ there is likewise a double distance , twelve foot square , either in file or ranke , and a double double distance , twenty foure foot , which two last are practised , sometimes upon extraordinary occasions . there is likewise a marching order , three foot file from file , and sixe foot ranke from ranke , or to oppose an enemy onely in front , and an open order , sixe foot file from file : twelve foot ranke from ranke , which i leave to the discretion of the commander . now to make some use of part of these , i will onely at this time set down the plain and true words of command , with some few remembrances joyned to them wishing all officers which yet faile in the right delivering of the words of command , to observe and follow these directions : for if a commander speake them not right , as the proverbe is , setting the cart before the horse , the souldiers although skilfull , doth act them many times wrong . the company being come to the appointed place , neither yet in file nor ranke , the commander gives the word as followeth . leaders , leade forth your files , joyne them into a body , or frame a body . note that a file is a number or sequence of men standing one behinde another at a certaine distance , as you may reade after more at large , being tenne deepe , as most nations have in use : yet they may be eight ▪ or sixe , or fewer , or more , as the occasion offereth . but before wee frame our body or battalia , let all souldiers observe , but especially all officers , how a body or battalia is distinguished or named in each severall part as followeth . first , there are files and ranks , these files & rankes annexed or united together ▪ make a body or battalia . a file is a sequence of men standing one behinde another , at a certaine distance , whose faces are directly placed one way , the backe of the former , to the face of the follower : subsisting commonly of tenne in depth , according to the moderne use of the netherlands , but may be brought to more or fewer as i have said before . this file is distinguished into a leader , a bringer up , and two middle men , with sixe other betweene . the first man of the file is called the leader , the last man a bringer up ; the two that are in the middle of the file , are called by the name of middle men , which are the leaders of the halfe files , when they are to double on the other , and for other uses . a ranke is a row , or a number of men above one , few or many stand one by another , side by side , or pouldron to pouldron , their faces being directed all one way . of these files and ranks as i have set down before , being connexed together , is framed a battalia , by these names distinguished as followeth . the front , the reare , the right flanke , or halfe rankes , the left flanke , or halfe rankes ; the right wing , the left wing . the front are the halfe files that are before , being tenne deep , the formost five rankes . the reare are the halfe files that are behinde . the right flanke are the halfe rankes on the right hand . the left flanke , are the halfe rankes on the left hand . the right and left wings are the devisions of musketteers , which are on both hands of the pikes , but especially when they are to act their owne part , being appointed to move or to skirmish , in front , flanke , or reare . stand at your open order square : marke your directions . silence . note , facing any way at a stand , remove your right foot , turning upon your left toe . to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . right about . as you were . left about . as you were . note that in all doublings , if you double to the right , fall off to the left into your first place : if you double to the left , fall backe to the right . ranks to the right hand double . as you were . ranks to the left hand double . as you were . files to the right hand double . as you were . files to the left hand double . as you were . halfe files or middlemen to the right hand double your front . as you were . half files to the left hand double your front as you were . bringers up to the right hand , double your front . as you were . bringers up to the left hand , double your front . as you were . to the right hand countermarch maintaining ground . as you were , to the left counter . to the right hand countermarch losing ground . as you were , to the left counter . to the right hand countermarch winning ground . as you were , to the left counter . now follows some things to be acted in a closer distance , namely , order , three foot both files and ranks . the word of command . files close , that is , to the middle , or to the right close , or left , at discretion . ranks close forwards . halfe files or middle men to the right hand intire , double your front . as you were . halfe files to the left hand intire , double your front . as you were . halfe files to the right , and left by division , double your front . as you were . the body , to the right hand wheele , moving on the right corner man . to the left hand wheel moving on the left corner man . to the right hand wheel , moving on the middle man , or men in front , which are leaders , or wheel about , at discretion . now follow some things which are to be performed at a double distance , 12 foot ranke from ranke , or double double distance 24 foot , agreeable to the number of men that are in ranke . ranks open to your double distance , keeping their files at their order . ranks to the right hand by conversion . as you were . ranks to the left hand by conversion . as you were . ranks to the right , and left by conversion . as you were . ranks close . these motions which i have repeated , of facing , doubling , countermarching , and wheeling , are commonly known , and practised by the officers and companies in the netherlands , and in other places where the warres are : there are not many that knoweth , or for some reasons teacheth any more . now to satisfie those that desire to learn and understand more then common things of this subject , i have joyned with these some other , which are of great importance in time of advantage , or disadvantage , to be practised against a skilfull enemie . therefore i will begin againe , setting downe the additions in their places . where the word note stands in the margent there follows a change of that which went before . the company being framed into a square open order as is set downe before . not that all the musketteers must be in one division on the right hand of the pikes a double distance from the body of pikes . the commander standing at the head of the company before the middle file leaders , giveth the word . if it be the captaine , then the lieutenant ought to be at the reare , the ensigne at the head of the pikes , the serjeants on both the flanks , the drummes even with the formost ranke , on both the angles . facing to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . right about . as you were . left about as you were . to the right and left . as you were . to the front and reare . as you were . every way square . as you were . every way quarters . as you were . ranks doubling . ranks to the right hand double . as you were . ranks to the left double . as you were . files doubling files to the right double . as you were . files to the left double . as you were . files to the right and left double . as you were . files to the center double . as you were . when middle men is named to double , it is the oldest used word of command , for the reare to double the front , which i do now follow : because when i name halfe files , it is to be understood that the halfe files in the front are to double the halfe files in the reare . the reare doubling the front by middlemen . middlemen to the right hand double your front . as you were . middlemen to the left double your front . as you were . the reare doubling the front by bringers up . bringers up to the right double your front . as you were . bringers up to the left double your front . as you were . halfe files in the front doubling the reare by middlemen . halfe files to the right hand double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the left double the reare . as you were . the front doubling the reare by leaders . leaders to the right double the reare . as you were . leaders to the left double the reare . as you were . halfe ranks doubling the flanke . halfe ranks to the right double your flank . as you were . halfe ranks to the left double your flank . as you were . countermarching , maintaining , losing , and winning ground . countermarch to the right hand , and maintaine ground corian or moderne . as you were to the left . countermarch to the right , & lose ground , macedonian . as you were to the left . countermarch to the right , and winne ground , lacedemonian . as you were to the left . you may if need require countermarch your leaders and bringers up into the center , or your flanks , or angles , or wings , into the center , or middest of the body , or exchange your angles , or double your wings , or flanks , by countermarch . now follow some things which are to be performed in the second distance , namely , order ; 3 foot . files close , that is , to the middle , or to the right or left , at discretion . rankes close forwards . ranks to the right hand intire double . as you were . ranks to the left intire double . as you were . ranks to the right and left by division double . as you were . files intire doubling . files to the right hand intire double . as you were . files to the left intire double . as you were . files to the right and left intire double . as you were . files advance to the right intire double . as you were . files advance to the left intire double . as you were . files advance to the right and left intire double . as you were . the halfe files in the rear intire doubling the halfe files in the front . middlemen to the right intire , double your front . as you were . middlemen to the left intire , double your front . as you were . middlemen to the right and left , by division , double your front . as you were . the halfe files in the front intire , doubling the reare . halfe files to the right intire , double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the left intire , double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the right and left by division , double the reare . as you were . the halfe rankes intire doubling the flanke . halfe rankes to the right hand intire , double your flanke . as you were . halfe ranks to the left intire , double your flanke . as you were . halfe rankes by division , double your right flanke . as you were . halfe rankes by division , double your left flank . as you were . right flanke advance to the left intire , double your flank . as you were . left flanke advance to the right intire , double your flank . as you were . the body wheeling . the body to the right wheele , moving on the right cornerman . to the left wheel , moving on the left corner man . even so right or left about . to the right wheel , moving on the middle leader or leaders , or left , or about at discretion . the front or flanks wheeling into the center , or midst of the body . front wheele into the center , then face to the leader or commander : if need require , wheel again the front into the center or midst of the body , then face as before : the first wheeling bringeth all the musketteers before the body of pikes : the second wheeling into the middest of the pikes : the third wheeling unto the rear of the pikes : the fourth , wheeling on the flankes , as at first they were . the use of the manner of wheelings . suppose there were three or four files of musketteers on each hand of the pikes , they could deliver but six or eight shot at once in the front . this first wheeling , bringeth the musketteers , that they may deliver twenty shot at once , being tenne deep . the second wheeling bringeth them into the midst : delivering them from the violent charge of horse , charging in the flankes , especially when their powder is spent , or upon some policy to cover the musketteers from sight of the enemy . in like manner the rest of the wheelings are by a skilfull commander put in practice at convenient time , as the occasion offereth . likewise you may wheele the front to the right and left by division , to receive the enemy who is ready to charge both the flanks at once . now follow some formes of doublings , which must be performed at a wider distance , six , twelve or twenty foure foot , at the discretion of the commander . remember alwaies the manner and form of opening and closing of files and rankes . being in open order , the word being given , files close , without naming any hand , is thus performed : the two middle leaders close , unto the next distance , which is three foot , the rest of the files likewise close towards the middle leaders , untill they are at the distance commanded . if the word be files to the right close , then the right hand file moveth not , but standeth fast ; all the rest of the files close towards the right file , till they are at their distance appointed . if the word be files to the left close , then the left file standeth fast ; the rest of the files close towards the left hand ▪ untill they come to the distance commanded . if the word be files ▪ to the right and left close then the one halfe of the files close to the right hand file , which standeth fast , the other halfe to the left , opening in the middle of the body , leaving a space betwixt the two halfe bodies , which is done for some speciall use best knowne to the commander . observe that at what distance soever the company stands in , if the word be close , not naming any order , whether files or rankes , then they must close to the next distance , being at twelve foot , they close to six foot , being at six , they close to three foot : in the same manner ; files opening , or rankes opening . being in close order , if the words be files open , not naming any hand , then the middle leaders open one from the other unto six foot both wayes , the rest of the files on both flankes take their distance from them . if the word be , files to the right hand open , then the left file or angle moveth not ; the next file to the left hand first taketh its distance , the rest of the files in like manner pressing upon their right hand files , till the distance commanded be obtained in opening . if the word be , files to the left open , then the right file standeth fast , the rest of the files opening to the left hand , still pressing upon their left hand files , till they be in the distance and order commanded . rankes closing . if the word be , ranks close , then the first rank moveth not , namely , if they be at a stand , all the rest of the ranks close forward , till they be at the distance appointed . if need require , you may close your ranks backward , from the front to the reare , with this word of command . ranks close backeward , then the last ranke moveth not , all the rest of the ranks go backward towards the last ranke , taking their distance , ranke by ranke , from the reare or last ranke . you may likewise open your rankes from the leaders to the reare , or from the bringers up to the front : but if the word be without any addition , as this that followeth : rankes open . then the first ranke moveth not , the rest of the rankes fall backe , till they have gained that distance commanded : the second ranke standeth first , the rest in like manner , one after another , till they have all performed it . if the word be , rankes open forwards , then all the body advanceth forward , except the last rank which standeth firme : the second to the last taketh the distance first , then the rest , till they have all performed it . files and rankes close . sometimes it is convenient to close files and rankes both at once , then it is performed marching , being before at a wider distance , at a sodaine to give way unto horse or foot to passe , or to enter into a narrow passage , or such like . the body being at their close order , both files and rankes , and you would have them open : the word of command . files and rankes open . which is from the same distance that they did close , doe they open unto againe , or unto any other distance commanded both together . if they be at a stand , then the rankes open first , and then the files , and in closing , the files close first , then the ranks . if the word be files and rankes , close to the center . then the halfe files and rankes , close to the middle of the depth of the body : the halfe files in the front moving backward , the reare halfe ●iles forward , till they bee at their distance commanded . so likewise opening from the center , which may be done in the like manner , as is directed before . if the commander have occasion to bring all the rankes into one file , or into two , the body being at their order , three foot . the word , ranks open to 6 foot , 12. or more , as the number are in ranke , then ranks to the right hand file , or by inversion as you were . ranks to the left by inversion . as you were . ranks to the right and left by inversion . as you were . ranks to the right by conversion . as you were . ranks to the left by conversion . as you were . ranks to the right and left by conversion . as you were . now followeth the closing of the ranks , and opening of the files : that which the ranks performed in file , may the files performe in ranks . ranks close , to your order . files open , to 6 foot , 12 foot or more , agreeable to the depth , alwaies having in memory , that 6 foot , is named open order , 12 foot double distance , 24 foot double double distance . files to the right hand ranke by conversion . as you were . files to the left ranke by conversion . as you were . files to the right and left ranke by conversion . as you were . files close , to what distance the commander judgeth fit or convenient . if you would , ocasion being offered , draw out your files in depth at a passage , or such like , into one or two files , or ranke your files , or ranke your ranks . the word of command . files to the right file on in sequence . as you were . files to the left file on . as you were . files to the right , and left file on . as you were . files to the right ranke , 2. 4. 7. or more . as you were . files to the left ranke , 3. or more . as you were . files to the right and left ranke , 5. 6. or more , or fewer . as you were . ranks to the right ranke , 3 , 5. or more . as you were . ranks to the left ranke , 2 , 4. as you were . ranks to the right and left ranke , 3 , 5 , 6. as you were . the manner how to performe these last , and most of all those things which are written before in this booke , which bear only the words of command , and are not there explained , may you find after in another place unfolded , and more at large set forth for the manner of acting them . many other things of this subject might be added , but i suppose these are sufficient for all such as are willing and inclinable to follow them , and for any understanding officer to work on , and make triall of their further skill : wishing a happy issue unto their good endeavours . as i have said before concerning the performance of the postures and motions of musketteers , and pikemen particularly , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drumme : so likewise may be performed the most of all other motions , of facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings , opening , closing , marching fast , or leasurely , trooping , charging , retreating , and such like , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drum. here followeth some short remembrances for the acting of these particulars , concerning distance , and forme . first for facing . facing any way by command at a stand , some teach to remove the same foot , as the hand is named ; which is a very good way , but for some respects , i follow the ancientest and knowne manner practised in most parts . which is at a stand to remove the right foot , either when you face to the right , or left . right about , or left about , turning upon the left toe , or heel : but the toe is the best , the pike at the order , the musketteer his musket shouldered , or rested , at the discretion of the commander . if the body be marching , then facing any way that foot which is furthest from the hand named ought first to remove , the pikes and muskets shouldered . the body trooping , the pikes advanced , the muskets shouldered . for all doublings . observe , that in all doublings , hand and foot ought to go together : although some do teach that the contrary foot to the hand which is named should first remove : but the best way is the same hand which the commander nameth , the same foot first remove : the right hand , the right foot : the left hand , the left foot . observe likewise , that in all movings , or doublings at a stand no above three paces , the pike at the order , the musket rested , or shouldered ; but if they move above 3 paces , then the pike ought to be advanced , the musket shouldred , ported , poised , or breasted , at discretion , the whole body moving , or any part thereof . all those which are in the rankes , or files that move must observe their leaders , and beare their armes as they doe : the leaders , or formost men , receiving the word or sign from the commander . observe , when you double to the right hand , you must returne back to your place turning to the left : if you double to the left , returne backe to the right . when rankes , middlemen , or bringersup are to double , each man in those rankes which are to move , must observe the right-hand man in that ranke they stand in , moving with him pace by pace , unto the place appointed , and so likewise backe againe unto their owne places if it bee so commanded , neither going before , nor after one another , but even altogether . doubling of files , halfe rankes , flankes , wings , or angles , each man in the file hee standeth in , must observe his file-leader , and move even with him pace by pace , the file-leader looking downe his file , setting forth the same foot , the hand is named , the rest of his file seeing him will doe the like , although they heard not the word of command . to know by signe without words , the severall countermarches , maintaining , losing , and winning of ground , that which followeth will instruct you . countermarching , maintaining ground , is known by the leaders turning upon the same foot as the hand is named , neither pacing forwards nor backwards , till he bee turned : then marches downe the file unto the rear , the leaders observing the commander , and all the rest of the files moving together at their distance , turning at the same place , where the leaders turned , till the front be turned , and brought into the same place where the rear was , and the rear where the front was . countermarching againe to the contrary hand , in the same manner bringeth every one in his first station . losing ground is known when the leaders step forwards one pace , and turning to the hand named , then standing still , the second ranke with all the rest that follow passe on their leaders right hand , if the right be named , and place themselves behind their own leaders at their distance . winning ground is knowne when the leaders step backwards with the right foot , if the right be named or signed by the commander : and being two paces past the second ranke , then that second ranke likewise steppeth backe , following their leaders at their distance , and so subsequently all the rest , winning of ground towards the enemy , who marcheth after them to charge their reare , or bringing their front in the suddennest manner to follow the enemy retiring , or to double their owne reare in the quickest forme to receive the enemy over winging them . in all sorts of countermarches , they may beare their arms , pikes advanced or comported , if shouldered : then at the turning , they must advance , port , or charge , or arme their pike with their right hand aloft : being turned , shoulder againe , the muskets shouldered or brested , at discretion . there are other manner of wayes to performe these countermarches , either for files or rankes . but these here set downe , are the playnest , and as i suppose , the best , which may suffice for this time . note that you must not countermarch , if the enemy be neare at hand , lest the body be brought in disorder , and so easily overthrowne . wheeling . when you are to wheele , if the body be great , and stand at their open order , the best way : is to close , both files and rankes , especially the files to their order : if the body be small , then double either ranks or halfe files ; the pikes advanced , the muskets shouldered or breasted : the severall forms of wheeling is set down before , fol. 32. 33. the difference in the acting of inversion and conversion . where you read inversion , or conversion , that you may the better understand the meaning of them , and how they differ , in former times there hath beene made no difference in the forme , but only in the name ; which was an errour , they differ as followeth . the commander giving the word . rankes to the right file , or by inversion . observe that the right file standeth firm , and moveth not : all the rest of each ranke turning their faces towards the right hand , move all till they become into that file that standeth still , placing themselves each man behinde his right hand man , & so become all one file . note that all the whole ranke that moveth , must place thēselves betwixt their owne right hand man that stood still , and the next that stands after him : the first ranke between the leader of the file that standeth , and the second in that file : the second ranke betweene the second and third in that file , and so the rest , an even distance one from the other . if the word be rankes to the left by inversion ; then the left file standeth fast , and moveth not , the rest of every ranke moveth , till they be come into the left file , making one file , in the like manner as they did on the right hand . the word . ranks to the right and left by inversion . then halfe the ranks fals behinde their sidemen to the right , and halfe to the left hand , making two files , marching with them in that forme , over bridges , or through woods , or narrow passages , or to deliver vollies against horse or foot , facing inward or outward , as the commander directeth . the word . ranks to the right by conversion . then the whole ranke wheeleth towards the right hand , moving on the outmost right hand man , in that ranke they stand in , till all the rankes be come even with the right file , whose faces being turned to the right hand , they all become one ranke , either to give a volley against horse or foot by a river , morase , or wood side , and many other uses may these inverting or converting afford us when occasion is offered . rankes to the left by conversion . then all the rankes wheeleth to the left hand in the same manner as they did to the right , on the outmost left hand man in their owne rank : who facing likewise to the left , become altogether one ranke , and when they have performed that which is commanded : as you were , bringeth every man in his owne first place . rankes to the right and left by conversion . then halfe the rankes wheele to the right , and halfe to the left hand : then facing right and left , are become two ranks ; and so , as you were , when you have performed what you intended . as the rankes are converted into one file or two , so may likewise the files be converted into one ranke or two , as the occasion offereth . observing , when the rankes are to file by conversion , or inversion , you must open your ranks to such a distance agreable to the number which are in the ranke , that they may have roome to come into the file commanded . when you would convert your files into one ranke or two , you must close your ranks , and open your files to that distance as the file is in depth , they may have sufficient roome to come into the rank , and to use their armes as they are directed . to give you some light how to performe it , because it is not commonly knowne , neither hath been practised much in former times . it is thus performed as followeth . the word of command . files to the right handranke , or by conversion . the first man , or leader of the file , standeth fast , the second man in the file cometh upon the right hand of his leader ; the third man in the file on the right hand of the second ; and so subsequently all the rest , each man on the right hand of him that did stand in the same file next before himselfe , till they be all in one ranke : performing that which they were commanded ; as you were bringeth every man to his first place . files to the left hand ranke , or by conversion . which is performed in the like manner as the other , the whole file coming up and placing themselves on the left hand of their leaders making one ranke . files to the right and left by conversion . the formost ranke as they did before , standeth fast : the rest of the body divideth it selfe going up , placing themselves , the right halfe ranks on the right hand of their leaders ; the left half ranks on the left hand of their leaders , leaving an open space in the midsts of the ranks , for horse , wagons , ordnance , and such like to passe through . likewise by converting one ranke at once into file , you may march by a narrow passage giving fire against the enemy rank after ranke , when the ranke alone is converted into a file either by wheeling , or falling after one another , and hath given fire , marching forward , and being by the passage ranke againe as they were . this may be performed to the right , or left , or to both , by dividing the ranke . file in sequence . the word of command . files to the right file , on , or in sequence . that is , to draw all your files into one file ; if the right be named , then the right file of the whole body , or of that whole division , advanceth first forward , the second file followeth the first ; be third , the second ; and all the rest in that manner , one after another . one use amongst many is to passe over a bridge , or to free themselves from great ordnance playing at them , and the like . when they are through that passage , they draw up their files into one even front , making one intire body againe . here followes another forme either for a passage , or to free themselves from danger of shot , or the like . the word . files ranke 2. 4. 6. or more according to the breadth of the passage , if it be to the right hand , then the right file advanceth first forward , and fall in ranke , the same number commanded , the first file being ended , the next file doth the like ; advancing forward falling in ranke after the former : the rest of the files perform the same order till they are all rankt . if the word be to the left hand , then the left hand file first advanceth forward , ranking as it is appointed . the rest of the files observe the like forme , till it be finished as is commanded . there is another forme out of the ranks , to rank 3. 5. 7. or more , as need requireth . the word . ranks to the right ranke 3. 5. 8. and the like . if there be ten in ranke , and they are commanded to ranke three , those three that stand in the first ranke on the right hand advanceth forward making the first ranke ; the next 3 in the same ranke make the second ranke ; the next 3 the third rank : the tenth man that is left in the first ranke , taketh his place first after the right hand man in the third rank ; then the two right hand men in the second rank advance forward , ranking with him , making the fourth rank , the rest of the ranks do the like , till they have all finished what was enjoyned . if the left be named , then the left hand man with the other two next him advance forward and make the first ranke ; and so the rest , as they did to the right , till all have done it . in the like manner what number soever is named may be performed . note , when the company is at the appointed place to exercise , or else to be joyned with other companies , place all your musketteers in one division , as i have set downe before , on the right hand of the pikes if the company be in number one hundred , or fewer , halfe pikes , halfe musketteers , then you ought to march with all your musketteers in one division before the pikes : the files both of pikes and muskets being ten deep , as most nations have in use , or in case of necessity 8 deep . when you make a stand draw up your pikes on the left hand of the muskets , till they be all even in front . but if the number be greater , so that you can make six files of musketteers or more , then you may divide them . when you march halfe before the pikes , and halfe behinde , you must at all times observe to keep the depth of the file , ten or eight at the least , if you possible may , observe that you march not at any time two in ranke , if you can any otherwise chuse : for it is no way convenient nor comely in sight : but three , or more , when you come to a stand with the first division of musketteers , the rest of the body marcheth untill the first division of pikes be even in front with the musketteers that stand , then the second division of pikes if there be so many , fronts with the former that stand , and last the reare division of musketteers advanceth forward untill they be even in rank , and file with the former divisions . observe that all marching companies , or battaliaes great or small , when they come to a stand or holt , order their pikes , and rest their muskets , standing even in file and ranke . when the commander gives the word march ▪ observe that all must shoulder their armes , both pikes and muskets , and beare them sloped , except it be otherwise commanded . in trooping the pikes must be advanced . in charging especially to the front , being ten or eight deep , the halfe files in the reare must beare their pikes ported over the heads of the formost halfe files , as may give them no offence , either in charging or retreating . likewise the pikes are not so subject to be broken by the enemies shot , as when they are advanced . observe likewise in going through any port or gate , the pikes at the entrance ought to be ported : if it be a small gate or doore , the musketteer is to joyn his musket with his rest , and enter porting his musket . — being through the passage to beare their arms as they did before . now followeth the uniting of many companies together . when many companies are brought together to be joyned into one , two , or three , or more bodies , or battaliaes . the colonell , or eldest captains company , taketh the first place on the right hand of all the rest . all the musketteers of that company are to be placed on the right hand of the body of pikes , standing at their open order ; the division of musketteers , a double distance from the pikes . so likewise all the rest of the companies in that manner , according to the degree of the captaine . every company twenty foot one from the other . then draw backe all the musketteers , fifty foot behinde the reare of the pikes , dividing them into manaples , or divisions of foure files by themselves : the files at their order , three foot , and each manaple from other six foot : then joyne all your pikes in one body , or two , or three , according to their number , or at the discretion of the serjeant major , or superiour command . the files of pikes likewise at their order , then flanke each body of pikes with two wings of musketteers , having divided them as you did your pikes , for one , two , or three bodies . when all the officers have taken their places according to their antiquity , as the serjeant major directeth ▪ then march either in hearse forme , or in square battalia , if there be three battaliaes . the first march , then the other two , even with one another in front , but divided one from the other , as farre distant as the length of the first battalia is , so that the left file of the second battalia which is on the right hand , must be direct after the right file of the first battalia : and the right file or angle of the third and last battalia , direct after the left file of the first battalia : both these , second , and third battalions , if the ground will permit , sixty paces after the first battalia : when the first marches , all march , when the first stands , all stand : they must all move together ; march , wheele , or stand , by example of the first , if not directed otherwayes by the superiour commander . observe if there be but , one division of musketteers on each hand of the body of pikes , then the right wing after they have given fire in front , wheeles off to the right hand into the reare of their owne files . in the like manner , the left division of musketteers after they have given fire , wheeles off to the left hand into the reare of their owne files . but if the body be greater , so that there be more divisions then one of musketteers , on each hand of the body of pikes , then after they have given fire , must all , both those on the left hand , as well as those on the right hand , wheele off to the right , through the distances which are left open for that purpose , between the divisions into the reare . observe when the battalia advanceth towards an enemy , being yet a musket shot off , the two first rankes maketh ready , advancing tenne paces before the body directed by a serjeant , as the first ranke presents , two ranks more marches forward , making ready as they goe , giving fire ranke after ranke : wheeling off to the right hand through the divisions unto the reare of their own files , making ready againe as they goe , and subsequently all the rest . but when the battaliaes come nearer ready to the push of pike , then the rankes give fire even with the formost ranke of pikes : and being forced to give back , then all the musketteers maketh ready together resting their muskets , standing with their pans guarded , giving fire ranke after rank , and suddenly with all speed falling off into the reare . marching from an enemy . observe , when you are to give fire to the reare , two ranks after two , makes ready , giving fire even with the last rank of pikes , as soon as the rank hath given fire , it wheeleth to the right hand marching a good round pace through the divisions into the front , placing themselves before their own files , and so in like manner the rest . this is to be performed when the battalia marcheth from an enemy , the enemy pursuing them . now followeth the giving fire in flanke . there are three severarall wayes to give fire in flanke , the body marching : the first is : the body , or batalia marching by a river side , or moras , or wood , or in plaine champaine ground , either assaulted sometimes with horsemen , or with foot , if it be on both the flanks at once . then the outmost file on each hand , that is on both the flanks make readie ; the commander giveth the word , to the right , and left present ; then the outmost file on each hand turnes at 3. motions to the hand commanded , and presents , giving fire , stands fast , onely turning their faces as they were towards the front , untill such time as the second file , who marched along with the body , hath given fire , in the same forme as the first did . then the first file marcheth up even with the second , both standing fast , till the third file hath given fire , and so subsequently all the rest one after another . a serjeant must stand at the head of those files that have given fire : or if the division be great , a superior officer takes that place , gathering up again that whole wing joyning them in equal front with the pikes the second forme to give fire in flanke . if it be on both flanks , the outmost file on each flanke being ready , at the word of command , presents . having given fire , faces againe towards the front , standing fast , till the leader of that file which gave fire last , be free from the marching body , one pace behinde the bringers up , then leadeth his file a round pace up on the other side of that division of musketteers next unto the pikes , till he be equall in front with the rest of the leaders , his whole file even in ranke with the rest ; in like manner all the rest of the files must do in all points , as the first did , remembring that as soone as the file hath given fire , presently , prepareth againe , whether he be to stand or move . the third forme of giving fire in flanke . the outtermost file next the enemie being commanded to make readie , keeping still along with the body till such time as they be ready , and then at command they turne to the hand directed , according to the sight of their enemy either on the right or left flanke , or both together , and give fire all together . when they have discharged , they stand nor still as they did the two former wayes , but speedily joyning their rests unto their muskets , turning their faces towards the reare ; the rear-man or bringer-up being then a leader , turning short about the reare of that division of musketteers , going a speedy pace , yet orderly next unto the pikes up unto the front , placing himselfe with the rest of the leaders : so he that was the leader before , is now the bringer up of the file . observe alwayes in every forme of giving fire in flank , that as the first presents , the next file maketh ready , keeping still along with the body , presenting not till they be free of the file that gave fire last . two times giving fire in this l●st forme , the first leader with every man in that file commeth in his first place againe . in this manner of giving fire two hundred musketteers may deliver as many shot in as short a time , as three hundred any other way . i could very much inlarge my selfe in this subject , but i hope these will content my friends for this time , who have honest hearts , and judge charitably : and because i know that there have beene many very excellent books of military discipline set forth within these few years in this kingdome , namely , the instructions for musters and armes by order from the lords of his majesties most honourable privy councell , and thirteen other , written by skilfull and painfull gentlemen souldiers , as i have set downe in my preface . if i had appointed me any command , with the horse-troops as i have with the foot-companies , i should likewise set downe some observations concerning the exercising and imbattailing of them . but for this , and some other reasons at this time i omit . only remembring the officers of the troops of horse which are yet unskilfull , or not so skilfull as they would desire to be , to observe the forme and manner of the exercising of the foot-companies which will in some measure teach them their duties . for in the exercising of horse and foot , there is not much difference . before i passe any further , let me remember the ensigne bearer in few words , concerning his place and duty , and the displ●ying of the colours . the ensigne or colours , is the honour and reputation of the captaine and souldiers : therefore the ensigne-bearer ought not onely to be a good soldier , bould and valiant , but likewise discreet and wise in counsel , and in the absence of the captaine and livetenant , have the same authority the captaine hath . where the company is appointed to gather together , he ought to be one of the first , and to be carefull of his colours : and at all times see that they be well guarded , and be ready to do any thing to further the service . within these few yeares , a supreame commander in setting downe the duty of each officer in his place , speaketh of the ensigne these words following . the ensigne shall never turne his face out of his order , start from any danger , nor forsake his ensigne , upon paine of death . in a march , he may beare his colours flying , rested upon his shoulder , before the head of the pikes . and being in a batalia , his colours somtimes advanced and breasted , flying , in the midst of the pikes , between the halfe files . in a troope , the colours furld , or rold up . in presence of the generall , or supreme commander , hee must beare his colours flying , and passing by him , vaile them , the point even with his knee , once and no more for that time , without any other ceremonies . but if he passe by the king or prince , he shall likewise withall , bow somewhat one of his knees . the souldiers ought not to forsake or leave their colours , before they be lodged , and then with leave of the captaine , may depart . the postures of the colours . note , that in those parts where the wars are , especially within the leager , or any army in the field , the ensigne ought not to display his colours , but onely to beare them flying , marching , skirmishing , or at a stand , or to vaile them as i have shewed before . but with the trayned bands in those parts , and likewise within this kingdome , the ensigne doth use at their meetings or musters , some more postures in displaying his colours . the ensigne may performe most parr of the postures and motions with the pikes , except laying downe , cheeking , and trayling : for which two last , he may use comporting . 1 hand your colours . 2 order your colours . 3 shoulder your colours . 4 advance your colours . 5 port your colours . 6 comport your colours . 7 charge your colours . 8 brest your colours . 9 vaile your colours . display your colours . 1 the first posture from hand to hand . 2 the second , overhead , ps. with one hand 3 the third , twise over-head , ps. changing hands . 4 the round over-head , ps. 5 the backe . ps. 6 the crosse , ps. 7 the retreating , ps. losing ground . 8 the advancing , ps. winning ground . 9 furle , or roule up your colours . now followeth those small maps which i promised in the preface , of small and greater bodies , that such things which i have written , may be the better conceived , and fixed in the memory of all : observe these letters following , for each officer , standing in their right places , and for the front , reare , and flankes . c captaine . l lievetenant . e ensigne . s serjeant . d drumme . fr. front . re . reare ▪ rf. right flanke . lf. left flanke . p. pikes . m. musketteeres . the captaine leading before the front , into the field , or advancing towards the enemy . out of the field , or skirmishing in the reare , or marching from the enemy , at the reare , at all times neerest the enemy . the lievetenant his place is at the reare if the captaine bee at the front , or in the front , if the captaine be at the reare . the ensigne before the head of the pikes , and sometimes in a battalia between the halfe files of pikes . the serjeants on the outside of the flanks , and in skirmish leading up the rankes or files of musketteers to give fire . the drums in a march , hearse form , betwixt the third and fourth rankes . in a battalia , on the corners , flanks , and in the middest with the colours . observe , that in the maps are plaine squares , oes and small prickes . the plaine squares are the pikes , the oes and small pricks the musketteers ; the oes , leaders , bringers up , and middlemen . observe , when many companies are united or joyned together , making an intire body : the serjeant major directeth every officer what part of the body he shall be at , to make good that place . the table at the end of this book , directeth unto all the speciall things contained in this booke . these squares that you see on the other leafe , are 1000. divided into foure battalions : in every battalia you may perceive their number of figures placed at such distance as they may best second on the other if need require , with 100. horse on both the flankes , with 100. fire-locks in two parties , scouting out before , for the approch of the enemy . the p. stands for pikes , the m. for musketteers . on the other side of the leafe , as you may observe a greater army divided into many battalions with their number , in each square , with their horse on the flanks , and their forlorne hopes before ; and the distance as you may perceive from one battalia unto the other , standing removed one from the other , in the best and surest manner for the relieving of one the other , or for any other exploit when the superiour commander shall see fit occasion , with ordnance and wagons . the table . the officers of a foot company page 1 the use of the drum 2 the names of all the beats of the drum ibid. for what use each severall found is 3. 4 , 5. instructions how to beat the march ibid the march 6 instruction for the unskilfull in arming and disarming , in laying downe and taking up of their armes 7. 8. 9. 10 the preparation unto the postures 11 the postures and motions of a musketteer , first standing , then marching , with the beginning and ending of the postures , and their names . 12. 14 the marching postures divided with some observations concerning giving of fire in front , flanke and reare ibid. 15 the postures and motions of a pikeman , standing and marching . ibid. 16. 17 the postures of a pike divided . the performing of all by the drum and signes 18 the severall sorts of distances 19. 20 the words of command ought to bee right delivered . ibid. what files and rankes are 21 the body distinguished . ibid. 22 of facing and doubling of rankes , files , halfe files , and bringers up . 23. 24 countermarches , halfe files , intire doubling ibid. the body wheeling 25 of conversion ibid. the reason why some things are repeated againe 26 each officers place ibid. of facing , and rankes and files doubling . 27 why halfe files , and why middlemen are named 28 middlemen and bringers up , doubling the front ibid. halfe files and leaders , doubling the reare ibid. 29 halfe rankes doubling the flanke ibid. countermarches , maintaining , losing and winning ground ibid. rankes and files intire doubling 30 files advancing and doubling ibid. middlemen intire doubling the front 31 halfe files intire doubling the reare ibid. halfe ranks doubling the flank ibid. flank advancing intire doubling 32 the body wheeling ibid. the use of wheeling the front into the center . 33 files and ranks closing and opening 34 rankes and files by inversion and conversion 38 files in sequence , and files and rankes ranking . 39 such words of command as are not explained in one place , are in another unfolded . 40 in facing , what foot to remove 41 in facing , marching , standing , or trooping , how to beare their armes . ibid. observations in all sorts of doublings 42 all sorts of countermarches performed by signes 43 how to performe rankes filing by inversion and conversion . 45 files ranking by conversion 48 files filing in sequence 50 files ranking few or many ibid. ranks ranking few or many 51 in what forme to march few or many 52 how to beare their armes at speciall times . 53 the uniting of many companies into one body . 54 how the battalions should march 55 musketteers giving fire in front , reare , or flanks , how to fall off 56 the authours reason why he doth not inlarge himselfe in this subject , and the cause why he writes nothing of the exercising of the troopes of horse 60 the office and duty of the ensigne-bearer , and the displaying of the colours 61 the reason why the maps are placed at the end of the book 64 a table of the maps of severall forms of bodies small and great , marching , exercising , skirmishing , and in battell . letters for the officers in their places 65 a company of 100 marching 67 a company of 200 marching 68 a company exercising with all their officers in their places 69 a body standing in batt●ll forme 70 a battalia of 200. approching toward the enemy , giving fire in front . 71 a body marching from the enemy , giving fire in the reare . 72 a body marching , giving fire in both the flankes 73 a second forme of a body marching , giving fire in both the flanks 74 a third forme of a body marching , giving fire in both flanks . 75 a battalia giving fire in front with three files at once 76 a battalia giving fire in front with foure files at once 77 a hollow body for severall uses 78 a sconce battalia , ready for all assaults of the enemy 79 a battalia giving fire in front and reare both at once 80 another forme of giving fire in front and reare , or on both the flankes at once 81 a battalia marching , being prepared to receive an enemy in front , reare , right and left at one time 82 a battalia fronting every way , prepared for battell 83 a battalia fronting every way , giving fire under the pikes , the pikes charging over their heads 84 a battalia fronting every way , each division of pikes being on both hands flanke with muketteers , with a diamant of pikes in the midst 85 a very strong from of a battalia for night or day , against horse or foot , having muskeeteers in the front , flankes , and reare . 86 a battalia of five companies in one body , all the officers in their right places giving fire in front 87 a battalia of 500. marching from the enemy , giving fire in the reare 88 instructions for the better understanding of the two following armies 89 a small army divided into foure battalions , with their distances each from other , as you may perceive in the figures betweene each battalia , the number of paces , with horse on the flankes , and fire-lockes before . of this , read more , page 89 90 a great army divided into many battalions with their horse on the flankes , with fire-lockes , forlorne hopes , ordnance and wagons , as you may read more of this , page . 89 90. 91. errata . in the preparation to the march , in the first ranke of the march , if there be an r , make it an i. in the second line or ra . k , where there is no r , make the fourth i an r. page the 10. the ingravers error , placing the cock on the wrong side of the musket , and the tr●cker too high . pag. 68. the ingravers error , the drummers place should bee a ranke forwarder . in the first division likewise , a rank too many . the eldest s. between the division of pikes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a39580e-190 note . note . doubling the flank . note . counter-march . note . note . intire doubling note . note . note . note . note . note . note . wheeling . note . note . the use of wheeling . note . f●les closing . note . files opening . note . note . rank●s closing . ranks opening . note . closing ●f files ●nd ranks . opening files and rankes . note . inversion . note . conversion . note . note . files by conversion . note . sequence . note . files rank● note . ranke ▪ ranke . most things performed by signes . note . the maner of facing . bearing of their armes . note . note . note . note . mov●ng al together . countermarch by signes . note . note . note . note . military and spirituall motions for foot companies with an abridgement of the exercise of a single company as they now ought to be taught and no otherwise : composed in ireland and now published for the good of his fellow soldiers in england / by captaine lazarus haward ... haward, lazarus. 1645 approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43093 wing h1167 estc r9876 12275557 ocm 12275557 58436 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned 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spirituall motions , for foot companies . vvith an abridgement of the exercise of a single company , as they now ought to be taught , and no otherwise . composed in ireland , and now published for the good of his fellow soldiers in england , by captaine lazarus haward , of ailsford in kent . soldier london , printed by tho. harper , and are to be sold in little britain . 1645. to the honorable sir anthony weldon knight , and the rest of the hon ble deputy lievtenants and comittees of the county of kent . honourable gentlemen , the noble favours i daily receive from you , since my arrivall out of ireland , into this county , hath imboldned me to offer this poor tribute of mine experience , not to teach your uncontrollable knowledges , but humbly desire it may kisse your hands , as a sacrifice offered from your servant , or as a weaknesse that stands in need of your protections . in your honours i know is power to judge of my labour , and in you also is power to exercise mercy ; i hope i have written nothing that is erring from sence or truth : having not laboured mine own , but the profit of my poore bleeding , dying country-men , whom these miserable times have called out to this miserable unnaturall war : desiring not only his temporall victory , ( but above al ) his spirituall . there may be many puny scholars that from these briefe rules , may gather more abler judgements : your noble favours and allowance can only make it acceptable to those which need it , especially in this country , which i wish to be served by it : then let those graces fly from your noble natures , that as now i live , i may die your honours poore servant and soldier l. h. to the curteous reader . i have not presumed to adde any thing to the uncontrollable knowledges of such as have formerly taken much pains in writing at large upon this subject of drilling , drayning , or exercising of foot companies , nor any new thing to catch covetous spirits , but only what may ever be embraced of solid and substantiall judgements : innovations and divisions have stirred up such dismall distractions , that it hath brought us neere to a fearefull desolation : and that which by the blessing of god should be the principall means of our restoring , being the honourable art of war , is with the times , much of it become full of divisions and divisionall practises , onely serving to delight curious spectators , otherwise dangerous to the poore soldier , if ever he be brought upon service , the actors little regarding the old briefe rules from whence their new devised divisionall whimzies are fetcht . but since peace it lost , and the devouring sword strives to be conquerour of all , and fearing that thou that art my fellow soldier who standst in need not only of military discipline , but also in more need of spirituall , so that not having put on s. pauls spirituall armour , nor beene exercised in any spirituall motions , thou be in danger to lose both soule and body together : let me intreat thee to peruse these few briefe rules , concerning the defence of thy soule and body both : the brevity of the rules which thou art to use for defence of thy body will affoord thee sufficient time : peruse and double over those good motions , admonitions , sentences and sayings , as their letters have linkt them to their order , which being well observed , will bring thee to be a soldier of that great captaine , christ jesus , under whose obedience is obtained ever lasting victory , and a crowne of glory . thus uniformity in discipline spirituall and temporall , will make us like the israelites , go up as one man with one heart , and in one forme ; and so take away the evill from before our brethren , and so once more enjoy a happy peace in church and state , this being the briefest way to give an end to our miserable troubles : having comprehended the full and whole exercise of a foot company in the last sheet of this booke , i commend thee to it and the rest , which being construed according to my honest meaning , i have got my desire , and shall ever rest at thy service lazarus haward . military motions for exercising of foot companies . s ilence is the daughter of shamefastnesse , both which as they are excuses for mediocrity , so they are prejudices to excellencies . i t is a shame a godly mans zeal should not be as couragious to defend the truth as a wicked mans malice is violent to oppose it . l et heaven thunder , earth and hell roar , speak for the truth , for it is truth that preserves our lives , and makes us blessed for ever . e vill thoughts can seldome bring forth good words , never good deeds : for as corne is , so will the flower be . n othing more lewd then error ; the more false the matter , the greater noise to hold it up . c ursed is that speech , that is either against the god of truth , or against gods truth , or against the friend of both , god and truth . e very man that is christs souldier , will fight for him . s erve the time i wicked counsell : we are made to serve god. t hat minde can never be steady , that stands upon anothers feet , untill it will rather lead then follow . a commonwealth is a tent picht up to shelter men from wrong , that they may live happily together : lawes are the cords of it , breake the cords , and the tent falls . n othing that the law allowes , but the male-content censures ; what it forbids , that he strives to justifie : but that 's a treacherous hand that steals away from states-men their reputation . d ivinity is a mistresse for the highest masters of men : and the scripture is the best counsellour for the greatest states-man in the world. r ulers to be unrighteous , are like blazing stars with long tailes , drawing traines of mischiefe after them ; and is ominous to a whole kingdome : but piety in a prince , blesseth all his subjects . i f magistrates will uphold gods kingdome , he will uphold theirs : if they will have god to be mindfull of them in his mercie , they must be mindefull of him in their businesse . g od permits false teachers for mans ingratitude : because ahab will not beleeve micha , a lying spirit shall deceive his prophets . h ee that comes in gods name , and is sent ; yet delivers a false message , when he is come is a falsifier of gods word . t o intangle the soul with multitude of traditions , ceremonies , and unconcerning rites is to be condemned ; for it takes away liberty of conscience . i t would coole the heart of the devill if the church had escaped the ingenious solicitations of our superstitious teachers , who not only trouble the waters of our peace , but poyson her very springs of life . n o sooner was god worshipped and served , but hatred and spight fell to the portion and lot of religion . y f false teachers had not store of followers , hereticall positions would fall to the ground , and themselves slinke away with reproach and shame . o ur wickednesse in these daies and dangerous times , proceeds not from weake , but from wilfull ignorance . v iolent opposing the truth ( which we have rejected ) with tongue and hand , justifying and defending mischievous opinions against the gospell of christ , is a deniall of christ in judgement . r eligion in an unstable man lyes alwaies in wait for the inclination of his prince , as a spaniell hunts according to the face of his master . f easting sinners doe little know how neare jollitie is to perdition , judgement is often at the threshold , when drunkennesse is at the table . i n vaine doe they flye whom god pursues , for there is no mountaine so high but god can reach it , no depth so low but his eye sees it , and power reaches it . l ying and false teachers are amongst us by gods permission , that the true only might more painfully and patiently exercise their knowledge . e very one that desires to be true to himselfe , and free from all errors , let him be sure to be true to christ . s uperstition first loves , and then beleeves ; but true religion first beleeves and then loves . s inne at first was the cause of ignorance , now ignorance is the cause of sinne ; as long as we thinke we see we continue blinde , when we perceive our blindnesse then we begin to see . t he first punishment of sinne is blindnesse of minde , and that blindnesse is the cause of future sin . a lewd man is a pernitious creature , that the damnes his owne soule is the part of his mischiefe , for he commonly draws vengeance upon a thousand , either by desert of his sin , or by the infection of it . n ever was any man so desperately wicked , but he had some followers , lucifer fell not alone from heaven . d estruction should teach us to thinke of our sins ; doe we marvell at this distracted age ? every man look to his own sins , and cease marvelling . r ankmirth , with full bellies , with gaming and wine , hath laid us all open to the divell . i t is just that they who have made themselves partners in sinning , should not be separated in suffering . g od is not just without mercy ; nor mercifull without justice , slow to anger , yet he will not acquit the wicked . h ee that will not take gods word for good , shall feele his sword for evill ; so near is unbeleef to atheisme , as the word of god is to the noblenesse of his majesty . t he almighty hates to be disturbed , and accounts infidelity so much a greater sin then another . i t is ridiculous for a man to professe he is going to heaven , when his whole life is forwarding him to hell . n o man can charge god with over hastinesse ; for if he should be angry as often as we sin , and strike as often as he is angry , what man could escape ? y f the summons of vengeance should awake us to repentance , we shall no sooner change our mindes , but god will change his sentence . o pennesse of sinne hath saved justice a labour of inquisition ; there needs no hue and crie after the thiefe that presents himselfe . v engeance is alwaies gods owne weapon , so appropriated to his hand that no creature can meddle with it . r oot out all corruption out of thy heart , or else it will root thee out of the land : for concupiscence is to a man , as peter to the maid that made him deny his master . r ighteous art thou , o lord , and just in thy judgements : no man can confesse this , but such as live uprightly and truly as he hath commanded . a ll complaine , yet every man addes to the heap of sin , redresse stands not in words , but each man amend one , and we may all live . n ever did god so irrevocably threaten judgement for sin , but the penitent confession of the sinner cancels and avoids the sentence . k nowing the sweetnesse and excellencie of christ we cannot but love him ; and if we love him , it must needs be grievous to us to lose him . s inners may so weary the invincible patience of god , that he may say of them as he did to ephraim : ephraim is joyned to idolls , let him alone . t he divell is let loose for a season to try the patience of gods church ; yet let falsity vomit her poyson for a while , we shall finde saving health in christ . o ur enemies , o lord , are near us to hurt us ; but thou art near to helpe us : thou art judge of the whole world , therefore deliver thy people . t he sword never prevailed , but sin set an edge upon it ; god indeed is judge of all , but sin is the cause of all . h asten from the company of the wicked , that there may be no stay in your passage to heaven for feare judgement overtake you . e ven as our teares must slacken gods bow , so our prayers must get out his arrows when they sticke fast in our sides . r ipenesse of sinne makes ready gods wrath ; so that neither greatnesse nor strength can protect us . i t is a grievous judgement upon a nation , when teachers sent for mans salvation , shall become meanes of their confusion . g od is angry against all sinne , but his wrath is most hot against universall sinne , thousands , or a whole army falls then in one day . h umble confession , and devout penance cannot alwayes avert temporall judgements : david spent three daies in sad contrition , yet in that short time gods angell destroyed 70000. t he desolating actions of gods justice is not to destroy and deprive of being , but to further the growth of his church , as men root weeds out of a garden that the hearbs may grow the better . h oly men out of their acquaintance with their master , foresee punishment , but fooles run on and are punished . a sinfull commonwealth cannot live unlesse it bleed in the common vein , neither is there a better sacrifice to god then the blood of malefactors . n o target , no corslet , nor armour of proofe , nor banks , nor fortifications , can withstand the hand of the almighty . d readfull blasphemy , desperate sacriledge , apostacie , covetousnes , drunkennesse , luxurie , prophanenesse , and excessive pride , has provoked gods wrath : therefore mourne for them that will not mourne for themselves . a ll gods blessings , all his judgements , all his creatures , are as so many sermons and trumpets to bring man to repentance . s hall a land mourne for the inhabitants , and not the inhabitants for the sinnes of that land ? god forbid ! y f we doe not perish every mothers son and daughter by the sword , as the old world did by the deluge , it is not because we are lesse wicked , but because god is more mercifull . o england ! the gospell of christ is fittest to lead our times , and as that is either distressed or prosperous , so let us frame our mirth or mourning . u ngodly policies may bring a kingdome to desolation ; because they are contrary to repentance . w ee have suffered the mischiefe of a long peace , and our estates are not the better , but through security much worse ; and for our sinnes god hath sent his bloody arrow amongst us . e very man is a limbe of the community , and must be affected with the estate of the whole body , whether healthfull or languishing . r epentance neglected is the despising of gods goodnesse , and will cause war to fill our streets and fields with blood . e ven gods long-suffering is an affoordment of time to repent , and is a favour ; not mans , but gods , not a common grace , but a speciall fruit of his goodnesse . t here is great need of mourning where sin is great ; for heavy judgements will not be turned away without deep sorrows . o ur sinnes deserve destruction , our repentance is no satisfaction ; it is only gods mercy in christ that gives absolution . t he greater the corruption , the vaster the destruction ; but if we be found in the faith there is no end of blessednesse . h ee that lookes outward upon some eminent and notorious sinner , concluding he is in the plague of our nation , is a vaine man , looke inward , there is an achan in thine owne bosome . e very sin is mighty , therefore our repentance must be more hearty ; or else expect not the removing of calamity . l ittle pleasure doth the father of all mercies take in the death of a sinner : ere david could see the angell , he had restrained him . e very man censures , none amends , nay all grow worse ; therefore vain man apprehend , condemne and execute thine owne sin . f east , drinke , carouse and play , when so many hearts are bleeding , is the signe of a desperate soule that can rejoyce and be merry when god shews himselfe angry . t he content hath corrupted the continent ; mens sinnes have infected the whole world , as the plague in persons infect th●●ery walls of a house . h ee that wounds the truth by his sinnes which god hath sent to save his soule , no wonder if he perish by her forsaking kim , that hath lost himself by forsaking her . a s no importunity can delay gods judgements , no secresie avoid it , no policie corrupt it : so nothing but sanctification can give us comfort in it . n oah preached much , the world was warned ; so patient is god , that if sin were not desperate , it should not smart . d educt our owne evills from the evills of these dayes ; and then god , the land , and our owne consciences shall finde the lesse . a s gods mercy hath her day in giving time of repentance ; so justice shall have her day of retribution . s atan would have all perish , the infinite goodnesse of god would have all blessed ; their names will fit in our language , good and god , evill and devill . y f a whole nation apostate to lewdnesse , and there be none to stop the course , how should it stand an houre ? o h england , prepare to meet thy god , for although he be offended with the whole land , yet there be some that he will owne . u niversall judgements call for universall repentance ; our land mournes , yet some feel not the sharp wound of that hungry sword . w hen man turnes himselfe out of gods service , all the creatures serving him , are as it were turned out of his service . e very man pray heartily that the lord destroy us not : let our sins be lesse , and our prayers more , that we may sinde mercy . r un not on in sin till thou meet with unexpected mercy , for thou maiest as well spur thy beast till he speake , because balaam did so . e xcept we love our owne lusts and vanities more then the wellfare of a whole land , let us confesse and redresse our sins . t he wrath of a king is a fright , we feare an ague , wonder at a comet , and tremble at thunder ; but fear not the commander of all these . o ur fathers were more devout then we , for they did but what they heard , though it were but the devices of men ; we heare and doe not , though it be the word of god. t hat heart is hard frozen , that nothing but hell fire can thaw ; beware of such a heart . h ee that laughs at the memoriall of his sins , shall weep tears of bloud for those sins . e liphants will be ruled and led about by little dwarfs , but man is an indomable creature , a●● forsees not the judgements of god. r eligion made a sta●king horse for policie , is odious , and of all men the religious dissembler shall be sure of plagues . i n vaine doe men speake well of us when no man knowes good by us . g od is just , he hath many wayes to punish us ; we have none to escape him . h ee loves not the lord that will not suffer for him ; be patient therefore unto his comming . t he glosse of profession will off in a storme , and unlesse we be dyed in graine we never hold grace . h ee will hardly brooke wounds that cannot endure wounds for the cause of our saviour . a true christian may live without doing wrong , but not without receiving wrong . n o walking to heaven upon roses , god put his children into the way of discipline by the fire of correction to eat out the rust of our corruption . d eceits are most abominable when we shrowd them under the name of religion ; nor is there any such devill as he that lookes like an angell . a true christian is like jacobs ladder , while his body the lower part stands on the ground , the top his higher part is in heaven . b ee not devout in a storme , and stormy in a calme , like mariners on land , who imitate the rage of the seas , and roar here as fast as they doe there . o ur faire shewes are a just argument of our unsoundnesse : no naturall face hath so faire a white and cleare a red , as that which is painted . v aine glory swells men with rank opinions of their owne worth , mighty are their words , as if they shooke mountaines , and spake thunderclaps . t he tongue that yeelds not defence when gods glory is in question , is tyed by the devill , and not loosed by god. a wise man wil not be scoffed out of his mony ; nor a just man out of his faith . s ome men may be stored with some acts of patience , but what are they amongst so many troubles ? yet if patience be with us we are all safe . y f we had before we went about our warlike affaires penitently cleansed our hearts , we might have expected better successe . o ne lust fights against another , both against the soule ; they made one soul against another , and many soules fight against god. u nnaturall coldnesse in some , and preternatuall heat in others , hath set us together by the eares about trifles , while the common enemy breaks in . w oolfe and woolfe can agree , lambe and lambe fall not out , but who can reconcile the woolfe to the lambe , but christ jesus ? e very day it is the devills policie to assault the best , the multitude hee knows will follow after ; for the unstable vulg●● are soon carried away with the religion of authority . r ooms schoolmen have invented a doctrine of fables cunningly devised , and the friers had crotchets enough , but the jesuit put downe all . e very bad king hurts much by his unjust commands , but more by their examples : for the common wealth like a fish rots first at the head . t he precepts of kings are sometimes evill , therefore we must only obey them in god , but when god commands we may not examine , but execute . o nly a forme of godlinesse will never remove gods judgements from a nation . t o weare the devills livery , to be the pentioner of hell at the command of that malignant spirit , is a most damnable name and shame . h ee that is to day a papist , tomorrow a protestant , next day no man can tell what , nor himselfe ; such a man denies christ . e very man will try to write with two pens , hunt two wayes , fight with two swords , or travell two wayes together , is a troublesome folly : truth hath but one way , no second , not another . l et truth once flourish , and heresie finde no footing , then shall justice reigne , oppression shall be oppressed ; the hand of bribery shall be broken , the arme of injustice cut off , and the mouth of iniquity stopped . e very man shall sit under his owne vine , we shall feare no breaking in of enemies to invade us , nor heare any news or noyses to affright us . f or joy we shall sing aloud , our princes shall be wiser , and our judges better instructed , and instead of serving themselves and the time , will learne to serve the lord with feare , and rejoyce in him . t he lord is a living lord , and a giving god , unchangeable his goodnesse , most bountifull in his benificence . h ee that is the common enemy , seeks to devoure all : therefore every man cease quarelling one with another , and fight with him . a ll men are merry , but who mournes , for god is angry with us , and would destroy us , did not jesus stand in the breach for us . n ever depend on the favour of god , untill our hearts be purged of pride and selfe-love ; be every thing denyed that hath no relation to christ . d oth all the world acknowledge some god , doe some narions acknowledge too many gods , for shame let us acknowledge one god. a sall times have their incident troubles , so there is one maine day of trouble , yet considering gods promise he will never faile his . b ecause we know not the time of our deaths , let us learn with st. paul to dye daily . o ne halse houre spent fixedly every day , will by gods grace bring alteration heart and life . v igilancie , carefulnesse , and love , are the three marks and helpes of diligence . t hat mans life is well bestowed in death , when to patience is adde godlinesse . a s finer tempers are more sensible of the changes of the weather , so the faithfull and familiar with god can discry his judgements . s uch is the worlds desperatenesse and pollicie to vex whom god hath blessed ; but still he takes them into his tuition , and will devout their enemies . y f man say to god in the middest of his distresses , is this thy justice ? he will answer , oh man , is this thy faith ? o ur sins by sea and land are so great , that it is the only infinite mercy of god that in every place we perish not . u nthankfull men are the worse for all gods favours , and the worse they grow towards the end , the worse it shall be for them in the end . w ee commonly kill our beasts when they are fattest , but judgement surpriseth sinners when they are leanest , which is the remotest distance from goodnesse . e very sin is mighty , therefore our repentance must be more hearty , which mixt with faith and hope , will bring us to heaven . r epent in life , that thou maiest finde comfort in death ; for the great judge cannot erre , he knowes our going out and comming in . e xtraordinary terror was at the law-giving , but was a burning image of what shall be at the law enquiring . r oome thinks the gospels rising , must needs be her falling , and therefore cannot endure like a sister to communicate with us , but like a tyrant to excommunicate . a unwise king destroyes his people : but through the wisdome of them which are in authority , cities are inhabited . n othing so sovereigne but by being abused by sin , may not of a blessing become a curse . k nowledge separated from obedience doth but inslames a mans reckoning , and helps to a greater measure of condemnation . s aint johns short sermon in his old age was , little children love one another . t hree things let us alwayes commit to god , our injuries , our losses , and our griefes , for he is onely able to cure our griefes , to restore our losses , and rederesse our injuries . o ur afflictions shall never end us , but god will rather put an end to them , our mouthes shall be filled with laughter , our tongues with singing . t he end of our conversion is to amend our conversation ; and that word which sounds peace and joy , and remission of sin , leaves this lesson behinde it , sin no more . h ee that is never so poore , if a true beleever , peter and paul , and jesus christ himselfe are his brethren . e xhortations to particular duties of holinesse , is alwaies needfull , even to those that are most holy , for the seeds of vertue are much hindred by naturall corruption . r ingt holinesse is true nobility , for without goodnesse there can bee no true glory . i t is the honour of gods saints to be attended by angels while they live , and to be exalted by augels when they dye . g od both can and will deliver his chosen , he can at all times seasonable for his own glory . h ee that will not be found out of god in his mercy while he he lives , shall be sure to be found out by him in his judgement when he is dead . t hough all enemies be conquered and vanquished , yet the christian souldier shall be crowned . h ee that neglects to please , cannot complaine to be neglected . a ll that live godly in christ shall suffer persecution : thus paul christs aturney pleads our affliction . n ever thinke the vertuous and vitious go all noe way , or that good and bad speed all alike , for it a beast could argue , he would abhorre such a tenant . d espised and distressed soules that humbly acknowledge god on earth shall be acknowledged and glorified by him in heaven , when atheists shall be throwne downe into endlesse calamity . d estruction bates nothing of totall ruine , gods justice will leave nothing , for the wicked shall be preyed upon by insatiate judgement till nothing , be left . o ur ignorance is our curse : but that which knowes not christ is the most miserablest . v ice is alwaies an enemy to true knowledge : but how shall a man like that food of which he never tasted ? b lessed is the man that seeks by all means to grow in grace , for he shall be sure to win a crowne of glory . l et good and we meet in all our actions : for to be wicked is not much worse then to be undisereet , for knowledge without vertue , makes a mans mitimus to hell . e very evill man hath lusts of his own which he is as resolute to maintain , as a father to keep his owne children . a mans conscience is like a pulley that keeps reason in the right wheel . and cashiers mutinous affections , or executes marshall law upon them . s uch as turne grace into wantonnesse , deny christ , for he that calls himself christian , and teaches that in christ is granted liberty of finning , denies his redeemer . y f thou buy honour thou callest it thine ; indeed thy friend thou calst him thine , purchasest a house thou calst it thine : but christ hath bought thee with his blood , yet thou deniest to be his . o ur inward sincerity is not without externall profession : but externall profession may be without inward sincerity . v ertue is ever full of proselt enemies : darknesse is not more contrary to light , nor sicknesse to health , nor death to life then vice to goodnesse . w hat meanes the worldling in our birth , we had but swadling clouts and cradle : in our death we shall have but a winding sheet and a coffin . e very man is a soole that forgets his owne name , that are the sonnes of adam , the son of dust . r iches are but for this world ; yet god is both lord of this world , and of that to come ; and where the glory of this ends , the glory of that begins . e very mans death is the punishment of his first birth : if faithfull , the glory of the second , not a dying but a departing life , with some sorrow laid off , but with much joy said up . r achel weeping for her children because they were not , and shall not we ? can we see the churches teares , and not doe our utmost endeavours to comfort her ? a prayer made in confidence that god will hear us , because he hath heard us , may obtaine mercy : then approach boldly to the throne of grace . n o shame , sorrow or misery , should ever put any christian to any desperate attempt : for there is more valour to endure a miserable life , then to imbrace a wretched death . k eep thy shield of faith , and thou shalt victoriously march with the saints on earth , and triumphantly sing with angels in heaven . s uch is the sincerity of christian religion , that it not only imposeth upon us pure innocencie , but also profitable honesty . t he feare of god , and the love of god are inseparable ; he doth neither that doth both : he omits neither that doth one . o fall the medicines administred to us by our spirituall physitian , love is the sweetest , bitter pills will downe when they are made up in love . t he rules of our faith and life are manifest ; if we would study enough , study them and practise . h ow poore soever thy cottage be , set thy prayers as a guard without , and thy faith as a locke within : the sevenfold walls of babylon cannot bee so strong . e very man hath his owne faith , yet all men have but one faith , by which they must be saved . l et thy thoughts examine thy thoughts , for thy conscience must not only extend to deeds and words , but even to secret thoughts . e ndeavour to be thrifty husbands of time and meanes to bee spiritually rich ; for if man neglect , the occasion will neglect him . f eare god as noah : noah beleeves he shall be saved : why he above the rest ? because he beleeved with feare . t he inseperable effect of justification is obedience ; then we follow christ , when we follow his . h ee that preserves the truth from the malediction of men , preserves himselfe from the malediction of god ; and he that vindicates the truth from present blasphemy , tha truth shall preserve him from everlasting misery . a threefold lot belongs to all faithfull men , the lot of suffering , the lot of happinesse , and the lot of salvation . n o man will hardly brooke wounds that cannot endure words for the cause of his saviour . david had a great company of souldiers at his backe , yet he slew goliah alone : thus faith alone conquers the devill . d estruction is alwayes incident to opulent cities and delightfull places : sodome abounded with all delights and pleasures . o ur sinnes greedily heare that the mercies of god endureth for ever , but they shall all sensibly heare that the wrath of god endureth for ever . u nthankfulnes is the sole witch and sorcerer , whose drousie inchantments have made man forget god himselfe . b ee not such sinnes , rather the image of hell then of heave ; neither measure the joyes of heaven by our owne corrupt and sensual pleasure on earth . l et us appeale from mens lips to their lives : he that obeyes not christ , knowes not christ , it is fruitfulnesse in good that setles him in our hearts . e vill hearts have corrupt hands ; for if the hand grope for a bribe , as felix did of paul , there must be an unjust heart . a wicked man thinks he may be out of danger of the law , if either he have agreat man to his friend , or have not a great man to his enemy . s inne with a voice , is sinne in action ; sinne with a cry , is a sinne in presumption . y fone act of filthinesse doe so distresse us , that we would give all the world for a pardon ; what torture will the same sin bring being committed againe ? o ur dayes are evill , whether we respect their troubles , or that which troubles them our sinnes ; and not likely in either of them both to amend . u ntill knowledge and goodnesse goe together we may be doubtfull , for knowledge will fall from us , when we fall from goodnesse . w oe to those that call evill good : woe indeed for refusing the right way , for approving the wrong : woe , for they have erred : woe , because they will not be converted . e rrors are infinite , and but one truth ; god chargeth us to refuse all waies but one : but the devill bids us refuse that one . r eason , will , memory , imagination , affection and sense , by one act of rebellion , put all their noble family into a shattered disorder . e very corruption is so pleasing to the wicked that they thinke it health it selfe , for every heart overruns with sinne , is all sinne . f orget all sinne in respect of continuance : but remember them in respect of repentance . i n the last dayes we live , on the last dayes we doe not meditate ; so the last dayes falls upon us whilest our first and last , and all our sinnes are found in us . l et us be so kinde to our selves as to thinke doomes day is not past , there is a day , an evening and a morning ; we shall finde no peace , unlesse wee provide for it in the day . e ndeavour to run so much the faster , as we run for the better prise . s o far as holy joy is entred into us , so far are we entred into the everlasting kingdome of christ . t o begin in the spirit and end in the flesh , is in pauls sense folly : but to begin with grace and end with wickednesse is malicious impiety . o ur troubles are felt without , but our peace of conscience is alwayes felt within . t he right way to heaven is by the signified will of god revealed in his word , and whatsoever repugneth that is the wrong . h appy repentance is sorry for ill beginnings ; but to dislike good beginnings is an unhappy repentance . e very wise man will worke by knowledge , but a foole will spread abroad his folly . r ememoer that god is faithfull , and will suffer no man to be tem pted above what he is able to beare . i n gedions army all faint hearted souldiers were commanded to stay at home , no cowards get into the kingdome of heaven . g od will not be worse to them that follow him , then he is to them that forsake him : yet alas , how doth the world ingrosse mens consciences ? h ee that looks up to the promised land , and sees but one glympse of those heaveny treasures , will looke scornfully upon the world . t he way to keep amans heart in heart is by hearty prayer , meditations , hearing and receiving . h ee that obtained the pretious jewell of faith , let him be more thankfull , because it is denyed to thousands . a mans faith , his credit , and his eyes admit of no jest , if his faith be sound , though injury wound his eyes , ignominy his fame ; yet faith shall make all whole . n othing but the infallible promise of god can be the ground of our faith : but the cause of our feare is our owne sinfull weaknesses . d evotion honors god , charity doe good to men , holinesse is the image of heaven , therefore beautious thankfulnesse : but faith is good for every purpose , the foundation of all graces . d oubling and questioning of that truth we have so long imbraced , is the first step of falling away from our owne stedfastnesse . o ur obedience to god must not be only inward and habituall , but outward in the actions of faith , and of the feare of god ; like fruitfull trees bringing forth fruit in due season . u nfruitfulnesse hath ever been held a curse ; for when god gives salvation , he is said to take away barrennesse . b ee not like plaices blacke and white for they are such , as have the faith of christ in their mouths , and the world in their hearts . l et no extremity of sorrow or suffering enervate thy faith ; grudge not to dye with christ or for christ . e very man is charged with every good worke , all holy duties are required of all men ; if we know christ we will imitate him forthwith . a souldier without courage , a horse without mettall , a creature without vivacitie , such is a christian without fervencie . s inne upon earth in its owne soile growes without planting or any paines bestowed on it , but much more when it is manured with applause and practise . y f the sword of vengeance that devoured the heathen having bin shaken amongst us , amend us , we shall escape gods fury , and become blessed examples of his mercie . o ur expectation may be challenged with too much violence , if we bee not qualified and directed by patience . u nload thy conscience by repentance , and the everlasting doores of heaven shall give thee entrance . w hether the good we hope for be deferred , or the evill we feare bee inflicted , still patience is a cordiall , which if god preserve to us , will certainely preserve us to him . e nter into the joy of your lord saies the king himselfe , thus all excuses of our not entring into the kingdome of heaven is taken away . r emember what christ faith to thee , and thou shalt be the better able to remember what he hath done for thee . e ntrance into heaven consists of two things , our union with christ , and communion with the holy ghost . f ull of good works , full of fruits , full of blessings , full of god , brings to lye downe full of peace , and rise againe full of glory . i t is a barren mindefulnesse that does not declare it selfe in holy fruitfulnesse . l et others be ambitious of great and glorious parentage , only pray wee lord make us thy sons and daughters in christ jesus . e xpectation of heaven belongs only to gods owne afflicted ; and to them that suffer much misery in this world , is promised a new . s ome vertues cannot be exercised , but in troubles : we must be poore and want before we can exercise the vertue of thankfulnesse . t here could be no destruction to destroy us , if there were no corruption in us ; neither could man or devill destroy us , if we did not destroy our selves . o israel thou destroyest thy selfe ; if there be-any helpe it is in me : gods hand of justice strikes , but man by his wickednesse draws out the sword . t he tolling of a bell for a friend wakens a man at midnight : yet for all the lamentable dying groanes of the church of god , with the innumerable gaspes of dying christians we are all asleep . h ee that will not be so sullen as to be holy , for feare of displeasing a company of sinners , shall never be so happy as to enjoy the society of god and his holy angels . e mbrace not the world , for it will steale away thy faith : faith obtained , and faith retained , shall without faile advance thy soule to glory . l et no man dye in sinne , for thou canst not be so quicke to dispatch thy sin , as god is to dispatch thy soule . e very sinfull man can no more escape his triall , then a pregnant woman can escape or avoid her travell . f ew men have the lucke to steal themselves into heaven in spight of hell ; many have the fate to cousen themselves into hell , in spight of heaven . t he world is not a minute to eternity , mans life is but a minute to the world , occasion is but a minute to our life ; yet we scarce apprehend a minute of that occasion . h ee that made the world in six dayes , and could have done it in six houres , spared it above a thousand yeares before the flood . a s we are sure our life shall not reach to a thousand yeares , so we are not sure is shall not last out a day . n oman shall ever be condemned for being ignorant of that which he is not bound to know . d eare bought and far fetcht things are for rich purses and rich pallats ; but there is a poore herbe in the garden called time , more pretious then all . d evotion of the heart , profession of the mouth , and conversation of life , are the objects of a christian . o f the flesh comes three sorts of things : some good , as the knowledge of arts : some indifferent , as honour and riches : some evill , as the works of sinne . v ertue grows fastest upon us when vices decay in us ; it is alwayes busie , but then most eager when we are most holiest . b lessed is the man that is holy , nothing can make that man poore , he graceth all conditions , honours and places . l et others boast of generation , but a godly man of regeneration ; this is the best ornament of blood , the nobliest part of the secuchion , and fairest flower in the gentlemans gatland . e ternall life and salvation is not allotted to every one , but for the saints ; he that will have a lot in canaan , let him be sure to be a true israclite . a desire of blessednesse cannot be expected where there is not a well grounded hope to be blessed . s alvation in repentance is gods end , let not him lose his hope , and wee shall not lose ours . y f a man will be noble , let him be humble , for the humble shall bee exalted . o ur honours are the fruits of birth , of wisdome , of valour , of riches , of place and authority , or of royall favour : but it is never of the fruit of grace , nor the blessing of god without humility . u nlesse we honour christ otherwise then the world doth , we have no more grace then the worldling hath . w ee have not the signe of a star in our foreheads , but the signe of the crosse : still humility is the way to glory , this way went all the saints ; this way went even the god of saints . e arthly inheritances are oftentimes divided with much inequality , and the priviledge of primogeniture stretcheth far , but in the new heaven it is not so . r iches gotten and forgotten must be accounted for before god the divine justice : gehezaes talent of gold could not buy off his sores , nor hide his shame . e ven the poorest amongst us may give praises unto god ; and the more he spares us in our bloods and estates , the more we are obliged to him in thankfulnesse . h olinesse is not tyed to literature , doctor and saint are not convertible , for then he that knowes his masters will could not chuse but doe it . a man may be sooner acquainted with the nine muses , then with the three graces , learning , discretion , and honesty . l et others be full of the politicks : it is good for us to be well habited in the morrals : one thing is necessary , integrity of heart . f lattery and treachery are but two names of one vice 〈…〉 dry suits of mischiefe . e very man that defends not gods church , glorifies him not , for he means small honour to the head , that does not his best to save the body . f aithfull service is most accepted where it is least expected : some would doe much for christs glory , and cannot ; thousands of us can doe much for his glory , and will not . i t is better for a man to want some truth then want peace : for a man that never studied controversies , may without controversie be saved . l et every soule humbly cast himselfe downe at the foet of christ , and bee beholding to him only for his salvation , for our best workes are but blankes . e very wise man will be easily requested to doe himselfe good when god sues to us to save us , we are sullen to hinder our own preferment . s alvation comes from god : yet he will be found a god of judgement , they that have denyed it their mortall flesh , shall acknowledge it in immortall fire . t here be two things torment a man : sinne , and a bad conscience : grace delivers from sinne , and peace quiets the conscience . o ld men , covetous young men , voluptuous nobles , ambitious common persons , ceremonious , or whosoever is led away with any kinde of wantonnesse , is brought within the devills lure . t here is fearfull combustion all over the world , wars at home , wars abroad ; if therefore we love peace , every man pray for peace . h ee that desires to be found in peace , let peace be found in him ; peace or nothing , peace and every thing . e very whispering and murmuring is like a vapour rising out of the earth , multiplying into stormes of sedition : sedition grows into mutinies , and mutinies into confusion . r emember david , that holy king would admit no states-min as far as he could discerne , but such as were after his owne heart . i t s a true protraitor of the churches condition , that as israel hath beene temporally wasted ; so the church of god is now spiritually assaulted . g od would have us read our sinnes in our judgements , that we may both repent of our sinnes , and give glory to his justice . h ee that cannot keep himselfe from death while he lives , will more impossioly restore and revive himselfe to life againe , being dead . t hy prince hath honour , thy father reverence , thy master service , thy wife love ; all these are due to god in a more transcendent manner . h ee that sincerely loves god , and detests sinne , desires dissolution for no other end but to be freed from temptation . a s no wise man leaves his he house for some flyes , but rather drives them out : so no good forsakes his holinesse for temptations . n either the gifts of grace , nor the seales of grace can free us from assaults : we may have force to repell bad suggestions , we have not to prevent them . d eclare thy grievance by prayer , it shall bring downe heavenly graces : god knows thy wants , aske , he hath promised to heare . d eath to the godly is good in the cessation of paines , better in the renovation of all things , best in the immutability of all happinesse . o ur talke is of vanity , and vanity is with us : but if christ could be kept in our mouthes , we should alwayes have him in our hearts . u nbeleefe is the bane of constancie and perseverance : of constancie in the purpose of our mindes : of perseverance in the tenor of our lives . b arrennesse is a privation of fruit , shame privation of innocency , and death a privation of life ; for these privations men sell themselves . l ike horses , whether put into perfumed coaches , or noysome carts , they will draw : so our affections will be doing set them on what worke you will. e arth will to earth , an earthly desire to an earthly center : so man lives till earth be turned into earth ; so he dyes till earth be turned out of earth , their earthly soules into hellish torments ; such a life is base and brutish . y f there be ignominy in thraldome , there must be glory in freedome : stand fast therefore in the liberty wherein christ hath set you . o nce turning from god , we continue nought : nought till we returne by repentance . u nholy machiavels admired for policie , commonly falls under jehoakims curse , to be buried with the buriall of an asse : they live fooles , but dye asses . r ighteous men shall live for ever , for their reward is with the lord ; hee hath a care of them . f aith and repentance were two short lessons ; yet israel was forty yeares before they could learne them . r emember your sinnes to repent of them ; forget to practise them , that god may forget them in judgement , and remember us in mercy . o ld sinnes must be lookt backe into , because the vanitie of youth , proves the vexation of age . n one can be too yong to amend that is old enough to dye , for man is apt to sin before he be able . t o give over sinne when we can no longer commit it , is no repentance . a good christian will be good and devout , like good daniel , though alone . s ome trust in horses , some in their swords , some in their lands , some in their wits , some their friends , and some in their monies ; but let every good christian trust in the lord. y f we must converse with evill men , let it be in no evill matters . o nce god spake it , another time performed it , a third time redouled it ; therefore none can plead ignorance that they want instruction . u ngodly men may taste of the waters of life by chance , as a dog laps at nilus , but his voyage is bound for mischiefe . w hile the devill can busie men with ceremony and circumstance , he hopes well , and will let them alone about faith and manners . e xternall prosperity is no good marke of our election : the fairest beasts are kept for slaughter . r emember alwayes the house of mourning is not for mirth ; christ turned the musitians out of doores . e very judgement we see should make us wiser in the feare of god : every mercy we feele wiser in the love of god. h ee that thinks to asswage the anguish of one sin by doing another , preseribes to himselfe a remedy far worse then the disease . a faire carriage keeps temptation out at staves end ; but lightnesse of presence lets it into the graple , and gives encouragement to lewd desires . l ove is commended like water , it neither makes a man in debt nor in drinke ; so love is neither hard to get , nor costly to keep . f alling from christ can be incident to none but christians : for they that were never up , can never be said to fall . f or knowne diseases there be knowne medicines : but hypocrisie prevents all wayes of remedy . i t is better with philosophers to have honesty without religion , then with wicked christians to have religion without honesty . l et men turne from wickednesse to piety , and god will turne judgement to mercy : solomon and idolater , zacheus an extortioner , noah drunke ; yet all these went to heaven . e xpectation is sometimes of feare : so the timer ous traveller looks for the theef , and so the conscious malefactor looks for the comming of the judge . saul is tempted , sinneth , and sleepeth his last : david is tempted , sinneth , and sleepeth not his last . t he lesse space a man hath allowed for his businesse , the more he should ply it , the fewer dayes , the fruitfuller lessons . o h that my people would have heard , these are royall and sweet speeches : but to the wicked god changeth his speech into sharpnesse . t he more a man fears god , the lesse he fears any thing else : for all the fear of satan ariseth from the want of the due feare of god. h ee that loves god only for temporall blessings , and faile him when those blessing faile : is like mutinous souldiers , no longer pay , no longer fight . e ndeavour to keep thy shield of faith , and thou shalt victoriously march with the saints on earth , and triumphantly with angels in heaven . l et princes boast of their delicacies , christ liveth in me : this be the food of our soules . e ndeavour that your faith be encreased , and grow still from faith to faith . f aith is a fundamentall grace , and should overcome the world ; yet it will prove a coward without servencie . t here is no poverty of estate , or consumption of body , to a leane starved soule , which neither knowes nor cares to know christ . h ee that loves god for himselfe , and goodnesse because it is goodnesse , can god. a s god will crowne the faithfull above their deserts with glory : so hee will load the wicked according to their deserts with eternall torments . n ot to have no spots here ; but to have no spots imputed to us hereafter , is the happinesse of christian . d arknesse of nature must have its due course by creation : yet no darknesse shall afflict thy body while there is saving light in thy soule . d esire more grace , seeke more , never thinke you have enough : be still poore that you may be rich , rich that you may be full , full that you may be glorious . o h that men could see how much better it is to be poore then evill ; and that there is no comparison between want and sin ! u se the world , but enjoy the lord : be thankfull for outward blessings , but rest thy heart on jesus christ . b etter are the troubles and differences of righteousnesse , then the peace of wickednesse . l et nothing pierce your hearts deep , either in griefe or feare , but sin and unbeleefe . e nvy not the gifts of god in any , neither thinke hardly of their infirmities , nor fret at the prosperity of the wicked . y f we be departed from babylon , let not a rag or relike of superstition abide with us : for it is proore comfort to escape in sodome , and perish in the playnes . o ur conversation to god must be with a whole heart , without exception , without hypocrisie , without delay , without apostacie , and without despaire . u nstable men are in a wretched estate , their religion is yet to chuse : they know they shall dye , but know not what faith to dye in . r ight holinesse , is true nobility ; for without goodnesse , there can be no true glory . f aith working by love , performes all duties to god and man : but false faith is like sandy earth which never brings forth fruit . r eligion and true piety is the readiest way to the highest advancement : therefore above all treasure , set your hearts thereon . o ne sparke of true religion is far beyond a whole flame of secular wisdome . n eeds must that vertue be fruitfull that is stirring : and needs must that be stirring that is living : and needs must that be living that is quickned by jesus christ . t he neglect of resolution to enter the way of righteousnesse , is the forlorne state of a sinner : for what hopes can be had of him that hath not so much as a purpose to be holy ? a good man lives after death : but the name of the wicked is rotten before their carcaste is cold . s inne like a viper may hang upon pauls hand and not poyson it ; it may bring a potentiall guilt , not an actuall . y f mans heart be divided , if sinks to confusion ; but keep it whole to the way of truth , and it shall be saved . o ur eyes be good , we know our hands be good : god grant our hearts be good , that we may defend christs cause . u ntill a man seele his owne want , and that feeling breed sorrow , that sorrow desire , that desire prayer , that prayer increase of faith ; that prayer of his shall never bring downe gods mercy . w retched are they that flatter themselves : but blessed are they that can prove themselves to be out of the ranke of the ungodly . e xamine thy selfe whether thou hast suffered an heavenly holy violence , or whether grace hath wrought upon thee : if not : thou livest the life of nature . r emember to walk in a measure of holinesse answerable to gods mercy ; for if we turne his grace into wantonnesse , he will turne his mercy into judgement . e very argument is shut up with an ergo , and is the knowne note of a conclusion , thus may the syllogisme be framed : but whosoever would escape destruction , must adhere to the truth . t he greatest shew of sanctity that error puts on , the more fuller of suspition : therefore beware of the intended mischiefe . o ppinionate wisdome is in a manner the sole cause of all folly ; for it transports a man with an imagination of his owne knowledge , that he runs into error with confidence . t hey that will walke to christ , shall have christ walke with them ; for he is the truth , the way , and the life . h ee that beleeves will keep the commandements : for as the law sends us to christ to be saved ; so christ sends us backe againe to the law to learne obedience . e very scribe instructed unto the kingdome of heaaen , brings out of his treasure things new and old ; the new before the old , because the gospel was promised , before the law was printed . r econciliation , and the peace that was made between god and man , did not stretch so far as to conclude a peace between god and sin . i am a sinner , therefore god hath from everlasting rejected me , is a desperate conclusion : i beleeue in christ , and endeavour to live like a christian , therefore am chosen , is a sound inference : so far god gives leave to looke into the booke of life . g ods informer is conscience , a spy in the soule mixing herselfe with all our thoughts and actions . h ee that hopes for a new heaven above , and does not become a new creature below , that mans expectation is in vaine . t he highest act of a christian is to comfort himselfe in christ : he never fell from us ; we are basely unthankfull if ever we fall from him . h ee that knowes god , and lives in evill , is no better then a devill in the shape of a man , or a man in the shape of a devill . a s no place can content the fire but the upmost rising towards its owne region : so let no knowledge satisfie us but the knowledge of christ . n atural men perceive not the things of gods spirit : in other knowledge the righteous have part with sinners ; but in this sinners have no part with the righteous : let me be weake in policie , so i be wise of salvation . d ivine knowledge mounts aloft , and find●s no rest but in the region of immortality . c elsitude of honour is a meer dwarfe to faith ; that can but command mortalls , faith is attended by angels . o ur faith hath need of a good foundation , for it is an heavy and weighty building , all other vertues lye upon faith . u nbeleeving sinners tremble : but let such feare to dye as have no hope to dye ; if we have made our peace with god , we shall escape from death . n o man can take christ from thee , unlesse thou take thy selfe first from christ . t he gospell is no weake thing , but comes in power ; for christ hath a further latitude , he came once unto men , but he comes still into man. e xcept a man be borne he can never see light on earth ; and except he be twice borne he can never see light in heaven . r edemption by christ hath stated us into a blessednesse never to be forgotten : for no soule that christ hath truly bought can ever perish . m ans sinnes have made heavens entrance narrow ; but christs sufferings have made it wide . a little faith with knowledge , is true and saving ; but great presumption with ignorance is damnable . r eligion knows no outward calling or condition : for all those that are in christ , are holy beleeving brethren . c ertainly if men beleeved in christ , they would not , nay could not speak , not look upon his workes without great reverence . h ee that trusts his salvation on a strange faith erres in darknesse , and holds not the way which the light of the gospell directs him . t he gospell speaks of christ buying : ye are bought with a price : to fell that which is bought , is to crosse his proceeding . o f all purchases , buy jesus : for be thou never so poore , christ will sell himselfe for thy soule . t he life of man is pretious in the sight of god : but the life of his whole church is far more pretious . h ee that cares not for any mirth but that which must grieve the holy ghost , must needs procure that peace which is at wars with christ . e very man thinks he loves himselfe better then his enemy ; but while hee loves sin , he loves his enemy better then himselfe . l et the servants that are under the yoke count their owne master worthy of all honour , that the name of god and his doctine be not blasphemed . e very action that gives way to gods dishonour , and heartens others to superstition , is a deniall of christ in some degree of fact . f alse prophets intrude amongst the people , but principally amongst the people of god. t he devill is a false prophet , he calls evill good , and promiseth bad , attempts good events ; either he conceales the end from the way , or the way from the end . h earken not to the world for it is a false prophet , it tells you your gold shall make you rich , when it rather makes you cursed . a n infidell perswades himselfe there shall be no reckoning day , and an epicure dreames of no future life : false : for the lord will take them away in a whirlewind . n atures colours will last ; if not , artificiall shall say pride to the beautifull : false : art shall make a foole of nature , time make a foole of art , and death make a foole of all . d runkards prophesie to morrow shall be as to day , and much more abundant : false : awake and howle , oye drunkards , for the wine is cut off from your mouths . c arnall mindes hope and saie , i will be sure to repent : false : thousands are in hell that promised themselves this evasion , neither hath any man a patent of repentance . o ur ambitious men flatter themselves , saying , we will arise out of the dust , and sit with princes : false : for they shall fall from the throne to the dust . v anity and worldly pleasure saies , i am a queen , and shall see no mournfulnesse : false : for the day of lamentation is come . n aturall men are moles to spirituall objects : but wise and regenerate eyes can pierce the heavens , and espy god in all his earthly occurrences . t he flesh is a false prophet , every affected sin is a false prophet to the soul ; for falshood if it cannot deceive another , it will deceive if selfe . e very man sayes he is in gods favour , so were the children of israell till they were tempted by false prophets and sinned . r ighteousnesse is the life of all lives , without which our bodies shall rot in the dust , and our memories stinke above ground , yea our selves perish in the lowest pit . m any will be in the church way , the road of profession ; not for any love they bear to devotion , but that the sent of their turpitudes may not bee discovered . a ll ungodlinesse robs god of his honour , and is either the true worship of a false god , or the false worship of the true god , or the true worship of the true god with a false heart . r hetoricke is the art of speaking well ; logicke the art of disputing well ; magistracie the art of governing well : but christianity is the art of living well . c an the naturalist with all his eloquence disswade the covetous worldling from his greedinesse : no , one ounce of gold weighs downe all his reasons . h eavenly things are far from carnall sense , and he that will beleeve no more then he sees , shall for ever be blinde . f ew and evill are our dayes , few in number , evill in nature , not one of them good , few and evill below ; many and evill above : misery is our familiar , happinesse but a stranger . i t is a great comfort in distresse to hope for a deliverer : to beleeve is better , but to bee sure of it is best of all . l et us be sure to repent one day before our death ; but hereof we cannot be sure unlesse we repent every day . e very man repent while be lives , that he may rejoyce when he dyes . simeon desired not to dye sooner , he desired not to live longer : now letthy servant goe away in peace . t here is a double martyrdome , a bloody one when christ is magnified in the roses of his church by death : a bloodlesse one when he is magnified in the lillies of his church by a holy life . o f vanities we soon grow weary , and loath them ; but the joyes of righteousnesse will be as everlasting in our desires , as they are in their owne sweetnesse . t o turne from sin is gods speciall grace by giving repentance : but to fall from stedfastnesse , is through defect of perseverance . h ave you righteousnesse , seal and deliver it as your act and deed ; never say you praise god with your words , when you despise him by your works . e very man decline unrighteousnesse which dissolves peace , and then god shall fulfill in our hearts st. peters wish , grace and peace . r espect god in all things , doing nothing but as in his presence , looking unto him as the directer and discerner of all our actions and thoughts . i t is gods delight in extremity to be a deliverer when armies besiege his servants , then he musters up his servants . g ods displeasure for sin is able to turne a nation upside downe ; that like senacherib , they become the spoyle of their owne bowells . h ee that marvells in this rebellious age how or why we thus fall by the sword , let him looke to his sinnes , and cease marvelling . t here are destructions that creep upon men by degrees : but sudden destruction often seizeth upon the wicked . o ur god will not favour us because we have studied hard , and knowne much , but rather the more punish us , because we have knowne good , and done evill . r eligion and piety is made havocke of , and all to atchieve glory , that which the apostles rent their cloaths to put from them ; let us rend our very skins to pluck to us , act. 14.14 . l et every servant of god thinke his crosses are meant for his blessings ; punishments to them are signes of his favours . e ven for those who have fought a good fight , a crowne is laid up , bee diligent then in this point , and be saved . f aith is a queen , repentance her usher , and good works the court that shall follow her : so let her come to the king of mercy , the presence chamber of christ jesus . t he ground of hope in the middest of delay is when the deferring of our desires discourageth not our faith . o ur affections if they be not shod with patience , will be so pricked with crosses , that we shall be weary of our journey to heaven . r egard not so much what portion thou hast in the punishment of sin , as what interest thou hast in the covenant . t he execution of gods justice doth magnifie his mereies , when he punisheth some , that he may spare many . o nly a forme of godlinesse will never remove gods judgement from a nation . t o beare meekly with thy persecuters is commendable patience ; to bee commendable at gods dishonour , is commendable basenesse . h ee is a foole that loves sin better then his soule : then never seek to please sin that seeks to confound us . e very man commonly fears gods temporall blows more then his eternall : yet of both they neglect the antidote and prevention . c onsidence in god doth only support us : we cannot put too much trust in him , not too little in our selves . e very affliction prepares us for salvation : a meer paradox to the children of this world , who run in the cirele of sin and pleasure . n ever did pride goe more blustering through the streets then now ; and the language of her pace is , who made me ? t he dust of this world makes many a man blinde ; they did like moles in the earth , and there lose the light of heaven . e very man seeks for something to rest his minde upon ; but to make this world the center , that and our hopes must faile together , for the fire will dispatch them both . r iches shuts abundance out of heaven , but the grace of god lets in many . c hrist rejoyceth in a christian , whensoever a christian rejoyceth in him : the repentant son was not more glad of the father , then the father was glad he found the son . l et every man labour to preferve what hee hath gotten : for the losse of faith is a dangerous ship wrack ; save your faith and save your soules . o ne and the same end is to the sinner without repentance ; and to the righteous without perseverance . s alvation is with more difficulty wrought up then perdition ; yet grace , time and diligence , will worke it up in season . e very worke hath his owne season : only gods worke requires every season , especially the worke of praysing his name . t he law was perfect truth , but we were weake , it could not save us , because we could not keep it : but on the evangelicall truth we may repose our soules . o ne way to honour is by flattery , another to pleasure is by making the flesh mistresse , and a way to be rich by usury : yet but one way to make a man blessed , and that is the way of truth . y f our obedience doe not testifie our faith : that law was not more deadly then the gospell to inhance our condemnation . o ur souldiers are valiant till they come to fight , all philosophers are excellent till they come to dispute ; and all good christians till we come to master our owne lusts . v anity in some men , curiosity in other men ; and unconstancie in all men , makes many faiths . r eligion that bindes the conscience where god hath not bound it , brings snares and fetters , and takes away due liberty . c ommonly too much heat annoyes , but too much heat destroyes : but religion of all tempers in our dayes , complaines not of heat . l ot could be holy among the wicked , a saint amongst sinners ; yet we are evill amongst the good , and sinners amongst saints . o ur growing or fading in grace brings us to heaven or hell , paul turnes an apostle , judas an apostate . s trong bodies without strong grace , are strongest to sin : thus the strongest is weakest ; strong to commit sin , weake to resist sin . e vill can never be the childe of goodnesse , nor can sin so basely descended , lay claime to omnipotencie . o vercome evill with good , and be farre from snatching gods weapon out of his hand , but rather master unkindnesse with kindnesse . r ather labour to avoid sinne by knowledge , then venture to sin upon the conceit of repentance . d elay is dangerous when we are once resolved : if ever good , why not now ? e very man is charged with every good worke , all holy duties are required of all men : if we know christ , we will imitate him . r emember that as addition a addes to grace , so multiplication increaseth the effect of those graces . r epentant eyes are true cisternes of holy water , and the sighs of sorrowfull spirits on earth , makes the spirits joyfull in heaven . a s god regards not so much the quantity , as the quality ; not how much , but how true faith is : so he never rejected them that had any at all . n either the greatnesse of crime , not the thortnesse of time can bar true conversation from for givenesse . k nowledge , vertue , temperance , patience , godlinesse , brotherly kindnes , and charity , with one end tyed to heaven , fasten the other end to the conscience , and it shall draw thee up to heaven . s aving knowledge takes away barrennesse , andmakes fruitfulnesse in the works of obedience . t here be two things torment a man , sin and a bad conscience , grace delivers from sin , and peace quiets the conscience . o ne that hath a will bent to doe harme , and a wit able to prosecute it is like a canon shot that makes a lane where it goes . t here is fearfull combustion all over the world , wars at home , wars abroad ; if therefore we love peace , let every man pray for peace . h ee that desires to be found in peace , let peace be found in him , peace or nothing , peace and every thing . e arthly peace the earth can give , though sometimes she will not : but the peace of christ the world cannot take away . f or profit peace is like the dew of heaven that makes all fat and fruitfull ; wheresoever peace sets her foot , there drops fatnesse . r egeneration makes a man like the garden of eden , wherein stands the tree of life : jesus christ when he dyed , one paradise entred into another , o ur condemantion is great , if we know the light , and yet chuse darknes . n o more but eight saved of the old world : see what sin can doe , bring many millions to eight persons . t here can be no safety without faith , there is no faith without a promise , and no promise is made to disobedience . c hrist was made a sinner by the reputation of our sinnes ; and we made just by the imputation of his justice . l ife brings appetite , appetite brings desire of meat , and meat affords nourishment , if the soule hungers not after christ , it lives not . o ur sins deceived us of our birthright , let it not deceive us of our blessing : it stole us from our happinesse of nature , let it not steale us from our happinesse of grace . s inne shews the devill horrible , god a severe judge , let the gospell remove that : god is my father , the devill his and thy slave . e very wound of christ is a passage , his side was opened , his heart was pierced : through both these breaches we have entrance into heaven . t his is a faithfull saying , and worthy all acceptance that christ can forgive more , then we can offend : but that he will forgive all , is a fearfull question . o ur salvation is sure in christ ; upon sin , will follow doubt ; upon doubt , terror ; upon terror , remorse , upon remorse , deprecation : upon that pardon , and after that peace . y f holinesse be not in the heart , it is not where it should be : ismael was an unbeleever in the house of faith . o pen thy heart as well as thine eare : if the seed of gods word be not sowne there , it will never abound with fruit to everlasting life . v ertue is not temporall , but is still ambitious of improving it selfe , and so is admitted into the number of gods jewells . r ecollect your selves , and become fruitfull trees , that when god transplants you from this misery , he may set you in his owne glorious garden . o ur best works are but blanks , then let us goe out of our selves , and be beholding to the righteousnesse of christ only for our salvation . r aise thy affections above a common pitch , and let thy soule bear herself as the spouse of the great king of heaven . d iligence respects so great an object as salvation , and such an object requires great diligence . e lection in heaven , calls for vocation on earth ; vocation calls for corne , wine , and oyle , which are the fruits of a godly life . r iches brings contention , godlinesse brings contentation : gaine hath often hurt the getters , but piety is profitable to all men . o ne jesus christ in the gospell never satiated any man that read him : therefore let the word of god dwell in you plentiously . r ecover you affecttions so deare to you , that were the prisoners and drudges to lust , and let them now doe service to god. c harity gives part of thy wealth to the poore , but faith gives thy self , yea thy whole self to god. l et this sinfull flesh doe what it can , it shall not hinder thy entrance into heaven , for which thanke god through jesus christ . o ur good is only accepted through the righteousnesse of christ , our very persons are accepted in the beloved : if our persons , then our good actions . s ecurity and expectation are opposites : the servant that lookes for his masters comming is afraid to fall asleep . e very man that is kinde to his brother , comes with best speed to his maker . o f such a zeale as prefers gods service before all other things , comes true godlinesse . r ighteousnesse of reparation is the reforming of errors , and confirming of manners , salving past defects by a bettered life . d ivorce must be suffered , one husband must be lost , happy is he that findes another in heaven , christ jesus . e ndeavour to be saved , is no easie taske , but requires labour ; refuse no worke for such a reward as heaven is . r ead the scriptures constantly , and meditate upon them : for it was holy davids practise day and night . t o be strong to sin is no credit for man , for strength to sin , is to be strong to goe to hell . o christian acknowledge thy dignity , and being made the consort of a divine nature , returne not by thy degenerate conversation unto thy ancient vildnesse . t o small purpose doe we keep the law in memory , and break it in life ; in vaine do we remember christ in our words , and forget him in our deeds . h ee that carties a bible in his hand , and hath not a leston of it in his heart , is like an asse that carries a dainty burden on his backe , and feeds upon thistles . e ither they had no beginning or no end , whose end is worse then their beginning : for death that ends other miseries , begins his that falls away from god. r emembrance of one daies sin , brings to minde how great a masse many dayes have made up ; too great a bottome for one houres sorrow to ravell out . i n youth i was too yong , now i am too old , between both these time i had other businesse : so to shufflle off repentance , is very dangerous . g ods patience invites our repentance , his sparing us so long , is , that our amendment might proeure him to spare us for ever . h ee that hath any motion of repentance in his soule , or but a touch of sorrow , a sparke of hope , a graine of saith , be comforted ; the god of mercie will not have him perish . t his is our day , the next is the lords ; if we do not in this day provide for that , that day shall condemne us for the losse of this . h ee that hath a secret pride , root out that , or a secret infidelity cast out that : strive not to know where or when we shall be judged ; but how we shall answer the judge . a s no day without sin , so let no day passe without sorrow , such showres kill the weeds of lust , and spring the herbs of grace . n ot a lot in canaan without a joshua our captaine : no roome in heaven without a jesus our king. d oe not protract thy conversion : for if thou repell or neglect one good motion , thou art not sure of a second . w ithout some sawce of sorrow , all worldly delights are but like delicate meat to a man that hath lost his taste : give god leave to scrourge us , so long as he doth save us . h ee that is lowest in the world , if his conversation be in heaven , is the highest , let his feet stand upon the earth , his head is in heaven . e very one puts off conversion , and at twenty send religion afore them to thirty , from thence forty ; and yet not pleased to entertaine it at threescore : at last comes death , and allowes not an houre . e very man repent while he lives , that he may rejoyce when he dyes . l et every man be sure to repent one day before his death : but hereof thou canst not be sure unlesse thou repent every day . e arth must do something to bring it selfe to heaven : gods bountifuluesse is beyond our thankfulnesse , then looke to thine owne duty . t o speake of vertue is nothing , the labour of it , is to shew the power of it in vertuous actions . o ur conversation is the index of our estate , if that be bad , the credit of our profession is lost , and we are broke in our religion . t hat heart that conceives grace will bring it forth ; for he that gives strength , denies not strength to bring it forth . h ee that is truly called , hath a sincere devout affection to christ , and above all things loves the place where his honour dwells . e vill men may shew the good they have not : but good men cannot hide the good they have . l et thy life grow white thy haires , lest thou be full of daies , and fuller of sinne . e very mans conscience testifies that there is a rule , which if he follow hee does well , and is at peace ; if not , he findes trouble , with feare of punishment . f aith is the foundation of a christian , but that once lost , all is desperate , t he good man sleeps more secure in his tent , then a sinner in his barracadoed fortifications . h appy is the man that cares not to call any thing his owne , save jesus christ . a righteous soul is alwayes like the body of a square figure ; lay it how you list , it will still be constant , and like it selfe . n o neighbourhood is able to make the serpent and the woman , the cursed seed of the one , and the blessed seed of the other agree . d eath is contrary to life , and commonly they that live like laban , dye like nabal , which is but the same word inverted . w hen man turnes himselfe out of gods service , all the creatures serving him are turned out of his service . h ee that plaies on purpose to lose , is not like to win : therefore be resolved against transgression , as you would be resolved of your salvation . e ither never chuse me , or never lose me , this is vertues charge : to begin in the spirit and end in the flesh , in pauls sense is folly . e very man must fall , and as the tree falls so it must lye ; and commonly it falls to that side which is most loaden with fruit , the fruit of obedience to the right hand , and of wicked nesse to the left . l et us eat to live , not live to eat ; for when we have devoured the most delicate creatures , the wormes shall devoure us . e very man that lives dishonestly will dye shamefully : saul so bloudied against david , that the priests became unmercifull to him . t he lesse space a man hath allowed him for his businesse , the more let him ply it : the fewer dayes the fruitfuller lessons . o sinner thy life is short , the world is not long , but hell is eternall , of whose torment there is no cessation , and from which there is no redemption . t i me past is irrecoverable , the future to us is contingent , and our very now is slippery and transcient : this is all the terme we have , we must enjoy this or none . h oly david ran the way of gods commandements : it is but folly to ask why he made such haste , when we know he would faine be at home . e very day will i blesse and praise thy name , saith david : the day will have an evening , if his praise should last no longer , night would bring in silence , but for ever and ever . r i de faire and foftly , is the weary travellers rule when he comes near his journeyes end : but if we lag so in the way of godlinesse , we shall never come to the end of our expected journey . i s there fulnesse of joy in heaven ? yes : but thy laughing and singing in a taverne is no paterne of it . g reat honour and glory is in heaven : but our base covetous desires of the riches of this world , are no paternes of it . h eavenly musicke and harmony is above : but our wanton sonnets and drunken carches , are no paternes of it . t here is peace and rest above : but mans idle security and slippery neglects are no paternes of it . h eavenly beauties with clarity are above : but mans peecing the defects of nature with art , dressing up of dust in rich atires , are no paterns of it . a great light shines above : but the workes of darknesse that is in man , is no reflection of it . n othing but pure innocencie is above : but mans rapines , rage , and bloudinesse , are no resemblances of it . d oubtlesse there is perfect obedience above : but mans rebellions , are no modules of it . o ther language then the praises of christ is not heard in heaven : mans oaths , curses , and blasphemies , are not like those sounds . r epent and for sake your sinnes while it is called to day , remember the covenat we made in baptisme forbids it . l ooke to the innumerable savours where with god hath blessed us , graced and honoured us , and we shall find them sufficient to oblige us to obedience . e ither the name of saviour in our salvation , or the name of judge in our confusion , some way this honourable name will strike upon us . f eare god more , and we shall feare all other things lesse ; turne all thy feare into the feare of god , for he will honour them that honour him . t ill we have put our sins to the worst , we shall never get the better of our enemies : for god will not be wanting to us , if we be not wanting to him , and our selves . w hen rebellions abound , punishments are full of variety : god destroyed corah by fire , the canaanites by the sword , the whole earth by water . h ee little loves christ , that will not love him without company , and his zeale is cold to heaven , whom the example of numbers can turn away . e very true childe is obedient , and will follow his fathers directions : then if we follow not god , we are bastards . e very promise of god is a cordiall able to fetch backe a swooning soule : there is no condemnation to them which are in christ , is a sweet cordiall . l et every christian soule on the holy feet of faith and obedience travell towards jerusalem , then christ will say thou shalt have my company . e arth is more honourable and brave in the spectators then in the spectacle : but the glory of new jerusalem , the splendor of righteousnesse , is farre more honourable . a s a traveller passeth from towne to towne , till he come to his inne : so the christian from grace to grace till he come to heaven . b lessed is that man that is holy , nothing can make that man poore , for he graceth all conditions , honours and places . o ne grace opens the doore for another ; for god is never weary of blessing where he hath once begun . v ivification and living unto grace , comes only by mortification and dying unto sinne : for by the death of the body , comes the life of glory . t here is nothing for which christ will reward us , but that whereby his glory is the greater for us : such as in great tribulations confesse him . r eprobates and wicked men , if their bodies were like their soules , they would grovell like beasts . a s god shews mercy to some in their salvation : so it is fit he should shew justice upon others in their damnation . n othing can defend against the arrows of god , neither are the strongest cities shot-proofe : for things ordained for refuge , are by his justice made destructive . k nowledge neglected brings great judgements : for he that cloaks error with ignorance , binds two sins together , and receives double vengeance . s innes of ignorance stand in need of mercy : but what cloake is long enough to cover sinnes against knowledge ? o f servants they are in worst case that are sold , but worse that do service in prison , worst of all bound in fetters : such is the condition of the ungodly . p estilence should not be more avoided then the conversation of the mis-religious or openly prophane . e xpiation was offered for the world , and offered to the world : but those that are blessed by it , are separated from the world . n othing so sure as there shall be a judgement : such as is the conscience , such shall be the sentence . b oasting of sin when it is done doubles the lewdnesse , wicked men glory in that which shall everlastingly cast them from glory . a canon doth not so much hurt from a wall as a myne under the wall , nor a thousand enemies that threaten , so much as a few that take an oath to say nothing . c hristianity is become the footstoole of policie , and hath made bargaines with the world for universall monarchy , religion being but the labell to that indenture . k nowledge is not wholly exercised with good , nor wholly taken up with evill ; but it knows both good and evill : thus man thought to have become like god , and became indeed like the devill . w ee know christ to be the best counsellour : therefore undertake nothing without consulting at his oracle . a whole garment is more hand some then a broken one : but a broken heart is more pleasing to god then a whole heart . r epentace is the necessary way to salvation : it is the will of god that none should perish ; yet withall it is his will that all shall perish , except they repent . d estruction would not fall upon the wicked , unlesse they first by their wickednesse bring it upon themselves : o israel , thou hast destroyed thy self . t he imitaters of evill deserve punishment , the abetters more : but there is no hell deep enough for the leaders of wickednesse . o ur owne feet carrie us to sin ; we love the journey , our affections seduce us , and so have been our undoing . y f there will come no period to the rebellion of the wicked till they sinke downe to hell : yet for shame know no date of thy obedience till thou come up to heaven . o f all victories love is the greatest ; to overcome evill with good , is to be like god , whose image we beare in our creation ; and to whose image we are restored in our redemption . u pright justice is without equivocation , it seeks not to obey god for mans sake , but man for gods sake ; it obeyes men , but never against god. r ighteousnesse and all happinesse is in the will of god to his creature , for holinesse is the daughter of repenance . o ur persons are justified by our faith , our faith is justified by our charity , our charity by the actions of a holy life . r emember that there is nothing that makes a man so unlike to god as a hard heart without pity , without patience . d iligence and patience , with painfulnesse , are good : but it is the sincerenesse of the heart that commends the rest . e very christian souldiers scutchion must be patience , and his motto , i serve : angells are glad of this title . r emember the end is neare , thy end nearer , whether the end of this shall not be the end of all thy dayes , thou hast no assurance : to day then heare his voice ; repent one day before thy last day . o ld age were better gather grace for themselves , then goods for their posterity ; for it is their last time of gathering . r eward belongs to labourers , not loyterers ; the crowne is laid up not for cowards , but for conquerers . o into what infortunate times are we fallen , when all our wrongs must be answered in blood ! p ray and repent ; repent and pray : joyne with them abstinence , adde to them three , patience , faith , obedience , and amendment of life ; and the lord our god will deliver us . e very man kisse that hand that strikes us , love god that crosseth us , and trust in that power that kills us : this is the honorable proof of a christian . n o man is the worse for his repentant grief ; if the evill do come ; its labour well spent , if not its a labour well lost . o ur good god takes it in a foule scorne to speake , and not be heard ; to be heard , and not minded . r eligion promiseth no worldly pleasures ; but contrary , they shall whip and scourge you they shall binde and lead you whither you would not . d oe as the most doe , and fewest will finde fault with you : but god chargeth us not to follow a multitude in evill . e very mans hand is not an able instrument of mischiefe : but whosoever the instrument be the consenter is as deep both in the sin and the penalty . r ighteous men shall never be swept away for company : yet the unrighteous are often spared for company . f ew words to the wicked in the latter day , but full of bitternesse : depart , word of separation : ye cursed , words of malediction : into everlasting fire , words of desolation : prepared for the devill and his angell , words of exemplification . i n many things familiarity breeds contempt : but in these things strangenesse and ignorance hath made men prophanely insolent . e very man hath his knowledge from nature ; but the christian his from grace : one is from earth , the other from heaven . l et no man cast with himselfe how old he may be before he returne from his sinnes , lest he reckon without his host . s inne is like stibium , it will tarry with no body , up it must , either here by an humble confession , or hereafter by a wretched confusion . t here can be no full satisfaction or consolation in the minde of any knowledge but of ghrist . o utward crosses and calamities may take from us our goods of this world , but it can never take christ jesus from us . t he contempt of the truth makes it not worse , but thy selfe , and the advancing of it makes it not better , but thy self . h ee that is alwaies for the time , nothing for the truth , is like a top that goes alwayes round , never forwards , unlesse it be whipt . e very worldling is left-handed , he will be doing , though hee have no thanks for his paines . r eligion derived from christ preserves unity with christians : he that will not keep the peace of god , shall not be kept by the peace of god. i t is easie for the greatnesse of authority to beare out the smalnesse of piety , and commonly the sins of the mighty are mighty sinnes : therefore their destruction is answerable to their presnmption . g ods children have three suits of apparrell , blacke , white , and red ; here we are blacke with mourning , red with parse cution ; and shall be white only glorified . h ee that mournes for the cause of his punishment shall mourn but a while ; but he that mournes for the punishment and not for cause , shall mourne for ever . t he good man looks into himself , not into another ; and therefore thinks best of another , not of himself . o bedience it selve would lose a reward by comming short , but for perseverance : for no vertue can expect eternall blessednes , but that which holds out to the end . r emember , o man , how short thy time in and be not weary of thy pains : for what cause can be long in that which is so short of it selfe ? l ooke where the glory of this world ends , the glory of heaven begins : but riches are here to day , and gone to morrow . e very service in the end brings wages : but the wages of sinne is without end . f lattering up others in their sinnes , is the very next way to make them our owne . t he word of god sets down the wages of sin , and tyes punishment to it as an inseparable effect to the cause . h ee that chose us when we were not called , and called us when we were nought , and hath justified us being sinners , will glorifie us being saints . a man may partake of one nature of christ , and be cursed : but if of his divine , then most blessed . n ature created , and nature corrupted , is the difference between gods workmanship and ours . d eath is fearfull wages when it is paid in the proper coine , without the allay of christs death to qualifie it . o ne that will plead christs cause without a fee ; or he that will say with job , though he kill me , yet i will trust in him , shews the heart of a saint . r esolve with hester , if i perish , i perish : for nothing can be lost that wee piously trust god withall . f aith goes along with christ from his cradle to his crosse , it sees him doing good , and suffering ill . r ecrant souldiers first forsake their courage , and the last thing that forsakes them is their heels . o ur backwardnesse requires continuall provocation ; to be good is a thing hardly gotten , quickly forgotten . m ans habitation pleaseth him , his gold bewitcheth him , a womans beauty tempteth him , and yet all is but earth . t ruth is never to be numbred by the pole ; for it is not numbers , but weight that should carry it . h e that mouths a pater noster while his heart is in his coffer , as if he would at once serve god and mammon , in vaine thinks himselfe godly . e arth will to earth , an earthly desire to an earthly center : so man lives till earth bee turned into earth : so he dyes till earth be turned out of earth , their earthly soule into hellish torments : such a life is base and brutish . c omplaine not though other men blanch thee , so long as thou hast fellowship with jesus christ . e very man be contented with his owne measure of good things vouchsafed him , for god will not be prescribed . n one but the king of kings , hath right to the stile imperiall , i will , or i will not , without limitation ; because his will and power are matches only . t o obey well is as great as to governe well , and more mens duties ; they that thinke otherwise , know not the christians part , which is to suffer . e nter not into a restlesse course of life for honour , for a princes breath blowes is up , and the peoples breath blowes it away . r eady for honour , ready for disgrace , for poverty , for riches , for joy or sorrow , for life or death , for all : such a christian will hold out to the latter end . o ur grace is gods glory , the more we are amended , the more he is commended : thus the truth appeares greater in us , though it cannot bee made greater by us . p erseverance is the queen of all vertues ; and the master of all temptations , commands to sight against none but those that persevere in goodnesse . e vill men may shew the good they have not ; but good men cannot hide the good they have . n othing but grace can satisfie the soule of man , give him grace , and then be goes away springing like joseph , and singing like david . t here cannot be a greater argument of a foule soule then the deriding of religious actions . o ther sins have but three enemies to deale withall : but a backslider hath a fourth , a hard heart . y f we receive not the blessed gospell with faith and feare , sodome and gomerah never sinned as we sin , nor were never so plagued as we shall bee . o pinion of the minde are like diseases of the body , all alike infinite . v iolent passions makes men bandy controversies , who fight with their pens , like souldiers with their pikes , wounding the peace of the church . r eligion is more practicall then theoriticall ; rather an occupation then a meer profession , dwelling like an artizan , wit at singers end . o ne man is an atheist , and beleeves no god , another is an i dolater , and worships many : one will be of a new religion , another of none : no matter to the devill , they are both travelling towards his kingdome . roome never means us so sudden a storm as when she makes faire weather , and beares us in hand all is peace . d ogs are fawning , but sicophantising iesuits are worse ; for their tongues doe more harme then their teeth . e very man that will not adhere to the god of truth , shall be turned over to the faither of lies . r esist the devill and he will flye from thee ; give to god obedience , to thy prince allegiance , to superiours reverence , to the weak assistance , to the devill and sin resistance . o ur day is broken , why day we sleep in sin : when the sunne is up good husbands thinke of rising : the slumber of the body and the soul is not much unlike . r epent therefore in life , that thou maiest finde comfort in death ; that thou maiest be acquitted at the day of judgement of jesus christ . o ur entrance into this world is full of weaknesse , our proceeding full of wickednesse , our departure full of wretchednesse . p ray that you may leave the earth when you know the way perfectly to heaven : desire to live till you are inspired by grace , desire to dye when you are assured of glory . e very man with paul learne to dye daily ; for no man knows when he shall dye : therefore be evermore armed with expectation . n ever expect peace without christ : whosoever dyes in peace , dyes in christ the prince of peace . o ur breath is in our bodies ; the life of our soules is in heaven , our bodies move upon earth , let our heart dwell in heaven . r ighteousnesse must dwell in those that looke to dwell in heaven , where righteousnesse dwelleth : for christ is the lord of righteousnesse . d eath takes the clocke of our life asunder : but then the omnipotent maker takes it into his owne hand , and sets it together againe at the resurrection . e nquire not what heaven is too curiously , lest thou have a snib , as manoah had for asking the angels name , it is secret and wonderfull . r emember gods mercies and blessings to us in all times of this pilgrimage , and he will hear us when we pray , with the penitent theefe , lordremember us in thy kingdome . silence . stand right in your files . stand right in your rankes . to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . to the right hand about . as you were . to the left hand about . as you were . rankes to the right hand double . as you were . rankes to the left hand double . as you were . files to the right hand double . as you were . files to the left hand double . as you were . halfe files to the right hand double your front. as you were . halfe files to the left hand double your front. you may doe the same by bringers up , or leave it our . to the right hand countermarch . to the left hand countermarch . files to the right or left , or to the center : close to your order , or close order . rankes close forward to your order , or close order . to the right hand wheel . to the left hand wheel . to the right or left hand wheel about . rankes open backward to your order , open order , or double distance . files to the right or left , or from the center , open to your order , or open order . in distances observe , if you open from the right to the left , that the left hand man next to the right hand man , is to take his distance from the said right hand man first , and so every man on the left hand successively one alter another : be in any of the distances of close order , order , open order , or double distance : if in ranks , the first standing , the second opens backwards to either of the distances above said and not forwards : in closing of ranks it is to be done forwards , and not backwards , all moving together , saving the first ranks . in facings you are to be sure to keepe your left foot on the ground●s : in doublings if you come up to the right , turne off to the left , and so alway to the contrary hand . in wheelings , if you close to the left , then wheel to the right , or if you close to the right , wheel to the left , or you may wheel upon the center . according to my intended purpose , i shall adde to the exercise of the pike and musket in the briefest manner , being only what shall belong to present service : and first for the pike : in all standing postures of the pike , keep your left foot fast fixt upon the ground : in all marching postures move with the left foot advancing forward . 1 advance your pikes . 2 order your pikes . 3 shoulder your pikes . 4 port your pikes . 5 advance your pikes . 6 shoulder your pikes . 7 traile your pikes . 8 cheeke your pikes . 9 charge your pikes . 10 shoulder your pikes . 11 charge to the front , reare , right or left . 12 shoulder your pikes . 13 advance your pikes . 14 or order your pikes . 15 charge to the horse and draw your sword any of the foure wayes . for the musket standing or marching : first , your musket not being charged without a rest , supposing alwayes your left hand to be your rest . 1 slip your muskes . 2 poyse your muskes . 3 bring her to your rest . 4 open your pan. 5 clear your pan. 6 prime your pan. 7 shut your pan. 8 cast off . 9 blow , cast about , and 10 charge . 11 draw out your scourer 12 shorten your scourer 13 put in your bullet . 14 ram your scourer 15 draw out your scourer 16 shorten your scourer 17 put up your scourer 18 recover . 19 poyse . 20 shoulder . 21 slope . 22 slip. 23 poyse . 24 bring to your rest . 25 draw forth your match . 26 blow . 27 cock. 28 try. 29 guard your pan. 30 blow . 31 open. 32 present . 33 give fire . 34 returne your match . 35 clear your pan , and so charge again as is taught . all these in service are reduced into these three words : make ready . with these two added , either shoulder your muskets . present . or give fire . order your muskets . t he postures of arming and disarming , according to my intention of brevity is needlesse to be here inserted , they having been sufficiently written of by your trained band teachers : i shall but only present you further with what firings are necessary for our present service out of a single company or regiment : wishing heartily all noble captaines , and their officers , would conforme themselves to these brief rules , using no other words of command then what are here used . y our single company being drawne up regiment wise at three foot distance , being your order , and your pikes all shouldered the manner of firing to the front , is first , let the two first ranks , making ready , advance 8 or 10 paces from the body , the rest of the ranks marching to the front of pikes ; which two ranks having presented and fired one after another , let them march off to the right and left hand , the next two ranks doing the same with the rest successively as long as you please , when you draw near to your enemy , or by way of supposition , charge over your pikes three ranks deep , and the rest ported following the charge . t o fire from the reare ; first command your body to advance their pikes , then face them about to the right or left , and then shoulder your pikes againe : moving your body , command the two last ranks to make ready , being ready , command the last ranke , to the rear present , who is to turn to the right hand , and give fire , and so turning up to the right and left , advanceth into front , placing themselves before their leaders : the rest of the ranks doing the same successively one after another . t o fire from your right and left stanks , command the right and left hand file to make ready , which done , marching your body , command them to present to the right and left , and so give fire , which being done , let the files stand and charge their muskets again , by which time the two next files wil have performed the like , who are also in like manner to stand facing toward their commander , and the first file is immediately to march up to the second : the next files having done the like are to stand , the first and second file advancing up to them ; and so of all the rest successively making up your body again with all speed that may be . t here is sometimes another firing used standing , whereby an enemy may receive suddenly a very hot charge when you are retreating ; command your body to face about to the right or left , and then let them all make ready , which done standing , let the first ranke fire and fall off into the reare , and so the rest of them in like maner successively one after another , your pikes retreating back as your body loseth ground . y ou are to use your endeavour to bring your souldiers to know the severall notes of a drum , and what he is to performe upon the hearing of them , your pikemen being to be shouldered upon the beat of a march , and advanced upon the beat of a troop : this thing perfected , will be sufficient for our present service : to which god give 〈◊〉 finis . the second part of the soldiers grammar: or a schoole for young soldiers especially for all such as are called to any place, or office, (how high or low soeuer) either in the citie, or countrey, for the training, and exercising of the trayned band, whether they be foote or horse. together vvith perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings, and other exercises. by g.m. souldiers grammar. part 2 markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. 1627 approx. 74 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06968 stc 17392 estc s102645 99838417 99838417 2794 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06968) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2794) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 814:11) the second part of the soldiers grammar: or a schoole for young soldiers especially for all such as are called to any place, or office, (how high or low soeuer) either in the citie, or countrey, for the training, and exercising of the trayned band, whether they be foote or horse. together vvith perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings, and other exercises. by g.m. souldiers grammar. part 2 markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. [6], 1-32, 41-67, [1] p. : fold. diagrams printed [by a. mathewes] for hugh perry, and are to bee sold in brittaines bursse, at the signe of the harrow, london : 1627. g.m. = gervase markham. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the soldiers grammar : or a schoole for young soldiers . especially for all such as are called to any place , or office , ( how high or low soeuer ) either in the citie , or countrey , for the training , and exercising of the trayned band , whether they be foote or horse . together with perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings , and other exercises . by. g. m. london , printed for hugh perry , and are to bee sold in brittaines bursse , at the signe of the harrow . 1627. a table of all the principall things handled in this booke . chap. i of the ranges of officers from the lowest to the highest . page 1 of the launspesado , ibidem of the corporall , pag. 2 of the serieant of the band , ibid. of the drumme , 3 of the clarke of the band , ibid. of the chyrurgion , 4 of the ensigne ibid. of the lieutenant 5 of the quarter-master , ibid. of the prouost-marshall , 6 of the captaine ibid. of the sergeant maiors of regiments , ibid. of lieutenant colonell of regiments , 7 of colonells of regiments . ibid. of the sergeant maior generall . ibid. of the colonell generall . 8 of lieutenant generall of the horse . ibid. of the treasurer of the army . ibid. of the master of the ordnance . ibid. of the lord marshall . 9 of lieutenant generall of the army , ibid. of the generall , ibid. a second raunge , 10 of the master gunner . ibid. of the trench-master , ibid. of the waggon master , 11 of the forrage-master , ibid. of the victuall-master , ibid. of the iudge-marshall , 12 of the scout-master , ibid. of the lieutenant of the ordnance ibid. of the muster-master generall . ibid. chap. 2. of the seuerall imbattellings of a priuate company of two hundred , or otherwise . 17 differences in opinions touching a priuate company , ib. the roman rule for companies , 14 the true composition of a company , ibid. the first imbattelling of 200 men , 15 the second forme of imbattelling , being against horse . 17 the manner of sally or giuing of vollies against the horse . 19 the manner of volleyes , when the foot battaile is charged euery way . 22 the imbattailing of many squares in one square . 23 the politique or deceiuing battaile . 25 the battaile to withstand the wedge of horse . 27 the square battaile whereof to frame a diamond . 29 the diamond battaile it selfe . 30 the diamond battaile brought into a triangle , or two triangles . 31 the forme of imbattelling for speech , or parley . 41 another forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . 42 of the ring , the halfe moone , the spurre , and the like imbattellings . 43 chap : 3. the seuerall imbattailings of a regiment of 1000 men or more . 44 disputation growne about imbattailing . ibid. the authors discussion of the difference , betweene whom the diffierence is . ibid. the opinion of the newe souldier . ibid. the newe forme of imbattailing a regiment . 45 the numbers commanded , 46 the opinion of the old souldiers ibid. the old and auncient forme of imbattailing a regimnt . ibid. the young souldiers reasons for their opinions . ibid. the old souldiers reason for their oppinions . 47 other reasons . 49 the danger of the first forme of imbattailing . 51 the authors censure of both the opiniones . 52 the former difference reconciled . ibid : chap. 4. of the ioining of sundry regiments together . 53 what is the great substance of the arte military ibid. of what armies consist . bid . how to obserue dignity of place . 54 regiments ioined together in plaine battaile . 55 who are to forme battailes . 56 obseruation of grounds . ibid. regiments diuided yet brought into vniformitie . 57 chap : 5. the forming of maine batailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . 56 obseruations in the shaping of battailes . ibid. the composition of battailes and the members 60 how to finde a square roote and the vse thereof ibid. the diuiding of a battaile ibid. alteration of squares , or squares in squares . 61 of forlornes . ibid. of the vantguard . 62 of the battaile . ibid. of the reare . ibid. of the horse battaile and the greate ordnance with the guard thereof . 63 the portrature of a plaine ordinary battaile . 64 the wind-mille battaile of 50000 men , foote and horse . 65 the end of the table . the second part of the souldiers grammar . chap. 1. of the raunge of officers , from the lowest to the highest . all the lowe inferior raunges i haue a little touched before , both in the accidence , and in the first part of this grammar , but not so methodically and orderly as now i entend to proceed , and of the great and superiour officers , i haue not made any mention at all ; and therefore in this place i may not omitt them . the lowest raunge and meanest officer in an army is called the launcepesado , or launspresado , who is the leader or gouernour of halfe a file , and therefore is commonly called a midle man , or captaine ouer foure . he is the corporals deputy , and in his absence , dischargeth his duties : the nature of whose place , his office and dignitie , i haue at large set downe in the souldiers accidence : this is the most inferiour officer or effectuall commander , and therefore hath the lowest and last range in battailes , yet he holdeth his dignity by the antiquity of his place , and the greatnesse of him vnder whom he is commanded : as the launspesado vnder the generall , is before the launspesado vnder the lieutenant-generall ; that of the sergeant maior generall , before the colonell generall ; that of the colonell of a regiment , before his lieutenant colonell ; the lieuetenant colonell , before the sergeant maior of a regiment ; the seriant maior , before the captaine ; and the captaines successiuely according to their antiquities . next aboue the launspesado is raunged the corporall , of whose particular office i haue written sufficiently in the souldiers accidence . he is the leader or captaine of a fyle , and the commander of a squadron , which commonly is twenty fiue men ; these take their ranges or places of dignitie as the former , that is , according to their antiquity , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whome they are commanded . the next in range aboue the corporall is the sergeant of the band , whose particular office i haue also at large set downe in the souldiers accidence ; and howsoeuer his name and place be neglected and forgotten in the roman discypline , yet is he an officer with vs of great vse and eminence ; he hath no certaine place or range within the battalia , but is extrauegant and wandering vp & downe euery where , to see the ranks and files be kept , and that the bodie run not into any disorder ; they also take their places of dignity and are ranged as the former , that is , according to their antiquity , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whom they command . next to the sergeant of the band is ranged the drum , whose place is gentile and of great respect , for he ought to be a souldier of much experience and iudgement , and ( if possible ) a good linguist , that being sent to the enemy vpon any occasion , he may be able to deliuer his message without any interpreter or assistant , and also , to take notice of such thinges of importance as shall encounter with his eies or eares , whereby his owne party may be bettered or secured ; this officer is ranged according to his antiquitie and greatnesse of place ; that is to say , the drum maior of the army hath the first and principall range , then the drumm maiors of regiments successiuely , according to the antiquities of their colonells ; and so all other drums , according to the places of their officers in chiefe & other captaines . next the drum i range the clearke of the bande who although he be no souldier , nor haue any martiall command in the field , or before the face of the enemy , yet ought he to be a gentleman of good respect and well quallified , that is to say , he ought to be learned in all martiall lawes , whereby he may instruct the souldiers , and preuent trespasses ; he ought to be skilfull in accompts , because he is the auditor which keepeth all sorts of accompts betweene the captaine and the souldier ; as for his range , it is incertaine , for he hath no particular place of preheminence , but so far forth as his honest vertue and faire demeanour carrieth him , so he is to be respected and preferred , and this range will fall fitte both with his quallity and place , as is seene in the generall experience both of our owne and other armies ; and this officer houldeth the dignity of his place , not according to antiquitie , but according to the greatnesse and great office of the person vnder whom he serueth . next to this officer i range the chirurgion , who likewise is no souldier , but holdeth the dignitie of his place from curtesie and good manners ; he ought to be learned and skilfull in his profession , & thereby hauing wonne the heart of the souldier , he need not doubt of reuerence ; as for his range in generall , it is according to his desert and fayre demeanour ; but in particular ( and amongst his fellow chirurgions ) the chirurgion maior hath the first range , and then the rest according to antiquitie , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whom he serueth . now to returne againe to the souldier : the next officer which is ranged in the warrs is the ensigne of the band , or bearer of the captaines cullors ; this officer ought to be a gentleman of great respect and trust , for his captaines honour is deliuered into his care and keeping : whence it came to passe that the antient romans when they deliuered their cullors to any mans trust , they did it with great ceremonie and solemnity , the partie trusted , receiuing them by oath , in the face of the souldiers ; and the souldiers likewise taking an oath for faythfulnesse to their coullors , and this oath was called militia sacrata : this officer was called amongst the romans , signifer , or bandopharus , whom they euer ranged next vnto the captaine , as at this day the spaniard doth , who will not allow any lieutenant , because there shall not be any interposition betweene the ensigne bearer and the captaine ; but our discipline altereth in this nature , and therefore the ensigne taketh his range after his lieutenant , and according to his antiquitie , or the greatnesse of the person vnder whom he commandeth , hauing superiour office or place of command in the armie . next to the ensigne , is ranged the lieuetenant of a band , whom ( howsoeuer the romans and spaniards doe skippe and leape ouer , as a place neglected or forgotten ) yet is he a gentleman of singular trust and reputation , for he is his captaines principall councelor , and one that taketh all burthens from the captaines shoulders : in the captaines absence he performeth all the captaines duties , commandeth as captaine , and in his presence is assistant to all the captaines commandements , and an indifferent moderator in all questions betweene the captaine and the souldier : these lieutenants take their ranges or places of dignitie according to the antiquitie of their captaines , and the greatnesse of place in which they command ; as the lieutenant to the generall , or the liuetenant generall are captaines absolute : the lieutenants of other great and superiour officers , and the lieutenants of colonells are captaines in curtesie , and may in a court of warre fitte as the puny captaine of that regiment in which he commandeth : the lieutenants of lieutenant colonells are ranged next vnto them , then the lieutenants of serieant maiors , and lastly the lieutenants of captaines , according to command and antiquitie . next to the liuetenants are ranged the quarter maisters of regiments , who besides the deuision of quarters , ought to discharge the office of harbingers , for to make them two distinkt places is a surcharge to the army , and these take their ranges according to the dignitie of the regiment in which they commande . next to the quarter masters are ranged the prouost marshalls of the best degree , and these take their places according to their ellection and antiquitie . aboue all these are ranged the captaines , of which amongst the romans were two seuerall kindes , the one called centurion , or a commander of one hundred , the other cohortis praefectus , and commanded an whole battalia , in which were diuers centurions , and yet but one ensigne ; and these at this day are those which we call colonells : but for the priuate captaine ( of whom we speake ) he is ( or ought to be ) a gentleman of great wisedome , courage and iudgement , wise in the election of his officers and the manage of his affaires , valyent in the executing of all manner of commands and the contempt of dangers , and excellent in iudging of all occurrances and occasions , by which great perrils may be preuented , and the lesser so qualified , that they may weare no vizzard of amazement : these captaines take their ranges according to their antiquities , or the places of great office wherevnto they are aduaunced . next to the captaines are ranged the sergeant maiors of regiments , being principall captaines in the regiment wherein they serue , and hauing power vpon all commandements , to imbattaile and forme the regiment according to the forme and demonstration appointed by the sergeant maior generall : these officers take their range according to antiquitie , and the dignitie of the place wherevnto they are called , ( that is to say ) before euery priuate capiaine . next to these are ranged the liuetenant colonells of regiments , who are a degree aboue the sergeant maior , and are gentlemen of noble and braue quallity , euery one in the absence of the colonell gouerning as the absolute colonell ; their range holdeth according to antiquitie and no otherwise . next aboue these are ranged the colonells , who in in dignitie of place are as farre aboue the captaines , as the captaines aboue the priuate souldier ; they command in their regiments sometimes fiue hundred , sometimes a thousand , sometimes fiueteene hundred , and sometimes two thousand , according to the trust reposed , and the vertues of him trusted : these colonells are ranged according to their antiquitie , or the greatnesse of the place they hold , the eldest colonell ( being euer magister de campo , or , campe master ) holding the first or primer place , and all the rest successiuely according to antiquitie : this officer was of great account amongst the romans , and had diuers attributes giuen to their vertues , being sometimes called drungarius sometimes tribunus or militum , chiliarchus , and the like ; and when their commands came to be aduanced as to be made campe master or colonell generall , then they were caled turmarca , merarca or turmarū praefectus , so great was the estimation of this high cōmand . next these is ranged the sergeant maior generall , whom the romans called tessararius , he ought to be a man of noble quallity and high vallour , in asmuch as all his actions ( for the most part ) are executed in the face of the enemy , and he is euermore of the councell of warre . next him is ranged the colonell generall , a man of equall vertue and guifts with the former , especially he ought to be exceeding temperate and iust , for vpon him resteth the according of all differences of great nature which shall happen in the army ; and he is also euermore one of the councell of warre . next him is ranged the liuetenant generall of the horse , who hath the same command , and dischargeth the same dutie amongst the horsemen that the colonell generall doth amongst the foote , and he is euermore also one of the councell of warre : this officer was called among the romans , magister equitum , or praefectus equitum ; he hath a generall command ouer all horsemen whatsoeuer , whether they be men at armes which were called cataphractos ; or light horsemen , which were called expeditos incursores ; he is also euer of the councell of warre . next this officer , is ranged the high treasurer of the army , who amongst the antient romans was called quaestor ; this man is vnder no command but the generall onely , yet is to draw his eye and respect through the whole army , especially he is to haue regard to the auditor , muster master , and comissarie of the armie , and is of the councell . next to this officer , is ranged the master of the ordnance , who is a principall officer of the field , hauing command of all manner of artillerie , munition , and engines whatsoeuer , and is also one of the councell of warre . the next great officer is the lord marshall of the field , whose command stretcheth euery way , both to the horsse and foote ; how excellent he ought to be , is not to be disputed , because he ought to be one of the best of souldiers , hauing a prerogatiue to disanull forraigne lawes , and to make good whatsoeuer shall be thought fit in his owne armie . next this great officer , is ranged the liuetenant generall of the armie , who indeed is but the younger brother to the generall , and in his absence hath his soueraigne authority , and the absolute rule of the armie , being ( as it were ) a superintendant ouer all the rest of the great ones . lastly , ( as hauing no paralell , but carrying a supreame and soueraigne authoritie ouer all the whole armie ) is ranged the generall , whom the auntient souldiers would alow to be no lesse then a king , valuing this high place at so great a rate , that they thought the best subiect too meane to vndergoe it ; but we finde it otherwise , and reason leades vs to better argument ; for although kings are the best generalls , yet ( god forbid ) but they should haue that power and priueledge to elect out of their noblest and best deserning subiects , such able and sufficient generalls as may take vpon them the gouernment of an armie , and not be tyed at all times and vpon all occasions to imbarque themselues into the danger of the warres . thus you see that subiects may be generalls , yet indeed none worthily but the best of subiects , who for their excellent vertues draw the nearest in quality vnto kings . thus haue i runne through the whole range of great and small offices , which support and gouerne an army , and must of necessity be ( for their marshiall imployment ) in the range and martch thereof ; yet notwithstanding i must confesse , i haue skipt or leapt ouer a range of officers , which out of certaine priueledges which they haue , are more remote and abandoned from the army , or else haue such places of particularitie and certainetie , that they doe not entirely mixe and ioyne with the grosse bodie ; besides , they haue another dependance , and indeed are called the particuler officers belonging vnto the caualarie or horse armie , and howsoeuer they haue foote commands , yet they depend and waite vpon the horse , and from the lord marshall take all their directions . the first and the lowest of these is the master gunner , who is indeed but an inferiour officer vnder the master of the ordnance ; he hath athoritie ouer all the rest of the gunners , and ought to see that euery man performe his dutie : this officer , though he had no place amongst the romans , because the inuention of powder was not then found out , yet they had amongst them a kinde of artillerie , which they called arietes , scorpions , balistas , arcubalistas , testudines , turres , and a world of other engines , the gouernor whereof was the same in nature that our master gunner is . next aboue this officer , is ranged the trench master , who hath command ouer all the p●●●ers in all their works , and by his directions seeth all manner of trenches cast vp , whether it be for guard and inclosing of the campe , or for other particuler annoyance to the enemy , or for the building of sconces or other defence or offence , as directions shall be giuen . next this officer is ranged the waggon master or carriadge master generall , who amongst the romans was called impedimentorū magistrū , the master of impediments or hindrāces in the warres ; for it is true , that frō nicenesse & curiositie , first grew the foundation of this office ; he hath supreame authoritie ouer al waggons , carriages , sledds , and the like , and foreseeth that they martch orderlie , without cloying vp the hie waies , or doing foule annoyances one to the other in their martches , with a world of other obseruations , which are too long to recite in this place . next this officer , is ranged the forrage master generall , who is a principall dependant vpon the lord marshall : to this officers charge is deliuered the disposing of all manner of horse prouisions , as hay , corne , strawe , grasse , forrage , & the like , and he foreseeth that all inferiour officers which haue charge herein doe their duties truely , and that equall distribution be made , and no souldier hindred of his true alowance , and where fault is , to see due punishment executed on the offenders . next this officer , is ranged the victuall master generall , to whose charge is deliuered all kinde of foode and sustenance belonging to the souldier , as bread , bisket , butter , cheese , beefe , poore-iohn , haberdine , peafe , wheate , ryce , and the like , and by his inferiour officers ( which are called prouant-masters ) he is to see that due distribution be made thereof amongst the souldiers , according to allowance from the superiour officers . next this , is ranged the iudge-marshall , or comissarie generall , who ought to be a learned gentleman and skillfull in the ciuill and marshall lawes , for he expoundeth them to the souldier and giueeth sentence vpon all offenders and offences ; as they are decreed by a marshall court. next this officer is randged the scout-master generall , who amongst the romans was an officer vnknowne , because they neuer lodged their horse without the verge of the campe , or the walls of the towne as in our moderne warres now we doe , yet had the romans their discouerers , which they called scultators , or speculators , or indeed campiductores , who differed little or nothing in their charge and office from these which we call scoutes , or scoute-master ; this officer hath command ouer all scouts , maketh ellection of places of danger where to place them , and giueth them all directions which they are to obserue ; his dependance is vpon the lord marshall , and he is a principall councellor in disposing of the campe , and informeth the manner of the horse parado when the watch is to be set . next this officer is ranged the liuetenant of the ordnance , who hath his generall dependance on the master of the ordnance , hauing vnder his charge the command of all the small ordnance and munition ; and in the absence of the master commandeth as the master , both ouer the great and lesser artillery and ouer all sorts of officers depending vpon the masters commandment , the last and greatest of this second range is the muster master generall , or controuler of the musters being an high and most necessary officer in all royall armies ; his office extendeth to the numbring of men , to the well arming , ordering and disposing of bodies ; to the preuenting of all manner of frauds and deceits in the captains , and their inferiour officers : he hath the list of euery mans band , preuents alterations , hath the controle of all inferiour comisaries vnder him , he appeaseth differences betwene captaines and his ministers , giueth out all the warrants for full pay , checketh all grosse defaults and is euermore one of the counsell of warre . thus i haue shewed you a true range of all officers in the warres , from the lowest to the highest , as also those which haue a colatterall dependance , by which it is easily for any man to vnderstand how they be ioyned and linckt together ; i will now descend to matters of other importance . chap. ii. of the seuerall imbattalings of a priuate company of 200. or otherwise . there hath bene , and is at this day , much disputation and arguments amongst old and new soldiers touching the composition or number of a priuate captains company , some allowing more as 200 , or 250 , & 300 , nay at this day 500 , in a priuate captaines command ; others allow lesse , as but 50. or 100 or 150 at the most , but in both these there are extreamities ; & as 250 , 300 and 500 are more then any priuate man can well gouerne , for neither can his eye or voice extend either to instruction or correction , the front will be so dilated and spread , for 500 : men must euer carry 50 : in brest ; so likewise the number of 50 : in the whole body is too few and neither sorteth with dicipline , nor is an equall aduancment for a well deseruing captain ; for if the captaine of 100 : men haue but 4s per diem entertinement , then the ceptaine of 50 : can expect but 2s per diem which is to little eyther to support his place , or maintaine the ranke where vnto he is called . it is true that the ancient romans allowed their captaines but 100 : and ther vpon called them centurions , and it is true also that this is an wholsome preportion both in respect of the entertainement , and easinesse of gouernement , and the forme of the body , which being a true square they are euer most ready and proper for the forming and fashioning of any grosse body or battell what soeuer ; but notwithstanding the aptnesse and readinesse of this body ; yet the necessity of affaires ; the diligence and desert of well deseruing spirits compells our generalls to allow other numbers , and as 100 men is thought sufficient for a captaine at his first begining , so an 150 , or 200 men to him that hath excellently deserued is but a competent aduancement and by the ayd of sufficient officers may be gouerned and instructed in all perfecton , but to exceede this number of 200 : there will be euer errour found and aduancement will proue an hurt and burthen . sure then it must fall out in the conclusion that 200 men is the only perfect number whereon to compound a priuate company : i will therefore take that number in hand and shew you the seuerall imbattalings or formes of battaile wherevnto they can be reducted : wherein you are first to conceiue that ( according to our present discipline , this number of 200 : men is deuided into two bodies equall , or two distinct and seuerall weapons , that is to say , 100 : pyks , and 100 shott or muskets : the pyks i doe expresse vnder this carracter ( p ) and the shott or musquetts vnder this carracter : ( s ) the first imbattalling then of a company of 200 : men is to draw them into a forme or kind of square body , according to the forme of this figure following . the first forme of imbattalling of two hundred men . this battayll you see allmost drawne to a square by reason of the distance , for it is to be supposed , that now this body standeth at order in files , which is three foote ; and at open order in rankes , which is sixe foote : and so by extending the length the file is made as large as the front ; and of all battailes this is the strongest and the best , being ablest to bring most hands to fight without disorder and the soonest repaired and amended whensoeuer it shall come to any ruine , for now it standeth ready for all motions what soeuer . there is an other manner of imbattailing of this number , when they shall encounter with a troope of horse , the order and proportion whereof is contained in this figure following : the second forme of imbattailing being against horse . here in this bataile you see how the ranks of shott are drawne within the ranks of pikes and so couered and safeguarded that the horsemen cannot charge or breake vpon , or through them , but with most eminent and certaine danger , for the vollyes lie rrady prepard , and the pykes stand so that they cannot be enforced to any rout or disorder ; and here you shall take a principall obseruation ; that if the horse which shall charge this battell of foote be gentlemen at armes , armed cap a pe : from head to foote ; with strong launces in their hands and pistolls at the saddle bow ; and the horse armed also both with defensiue & offensiue armor , then shall all the pikes charge at the right foote and draw their swords ouer arme , euery man with his former foote linking in his leaders hinder foote ; but if the horse be but curashieirs armed from the head to knee , with long pystols and vnarmed horses , then shall all the pykes charge aboue hand , and not at the right foote , and shall also aduance forward in their charge and offer to encounter with the horse , for their strength is such that it cannot be broken by vnarmed horses , nor can they be ruin'd but by the vtter losse of the horse troope , now for the manner of the salley of this inclosed shotte , and how they shall giue their volley , to the most anoiance of the enemy , you shall perceiue it in the forme of this next figure following . the manuer of gining volleis against the horse . heere you see that in this salley or giuing of the volly against the horse , one halfe of the musquets ( vpon the first appearance or approch of the troope and before they come within distance to deliuer their pistols ) issueth fourth by the flanke , which by wheele or otherwise , by turning of faces you shall euer make the front , and being aduanced some small distance they presently spread foorth themselues into one single file , and so deliuer their volly alltogeather , whilst the other haulfe of the shotte ascend into their places , and make ready , then that parte of the shot which did issue foorth , and haue giuen their volly , shall with all conuenient speede retire themselues againe betwene the rankes , and passe behind the shot which filleth their roomes and there lade thire musquets againe ; whilest the pikes charge either to the right foote , or alloft according to the nature of the horse troope which chargeth them ; then the horse wheeling about to recouer the second pistoll the other halfe of the shotte shall issue out and deliuer their volly as the former . now if the horse troope shall happen to deuide it selfe and so charge the foote battell on both sides , or if they shall range themselues and charge euery way , both before , behind , and on both sides , then shall the shotte issue out both wayes and girdle the battaille round about , according to the forme and fashion of this figure following . volleis when the foote battaile is charged euery way . thus you see the shotte issueth fourth equally on on both sides , and girdleth the foote battalia round about , so that the volly is giuen entirely and without impeachment or trouble one of another , whereas to shoote ouer one anothers shoulder or by making the first man kneele , the second stoope , the third bend his body , the fourth leane forward , and the fifte to stand vpright , and so to deliuer their volly were both rude and disorderly , bringing great danger to the souldier , and placing them in such a lame and vncomely posture , that all agillity and aptnesse to doe seruice would be taken away and the enemy taking aduantage thereof would be much more ready and apte to breake in vpon them and driue them to rout and confusion . there is an other forme of imbattaling this company of 200 men , and it is excellent either against foote or horse , & hath so many seuerall waies to fight , and that with such strength and safety , that on which hand soeuer the battaile shall be assailed , yet it will stand impregnable , the shot so seconding the pikes , and the pikes so garding the shot that euery way it will giue a certaine and infallibe repulse vnto the enemy . this battaile is a square battaile as the rest before shewed ; yet it is compounded of diuers squares or maniples , which amongst the best experienced souldiers is held the best and safest way of fighting , the forme of which battaile is contained in this figure following . the imbattelling of many squares in one square . heere you see eight seuerall squares brought into one square , and the ninth reserued voyd for the entertainement of the ensigne , & such short weapons as shall attend it , which howsoeuer they be out of vse , in the low-countries , where groose bodies , seldome or neuer ioyne , yet with vs , where hand battaile must continually be expected , they are not vnnecessary , nor to be neglected . this forme of battaile carrieth the front euery way , and vpon the allteration of the face , is ready to receiue the charge foure seuerall wayes at once , with equall strength and oppositions ; for euery square is a seuerall manuple , and one so answering to another that nothing but multitudes can subdue it . there is againe another forme of imbattailling these 200 : men , which howsoeuer it carry an imaginary face of weaknesse , yet it is strong and substantiall , and was indeede inuented through the false shew , to draw and bring the enemy on , who being once ingadged , in the open and weake places , the maniples or small squares , at an instant retire , and ioyne them selues togeather so strongly , that it is impossible for the enemy to come off without great losse or vtter subuersion . this battaile ( as the former ) is compounded of nine squares fullfilled and supplied , and of sixe empty and vnsupplied , which may draw on , and intice the enemy to charge ; but afterward by closing and ioining together , frustrateth that hope , and leaues the euent to the hazard of fortune . the forme of this politike and deceiuing battaile is expressd in this figure following . the politique , or deceiuing battaile . heere you see that though these empty places in the battaile are reserued , whereby to entice the enemy ; yet they are so slanked on either hand and before , both with pikes and shotte , that no approach can be made without danger : no if the horse should attempt to charge and breake in , thinking to cut the shot from the pikes as in outward shew it seemeth likely ; yet haue the shotte such safe and seuerall places to retire into , and the pikes standing so apt and ready to couer and entertaine them , that the assault is to no purpose , and the battaile standeth still stronger and stronger . the difference betwixt this battaile and the former is only the breach and seperation of manuples , which being aduanced one from another ( yet within the distance of guard ) haue more liberty to fight , and may alter their proportions , or distances , as they please . there is another forme of imbattailing these 200 men , and it is principally vsed against the horse , especially , when they charge in the forme of a wedge , or triangular , of which wedge i haue spoken more largely in the former part of this grammer , and this battaile also is drawne from a maine square , onely the weapons are altered , and the opposition of the pikes are made strongest in the bottome of the battaile ; this battaile was of greate vse amongst the grecians before fire or powder was knowne , and many famous votaries , and triumphs gotten by the vse thereof , and therefore hauing now fire and shotte to assist the naturall strength thereof , it must needes be more acceptable and worthier of imitation . this battaile is drawne by diuision betweene the middle men to the front , and the middlemen to the reare , and betweene the middle men to the right flanke , and the middle men to the left , leauing the shotte within the pikes , in such manner , that vpon all assaults they may haue free vse of their armes ; and yet notwithstanding abide in safety in dispight of the enemy . the forme of this battaile is expressed in the next figure following . the battaile to withstand the wedge of horse . thus you see how this bataile is interlined with the shot , & guarded with the pikes , so that although there be a field of entrance , yet it is a straight place of much danger ; and howsoeuer the enemy may come on bouldly , yet he cannot but returne heauily . many other sorts of imbatialing there are , though none more necessary , as the battaile called diamond , the battaile triangular , and such like ; which noueltie ( i know ) is desirous to search into ; and the proportions i know at the first , carry a greate shew of much skill , and counning , especially to the ignorant , but being once waded into with iudgement , there is nothing more facile or easie : therefore to draw a diamond battaile , first drawe your battaile into a square , according to the first figure in this booke ; or for your better remembrance , according to this figure following which being but compounded of 144 men ; may serue to expresse the manner and fashioning of 4000. the square battaile , whereof to frame a diamond . heere you behould the square or forme of a battalia , now to reduce this to a diamond , or imperfect square , the captaine shall come to the leader of the right hand file , ( which is the first and principall man of the company ) and aduancing before him , shall wheele the whole company into a direct line , with the right point foreward , and the left point descending , as in this figure following . the diamond battaile : heere you see that by drawing foorth of the battaile , howsoeuer square at the first , yet by alteration of distance , it is brought into a perfect diamond forme ; and although the pikes and shotte keepe their places , as in the square , yet at your pleasure you may change them , and draw the weapons to what part of the battaile , and into what files your selfe pleaseth . now to bring this diamond or any other diamond into a perfect triangular : you shall cut off the diamond battaile in the middest , through the two midle extreame parts , and then will remaine vnto you two triangulars , a greater and a lesse , which you may double or encrease , as you shall finde occasion ; so that albeit by this diuision you find how to make this proportion , yet perceiueing how you may double and encrease both the files and rankes , ( whose number is euer constant and certaine , according to the proportion of the triangle ) you may at pleasure without any diuision or seperation of body , forme this triangle , out of the files and rankes onely . but because you shall not stand amazed at this businesse , i will in a few charracters , containe but a fewe men ( which is the easiest for capasity ) shew you how to bring a diamond to a triangle , as in this figure following appeareth . a diamond battaile brought into a triangle . thus you see the diamond is cut into two triangles which being ledde seuerall wayes may serue as two bodies , and that to exceeding good , and honorable purpose , for this diamond , or sharpe piercing body , is of great force to enter and breake any square body , and being but entered in with the point , the rest of the body followeth with such order and strength , and so encreaseth and maketh the breach greater , and greater , that the square body can hardly ioyne together againe , but falleth into rout , or into a retrait that is full as dishonorable , and to this purpose was this diamond foote battaile first of all inuented . there is againe another manner of imbattailing this priuate company of 200 , which howsoeuer it be seldome or neuer vsed in fight , yet it is of excellent vse in the field , both before the framing of the battaile , & after the battell is framed , this manner of imbatailing , is when either any of the captaines officers would deliuer a priuate message to the company , which none but themselues should heare , or when the captaine himselfe , would either giue secret directions , or imparte matter of instruction , or matter of reprehension , or when any other supreame officer of the field , would deliuer to the company either encouragement or caution . the manner of this imbattailing is in this wise , the captaine shall first cause both the wings of shot to stand still , hauing drawne them vp into their close order , then he shall aduance the first diuision of pikes vpward , till the midle men of the pikes to the reare be equall with the two first ranks of shotte , and euery man in his close order , then shall the subdiuision turne their faces about and descend downeward , till the middle men of the front be equall with the two last rankes of shot , then hauing closed all strongly together , and turned euery face vpon the center : the captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , and such other officers , as he will haue partakers of his speech , shall come into the square void place of the battaile , and there deliuer what seemeth good to himselfe ; which finished , he shall reduce his battaile backe into its first forme , as for the shape of imbattelling for parley , it will carry the proportion of this figure following . the forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . there be others which imbattaile for speech or parly much after this manner aforesaid , onely they straighten or make lesse the empty or void place in the midst , by making the shotte first to double their ranks , then the first diuision of pikes to aduance vpward , and the subdiuision of pikes to desscend downeward , and afterward to doe in all things as before , and then the forme of battaile will bee like this figure following . another forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . in this forme of imbattailing though the center be straightned , yet the outward verge of the battaile is enlarged , so that though som doe heare and vnderstand better , yet many shall not heare nor vnderstand at all , but must receiue the speech by relation ; so that i conclude the first forme of imbattailing for speech or parly is the best , easiest and safest , yet i stand not vpon mine owne iudgement , but submit to the censure of the old and experienced soldiers . diuers other formes of imbattailing there be for a priuate company of 200 men , as the ring , the halfe-moone ; the spurre , and the like , but because i haue heard them mightelie condemned by the noblest souldiers of our age , and men of high respect and reuerence , affirming them rather to leade into rout and disorder then any way to strentghen and better the battalia , therefore i dare not giue rules or prescriptions for them , but referre such as are desirous to learne and behold them , to any ignorant and vnskillfull teacher , and he shall spend howres and daies onely in these motions , not knowing otherwise how to wast time , or make the vulgar people to wonder . and thus much touching the imbattailings of a priuate company of 200 men , or any other inferior number . chap. 3. the seuerall imbattailings of a regiment of one thousand men or more . touching the imbattailing of a regiment of 1000 men or more , there is now at this instant time great argument and disputation among souldiers ; some being of great experience and knowledge , some of greater reputation then knowledge , some seeming to know more then they doe know , and some out of affection to other mens singularity , or to hold an opposite contention , whereby to get a note or name of much iudgement . the new and latter forme of imbattailing a regiment . you must first vnderstand that this difference groweth betweene the old souldier and the new souldier , that is betweene those of old and sollide experience , and those of late and more quainte practise ; the first hauing nothing but what the warre it selfe informeth , the other the helpe of garden , yarde , citty , home , and countrey trialls . to come then to the difference it selfe , the newe and latter souldiers would haue a regiment when it is drawne into the field to be compounded of the seuerall companies distinctly one by another , without any alteration , euery captaine and officer gouerning his owne company and not to make any mixture of them at all , onely to ioine and fixe them together into one body according to the forme of this figure following . heere the figure . heere you see how the colonell , lieutenant colonell , sergeant-maior and the rest of the inferior captaines ioyne their companies togeather without mixture according to the dignity of their places making one entire and sollide body , of shotte and pikes , shotte and pikes quite through the regiment , which regiment containe : 1000 men is deuided thus . the colonell according to greatnes of his command , commandeth ●00 men , the lieutenant colonell 150 , and the sergeant maior . 150 , and the fiue other inferiour captaines command either of them 100 men , and thus the 1000 men , are marshalled and gouerned . now the older experienced souldiers differ from this manner of discipline , and though they vary not in the number or command , yet they stand farre aloofe from the whole matter of composition , for they will not allow to draw vp regiments by entire and whole companies without alteration , but first draw vp all the pikes into one body , then the shotte into another , and after diuiding the shot into two equall parts , wing or flanke , the pikes on either hand , and so make one whole and entire battell of shotte and pikes , and not a mixte body of shotte and pikes in small manuples , but rather keepe the regiment in one great and vniforme body according to the preportion of this figure following . heere the figure . heere you see the battaile of pikes is drawne all into one body , and the shotte on either hand , yet euery officer hath preheminence of place according to his dignity , and many inferiour officers aduanced and imploied , which are extrauegant in the former battaile : the olde ancient forme of imbattailing a regiment . they are the soonest reduced to their first forme when they are put into route , and the shotte and piks being thus intermixt one with another , the one offending , the other defending , the battaile is of great force , and more terrible to the enemy . lastely , in a battaile thus compounded , euery man hath the order or gouernement of his owne souldiers , who are trained to his discipline , and vnderstand his commands , by which they are made more willing to goe on , and doe obay with greater courage and allacrity , then when they are lead by a stranger , as in the other battell perforce they must be ; these and many other like reasons , the younger souldiers yeeld to make good this new opinion , and i must confesse they carry a greete shew of substantiall truth , did not some impediment crosse in the way , which take from them a great parte of beleefe and credit , for to these reasons , thus the old souldiers reply . that true it is , this forme of imbattailing is good and may passe for courant , as long as companies are in their full strength , and hold their perfect and true number , but to that the warre is a knowne enemy , and who knowes not that sicknesse , mortality , slaughter , ill diet and lodging , hunger , cold and surfeites doe so attend vpon armies , that by them commpanies are exceedingly weakned and made lesse , so that he which mustereth one hundred men if he bring three score and ten able men into the field to fight , is oft held for a stronge company , and so in like case of other numbers , so that to imbattaile these by themselues , being of so small contents , neither can the volly be greate , nor the harme dangerous which shall insue to the enemy , whereas the seuerall weapons of these small bodies , being drawne out and knitte into seuerall great bodies , the numbees will swell and increase , and as of vnits are made infinits , so forty of my shotte ioined to forty of an other mans , and to vs sixe-score of two or three other captaines , will make 200 shotte , this will bring foorth a great volly , and this will proue of great danger to the enemy . againe for the easinesse of gouernement , or speedy reducing them to their first forme , being routed , they haue no aduantage of this other great body , for howsoeuer the shotte is in two bodies , as the other former mixt battaile is in sixteene , & the piks in one body as the other is in eight , yet are these great bodies diuided into so small diuisions , and ledde by such sufficient officers , that no disorder can happen , but it is as soone brought againe into forme , as if they had their owne commanders , and one of the great vollies will doe more hurt and spoile , then foure of the smaller . lastly for the imagination of more ready obedience , better vnderstanding of command , and a greater willingnesse to discharge duty , the old soldiers suppose they are no necessary obstacles to be thrust in into this place , because the discipline of warre being ( as it ought to be ) all of one forme and manner , without intrusion of new words of command , or addition of curious nouelties , so that euery officer speaking a knowne and a certaine language , it matters not who giues the word , for being vnderstoode it must be performed , and that they will fight more willingly with their owne captaines then with other men , the naturall aleageance they beare to their king and country , whose quarrell they fight , puts all such doubts out of question , because euery honest and valiant mans conscience is ruled by the iustnesse of his cause , and his kings commandment , and all other heats are supernaturall , and but the proofes of false vallonre . thus the old souldier answereth to what the young souldier doth obiect , and for a conclusion addeth this more , to withstand this new manner of imbattailing . they say that this mixing of shotte and pikes together in seuerall distinct companies , weakneth and disableth the grosse body ; for here if you cast off your shott , then you leaue such emptie and wide streetes , that the enemies horse are apt to breake in and disorder them , or if you doe not cast off the shott , but keepe them close , and make them discharge in countermarch ( which is the best and safest way ) yet then they are apt to be thronged vp together by the pikes , and the distance of place being taken from them , the vse of their weapons must fall , and so consequently all things fall to ruine . but suppose order be kept and these defects not found in the battaile , yet say the olde souldiers , that there is great impediment in this kinde of imbattelling ; for in what manner soeuer the short serue , yet they will euer leaue a weakenesse in the and such open gaps and streets that the horse may breake in at pleasure , or any other new foote diuision may sally foorth and ouer throw the whole regiment , as by the example of the figure following may easily be perceiued in a few companies , as in this ensuing figure more plainely is showne . the danger of this forme of imbatelling . thus you see if the battaile of pikes stand , and the shot giue fire , into what damage they bring the whole regiment , whether they serue in countermarch , or otherwise ; leauing so many open enterances , that if one , yet all can hardly be preuented . thus i haue shewed you the seuerall wayes of imbattailing of a regiment , with the different opinions of souldiers , together with their arguments and strength of reason thereupon . it resteth now that i deliuer my particular opinion touching the best election ; wherein , although i know , many oposites will rise vp against me , yet freely and ingeniously thus i am perswaded . that the first manner of imbattelling by seuerall companies , and euery captaine leading of his own men , is excellent for shew at generall musters , or at any peaceful triumph , where the exercise of armes is required , because it is comly and beautifull to behold , giueth great contentment to the spectators , and continueth the volley long , though not in the best order . but if it be to expresse true marshall discipline , to bring hands to fight in good sadnes , or to giue affright to a certaine enemy at all times both in strength and weaknesse , then with out all doubt the latter forme of imbattailing where the pikes are drawne into one body , and winged on each hand with the shotte , is without all contradiction , the onely best way for the imbattailing of a regiment of one thousand men or more . and thus much for the argument of imbattailing a regiment , wherein if any man rest vnsatisfied , let him repaire to other authors which are allowed for authority , and comparing their reasons together , no doubt but he shall soone finde satisfaction . chap. 4 , of the ioining of sundry regiments together . of rankes and files are compounded small squadrons , of small squadrons are compounded priuate companies , of priuate companies are compounded regiments , and of regiments are compounded maine battailes of any extent whatsoeuer . now for the composition of a regiment , together with the defects , and perfections of the same , i haue shewed sufficiently in the last chapter . it now therefore resteth that i speake some thing of the ioining or knitting togeather of many and sundry regiments , in one grosse body , which is the greate substance of the arte-military ; for of these greate bodies doe armies consist , and according to the forme and proportion thereof , being agreable with the ground and strength of scituation whereon it is placed , is the army made euer stronger or weaker . now armies doe neuer consist of one onely entire and maine body alone , without seperation or distinction , but of diuers great bodies , as of forlornes , vantguard , battaile and reare of diuers greate bodies of horse , as of gentlemen at armes , curashiers , dragoones , or else carbines , and euery one of these great bodies are compounded of sundry regiments in the drawing of which togeather is principally to be regarded the dignity and preheminence of the place , according to the vallue of the commanders , or the lot when it is either cast or appointed , wherein the principall obseruation is the hand ; so that whensoeuer regiments are to be ioined togeather , whether it be by the lord marshall , or the seriant-maior of the fielde , yet they must not neglect to giue to the best man the best place , by drawing vp his regiment first , and placing it in the principall place , and then the rest successiuely one after another , bringing them vp on the left hand , and not on the right , till the body be formed according to commandment and answerable to this figure following . regiments ioyned together in plaine battaile . heere you see 5000 men diuided into fiue regiments , how they are drawne vp into one body , and may make either vantguard battaile , or reare as it shall please the supreame officer to dispose of them . and as thus they are drawne into plaine battaile , so may they also be drawne into any other forme of battaile which the lord marshall or sergeant-maior shall deuise , for their wisdomes and iudgements ( which they euer accomodate to the aduantage of the ground , & to the preuenting of the enemies designes ) is euer referred the forme and shape of all forts of battailes ; whence it comes that a man shall hardly in an age , see two battailes in two seuerall places , of one and the selfe same forme and fashion ; because as grounds vary in their situations , so proportions change in their composures , and that battaile which is strong and comely for the plaine , will proue but weake and illfauored for the hill , and that which is guarded with water , will not agree with the guard of wood ; nor that which is fenced with a stone wall , suite with the fence of a dry ditch ; for euery thing must be accomodated to the property of its owne proper nature ; and therefore i will shewe you another forme of imbattailing or ioining of regiments together , wherein although some regiments are broken and diuided into parts , yet they agree in one vniformity of body , and may be reduced to their first naturall proportion at pleasure : as by this figure following you may easily perceiue . regiments diuided , yet brought vnto vniforme . here you may behold two regiments diuided into sixe triangles , the pikes in the midst , and the shotte on eache flanke , but being drawne vp together in one body , then the pikes of themseues make a perfect diamond , and the foure triangles of shotte guarding euery corner , front , wing and reare , bring the whole mixt body into a quadrangle or perfeit square , this is a stronge manner of imbattailing , and hardly to be broke or entered ; and whosoeuer is ready in drawing vp , and ioining of these bodies togeather in such forme as hath beene already specified , may without dificulty or staggering draw vp any other body of what shape or forme soeuer it shall be commanded . and thus much for the ioining of sundry regiments together into one body . chap : 5. the forming of maine battailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . after the ioining of regiments togeather , must necessarily follow the composition of maine battailes , beyond which spheare souldiers doe neuer looke , because it is the end and determination of warre , these battailes ( as i haue formerly shewed ) are euer shaped according to the ground whereon they are planted , and according to the naturall deffences , or naturall offences which arise from the same places : yet because particulars often growe from generalities , and that from plaine and homely grounds curious and rare things are deriued . i thinke it not amisse heere in this place to deliuer you some generall and plaine moddels of battailes , which taken into a souldier-like consideration , may giue you an aide , though not an instruction , how to accomodate battailes and to forme and proporrion them in such manner as may bee most commodious for your selfe , and friends , and most hurtfull and noisome for the enemy . first then you must vnderstand that the body of euery maine battaile is compounded of sixe principiall members , that is to say , of the forlorne or loose bodies , of the vantguard , battaile , reare , horse , and the great artillery ; and of these , if any be imperfect , or out of frame , either in order , number , shape or gouernment , the whole army is sicke , and howsoeuer like xerxes host they may make the skie darke with their arrowes , yet will an handfull of cirus men , well disciplin'd , put them to route , and write captiuity on their backs as a perpetuall embleme . when therefore you will drawe vp any maine battaile , you must looke into the square roote of greate numbers , as the square roote of one hundred is ten , because the body carrieth ten in square euery way , for ten times ten is one hundred , so likewise the square roote of 400 is 200 , because it carrieth the square of 200 euery way , for twenty times twenty is foure hundred , and thus of any number which will carry a square proportion be it great or little whatsoeuer ; then knowing the entire number of the whole army , and diuiding it into seuerall parts , alowing so many for the forlorns , so many for the vantguard , so many for the battell , so many for the reare , and so many for the guard of the ordnance , or great artillery ; you by the drawing vp of these lesser squares , and inlargening them as occasion shall serue , forme and shape euery seuerall diuision after what proportion your selfe pleaseth , for of squares , you may make rounds ; of rounds , triangles ; of triangles , diamonds ; and of diamonds many other curious or intricate figures that shall come into your imagination , for proofe behold this figure following . alteration of squares , or squares in squares . thus you see by deuiding and mixing of squares , you may frame other proportions , it resteth then that after you haue cast out , and alotted your forlorns which is intended euer to be the least of all the foure battailes , that you distribute them in this manner : the first point of the forlorne ought to consist of certaine loose files of shotte extrauagantly dispersed without order , then to second them with certaine small squares of shotte as an 100 or 200 in a square well ordered and gouerned which as the battailes shall approach nearer and nearer , may vpon any occasion of danger retire into the vantguard . then shall the vantguard be compounded of one maine and entire body , or of two at the most ; containing almost , but not fully three parts of the battaile , and being equally mixt of shot and pikes . after the vantguard , the maine battaile taketh place , being compounded of one body or two at most , and containing a full third part , or sometimes more then halfe as much againe as the vantguard . in this battaile ought to be the choisest men and best experienced of the army , it is the seate and place of the generall , and as an ocean sendeth foorth his streames of souldiers to releiue and refresh euery weake and distressed part that is about it . next after the battaile is the place of the reare which likewise is contained in one body or two at the most . this body ought to be of equall number and extent with the vantguard , and in all formes , marches , and executions it is one and the same in nature with the vantguard , for at any time when faces are turned about then is the reare the vantgurad , & the vantguard the reare ; at the two points of the vantgurad , that is to say , the vtmost right point and the vtmost left point , as two long extended wings , troopeth the horse army , and at the end of them is the great ordnance on both sides ; behind which marcheth two regiments of foote for a guard and defence of the artillery and munition ; for the cutting off of the greate ordnance is the renownedst worke the enemy can aime at , or accomplish . thus i haue in words deliuered you the true forme of a plaine and ordinary battaile , with euery seuerall member belonging there vnto , but for as much as the protraicture maketh a deeper impression in the minde , and is a greater helpe and friend to the memory then the meere relation of words onely ; i will therefore in this next figure following , shew you the true portraiture of the battaile already discribed . the wind-mill battaile . thus heere you see the strongest of battailes , and as curious as any what soeuer , so that to make a conclusion of this worke , who will diligently looke into these models already demonstrated , and apply himselfe to the imitation thereof , shall not neede to lodge any scruples in his brest , but by the helpe of these examples may be able to range any battaile with iudgement and sufficiency . and thus much for the forming of maine battailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06968-e2870 launcepesado . corporall sergeant of the band. the drum the clarke of the band the chirurgion . the ensigne . the lieutenant . quarter master prouest marshall 〈◊〉 maior of regiments lieutenant colonells of regiments colonells of regiments sergeant maior generall colonell generall . liuetenant generall of the horse . treasurer of the army master of the ordnance . lord marshall lieuteant generall of the armie the generall a second range the master gunner , the trench master , the waggon master , the forrage master the victuall master the iudge marshall the scout-master the lieutenant of the ordnance the muster master generall differences in oppinions , touching a priuate company , the romās rule for companies . the true composition of a companie the first imbattaling of 200. disputation growne about imbatailings betweene whom the difference is , the opinion of the new souldiers the numbers commanded . the opinion of the old souldiers the old soldiers reasons for their opinions . other reasons . the authors censure of both opinions . the former difference reconciled what is the great substance of the arte military . of what armies consist . how to obserue dignity of place . who are to forme battailes . obseruation of grounds . obseruation in shaping of battailes . the composition of battailes and the members how to finde a square roote . deuiding of a battaile . of forlornes . of the vantguard . of the battel of the reare the horse battaile and the great ordnance with the guard thereof . a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. 1678 approx. 146 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42527 wing g402a estc r217414 99829081 99829081 33517 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42527) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33517) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1986:22) a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. [16], 143, [1] p., [19] leaves of plate printed for robert hartford, at the sign of the angel in corn-hill, near the royal exchange, london : 1678. includes table of contents and a final page of advertisement. reproduction of the original in the christ church library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -armée -early works to 1800. military art and science -early works to 1800. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion printed for rohert hanford at the signe of the angell in cornhill ▪ a treatise of the arms and engines of war , of fire-works , ensigns , and military instruments , both ancient and modern ; with the manner they are at present used , as well in french armies , as amongst other nations . inriched with many figures . written originally in french by lowis de gaya , author of the treatise called the art of war . translated for publick advantage . london , printed for robert harford , at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange ; 1678. to the right worshipful sir jonas moore knight , surveyor general of his majesties ordnance and armories . honoured sir , be pleased to accept the patronage of these few sheets ; which as they contain a treatise of arms , &c. can no where more securely shelter themselves than under the banner of your protection : for being cherished by your allowance , the world may well imagine that there is something more than ordinary comprehended in them which may merit a serious reading and a generous practice ; especially at such a time , as this , for warlike preparation . i must confess the trust you have , deserves far nobler presents of this nature than what here i make . nor am i ignorant how far my presumption has carry'd me in this attempt . in excuse whereof , i have onely , with your kind permission to plead the encouragment of your continual favours , and advantagions obligations to a young beginner ; of which should i be once ingratefully forgetful , when the least mite of opportunity offers , i should incur a crime that would deprive me of one of the chiefest happinesses whereto i aspire ; which is to acknowledge my self sir your most obedient and most obliged servant r. h. the contents . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of true nobility . p 1. the first book . chap. i. of sharp-weapons . sect. 1. of the sword p. 9. sect. 2. of the shable and cimeter , p. 12. sect. 3. of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger p. 13. sect. 4. of the espadon or two-handed sword , p. 14. chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. 1. of the musket p. 15. sect. 2. of the fusil or fire-lock p. 19. sect. 3 , of the musket p. 20. sect. 4. of the pistol p. 20. sect. 5. of carabines p. 21. of staff-arms . sect. 1. of the pike p. 24 . sect. 2. of spoutons or half-pikes p. 26 . sect. 3. of the partisan p. 27 . sect. 4. of the halbard p. 28 . sect. 5. of sythes , forks , axes , and clubs or maces ibid. sect. 6. of the quarter-staff , with a pike at each end p. 30 . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. 1. of swords , shables , and cutlasses p. 31. sect. 2. of the pike p. 33 . sect. 3. of the lance p. 35 . sect. 4. of the javelot or dart p. 35 . sect. 5. of the sling p. 38 . sect. 6. of bows and arrows p. 39 . sect. 7. of cross-bows . p. 40 . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. 1. p. 42 . sect. 2. of the coat of mail p. 44 . sect. 3. of the buff-coat p. 45 . sect. 4 of casks or head-pieces p. 46 . sect. 5. of cuirasses p. 47 . sect. 6. of bucklers and shields p. 49 . the second book of powder and artificial fires . chap. i. of powder p. 53. chap. ii. of a mine . p. 56. chap. iii. of artificial fire-works . sect. 1. of the fuse p. 59 . sect. 2. of the sulphur match p. 60 . sect. 3. how to make the quick match ibid. sect. 4. how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets p. 61. sect. 5. how to charge fire-balls p. 62 . sect. 6. how to make a fire-lance p. 62 . sect. 7. how to make tourteaus , to shew light or port lights p. 64 . sect 8. of burning fagots p. 64 . sect. 9. of fire-hoops p. 65 . sect. 10. how to charge granadoes p. 66 . sect. 11. how to make artificial fire-works that burn under water ibid. sect. 12. of provision for artificial fire-works p. 67. chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . p. 68. the third book of war-engines . p. 71. chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . p. 72. chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . p. 74. sect. 1. of a canon p. 74 . sect. 2. of the charge of a piece p. 76 . sect. 3. how to level or bring a gun to pass p. 76. sect. 4. of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon p. 77 . sect. 5. of the carriage of a gun p. 79 . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. 1. of the canon p. 80 . sect. 2. of the culverin p. 81 sect. 3. of the bastard canon p. 81 sect. 4. of the minion p. 82 . sect. 5. of the faucon p. 82 . sect. 6. of the fauconet p. 83 . sect. 7. of the effect and execution of the canon p. 84 . sect. 8. the way of nailing up a canon p. 85. chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. p. 86 . sect. 1. of stone-guns p. 86 . sect. 2. of the arquebuss a crock p. 87 . sect. 3. of mortar-pieces p. 87 . sect. 4. of bombes p. 88 . sect. 5. of the carcass p. 90 . sect. 6. of the granadoes p. 91 . sect. 7. of hollow bullets p. 92 . sect. 8. of red bullets p. 93 . sect. 9. of cartouches p. 93 . chap v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used p. 94 . sect. 1. of petards p. 94 . sect. 2. of the arrow and flying bridge p. 97. sect. 3. of the way of using and applying a petard p. 98 . sect. 4. of tortoises p. 101 . chap vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . p. 102 . sect. 1. of machines or engines in general p. 102. sect. 2. of the tortoise or testudo p. 103 . sect. 3. of ladders p. 105 . sect. 4. of bull-warks p. 106 . sect. 5. of towers p. 107 . sect. 6. of the battering ram p. 108 . sect. 7. of counter-engines p. 109 . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war , p. 111. chap. i. of ensigns p. 112 . sect. 1. of the oriflamme p. 115 . sect. 2. of the goufanon p. 118 . sect. 3. of the banner and penon p. 118 . sect. 4. of banderolls , panonceaux , and faillions p. 119 chap. ii. of the roman ensigns , p. 121. chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war ; p. 123. chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans , p. 125 a particular chapter of the arms whic● are at present in use as well among t●● french as other nations p. 12● of the arms of the french cavalry p. 12● of the arms of the french infantry p. 13● of the spanish cavalry p. 13● of the spanish foot p. 13● of the english forces p. 13● of the german forces p. 13● of hungarian forces p. 13● of polonian troops p. 13● of the turkish cavalry p. 13● of the turkish infantry p. 13● of the persians , moors , and arabians p. 13● of the arms of the ancient french milit●●● and first of the infantry p. 13● of the cavalry p. 13● of the cavalry under henry the fourth , 〈◊〉 lowis the thirteenth p. 1●● the author's design . in the profession of war there are three things onely requisite , men , arms , and fortifications . so many able men hath already treated of fortifications , that i thought it would be to no purpose to speak on that subject , unless i intended to be an eccho , and repeat what others have already said . i have spoken of men lately in a book , which i called , the art of war ; but if i mistake not , no man hath hitherto treated of arms. and therefore that these three parts may be compleat , i thought fit to publish this little treatise , wherein i shall explain as clearly , and in as few words as possibly i can , the use of all arms , which are at present to be found in armies , as well as of those that were heretofore in use among the romans . an advertisement for the better understanding of all that is said in this treatise concerning arms ; you must know ( reader ) that the french pound contains two marks , the mark eight ounces , the ounce eight gros or drams , the dram three deniers , and the denier twenty four grains . the fathom contains six foot , the foot twelve inches , and the inch twelve lignes . the cubit of the ancients consisted of two hands and three fingers breadth . the hand of twelve fingers breadth , and the fingers breadth of eight lignes . the talent weighs threescore pounds , the roman pound contains twelve ounces , the ounce eight drams , the dram three scruples , the scruple six siliques , and the silique one grain . the small sexterce weighed twenty four pounds . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of trve nobility . the profession of arms hath in all ages been the most honourable and glorious of all professions ; and no man in rome could rise to the civil magistracy , who had not served ten years in the wars . by arms kingdoms subsist , justice flourishes , the wicked are punished , and the proud humbled to their duty ; and from them alone true nobility derives its original . before , all men were born equal , and the difference of estates and offices , made the sole distinction of persons . war in ancient times was neither the refuge of the wretched , nor the sanctuary of the banished ; and the romans received none but chosen men into service , who were obliged to put themselves in equipage , and for the space of twenty years serve at their own expences , either among the horse or foot ; and when they had fulfilled the term of their service , they received from the common-wealth rewards suitable to the merit of their actions , either by being promoted to the most honourable charges , or being endowed with lands and inheritances in the conquered provinces , where after the fatigues of war they quietly enjoyed the sweetness of peace . and that the natives of the countrey might not be banished , but means of subsisting afforded them , they gave them lands to labour , for payment of a yearly tribute . hence have sprung tenures , dependancies , quit-rents and duties , which vassals owe to their lords and superiors . these new masters made themselves at first considerable by that politeness which was so natural to the romans , by that way of living , which puts a distinction between those that have carried arms and such as have not , and by the reputation of their brave exploits , which they had engraven on their shields , as a mark of the nobility which they had acquired by their valour . and from thence we have scutcheons , and the name of esquire or gentlemen . all rewards were not of equal value , and were distributed according to merit , as i have already said . he who in an assault first mounted the wall of a town , was honoured with a mural crown ; and on him who had rescued a roman citizen , was conferred a civick crown , which was put upon his head by the persons own hands whom he had relieved from danger . those whose actions were brave and more commendable , were likewise more highly rewarded than others , and had allotted them a larger share of lands . such , i say , were of chiefest note amongst the nobility , as well in respect of their wealth , as in consideration of those glorious crowns , which they carried on their scutcheons : and from them are descended the illustrious families of great lords , who carry coronets over their arms , and who in progress of time have changed their ancient crowns into those which they bear at present , according to the new dignities wherewith sovereigns have been pleased to honour them ; as of duke , marquess , earl , viscount , and baron . and though the quality of baron be wholly banished from the court of france , yet it was the first , and i may say , the onely dignity that was heretofore in france ; as may be seen in the ancient chronicles of the kingdom , when they speak of kings accompanied with the chief barons , who were in that time , what the dukes and peers of france are at present . this puts me in mind of an epistle in gaulish verse ; which is yearly sung at high mass in the parish church of st. stephen of rheims , on the twenty sixth of december , the feast day of that saint ; which thus begins : or ecoutez la passion de saint estienne le baron , &c. now hearken to the passion of saint stephen the baron . the good people of past ages would have thought themselves wanting in respect and veneration towards the saints , if they had not qualified them with the name of baron ; which was the noblest title of the great lords of their times . i thought fit to adduce this instance , to prove the antiquity of baronies ; but that i may return to my subject , i affirm that arms have not onely made dukes , marquisses , earls , and gentlemen ; but that they have also raised to the throne men of a low and despicable birth . king david was a shepherd , as well as saul his predecessor . antipater king of macedonia , was the son of a jugler ; agathocles king of syracusa , the son of a potter ; cambyses king of persia , the son of a beggar ; king darius , the son of a carter ; king sibaris had been a servant in an inne ; and the ottomans , who at this day possess the greatest empire in the world , are descended from grooms , or men that drove camels . these examples oblige us to acknowledge , that it is by arms alone that men render themselves worthy of the most glorious employments . so likewise in that profession is to be learnt that brave and gentile way of demeanor , which is found no where but among the nobility and gentry . there , every thing goes by honour , and without any hopes of lucre and profit . there , men learn to be generous , liberal and faithful . there is nothing to be found in the histories of the greatest captains , but acts of honour and vertue . the valour of alexander , the piety of eneas , the prudence of caesar , the modesty of tiberius , the complaisance of antonius pius , the justice of aulus fulvius , the clemency of augustus , the magnificence of titus vespasian , the chastity of scipio affricanus , and the integrity of attilius regulus ; are sufficient proofs of what i have alleadged . to conclude , i shall repeat what i said in the beginning of this discourse , that the profession of arms has been in all ages , not onely the most glorious and honourable of professions ; but likewise that which has produced the greatest men . these two books newly published , are to be sold by robert harford at his shop at the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . the art of war , and the way that is at present practised in france . two parts . wherein the duties and functions of all the officers of horse and foot , artillery and provisions , from the general of the army to the private souldier , are treated of : with the method of conducting armies , encamping , besieging , and giving of battel : as also an account of all offices and charges ; and the names of the towns , places , citadels , castles and forts , where the most christian king keeps garison ; with the general and particular terms of war. written in french by lovis de gaya , an expert officer of the french army , and dedicated to his most christian majesty . translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in 8 ● . the military duties of the officers of horse , containing the exercise of the cavalry , according to the present practice of the imes . with the motions of horse , and the functions of every officer , from the chief captain , to the brigadeer . written in french , by an ingeneer in ordinary to his most christian majesty . and translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in 8 ● . a treatise of arms , of engines , artificial fires , ensignes ; and of all military instruments . the first book . of the arms of a souldier . chap. i. of sharp weapons . sect. 1. of the sword. the sword , whereof the invention comes to us from tubal-cain , the son of lamech and zilla , is the first of all weapons , without which a souldier should never appear in publick ; because it serves him for ornament as well as defence . it is not necessary it should be too long , for it becomes thereby cumbersome in a battallion ; especially during the time of the motions : nor must it be too short neither , but of an indifferent length ; the blade must be good , and about an inch broad the most common length of blades is two foot and a half and two inches , and the handles three inches and a half . all blades are kept in scabberds , made of wood covered with cloath or leather , having a chape at the end of iron , steel , copper or silver . the sword is carried in a shoulder belt of buff or other leather , and hangs down from the right shoulder upon the left thigh ; in the same manner as was heretofore in use , according to the report of virgil. — humero cum apparuit alto balteus . and of silvius in his tenth book . — tergo qua balteus imo sinuatur ; coxaque sedet munimen utraque . nevertheless we find by the words of the royal prophet , that the belts which we have since called waste-belts , are more ancient than those we call shoulder-belts , when he says , gird your sword on your thigh , &c. when a man would stand right to his guard , he ought to keep his body straight , bending a little on the left thigh ; his legs not too far asunder , his feet on a strait line one after another , the handle of the sword off of the haunch , the point just opposite to the shoulder , the arm stretched half out ; and the left hand as high as the eye . the enemies sword may be put by the line of the body by a little motion of the handle either inward or outward . souldiers in a battel or attack , do not regularly alwayes observe this method ; and most part thrust on any way , without troubling themselves much with the tierce , guart , or feint ; but make use of their swords to attack or to defend themselves , according to the small talent that god almighty has given them . the figure of a souldier on his guard. sect. 2. of the shable and cimeter . the shable is more in use amongst the horse , than other . bodies of men , it is not altogether so long as the sword ; but to make amends for that , the blade is twice so broad and edged on one side ; and therefore it is more used for cutting than thrusting . the usual length of shables is two foot and four inches , taking it from the guard , and two foot and a half and three inches , from the button of the pommel to the point . the cimeter is a kind of fauchin , broader and more crooked than the shable ; used more by the turks , persians and hungarians , than others . a souldier on his guard. the espadon or two handed sword. the shable . the cimeter the bayonet . the ponyard . sect. 3. of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger . the bayonet is much of the same length as the poniard ; it hath neither guard nor handle , but onely a haft of wood eight or nine inches long . the blade is sharp-pointed , and two edged , a foot in length , and a large inch in breadth . the bayonet is very useful to dragoons , fufiliers , and souldiers , that are often commanded out on parties ; because that when they have fired their discharges , and want powder and shot , they put the haft of it into the mouth of the barrel of their pieces , and defend themselves therewith as well as with a partizan . the poniard or dagger is a little sword , in length but about twelve or thirteen inches , which is carried at the girdle . it is nor long ago since duelists fought with sword and dagger . sect. 4. of the espadon or two-handed sword. the espadon is a kind of a sword , whose two-edged blade is very long and broad , and whereof the haft , which i dare not call handle , because it is a foot and a half long , is made cross-wayes . it cannot be used but with both hands , in a breach or behind a palissadoe . i never saw so many espadons , as among the hollanders . the ramparts of all their towns were furnished with them , each distant from the other six paces ; with a like number of clubs or maces : and indeed to consider such preparatives , one would have thought their designs had been furious , and that they had had a great mind to defend themselves stoutly . but there is great appearance , that they onely placed these arms there to adorn their parapets . swords of all fashions . swords of all sorts . the explication of this figure . a , a stick-sword , called by the ancients sica . b , a sword for a rancounter , after the french mode . c , a swisser's sword. d , a tuck , or long sword with a narrow blade , such as were in use not thirty years ago . e , a spanish sword. f , a braquemart fauchin , or short sword. g , a hunting cutlass , with a handle of horn. chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. 1. of the musket . the usual arms of souldiers , are not onely the sword , shable , dagger and bayonet , but also the musket , fire-lock , mousqueton , pistol , and many others : and the first thing they should learn , is to make the right use of such as their officers have given them . the musket is a weapon for foot , the barrel of which is three foot and eight inches long , mounted on a stock of four foot and eight inches in length . it was not invented till long after the canon . the bullet of size contains in diameter eight lignes and a half ( every ligne a third part of a barley corn ) and the charge of powder should weigh half an ounce and a dram of magazin powder . a musket carries commonly six score fathoms , and if it be re-inforced , a hundred and forty , or an hundred and fifty fathoms . the half of this distance or less , is sufficient for a good discharge ; for it is by chance if they hit and do execution at the full distance . the priming should be of a finer powder than the charge , and the match dry and hard . for the musket may be used double-headed shot , which are two bullets fastned together , by a little piece of iron , about half an inch long ; as may be seen by the figure . to present aright to fire , according to the rules of exercising of arms ; the butt of the musket must be put to the breast , half a foot below the chin ; the left hand under the stock , or upon the scouring stick , if it be in its place ; the right hand-thumb , four or five fingers breadth behind the breech , and the other fingers of the same hand under the tricker , to draw and make the cock play , when one has a mind to fire : the muzzel of the musket must always be as high as the chest of the body of the enemy : skilful souldiers never aim at the head , because that part being too small , the least motion of either of the two is enough to make the bullet miss ▪ but when one fires at the body , whether the motion make the shot rise too high , or fall too low , or decline too much to one side , the execution is always good , and puts him who hath received the shot out of condition of fighting . bandeliers are a kind of portable magazine , which contains all the ammunition necessary to a soulder . the usual breadth of their belt is four inches , and the length four foot . all bandeliers are furnished with a dozen of little flasks , commonly called charges , and a little bag or purse of sheeps leather . the flasks serve to keep the powder , and the bag or purse the bullets . the horse make use of carabin or mousketon-belts , in bigness much like that of the bandeliers , but without any charges . the arms of a french souldier and the posture of a musketteer , who presents to fire . a , the musket . b , the sword. c , the bandeliers . d , the souldiers belt. e , the bag or purse . f , the flasks or charges . g , the match . the armature of a musketeer presenting to fire . the musket . the fire lock . double headed shot . an explication of the parts of a musket . 1. the lock . 2. the pan. 3. the cock. 4. the tricker . 5. the barrel . 6. the breech . 7. the stock . 8. the butt . 9. the scouring-stick . sect. 2. of the fusil , or fire-lock . the fusils or fire-locks which we at present use in the army , especially amongst the fusiliers and granadiers , are of the same size , and carry as far as muskets . with a fire-lock one may shoot juster than what a musket , because it is presented in a quite different way ; that is to say , the end of the butt to the shoulder , the side to the cheek , shutting the left eye , and aiming with the other through the sight-hole , which answers to the little button on the muzzel of the barrel . when one would shoot on a level , he must aim streight at the mark ; and if a man shoot from a low place to a higher , he is to take his aim four fingers breadth underneath the mark. fire-locks are apter to mis-give than muskets , through the defect of the flints and springs . sect. 3. of the mousqueton . the mousqueton is not so long as the fusil or fire-lock ; nor does it by a third part carry so far , unless the barrel be screwed and rifled ; its usual charge is an ounce of powder , and it is presented in the same manner as a fire-lock . sect. 4. of the pistol . pistols are not all of the same length nor size . the usual length of the barrels of those which are at present used among the horse is a foot , and of stock and all a foot and a half , or thereabouts . the bullet sized for the bore is five lignes in diameter , the charge a dram of powder ; and it will carry forty paces , more or less , according to the goodness of the powder . pistols are fired with one hand . sect. 5. of carabins . carabins are a kind of fire-arms , which take their name from those ancient souldiers , called carabins , who commonly made use of them in the wars . they are of two kinds , the common , and the extraordinary . the common are those which were used by the kings guards not long ago , and are usually called carabins with great locks ; which differ in nothing as to length , size , and carrying , from fusils and mousquetons , but oneiy that they had wheel-works . the extraordinary are those which the french call arquebusses guttieres : such as are those which are still used by all the arquebusiers , whose little wheel-work is provided of a double spring for facilitating and speeding the discharge ; and whose barrel being thicker than that of common carabins , can carry blank about a thousand paces , with the same proportion of powder as is necessary for a fusil ; because it is screwed and rifled : that is to say , wrought and crevassed in the inside from the muzzel to the breech , in form of a screw ; and from thence proceeds the justness of arquebusses . all carabins or arquebusses have wheel-works , as well those of great as small locks , which are bent with a spanner proportionated to the thickness of the axel-tree of the wheel ; upon which , when one intends to fire , he puts down the snaphaunce , which in stead of a flint , ought to be provided with a true mine-stone . heretofore were used arquebusses , which fired with a match , in the same manner as muskets ; but these arms are now out of use . the king commands at present that in every troop of his guards be carried eight rifled or screwed carabins , with locks like to those of fusils , mousquetons and pistols . heretofore wheel-locks , arquebusses with match locks , choques , and carabins , that bend with a spanner , were in use ; and strangers use them still . it is true , they are surer than others , but they are far more cumbersome . all sorts of arms may be charged , without any other way of measuring the powder , than by the following rule ; put the bullet into the hollow of your hand , and pour powder thereon , until it be covered and appear no more . this is the natural measure of all small fire-arms . i saw in a gentlemans house of picardy near st. quentin , an arquebusse or wind gun , that was charged with the wind , whose bullet at thirty paces distance pierced a door two inches thick . the armature of a french trooper . a , the buffe coat with elk-skin-sleeves . b , the buffe belt. c , the shable . d , the scarffe . e , the carabin-belt of buff. f , the holster pistol . g , the mousqueton or carabin . h , the boots . i , the spurs . k , the spur-leathers . of staffe-arms . sect. 1. of the pike . the pike is a weapon wherewith foot defend themselves against horse in an open field . the armature of a french trooper . the musqueton . the pistoll . the carabine . the armature of a pike man on his guard. the pike . the halfe pike . the quarter staff. the halbard . the partisan . this figure will shew the way of pikes charging to the horse . the armature of pike-man of the guards . the explication of this figure . a , the helmet , which the french call pot on head. b , the corcelet . c , the vambraces . d , the tassets or thigh pieces . e , the sword. f , the pike . all pikes now adayes are of the same length , made of strong ashe , and very streight ; about fourteen or fifteen foot long between the head and the foot. the head is four inches long , and two and a half broad at the largest place . the iron bands at the head must be long and strong , otherwayes it would be an easie matter for the horse to cut off the ends of the pikes with their shables . the french , according to diodorus , were the first that made use of the pike ; jaceunt hastas , quas ipsi lanceas appellant . and from thence the people of the chief province of france , have the name of picars ; but their pikes were more like spanish lances than grecian pikes , which were twenty four foot long between the head and foot. sect. 2. of spontons or half pikes . the spontons or half pikes , are made of the same wood as pikes are , and have heads alike ; their the pensioners halbard a the hungarian partisan . b the battle axe d partisans and halbards according to the swisse and antient custome . c pole axes e length is much the same as that of partisans , and we have the use of them from the ancients ; who carried pikes six cubits long , as arrianus testifies . hastas habebant senum cubitorum . these arms are much used amongst the venetians and the knights of malta . sect. 3. of the partisan . a partisan is an excellent weapon in a trench , in a sally , to force and defend a lodging , to mount a breach ; and in many other occasions , where the pike would be but cumbersome . the staffe of a partisan is much of the bigness of a pike , and is seven or eight foot long between the head and foot. the iron head is a foot in length , and four inches broad at the largest place ; the exercise of the partisan differs in nothing from that of the pike . sect. 4. of the halbard . the halbard is likewise a very convenient weapon , especially when men come to blows . it s staff is neither so big nor high as that of a partisan , and the head of it both narrower and shorter , but it is armed with little hooks , which serve to pull out fagots , paniers , and gabions , and to take hold of any thing , when one mounts an assault or sca-lado . sect. 5. of sythes , forkes , axes , and clubs , or maces . clubs or massues . a b the axe . c the forke . d sithes . e — quo turbine cestum sauromates , falcemque getes . stat. 11 achill . the forks are the same with the common forks , but they have little hooks . there are two sorts of clubs : the first is , as it were the staff of a partisan , at the end whereof there is a wooden ball of the bigness of an eight pound bullet ; stuck full of iron pikes a finger long . the other has a boul like to the first , hanging at the end of the staff by an iron chain , two foot and a half long ; and is used as a flail for threshing . in salleys , or in the defence of a breach , axes are likewise used , such as not long ago were used by the regiment of clerambaud , or sourches , whose heads are very broad , an● their handles or staves , longer an● stronger than those of partisans , 〈◊〉 may be seen in the figure . the turks have another kind o● club or mace of arms , which the● carry at the pommel of their saddle to make use of in a fight , like 〈◊〉 that which the poets bestow on hercules , called by the latines , militaris clava . maces are no more in use . sect. 6. of the quarter-staff with a pike a● each end . we may also reckon among weapons the staff , commonly called the piked quarter-staff , and by the french , the staff with two ends 〈◊〉 because of the pikes of iron which i● has at each end : it is made of a very strong and eaven wood , somewhat bigger and heavier than the wood of a pike , six foot and a half in length between the verrils , that keep fast the two pikes of iron stuck into the ends of the staff , which are in length four inches and a half . it is carried on the haunch like the halbard , but handled in a different manner , because a man may stand to his guard with it by turning and flourishing it , and making the half moulinets every way , and in approaches make use either of the point thereof , or in giving a down right blow therewith . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. 1. of the swords , shables , and cutlasses . the romans of old made use of short , stiff , sharp-pointed , and two-edged spanish blades . polibius says , that the roman souldiers carried their swords on the right side , and that they only made use of it for thrusting , in distinction from the gauls , who used flat-pointed two-edged swords , only to cut with ▪ proprium gallicani usus pugnare , coesim . the medes , parthians , and persians , used a kind of cutlass , which they called cinacis , and in english cimeter . cateia is a shable in form of a sickle , in great use among the germans . quintus curtius makes mention of a kind of sword , which he calls copidas , which was a little crooked like to a syth , wherewith the ancients cut to pieces wild beasts . the knife which the latines call cultrum , and the grecians machaera , was properly the sword which the priests used in their sacrifices , to cut up the victims ; as well as that other which they named cluna culum , because therewith they cut the buttocks of beasts : they had also a pretty long iron knife with an ivory haft , which they called secespita a secundo . pa-tazonium was a shable carried by the tribunes in a girdle . the poniard which the latines termed pugio a pungendo , is a little sword thirteen or fourteen inches long , which was invented in spain . pugiunculus is a diminutive poniard , which the spaniards and catalonians use still to this day . sica with the romans , was a sword hid in a staff or stick , wherewith men walk , as most of the peasants of france do at this time . lingula was a little sword made in the shape of a tongue . spatha was likewise a sword of the ancients , whereof julius capitolinus speaks , upon occasion of the emperour maximinus , fecit & spathas argenteas , fecit & aureas . hence comes the italian sword spada , and the spanish espada . sect. 2. of the pike . the hastarii or roman pikeman , had pikes for arms , which were afterward taken from them and given to the triarii , instead of the pili , which they were wont to carry . and though their pikes were not so long as those of the grecians or of souldiers now adays ; yet they defended themselves therewith against the horse and fraized their cohortes or companies with them , as we at present fraize our battaillions : quibus acies velut vallo septa inhorrebat . they carried likewise javelins , six cubits long , which were not armed with iron at the head , but had onely a point burnt and hardened in the fire , as arrianus reports . mucro autem illis ferrrea non erat , sed caput igne duratum eundem usum dabat . these pikes were called hastae purae , and were used by the strongest souldiers . the germans carried pikes , which they called trameae , with a very short and narrow head ; but so fine and commodious , that they used to fight with them at distance , and near at hand . the armature of a roman souldier of the triary . the armature of a slinger . the lance. the sling . sect. 3. of the lance. the lance was a kind of half-pike , like to that of our standards , which was invented in spain , and only used among the horses . it is not a hundred years ago , since in france we had troops of lancers . polybius saith , that these lances were useless , because being too slender , they broke to pieces by their own motion before they could do execution ; and left no more in the hand but a short truncheon , which could do no more service . sect. 4. of the javelot or dart. the ancients called every thing that may be thrown , javelot jaculum a jaciendo . the dart or pilum was the weapon which the romans gave to their velites or skirmishers ; it was in length two cubits , and a fingers breadth in thickness : the head of it was of iron , a foot long , but so thin and sharp-pointed , that being once thrown , it bowed and became crooked ; so that the enemies could not use it any more . they had likewise other javelots or darts , with three feathers at the lower end , like to the arrows and darts which the polonians and many others still use , especially the moors , who call them zogayes . aelicles was the ancientest of darts , a cubit and a half long , with a double point , which was tied to the wrist with a leather strap or cord , to pull it back with when the blow was given . aeganea , was a very light javelot or dart. ancyle , was a dart which gave the name of ancilista , to those that used it . ansatae , were darts thrown by handles . dolones , were javelots , which had their name from the greek word dolos , which signifies hurt . geum , was a javelot wholly of iron . manobarbulus , was a javelot or dart , like to the leaden piles , and the souldiers that used them were called manobarbuli . materis , was a javelot not fully so long as a lance. the pile was a kind of half pike , about five foot long . the roman pile was but three foot long , with a head barb'd , like a serpents tongue , which weighed nine ounces . romphea , was the thracian javelot . runa , was a javelot with a very large broad head. spara , was a very little dart , called so aspargendo . tragula , was a javelot or screw , with which they drew towards them the enemies buckler . triphorum , vvas a shaft three cubits long , which the french call materas , in english a quarel , and was shot out of a cross-bow . the ancients had also other javelots or darts , which they variously named according to their different figures ; as sibina , gesa , sigimnum , vrbina , vervina , verutum , and venabulum . the latter was used by hunts-men , and gesa by the gauls . sect. 5. of the sling . the romans had in their armies companies of slingers , whom they called funditores a funda , quod ex ea fundantur lapides ; because the sling served to cast stones and bullets of lead , which at that time did the same execution as our mukets do now-a-days . the sling was made of thread , larger in the middle than elsewhere , its figure was oval , and insensibly diminished ; it would cast a stone or bullet six hundred paces . the cross bow man of the antients . the quiver . bow and arrows . darts . sect. 6. of bows and arrows . the use of bows and arrows is not in all places abolished . the turks retain them still in their armies , as well as the affricans , americans , and most part of the people of asia ; but none are so skilful as the tartars , in shooting with a bow backwards and forwards . the wounds made by arrows are more dangerous and harder to be cured than those that are made by musket bullets , because their heads being barbed , it is difficult to pull them out of the body , without tearing the parts about the wound , and danger of breaking the shaft . the original of bows and arrows is uncertain , some attribute the invention of them to the candiots ; others to the scythians and persians : but there is no doubt but that the arabians have been always esteemed the most skilful in the exercise of the bow , and those who have used the greatest . the goths carried hardly any other arms but bows and arrows ; yet the romans had no bow-men in their armies , but such as came with the auxiliary forces . the quiver was a little magazine of arrows , which the archers carried on the left shoulder . sect. 7. of cross-bows . the armature of a bow man of the roman allies . the armature of a roman centurion . it would nevertheless seem ( according to appius ) that the catapulta served to shoot both darts and stones ; for he saith catapultae turribus impositae & quae spicula milterent , & quae saxa . the invention of cross-bows came from the sicilians , as diodorus reports . they made both great and little cross-bows : the great were drawn on wheels , as our canon are , and threw darts three cubits long . the little ones were carried by foot souldiers , who were called cross-bow-men , but their quarrels were not half so long as the darts of the other ; which were of such a greatness that they could throw stones six score pound weight . there were an other kind of cross-bows of a middle size , that were carried on wagons , and were called orcubalistae , and carobalistae . others there were which served to throw artificial fire , and darts called phalaricae , or fire-brands , because they were covered with sulpher , pitch , tar , and tow dipped in oyl . the scorpion was likewise a kind of hand-cross-bow , invented by the grecians , which they used in shooting of little shafts , whose heads were extreamly small and pointed . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. 1. all weapons are both offensive and defensive , because with the same one may both attack and defend ; but there are some arms which are meerly defensive ; as for instance , the head-piece , termed the cask or casket , morions , cuirasses , corcelets , gorgets , vambraces , tassets , or thigh-pieces , knee-pieces , guard-reins or rein-pieces , gantlets , and round targets or bucklers , which were used in times past , and which are still in use in many remote countries , especially among the turks and moors . the romans armed part of their cavalry cap-a-pie , in imitation of the grecians ; the french retained the same custom , and from that comes the name of gens-d'arms : that armour was onely good to resist swords , stones , pikes , arrows , and javelots or darts . the armour which is made now-a-days , is proof against musket and pistol-shot ; but none but the officers carry them on the most dangerous occasions . the head-pieces , and the fore part of cuirasses , are musket-proof , and the other parts pistol or carabine-proof ; but that such armour may prove good , it is needful they be beaten out of cold iron . head armour has different names , as cask or casket , helmet , head-piece , burgonet or spanish marron , salade , morion , cabasset , pot , hat , and steel-bonnet . of all these pieces of armour some have visieres , and are musket-proof : others are plain and onely proof against a cut or blow . the cuirass is musket-proof , and heavier than the breast-plate , the corslet which is of the same shape as the cuirass , serves to defend the noble parts . the neck is defended by the gorget , the arms by the vambraces , the shoulder-pieces , fore-arm-pieces , gossets , and gantlets ; the thighs and legs , by tassets , cuissots or thigh-pieces , greves , or shin-pieces , knee-pieces , and supeters or foot-pieces . sect. 2. of the coat of mail. the coat of mail , by the romans called hamatus thorax , was a kind of steel jacket ; made of little rings and links of mail , interwoven together , wherewith their gend'arms defended themselves against arrows , darts and swords . the light horse , in time of lovis the eleventh , made vambraces and gantlets of the same , and therewith guarded the void spaces betwixt their armour . though these jackets be now no more in publick use , yet there are some who still carry them under their shirts , especially such as are in fear of fighting duels , or of being set upon . none at this time in france are armed cap-a-pie , except the pikes of the kings regiments of guards ; but their armour is onely proof against a cut. sect. 3. of the buff-coat . though to speak properly , buff-coats be but an apparel of horsemen , yet we may reckon them among their defensive arms , seeing they may easily resist a sword , if they be made of a good skin . they are of the same use to our horse , that these hard skins , whereof they made breast-plates or stomachers , were to the roman souldiers ; of which varo makes mention . buffe-coats are made in form of a just au corps , or close bodied coat , with four skirts reaching down to the knee . there is no trooper in the french army but has his buffe-coat , since harnass has been laid aside ; and from thence comes the name of light-horse , in imitation of the ancient horse , who never carried cuirass , but fought always in light-cloaths ; as polibus saith , antiquit : us equites loricas non habebant , sed in veste succincta pugnabant . sect. 4. of casks or head-pieces . helmet . gorget curiasse . thigh peeces or tasset's . vambrasse . gantelet . the generals and principal officers , wore head-pieces guilt and set with precious stones ; the top whereof was adorned with feathers and rich plumaches , which made them conspicuous among the rest . cristaque tegit galea aurea rubra . the original of head-pieces came from the lacedemonians , and cares was the first that beautified them with plumaches . sect. 5. of cuirasses . the souldiers of the roman militia , made to themselves at first stomachers or breast-plates of unwrought leather ; according to varro de corio crudo pectoralia faciebant . they had them afterward of iron or brass ; but these half cuirasses were onely invented to hinder them from turning their backs in battel . the generals made use of corslets of guilt leather , which covered them on all sides . some wore coats of mail , loricae homatae , like to the shirts which are still in use ; others had them of iron or brass , which i cannot better compare than to the shells of fish . loricae squammeae ; for so isidorus calls them . squammea est lorica , ex laminis aereis vel fereis concatenata in modum squammarum piscis . none of all the roman infantrie , but the hastarii , the principes and triarii ; were armed with head-pieces , cuirasses and bucklers . the velites , of whom some were slingers , and others archers , were onely lightly armed , that is to say , with a buckler and helmet of leather . pelta . parma . a round buckler or ronache sheilds sect. 6. of bucklers and shields . the shields and targets which the ancients carried on the left arm to defend and parie blows , in imitation of the samnites , who invented them , were convex , two foot and a half broad , and four foot long ; some with angles , and others of an oval figure ; but were all made of willow or fig-tree strengthened with the nerves and sinews of an oxe , on which was streatched linnen cloath , and that afterward covered with a bullock or calf's hide : the top , middle , and lower part were guarded with plates of iron , to resist the cuts of shables , stones , and shafts that were darted or shot with violence . ovid in his metamorphosis tells us , that general ajax had a buckler covered with seven skins . — clipei dominus septemplicis ajax . the grecian pikes covered themselves with rondaches or round bucklers of brass , and the bow-men had onely bucklers made of osier . the moors make use of shields of the height of their bodies , which they imbellish with warious painting . the bucklers which the ancients called clipei , differed onely from the shield in that they were compleatly round , and therefore the french have given them the name of rondach . the spaniards and affricans wore bucklers of thongs of leather , interwoven together , which they called caetrae , as lucan reports . illic pugnaces commovit iberia caetras the amazonians made use of a buckler in form of a cressant , which they called pelta . ducit amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis . virgil. in the reign of numa pompilius , the romans used little narrow and long shields , which they named ancylia . heretofore , such as began the profession of war , carried only parmis , or little white bucklers , without any imbellishment ; until that by some brave action they had signalized themselves ; then were they permitted to use greater , and to adorn them with the marks of their glorious exploits ; from thence we have the custom of arms which we commonly call scutcheons or shields a scuto , because they are in reallity the shields or bucklers of gentlemen , whereon they usually carry a representation of the brave deeds of their illustrious progenitours . the whole armature of a roman souldier weighed no more than a talent . the end of the first book the second book . of powder and artificial fires . chap. 1. of powder . we have had the invention of gun-powder from china , by means of the communication that a monk named bertoldus , had with the tartars , in his travels in moscovy , about the year 1380. and therefore the portugese were never so much surprized as when upon their accosting these unknown countreys , they saw a great many ships equipped and ranked in bataillia , adorned with streamers , penons , and ropes of several colours of silk ; but their surprize augmented when they heard the guns fire : when they expected no such thing . so that it is not true that the monk was the first inventer of gun-powder ; he was no more but the publisher of a secret which he learnt from the tartars , and which he had better kept to himself , without trying an experiment of it , that cost him so dear , and which buried him in the furnace which he himself contrived . the royal prophet had reason to say , that we fall commonly into the snares which we have laid for others ; the authors of pernicious things , which tend onely to the destruction of their fellow creatures , have always miserably perished by the very same things whereof they have been the inventers . we have besides the example of that poor monk , the instance likewise of perillus the ingeneer of king phalaris , who was the first that was burnt in the brazen bull which he had made for the punishment of malefactors . arantius paterculus , was the first that was put into the burning horse which he invented , by the order of aemilius censorinus , governour of aegesta in scicily ; and engueran-de marigny , was the first man that was hanged in the gibbet of mount-faucon , which he caused to be erected at the gates of paris . history is full of such examples ; but that i may return to my subject , there is no doubt but that powder hath been a diabolical invention , the effects whereof are no less dangerous than terrible , and thunder-claps are not more to be feared . nevertheless , all that havock , all that noise , and all these overturnings , are onely caused by small grains , whereof this is the composition . the composition of gun-powder . take eight parts of salt-peter , one part of sulphur , one part and a fifth of char-cole ; pound them well together in a mortar , with a wooden pestle , sprinkle thereon excellent vinager or brandy , and then reduce the mass to a powder . chap. ii. of a mine . having spoken of powder , i thought fit next to discourse of its effects , and of the way how it is to be used for mines and artificial fires . molet's to put at the end of a torch . a fire arrow a wall of bustion with a mine . when a mine is made in a place where the earth is soft and yielding , the ground is to be supported by planks underpropt with little posts or girders , as fast as the chambers are wrought . the ancients made use of mines or subterranean wayes , but their designe was very different from ours ; they made them onely for a passage to go to the sap , or to enter towns , when our mines are intended to bow up and overturn the face of the bastion . chap. iii. of artifical fire-works . sect. 1. of the fuse . the fuses that are made for petards , bombes , hollow bullets and granado's , ought to be slow , otherwayes these pieces would do their effects before the time . this is the manner of the composition of fuses . take three parts of powder : six of sulphur , and nine of salt-peter , beat them apart into a subtile powder , then mingle them altogether with a small stick in a platter or charger , pouring thereon by degrees the oyl of peter , until all be made into a paste ; let it be dried in the shade , and the fuses charged therewith . sect. 2. of the sulphur match . the sulphur match is no more but cotton made into wieks , which are first steeped in brandy , and then in molten sulphur , and afterward dried in the shade . sect. 3. how to make the quick-match . take half a quartern of powder , a quartern of salt-peter , two ounces of brandy , half a septier or the fourth part of a french pint of vinegar , and a french pint of urine , melt all these together , and when they are dissolved , put therein cotton drawn out into gross threads : when the cotton has drank up all the warm matter , take it out whilst it is moist , and role it up into little matches or cords two , three , or four foot long , with the hand upon a table besprinkled with the dust of fine powder ; then stretch them out to dry in the shade ; and keep them in a dry place : that quick-match is very violent . sect. 4. how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets . take one part of common sulphur , melt it in an earthen pot , when it is dissolved put thereunto half a part of gross powder very dry , three fourth parts of a part of salt-peter , and half a fourth part of the powder of char-cole ; mingle all these materials together leisurely , and when they are well mingled , pour them on the floor , and this is the matter of fire-rockets . sect. 5. how to charge fire-balls . when one has a mind to charge bombes , hollow bullets , fire-pots , and all sorts of fire-balls ; let him take one part of the matter of fire-rockets , one part of salt-peter , the eight part of a part of camphire , and as much fine powdet , mingled therewith with the hand , and put all into a hollow bullet with quick match . sect. 6. how to make a fire-lance . take a piece of light wood three foot and a half or four foot long , bore it from one end to the other , and let the bore be an inch in diameter ; make the wood very smooth , both in the inside and out-side , which ought to be an inch thick in all parts : place into one of the ends a half pike , which must enter half a foot into the trunck , and be very well fastned . the trunck of the lance must be wooped round with strong pack-thread , well waxed with rosin and melted wax to defend it against water . the proportion of the mixture of the powders is twelve parts of salt-peter , six of sulphur , six of canon-powder , six of the dust of lead , two of glass beaten but indefferently small , two of quick-silver , and one of salarmoniac ; when all these materials have been beaten a-part , they are to be mingled together , and made into a paste , with the oyl of peter rather hard than soft : put afterwards hards into that composition , and incorporate them therewith , and make thereof pellets , or small balls suited to the bigness of the bore of the lance , which aro to be dried and tied up with fine wire . to charge the lance , put into the bottom of the trunck a charge of beaten powder ; without ramming it , but very little ; over that put a pellet , with a little of the composition , renew that until the wood be full , still encreasing the charges of the powder ; so that the last lay contain two charges . fire is to be set to this lance , with a quick match at the mouth . sect. 7. how to make tourteaus to shew light , or port-lights . take twelve pounds of black pitch , six pounds of suet , six pounds of linseed oyl , six pounds of colophonia , and two pounds of turpentine , in which steep arquebush match until it have drank up all the matter , and be incorporated therewith , then make it in tourteaus . sect. 8. of burning fagots . take fagots and rub them with the matter of the fire-rockets , or otherways with turpentine , or steep them if you please in melted pitch ; afterwards put fire to them , they not onely give light in the ditches , but serve likewise to burn the galleries , that the enemies may have made there . to make stuffed fagots for burning the cross works , take fagots steeped in liquid pitch , and stuff them with granadoes ; let them be lighted and thrown down from the ramparts upon the galleries , and the granadoes take fire instantly , and give such claps on all hands as suffer not any man to come near to quench the fire . sect. 9. of fire-hoops . fire-hoops are very proper for the defence of a breach , by rolling them down upon the enemies when they mount the assault . this is the way of making them , which i have learnt of a very skilful artist . take three large hoops , tie them together , furnish them with artificial fires , and with a dozen and half of common granadoes , which you are to tie to the in-side of the hoops , with good wire , that those which play first may not break off the others ; put fire to the wild-fire , just as you role down the hoop , the granadoes will take fire of themselves and do cruel execution . sect. 10. how to charge granadoes . take a pound of salt-peter , ten ounces of sulphur , six ounces of fine gun-powder ; pound them together , with two or three spoonfulls of brandy , and a little camphire ; and granadoes that are so made are excellent . sect. 11. how to make artificial fire-works , that burn under water . take tar , sulphur , camphire , colophonia , turpentine , rosin , quick-lime , lintseed oyl , of each a pound , incorporate them together with a french pint of brandy , and half a septier of aqua fortis ; put them into a barrel , to which add if you please , charged granadoes , pommels of swords , pistol-barrels , charged with powder and shot ; set fire to all at the bung-hole , with a slow fuse ; throw that engine upon what you please , you will see it burn , even under water , and no man dares approach it to quench the fire . the carcasses which have been lately invented produce the same effect . sect. 12. of provision for artificial fire-works . the arsenals and magazines of frontier places , should not onely be provided of arms and necessary instruments for the defence and attacking of towns , but likewise of all ingredients fit for the composition of fire-works , and therefore provision should be made of salt-peter , charcole , camphire , sulphur , pine rosin , oyl of peter , lintseed oyl , oyl of aspick , tar , venice turpentine , aliquitran of spain , black pitch , grecian pitch , or colophonia , spanish pitch , wax , tallow , varnish in grain , mastick , salarmoniac , common salt , quick-silver , vitriol , brandy , aqua fortis , vinegar , frankincense , dust of lead , pounded glass , of all sorts of fat and dry woods , hemp , ship-pitch , burning balls , granado's-burning or fire-hoops , lances and fire-trunks . chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . the romans , as well as we , made use of fire-works , and amongst others of those they called malleoloi , which were arrows of canes , encompassed with pitched-tow , to those they put fire , and instantly threw them against the engines of the enemies , which they quickly burnt , unless the fire was put out with dust , there being no other way to quench it ; and our fire-lances or trunks do very much resemble them both in shape and operation . they were besides accustomed to fill earthen pots with pitch , sulphur and tow , to which having set fire , they threw them with slings into besieged places : the flame of these spread on all hands and consumed every thing it met with . they made use also of torches of rosin , at the end whereof they had shard-pointed iron-heads , like to the rowels of spurs , which fastned in the engines , that the fire of the torches might the more easily consume them . infixae inhaerentesque machinis facile eas concremabant . besides the fire-works which they shot out of cross-bows , they likewise threw upon those who mounted an assault , boyling-hot oyl , pitch , melted lead , hot water , godrons or ship-pitch , lighted torches , and several other burning materials , as caesar affirms . picem re liquasque res , quibus ignis excitari potest fundabant . the third book of vvar-engines . amongst war-engines , we reckon all pieces that serve to overthrow and ruine the enemies works , and facilitate the taking of their places . it is my design to speak of every piece particularly ; yet i have thought that i should not swerve much from my subject , if i began this third book by a chapter of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . in casting of pieces of artillery , there is commonly allowed for every hundred weight of fine copper , twenty pound of metal ; by metal i understand bell-metal . in defect of this metal the finest tin is used ; and then for every hundred weight of fine copper , there must ten pound of the best tin be allowed ; or otherwayes ten pound of lattin , and eight of the finest tin ; but because the casting of pieces cannot be without some loss ; for every six pounds of metal , there is a pound allowed in over-plus . founders should have a special care of the preparing and mixing of the metals , as well as of the internal smoothness and neatness of the pieces , and therefore they ought to chuse the most proper materials , and take heed that the clay of the moulds be good , well beaten and wrought as they ought to be with flocks and hair , that the moulds and all that the piece is cast upon , be well greased with tallow , well bound and banded with iron , well baked and prepared , well placed and laid , that the tronions be so exactly set , that the piece may be almost in an equal balance , weighing as much in the chase as in the charged cilinder and breech ; so that a single man may easily either raise or let her down in her carriage . a piece must be alwayes strong at the place of the tronions , because there is the greatest stress , and the beginning of motion . a piece must be well repaired , tryed , and proved before she be mounted on her carriage ; and care must be had that there be no cracks , flaws , crevasses , nor honey-combs in her cylender or chace , which commonly happens when the metal is run too cold , when the mould is not well tempered , or when the tin is not well mingled and incorporated as it ought to be . chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . sect. 1. of a canon . there are six sizes of artillery , to wit , the canon , the culverin , the bastard , the minion , the faucon , and the fauconet . i intend to speak particularly of each piece , and to explain their size , their range , or carrying , their length and weight ; but i judged it not amiss first to give a representation of a canon , and its carriage , with an explication of theirs parts both internal and external . the coine . the linstock the rammer . the ladle . the spunge . the wheele . the explication of this figure . ab , the diameter of the bore or mouth of a canon is six inches and two lignes . cd , the thickness of the sides and metal , two inches . eg , the thickness of the metal at the breech , six inches . eb , the whole chase nine foot long , and the cylinder all of the same largeness . rs , the tronions six inches in diameter . k , the murrion or moulding of the muzzel . na , the chace of the gun five foot and a half long . nx , the chamber or charged cylinder in length four foot and a half and three lignes . l , the base ring . ex , the breech . tt , the cornish ring . ee , the re-inforce ring , distant from the mouth four foot and a half , and from the trunions half a foot .. i , the touch-hole . sect. 2. of the charge of a piece . the powder for the charge of any piece whatsoever , is a third part of the weight of the bullet , and the ladle of each piece ought to be made in such a manner , that it contain exactly the quantity of powder that is necessary for the charge . a piece that has just fired should never be charged again , untill it be first cooled with water , which does as well as vinegar , which was heretofore used , and which is at present thought fitter for sallades . sect. 3. how to level , or bring a gun to pass . every piece in a battery must have its necessary utensils , its magazine , men to traverse and serve it , and a gunner to level it , guiding his sight from the breech to the muzzel , which he causes to be raised or made lower , according as he judges convenient , by advancing or drawing back the coins that are under the breech . sect. 4. of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon . when pieces of artillery go into the field , they are always attended with wagons which carry their ammunition . wagons drawn by four horses carry each a thousand or twelve hundred weight ; one wagon carries thirty three canon bullets , there are therefore required six wagons and twenty four horses for the carriage of the ammunition that a canon may spend in a day , which is a hundred bullets , and two thousand four hundred weight of powder . a canon must likewise have its ropes and tackling , a cable fifteen fadom long , four inches and a half about , threescore ten pound in weight , and other smaller ropes and tackling which are known to all artists , and those that belong to the artillery . the utensils belonging to pieces , are the spunge , which is a long staff , the end whereof is covered with wooll , and serves to cool the guns ; an iron ladle to put the powder into the piece , the rammer to ram down the charge , and leavers or handspakes to re-place the gun into the port-holes or gaps after she hath fired . the linkstock , which is a staff of the length of a cane , the end whereof is furnished with a kind of double musket-lock ; wherein is put a match lighted at both ends . the coins or quoins , which are properly great wedges of wood , with a peg or pin that serves them for an handle to thrust them forward or pull them back , according as the gunner shall direct . the figure will represent all more intelligibly . sect. 5. of the carriage of a gun. the carriage of a canon consists of two sides , in length fourteen foot and a half , half a foot thick , and a foot and eight inches broad , the carriage in the timber towards the head , is thirteen inches broad , and at the end eighteen . the axel-tree is seven foot long , and the wheels , if they be shod , are five foot high . a a , the sides of the carriage . b b , the length of the carriage . c c , the body of the carriage . d , the axel-tree . e e , the drought-hooks . f f , the cape-squares . g g , the iron bands at the end of the carriage . h h , the ends of the axel-tree . i , the wheel of the carriage . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. 1. of the canon . the canon of france is in length about ten foot , its carriage fourteen , and being mounted on its carriage nineteen . the breadth on the axel-tree is seven foot , its metal weighs four thousand eight hundred weight , the bullet thereof is six inches in diameter , and weighs thirty three pound and a third part ; it carries blank about seven hundred common paces , three foot a pace , or three hundred and fifty fathom . the same piece may be fired an hundred times in one day . the bed of a canon ought to be fifteen foot broad , and twenty in length , for its recoiling ; for that end there is usually made a strong floor of good oaken boards , which sloaps a little towards the parapet , that the canon may not recoil too much , and that it may be the more easily again traversed into its place . sect. 2. of the culverin . the culverin is a foot longer than the canon , and being mounted on its carriage , is nineteen foot long , and on the axel-tree seven foot broad . the weight of its metal is three thousand seven hundred weight , the bullet of it is four inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs sixteen pound and a half . it s reach is three hundred and fifty fathom , and may be fired an hundred times a day . sect. 3. of the bastard canon . the bastard is nine foot long , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and on the axel-tree six foot broad ; it weighs two thousand five hundred weight ; its bullet is three inches and eight lignes in diameter , and weighs seven pound and a half : it carries about a thousand paces , and may be in one day fired an hundred and twenty five times . sect. 4. of the minion . the minion is eight foot in length , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and six foot in breadth ; the bullet is in diameter three inches and three lignes , and weighs two pounds three quarters : it carries not so far as the bastard , but may be fired in one day and hundred and fifty times . sect. 5. of the faucon . the faucon is near seven foot long , on its carriage eleven , and five and a half broad . it weighs eight hundred weight . the bullet of it is two inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs a pound and a half ; it may be fired in one day an hundred and fourscore times . sect. 6. of the fauconet . the fauconet is near five foot long , mounted on its carriage nine and a half , and four foot and a half in breadth . the metal thereof weighs seven hundred and forty weight . it s bullet is an inch and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs three quarters of a pound and a half . it carries two hundred and fifty fathom , and in one day may be fired two hundred times . fauconets are commonly planted in low places , or on the flancks of bastions , for scouring the ditches and ruining the galleries . a low place whereon are two canons planted , is commonly six fathom square . sect. 7. the effect and execution of the canon . the pieces of artillery which are most frequently used to ruin and demolish the works , are such as carry shot from thirty to forty five pound weight . a canon shot at two hundred paces , or a hundred fathom distance , may pierce between fifteen and seventeen foot into ground that is but indifferently setled , ten or twelve foot into ground long setled and well fastened ; two or three and twenty foot into sand or loose ground ; and a canon fired to purpose against a ground-work , within the distance that i have been speaking of , will ruin more than can be repaired with fifty baskets full of earth . the force of a canon shot from low to high , or from high to low , or on a level , is equal , as to the canon ; but in respect of the body which receives the shot , that which is fired from a low ground to a higher , shakes and over-turns more . sect. 8. the way of nailing up a canon . besieged make sometimes salleys out to nail up the canon , and attempt the batteries ; and whilst some throw down the parapets , others break or burn the carriages , some drive in a nail of steel which is hacked and notched , and break it in the touch-holes of the pieces , which afterward are good for nothing but to be cast again . chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. sect. 1. of stone guns . stone guns are for most part of iron , much of the shape of mortar-pieces that shoot bombes . they carry not far , and therefore are not used but in fortified places , to incommode the besiegers when they make their approaches ; the powder for the charge is regulated according to the number of stones and pieces of iron that are put into them ; and they are commonly filled up to the mouth . sect. 2. of the arquebuss a crock . the arquebuss a crock is made of iron , in form of a great musket . it may be fired three hundred times a day ; which comes to five and twenty shot an hour . the bullet of it weighs three ounces , and the charge of powder an ounce and a half . sect. 3. of mortar pieces . mortar-pieces are of iron or of cast metal , and serve to shoot bombes , they are not so long as stone-guns , and their bore is wider or narrower , according to the bigness of the bombes which they are to contain ; their carriages have no wheels , and are quite otherwayes shaped than those of a canon ; as may be seen in the figure . sect. 4. of bombes . bombes are of a late invention , and were never used in france before the year 1635 at the siege of dole . they are made all of iron , and are hollow , with two handles to carry them by ; but they are not all of the same size , nor of the same shape : some are round and others long . the first are called bombes and the other fire-pots . they are filled with fire-works and powder , and then are stopped with a bung or stopple well closed ; in the middle of which is left a hole to apply the fuse to . when bombes are to be shot , a convenient ground is chosen , not too far distant from the place which is intended to be galled ; and there , a platform is erected , which is provided with plancks of timber , on which the mortar-pieces are planted . before a bombe be put into the mortar-piece , there is thrown into the bottom of it a charge of powder proportioned to the weight of the bombe , which is laid above the bung-hole aloft . so soon as the mortar-piece is charged , the artist takes his heights and measures , that the bombe may directly fall into the place that he intends ; that is to say , he gives less or more elevation to his mortar-piece , according as he is near or distant from the place and stops it either with a coin , or with an iron pin , which he thrusts cross the carriage ; that being done , he sets fire to the fuse of the bombe , and then to the powder of the mortar-piece , which forces out the bombe and carries it up in the air : when it is come to its full reach , it falls and breaks in a thousand pieces . the shivers and pieces of it break and bruise every thing they meet with , and the fire-works that are within it , set fire in all places where it chances to fall . nothing gives greater terror to the towns-people of a besieged town , than bombes ; and the ravage that there they do is so extraordinary , and so gall men , women , and children , that they know not where to be in safety . sect. 5. of the carcass . the carcass is a warlike engine of very late invention , or rather it is a late imitation of these burning barrels , that keep fire under water ; whereof i have spoken before , in the book of powder and chapter of artificial fire or fire-works , and which takes its name from the figure , because it is made of two hoops of iron two inches broad , and two lignes thick , crossed oval ▪ wayes , and is filled with a bag of pitched canvas , stuffed with granadoes , and ends of musket barrels charged with small iron shot . carcasses are shot out of mortar-pieces , in the same manner as bombes , and the fire they make lasts above half an hour , no body daring to put it out . sect. 6. of the granadoe . there are granadoes of all sizes , but those which are used by our granadiers are all almost alike , and are commonly two inches and a half and two lignes in diameter . they are charged with powder within a finger of the hole , the rest is filled with hard pressed tow , and then the hole is stopped with a bung of wood made very close ; in the middle whereof is left a little hole or vent , through which is put a fuse or wild-fire of fine powder mingled with aqua vitae or brandy . granadoes are thrown with the hand , and must not be held long after they are fired . they are commonly used to drive enemies from trenches , in a covered way and in a lodging . the granadoes break so soon as the train is spent , and their shivers and pieces wound all they hit . sect. 7. of hollow bullets . we have at present long and hollow bullets , which are filled with powder , and put into guns as the others are ; all the difference betwixt them is , that they work a double effect ; they perform in the first place that which plain bullets might do , and besides they burst and break in the hole that they have made , either in a wall or in a ground , and blow up as much earth or as many stones as a small fourneau might ; and in this manner they are charged : when these bullets are filled with powder , their vent or opening is stopped with a bung , wherein is left a passage for a fuse ; to which afterward is put a sulpher match , by which the fire of the gun is communicated to the train of the hollow bullet at the same time that it is forced out of the piece . sect. 8. of red bullets . other bullets are likewise made use of , which the french call red bullets , because they are made red hot , before they are put into the canon . their effect is to burn what they meet with , but that succeeds not alwayes . sect. 9. of cartouches . cartouches may be called boxes of white lattin , half a foot deep , and sized to the bore of the piece , which are filled with great musket bullets , that scatter as they come out and spread abroad on all hands . canons are sometimes charged with nails , pieces of old iron , and chains with bullets fastened to their ends . canons charged with cartouches carry not so far , as when they are charged with bullets ; but they do greater havock , especially in approaches . chap. v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used . sect. 1. of petards . the petard is a kind of fire-pot , made of red copper , with a tenth part of brass , which is filled with powder , and is applied to the gates of places upon a surprise , to break them and throw them back ; as may be seen in the figure . the petard of a bridge ought to be twelve inches long , and without the breech seven inches and a half wide , and within five . the metal at the bombes . a morter peice . hollow bullet . grenade . petard . carcasse . cartouche . chaine bullets . breech ought ro be fifteen lignes thick , and six at the muzzel , without reckoning the murrion or moulding ; it hath ten inches in bore at the mouth , three handles , and the fuse joyning to the breech . the metal of it weighs from threescore to threescore and ten pound weight , and is charged with five or six pound of powder . petards of gates with cross-bars , ought to be nine inches long , five lignes thick at the muzzel , and an inch at the breech ; having seven inches in bore , six without the breech and four within ; it weighs forty pound weight , and its charge is from three to four pound of powder . the petard for gates with plain bars or palissadoes , ought to be seven inches long , at the muzzel four lignes thick , and at the breech nine ▪ the mouth four inches wide , without the breech three inches and a half , and within two ; it weighs about fifteen pound weight , and from one pound and a half to two pound of powder , is the charge of it . between the petard and bridge is put a madrier or plank of wood a foot and a half broad , two foot long , and three inches thick ; when the wood is not strong , it is covered with plates of iron laid on the one side cross-wayes , and on the other in length . petards are to be charged with the finest powder that can be had , knocked hard down into the petard , which must be stopped with a woodden trencher or woodden roler an inch thick ; which must be exactly applied , and whereon a little waxe is to be melted for stopping the chinks , and hindering the water to enter . a petard is charged within three fingers of the mouth , the rest is filled up with tow pressed very hard ; afterward a canvas cloth is put before the mouth of the petard , which is to be tied very fast with a cord about the muzzel , least the charge drop out . a flying bridg. a crow's foot or casting caltrop . a turn pike . a percullis . a battering ram. sect. 2. of the arrow and flying-bridge . petards are applied to a bridge with an arrow made in the manner following : the arrow ought to have a weight or counterpoise behind , it is mounted on two wheels three foot and a half high , and two foot and a half thick . the point of the arrow should be at least a foot wide , that it may contain the petard . the arrow is composed of three planks twenty six foot in length , each plank made up of four pieces , which are fastened together with iron rings , and are taken a sunder that they may be portable , and are joyned again with an iron pin. these three planks are made fast together by barrs an inch thick , two inches broad , and a foot distant from one another . on one of the planks is made a hollow crany to lay a train in , to give fire to the petard . the flying or roling bridge is made in the same manner as the arrow , except that it is as broad at one end as at the other , and that it is covered with planks ; as may be seen by the figure . sect. 3. the way of vsing and applying a petard . when there is a design to petard a gate ; the scituation of it is first to be viewed , and when a day is pitched upon for the execution , the petards , instruments and necessary utensils are loaded on mules ; detachments are made , and every one is ordered what to do ; all things being well disposed , they march out in good order about the evening , that by mid-night they may arrive in the neighbour-hood of the place which is intended to be surprized . the mules are unloaded half a quarter of a league from the gate , and every one takes hold of the tools whereof they are to make use . the petardier makes him that carries the madrier march first ; afterward he calls three for the petard , two to carry it , and the third to help , if need be . if the petard be fastened to the madrier , the four ease one another two and two by turns , and the two who carry not the petard , have each of them a smiths great hammer : after them the petardier commands two others to march , carrying each of them a great hatchet ; then another with a goats-foot ( or fearn ) another with a dark lanthorn , another with three or four pieces of lighted match ; and another with a turrel or good nails , and a club , so that every petard to be rightly served , requires at least ten men . when a petard is to be applied to a draw-bridge , the petardier makes the flying-bridge march first , or the arrow with seven or eight men , as well to carry as to push them . next he makes the madrier and the petard advance in the same order as i have said before ; after follow those who carry the ladders , and the floor of planks , to be thrown upon the breach which the petard may have made , who are followed by those who carry the hammers , hatchets , pinsers , and other instruments to pull out the barrs , and cut the chains . there is need rather of too many instruments , than that any one should be wanting ; and when the petardier asks any thing , he that carries it should be ready at hand to give it without making the least noise . all things being thus disposed , the petardier covers himself with a round buckler , or some planks made on purpose to secure him from musket-shot , or fire-works that may be thrown upon him ; he applies his petard , commands those that are to fall on to be in readiness , sets fire to the fuse , and with-draws whilst the petard is playing ; so soon as a breach is made , those that are commanded for the first brush , enter the place , and force all that resists them ; they who are to back them , do as much , and so successively do all who have any thing to put in execution . sect. 4. of tortoises . when a bridge joyns ill to a wall , it may be beaten down without a petard , with a brazen tortoise placed between the wall and the bridge , which by its shivers and pieces breaks it . this is the way of making it : take two shells of brass five inches deep , a foot wide , and two inches thick ; place the one upon the other , and fill them with powder , putting thereto a fuse . we may reckon among our engines of war , the herses , sarrasins , or cataracts , and the orgues , which are great pieces of hanging wood , and are let fall down thorow holes , when there is any fear of a surprise , or of the effort of a petard . turn-pikes , which are beam stuck full of sharp-pointed piles , which roles upon a pivot to stop a passage . the crow-foot , or casting caltrop , are iron pricks , made in such manner , that what way soever they be turned they have alwayes the point upwards . chap. vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . sect. 1. of machines or engines in general . we call all things engines , whereof the art and contrivance surpasses the matter , materiam superabat opus , says ovid. from thence comes the name of ingeneer . the ancients called all things that serve to attaque or defend places , warlike engines ; so does moses call them in the 20th chapter of deuteronomy , the last verse . onely those trees which thou knowest are not for meat , those shalt thou destroy and cut down , and make forts against the city that maketh war with thee , until thou subdue it . all these ancient engines were onely made of wood pieced together and made fast with iron ; which were placed upon the turrets and corners of the walls , to throw darts and stones of an extraordinary bigness : others there were onely for beating down of walls , and others for mounting an assault , and for a scalado . sect. 2. of the tortoise or testudo . the tortoise of the ancient gauls which the romans used , and called testudo , was nothing else but the crouding together of many souldiers , who covered themselves on the head and sides with a great many bucklers . the former ranks carried them higher than the following in manner of the tiles of a house ; that so whatever might be thrown upon them from the walls , might not stick , but more easily slide to the ground . homer speaks of these tortoises in this manner : scutum scuto haeret , galeae galea , atque vir viro. they made use of that invention for scaling of walls , by mounting one upon another ; as titus liviusdescribes it . testudine parti muri ad mota , cum armati spuerstantes subissent propugnatoribus , muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur . tacitus calls that engine a reiterated tortoise . super iteratum testudinem scandentes . they not only made use of these tortoises in attacking of places , but also in battels ; breaking through the legions of the enemy . all these tortoises were not in this manner composed of men and bucklers ; they had besides certain sheds of wood twenty five foot square , and covered with a shelving roof , which they called tortoises , whereof some served to cover the lodgings , others to shelter the workmen against stones and arrows from the town , and others to hang the battering-ram , and cover those who were to swing it ; these were called testudines arictariae . sect. 3. of ladders . the romans had ladders of all fashions , which were alwayes two foot higher than the walls they intended to scale . some folded , and could with little inconvenience be carried any whither ; these were called scalae compactiles . others were called reticulatae aut stupeae , because they were made with cords provided at the ends with strong hooks , to fasten them with to the walls . they had others that opened and shut in manner of zizack . and others at the end of which was a kind of a little watch-house ; whereinto they put some body to spie what was doing on the ramparts . they had besides another kind of ladder , which they termed rolling ladders ; at the end of which were bridges : and others which they called sambucae , which were carried in boats , to scale walls that were encompassed with water . sect. 4. of bulwarks . when the romans intended to attaque a place they caused bulwarks to be raised round the walls , which were in height twenty four foot , and in breadth three hundred ; upon which they built towers of vvood armed with iron on all sides ; which commanded the ramparts , and from which the besiegers threw upon the people of the town stones , darts , artificial fire , that they might thereby facilitate the approach of the battering rams and other engines for taking of places . sect. 5. of towers . the towers which were used by the romans in the attacking of places , went on vvheels , were very high , and on all sides covered with plates of iron , which rendered them more weighty , more difficult to be overthrown , and less obnoxious to the danger of fire . these towers were invented by one diades a souldier under alexander the great ; they had also other towers which carried bridges and battering rams . caesar caused to be built before marseillis towers of masons work five foot thick , and near the towers of the enemies , from whence he might incommode them , he caused moveable roofs to be made for them , from which hung skreens made of cables or other ship-ropes , behind which the workmen might under covert labour in the raising of the towers . sect. 6. of the battering ram. the original of battering rams which paulus diaconus calls , exterminatorium iustrumentum , is very ancient ; some attribute the invention of them to the greeks , and others to the carthaginians . however it be , they performed in those days what our canon and mines do at present , seing the onely use they were put to was to beat down the walls of towns which they intended to take . the battering ram was made of a large tree , like to the mast of a ship , which was in length six and twenty cubits , and five hand breadths in diameter , and within six cubits of the head was guarded with iron rings ; the head was of a knotty wood covered with iron , and represented the head of a ram with horns , and therefore the name of battering ram was given to that engine . the battering ram hung betwixt great beams of wood , by massive iron chains , and required a hundred men to swing and push it violently against the walls . repulsus magna virorum manu ; says flavius , the shape of it may be seen in the figure . sect. 7. of counter-engines . to hinder assaults and storms , the besieged made use of huge stones , wheels , wagons with four wheels filled with weighty matters , columns , cylinders , mill-stones , tuns , and artificial fire , which they threw upon the besiegers and their engines , with purpose to break them , or to reduce them to ashes . they hindered the effects of the battering rams , by opposing to them packs of wooll , or by catching hold of them with snares , or iron engines made in form of pinsers , which they called woolves , meaning that such woolves could catch the ram , because with these engines they drew the battering rams up , or broke them in the middle . the end of the third book . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war . it may perhaps seem strange , that i have comprehended in one and th● same book , and under one sole title , ensings , trumpets , and other instruments of war , considering the small analogy they have to one another . i frankly confess , that as to the form there is none at all ; but as to the use and property , i maintain there is a great deal . we call that a sign whichmarks any thing to us , signum a significatione . now ensigns have onely been so called because they signified to souldiers their camps , marches , their fields of batrel , and the places of their gathering together and rallying . are not drums and trumpets the signs of notice and advertisement ? do not the different sounds of both the one and other signifie the different commands which the souldiers are to put in execution , as to take arms , come to their colours , draw out into the field , charge , retreat , and many other things which they understand by the sound of those instruments : and therefore i thought it unnecessary to separate them from colours , standards , ensignes and guidons ; whereof i shall trea● in the following chapters . chap. i. of ensigns . the trojans were the first that made use of ensigns in their armies , that they might accustom young souldiers to know their companies , and facilitate their rallying , when they happened to be in a fight . vt tyrones assuescerent signa sequi , & in acie cognoscere ordines suos . says livie . the ancients in the beginning had no other ensigns but bundles of hay which they fastened on long poles : from whence comes the word manipule , a manipulis foeni , by the report of ovid. pertica suspensos portabat longa maniplos , vnde maniplaris nomina miles habet . but the mode of the rustick and wild ancients lasted not long , the roman custom came in place of it ; and then succeded ours which we at present carry , and which are different from the former ; both in form and matter . we give them several names according to their various shapes : to wit , colours , standards , ensigns , and guidons . the foot carry colours , which are of taffata , an ell and a half square , fastened to a half pike eight or nine foot long . every regiment has a particular colour to it self , except the crosses and the collonels colours , which are always white , because white is the colour of france , as the black eagles shew us the colour of the empire ; the red that of spain , and the orange that of holland . the horse carry ensigns , guidons , and standards . the first two are for the troops of the gens-d'arms . ensigns are above a foot and a half square , and are made of stuff embroidered with gold and silver , adorned with ciphers and devises , and fastened to a lance eight or nine foot long . guidons are longer than broad , of a stuff like to that of ensigns , divided in two points at the end , which are made a little round ; their lances are eight or nine foot long . standards are for the troops of the light horse , but a foot and a half square , and of a stuff embroidered , furnished with the arms and devises of the masters de camp of the regiments , and their lances a like to those of ensigns and guidons . the figures will more easily give you the meaning of what i say . sect. 1. of the oriflamme . the royal banner of france , to which the flames of gold , wherewith it was bespangled , have given the name of oriflamme , was properly the ensign general of the kingdom , which never came out of the church of st. denis , where it lay in custody ; but when the kings marched out to the wars : it was made of a red stuff , about two foot long , pointed and cloven , like the banderolle or penon of a ship , which was fastened to a lance , in the manner of the banners of the church . it was left off to be carried in the reign of charles the seventh ; and since that time , the oriflamme-bearer , which was one of the chief officers of the kingdom , has remained extinct . he that wrote the life of lowis the young , distinguishes the royal banner , from the banner of st. denis ; when he says , that geoffry of ranconay , one of the noblest barons of poictou , carried the kings banner , which according to custom came after that of st. denis , which was commonly called oriflamme . they who make a distinction between these two banners , call the kings oriflor , oriflour , oriflamme , karlir , and make it of azure taffeta , spangled with golden flowers de luce. it is the common opinion that it was presented to charlemain by pope leo the third , when he made him protector and defender of the church of saint peter . guidon enseigne coulours standard gonfanon or standard of the church oriflame , or the royall banner of s t. denys . sect. 2. of the gonfanon . the gonfanon is in the church , what the oriflamme was heretofore in france , and the office of great gonfanonier , is one of the most honourable charges of the ecclesiastick state. the colour of the gonfanon is red , and differs not in shape from the banners of the ancient cavalry , but that it is cloven into three ends a little rounded . most kingdoms have their ensigns or standards general in imitation of the romans , who had the banner of the consul , or of the general of the army , which they called labrum , of a purple coloured stuff , enriched with fringes of gold and precious stones . sect. 3. of the banner and penon . the difference between the banner and penon was , that the banner was square , fastened to a lance like colours and cornets ; and the penon had a long tail , which might be easily made a banner , by cutting off the tail. from these penons is derived the name of penonages , which has been given to the companies of the quarters of the city of lyons , whose captains are called captains penons . in england the penon of st. george was the chief banner of the kingdom . every lord carried his arms in his banner , or in his penon ; but none but lords banerets , were suffered to carry a banner to the wars . when a lord having for many years carried arms , had estate enough to entertain a troop of gentlemen to accompany a banner , he was allowed to raise a banner ; for that end he carried at the first battel where he was , a penon of his arms , and presented himself before the constable , or him who commanded the army for the prince ; from whom he asked leave to carry a banner ; and that being granted him , he took the heraulds at arms witnesses of it , who cut off the tail of his penon , and made a banner thereof . princes , mareshals , and barons , had their banners having their coats of arms quartered on them , carried before them by squires , to assemble their men about them in day of battel . sect. 4. of banderolles , pannonceaux , and faillions . the banderoll was a kind of little banner ; carried by knights in turnements , with which they made the sign of the cross , when they entered the lists , before they began to fight ; as oliver de la march reports in the eighteen chapter of his memoires . when the king gives holy bread , the swisses and officers that serve at these ceremonies , carry these banderolls with the kings arms quartered on them . panronceaux were little pennons , wherewith ships , the tops of towers , and the houses of gentlemen of quality , were beautified . the faillion , is a kind of standard made use of in the army , for assembling the baggage , and every regiment ought to have one of its colour , which conducts the baggage to the faillion general . s. p. q. r. the ensigne of the roman horse . the ensigne of the manipule . the ensigne of the roman legion . chap. ii. of the roman ensigns . the romans had one kind of ensigns for foot , and another for horse . every legion had its ensign general , which was the roman eagle , as we have a collonels colours in every regiment of foot , which is always of white taffeta ; besides that the manipules or companies had their particular ensigns , which were silvered pikes , at whose end was a little piece of wood laid a thwart , in form of a cross , with little globes fastened down along to the pikes , on which was the names of the emperours , as suetonius reports . artabanus transgressus euphratem aquilas & romana , caesarumque imagines adoravitsigna . the armies were reckoned by eagles ; as hirtius says . erat pompeii acies tredecem aquilis constituta . to intimate that the army of pompey was composed of thirteen legions . we have retained the same way of expressing the number of the horse , which we have in our armies ; for instance we say , the king hath detached or sent into the field , two hundred cornets , to signifie two hundred troops . the ensigns of the cavalry were of a shape different from those of the infantry . the romans named them vexilla , which to speak properly were little square sails , almost of the bigness of our standards , which were carried hanging at a pike , like to the banners of our churches . these sails were for most part of a purple stuff embroidered , whereon were set in golden letters , the names of their emperours , or of their commanders . aurea clarum not a nomen ducum vexillis praescriptum feriunt . the same is in use amongst our horse , whereof most part of the masters de camp cause their arms or devises to be put upon the standards of the troops of their regiments . the persians had eagles for ensigns , and the ancient germans carried the figures of wild beasts . chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war. the instruments of military symphony are not onely proper to give the souldiers the signal of what they are to do ; but likewise to animate them to fight after the manner of the lacedemonians . the cavalry make use of trumpets and kettle drums . the trumpet is an instrument of brass doubly crooked , which heginus says , was invented by thireime son of hercules . this definition vegetius gives of it : buccina quae in semetipso aereo circulo reflectitur . ovid in this manner describes it to us . — cava buccina sumitur illi , tortilis in latium quae turbine cresct ab imo . there is no troop of our gend'arms , nor light horse , which has not at least one trumpet , to sound to boots and saddle , to the standard , to horse , the charge , the challenge , and the retreat . kettle-drums are two brazen vessels , round at the bottom , and covered above with goat-skin , which is made to sound by beating on it with sticks . kettle-drums were more in use among the germans and spaniards , than among the french , who heretofore never carried any but when they won them from their enemies . that ancient formality is now out of date , and the king bestows them on whom he thinks fit ; especially on the troops of his houshold . drums , fifes , bagpipes and hautbois , are for foot , musketeers , dragoons , fusiliers , and horse-grandaiers . drums are made of a chesnut wood , hollow and covered at both ends with skins of parchment , which are braced with cords , and with snares underneath . these instruments serve to beat the reveilly , the general , the call , the march , the charge , the parley , the retreat , the banks or proclamations , and all the commands . the invention of them is not late ; as may be seen in the following chapter . chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans . the instruments of the roman militia , whereof they made use to signifie all the orders to the souldiers , were trumpets , horns , cornets , and hautbois , as well for horse as foot ; and the legions , cohortes and manipules , had each their several instruments . cohortium , turmarum , & legionum tubicines simul omnes canere jubet ; says salust . though drums and kettle-drums were not in use among the romans , yet other nations , and especially the indians , used them . indi tympana suo more pulsantes . curtius lib. 8. and suidas , tubis indi non utuntur , sed pro iis sunt flagella & tympana horribilem quendam bombum emittentia . the parthians made use of them also , but in all appearance ( according to the description that we have of them in suidas and plutarch ) the instruments of these people were rather kettle-drums than drums , because they were made of plam-tree wood , hollow and filled with little brazen bells , the mouth whereof was covered with a bulls-hide . isidorus defines the word ( tympanum ) in these terms : tympanum est pellis vel corium ligno ex una parte extensum . and that is the very shape and figure of our kettle-drums . he describes also another instrument which he calls symphony , which can be nothing else but our drums . symphonia , says he , vulgo appellatur lignum cavum ex utraque parte pelle extensa , quam virgulis hinc & inde musici feriunt . that instrument resembles the little tabers or drums which the turks carry before them , and which they beat on both sides with sticks . however it be , there is no doubt but that the invention of drums is as ancient as that of trumpets : i build not onely on the authority of prophane history , but on the testimony of the royal prophet , who says , let them praise his name with the flute ; let them sing praises to him with the timbrel and harp , psal . 149. praise him timbrel and flute , &c. psal . 150. a particular chapter of the arms which are at present in use , as well among the french as other nations . since gun-powder hath been invented , there is no people in europe but makes use of fire-arms , to which they have given several names , according to their different shapes , as muskets , arquebusses with match-lock , arquebusses with wheel-lock , carabines , choques , pistols with wheel-locks , holster or pocket pistols , musketons , and fusils or fire-locks ; as the ancients changed the names of their shields , pikes , swords , and darts , according to the divers alterations that happened , either in the form or matter : for instance , they called a●lides a kind of ancient dart , which they carried tied to the wrist with a long strap or thong , that thereby they might more easily draw it back when they wounded any therewith ; and they called gevum a dart that was intirely of iron : nevertheless these arms were still darts : as muskets , musketons , carabins , choques , and fusils or fire-locks , are all of them kinds of arquebusse of different lengths ; of which some fire with a match , others with a flint , and others with the wheel . arms with wheels are now no in use in use in france , the king hath not long ago taken them from the gardes du corps , and given them musketons ; and at present in the wars , are onely used the musket , fire-lock , musketon , and pistol ; as may be seen in the sequel of this chapter . the arms of the french cavalry . the kings guards du corps , the gens-d'armes , light-horse , cravats , the troops of light-horse , are armed with shables , musketons , snap-lock pistols ; and for instruments of war , have trumpets and kettle-drums . the guards du corps carry ensigns , the gens-d ' armes ensigns and guidons , and the light-horse standards . the kings musketeers , who fight sometime on foot , and sometime on horse-back ( like the dragoons of alexander called dimachae ) have for arms the half-shable , the bandeliers , the musket and pistols ; and for instruments , drums , and haut-bois , with an ensign and guidon ; and when they are on foot the officers march with the sword , the pike , and the gorget ; the ensign with the colours , and the quarter-masters with the halbard . the dragoons who fight on foot and on horseback , have for arms the sword , the fire-lock , and the bayonet ; for ensign the standard somewhat larger than that of the light horse , and for instruments of war , drums , bag-pipes , and hautbois : and when they march on foot , the officers carry the partisan , and the sergeants the halberd . none of the cavalry but the officers and the troopers of the regiment of the kings cuirassiers , now carry cuirasses . the horse-granadiers of the kings houshold , have for arms the cimeter , the battle-axe , the fire-lock , and the pouch or budget filled with granadoes ; and for instruments drums and haut-bois . the arms of the french infantry . the arms of the officers of foot , are the sword , the pike , and the gorget . the arms of the sergeants , the sword and the halberd ; and of the souldiers , the sword , the bandelier , the musket , and the pike . the instruments are drums , fifes , and haut-bois . the pikes of the kings guards carry the burgonet , corslet , vambraces , and tassets , or thigh pieces . the granadiers have for arms the sword and fire-lock , with a budget stuffed with granadoes , and a little battle-axe ; and the officers the partisan and gorget . the fusiliers have for arms the sword , the bayonet , and fusil or fire-lock , and the officers the pike and gorget . the suissers have no need of horse , because they live in a hilly countrey ; and therefore they make onely use of the sword with a great branched hilt , the bandeliers , musket , halbard , and partisan , and carry hardly any pikes , but when they serve foreign princes . their instruments of war are drums and fifes ; and their officers carry the pike and gorget . the pikes in the suisse-guards are armed with murrions , gorget , corslets , vambraces and tassets ; and the officers with the pike , gorget , cuirasse , tassets , and no more . the spanish cavalry . the spanish horse have for arms the shable , pistol , and musketon , or choque ; for ensign the standard , and for instruments , trumpets and kettle-drums . they have also some troops of lancers armed cap-a-pied , which they have retained for ostentation and to serve near the kings person . they have also troops of dragoons armed in the same manner as ours are . the spanish foot. the foot have for arms the sword , with a hilt so extreamly wide and deep , that it might very well serve for a drinking cup ; bandeliers which are none of the largest , the musket as heavy again as ours , and of a bigger size , which they cannot fire without leaning it on a rest ; and the pike longer and bigger than ours : and for instruments , drums and fifes . the officers carry no gorgets , but onely the pike , and the sergeants the halbard . the officers of the regiments of guards , mount the kings guard on horse-back , armed cap-a-pied , with a rondache or round buckler on the left arm. english forces . the english cavalry have for arms the shable , musketon , or carabin and pistol : and the infantry the musket and pike . the foot make but little use of their swords ; for when they have discharged , they fall on with the buts of their muskets . the officers carry the sword , pike , and gorget , and the serjeants the halbard and partisan . german forces . the german horse have for arms the shable , carabine , and wheel-lock pistol , with a shable hanging at the pommel of their saddles ; some of their troopers are armed with cuirasses and head-pieces . the foot carry the sword , musket , espadon , or two-handed sword , and the pike . the officers make use of swords , pikes , and gorgets , and some of partisans or half-pikes . hungarian forces . the hungarians , besides fire-arms , carry likewise shables , battle axes , partisans , half-pikes , &c. polonian troops . the polonians use fire-arms , pikes , partisans , the axes ( whereof we have spoken in the first chapter of staff-arms , the fifth sect. of the first book ) and darts or javelots . turkish cavalry . the turkish cavalry have no other arms but the damask shable , and some of them carry clubs or maces at the pommel of the saddle . they have some troops of lancers , whom they call fool-hardy ; these make use of shables , lances and bucklers : their ensigns are small guidons which they carry tied on their backs . turkish infantry . the infantry carry shables , long knives at their girdle , great muskets , bows , arrows , and darts , and their instruments are little tabors or drums ; on both sides of which they beat : haut-bois , bag-pipes , and musical cornets . persians , moors , and arabians . the persians , moors , and arabians , besides fire-arms , make use of zagayes , arrows and darts ; and most part of the people who have been lately discovered , used no other arms , but arrows , darts , and half-pikes . of the arms of the ancient french militia . infantry . the regiments of french infantry were divided into companies of arquebussiers , musketons and pikes . the companies of arquebussiers consisted of three hundred men a piece , whereof fifty were armed with the breast-plate , murrion that was proof , with sleeves of mail , the sword hanging at the girdle and halbards ; fifty were armed with swords , muskets , bandeliers , and musket rests , and two hundred were armed with swords , match-lock arquebusses , and a case , such as huntsmen carry , the charge whereof held half an ounce of powder . the captains of the arquebussiers , mounting the guard , or passing before the king or the general at a muster , carried the arquebuss , the case and murrion , with a great plume of feathers . the pikemen were armed with swords , pikes eighteen foot long , murrions , corslets , vambraces , and tassets ; and the captains were armed with compleat armor , a pike and murrion after the milanese-fashion , adorned with feathers , and caused their lackeys carry rondaches or round bucklers before them . the lieutenants and ensigns arms were the same with the arms of the captains , and the serjeants carried the cuirasse proof , with sleeves of mail , the plain murrion , and the halbards without swords . cavalry . from the reign of lowis the eleventh , to the time of henry the second , the cavalry was divided into men of arms , light horse , argolets and estradiots or albanian horsemen . the men of arms had for armature the corslet with the breast-plate , the cuirasse with tassets , the gorget of mail , supeters , whole greaves , tasses , gantlets , helmet with banners , arm-pieces , gossets , poldrons , all guarded with mail in the void spaces or intervals . their horses were barded and caparisoned , with the crannet and frontstall . for offensive arms they had , the sword by the side , the tuck at one side of the pommel of the saddle , and the battle-axe at the other , a long and great lance in hand ; a cassock which they called the souldiers coat , which was of the colour of their ensign , and guidon of the troop , and bigger than that of the light horse . the light-horse were armed with gorgets , corslet with tassets below the knee , gantlets , arm-pieces , great shoulder-pieces , head-pieces , with open visers , and the cassock of the colour of the standard . and for offensive arms , a large broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the lance in hand . the estradiots were armed in the same manner as the light-horse , and and instead of arm-pieces and gantlets , had sleeves and gloves of mail , a broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the zagaye in hand , which they called arzegaye , ten or twelve foot long , and headed with iron at the two ends . their coat over their arms was short , and instead of a cornet , they had a great banderoll hanging at the end of a lance. the argolets were armed in the same way as the estradiots , except the head ; which they covercd with a cabasset or casket , that hindered them not to take aim : their offensive arms were the sword by the side , the battle-axe at the left side of the pommel of the saddle , and at the right an arquebuss two foot and a half long , in a case of tanned leather , over their arms a short coat , like to that of the estradiots , and a long banderoll ( as they had ) to rally by . the cavalry under henry the fourth , and lowis the thirteenth . in the reigns of henry the fourth and lowis the thirteenth , the cavalry were divided into gens-d'armes , light-horse and carabins . the gens-d'armes were armed with compleat armour , and carried greaves and knee-pieces under or over the boots , the cuirasse carabin-proof before and behind ; and instead of a lance an escopette or petronel , which carried five hundred paces ; the holster pistols charged with a slugg of steel , a long and stiff tuck without an edge . their horses were armed with the frontstall and petrel . the light-horse were armed with compleat armour , a cuirass , that was proof , and the rest but slight ; they carried the pistol at the pommel of the saddle , under the bridle-hand , and on the other side the salade or head-piece . the carabins had for arms a cuirass voided and cut in the right shoulder , that they might the better present and take aim ; a gantlet reaching the elbow for the bridle-hand , a casket on head : and for defensive arms , a long sword , a long escopett or carabin , three foot and a half in length , a pistol at the pommel of the saddle , and two cartouches , after the manner of the reistres . the word ( carabin ) comes from the spanish word cara ▪ which signifies the visage or face , and the latine word binus , which signifies double ; as if one should say , men of double faces , because of their way of fighting . sometimes flying , and sometimes facing about . we have changed the carabins into souldiers that fight , both on foot and horse , whom we have called dragoons , in imitation of the dimachae of alexander the great ; which name comes from the greek word dimas , that signifies terror and fear ; because they carried dragons for their ensigns . finis . books printed for robert harford at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . 1. mare clasum , or the right dominion and owner-ship of our brittish seas , in two books , by john selden esq ; in folio . 2. a new description of the country of surinam , in 40. 3. the history of the turkish wars , in hungaria , transilvania , austria , silvesia , and other provinces of the german empire , from the first invasion of annirath the se-second , 1432 ; to which is added a short discourse of the state and goverment of the said provinces in 80. 4. the sage senator , or a discourse on the wisdom of such as are called to publick imployments for their country , prescribing a method to discharge a publick trust . in 80. 5. the history of portugal , describing the said country , with the customs aud uses among them . in 80. 6. an historical essay , endeavouring a probability that the language of the empire of china is the primitive language . in 8. and also you may there have all sorts of paper and paper books , and the best ink for records , the souldiers accidence. or an introduction into military discipline containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines, muster-masters, and all young souldiers of the infantrie, or foote bandes. also, the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experiences armies. a worke fit for all noble, generous, and good spirits, that loue honor, or honorable action. g.m. markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. 1625 approx. 111 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06964 stc 17388 estc s102642 99838414 99838414 2790 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06964) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2790) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 814:09) the souldiers accidence. or an introduction into military discipline containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines, muster-masters, and all young souldiers of the infantrie, or foote bandes. also, the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experiences armies. a worke fit for all noble, generous, and good spirits, that loue honor, or honorable action. g.m. markham, gervase, 1568?-1637. [12], 63, [1] p. printed by i. d[awson] for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons neere the royall exchange, [london] : 1625. g.m. = gervase markham. printer's name from stc. errata on verso of )(2. pagination and signatures continuous. f2r is a separate title page, with same imprint, reading: the cavallarie; or the formes and manner of trayning of horse, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies. together vvith all such knowledges as are meete for the practise of those that are profest teachers, or profest learners of this noble art. by g.m. print faded and show-through, and some pages stained. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or 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schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the sovldiers accidence or an introdvction into military discipline , containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines , muster masters , and all young souldiers of the infantrie , or foote bandes . also , the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes , as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies . a worke fit for all noble , generous , and good spirits , that loue honor , or honorable action . virg. aenei . — at nunc horrentia martis . g. m. london printed by i. d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons neere the royall exchange . 1625. to the right honorable , and thrice worthie lords , oliver , lord viscount grandison ; george , lord carew ; fulke , lord brooke ; arthur , lord chichester : and to the right honorable , sir edward conway , knight , sir horrace vere , knight , sir edward cecill , knight , sir robert mansell , knight , sir iohn oagle , knight , and sir thomas button , knight ; being the lords and others of his maiesties most honorable councell of warre . i doe not presume ( right honorable ) to offer this poore tribute of mine experience , as a modell whereby your goodnesses might shape any thing to adde strength to your owne vncontrolable knowledges ; god forbid there should be in me such an impudent daring : but i humbly desire it may kisse your hands , as a sacrifice offered from your servant , or as a weaknes that stands in need of your protections : vertue i know measureth every thing by its owne goodnesse , in which is exprest an infinite charitie , and you are that large fountaine of vertue , that i cannot feare ( how ever imperfection may perswade me ) but i shall touch of your noble waters ; in your honors i know is power to iudge of my labour , and in you is authoritie to exercise mercie : and though you finde nothing written in it , but what you may reade ten thousand times better in your own brests , yet be pleased to thinke there be many puny scollars in our kingdome ( to which i haue ever desired to be a servant ) that from these briefe rules may gather more abler iudgements . therefore it is onely your noble favour and allowance , that must make it acceptable to those which neede it , and profitable to our empire , which i wish to be serued by it . o then let these graces flie from your noble natures , with that mildnesse that as i haue ever lived , i may die your honors poore servant and souldier , g. m. ¶ to the reader . knowledge , which is the divine mother of certaine goodnesse , never came vnwellcome to an industrious nature , for shee ever maketh a smooth way and a straight path ; no more ( i hope ) shall this my labour to thee ( worthie reader ) since doubtlesse thou shalt finde in it many things new , ( which is apt to catch covetous spirits ) somethings necessarie ( which are ever imbracst of solid and substantiall iudgements ) . and i hope nothing erring from sense or truth ( which is such a crowne , both to the worke , and thine owne satisfaction , that if thou beest any master of charitie , thou canst not giue me lesse almes then thanks for my paines taking , ) i haue not labord mine owne , but thy profit , neither haue i measurd any thing in this worke by any other rule , then those wants which i found in my selfe when i first betooke me to the warres , and had no other companions in my bosome but desire and ignorance , the one being so contrary to the other , that had i had millions , i would haue given it for halfe the knowledge in this booke , to haue reconcild , or at least expulst that ignorance which was so offensiue vnto me . this for thine industrie sake i haue performed , which if thou please to accept with that goodnesse of heart which it is meant , i haue got my desire , and will ever rest at thy service : g. m. ¶ a table of all the materiall things contained in this booke . and first of the infantrie . pag. two things referred to commanders . 1 sorting of armes . 1 election of man. 2 arming of pikes . 2 arming of musquetiers . 3 arming of hargobussiers . 4 arming of halberdiers . 4 arming of the ensigne . 4 arming of the lieutenant . 4 arming of the captaine . 5 the formes of trayning . 5 imbattayling of men . 5 what a ranke or fyle is . 5 of flankes and fronts . 6 the continent of ranke and fyle , and the reason thereof . 6 the devision of companies . 7 the duties of the corporall and the lanspresado . 7 foure things to be taught in trayning . 8 the carriage of armes . 8 the vse of the pike . 9 the vse of shott . 9 how to giue volleys . 9 volleys marching . 9 volleys standing . 10 volleys vpon advancement . 10 volleys vpon a swift retrayt . 11 distance of place . 11 what distance is . 11 the vse of distances . 12 the names of distances , and the variation of names . 12 the measure of distances . 13 of marches . 14 the severall places of officers . 14 of motions . 15 diversitie of motions . 15 of the sounds of the drumme . 16 vse of words . 17 the words of proper directions . 17 of motions in distance or in forme . 17 of motion in distance of fyles . 17 of motion in distance of rankes . 18 of motion in distance both in fyles and rankes . 18 of motion in forme of fyles . 18 of motion in forme of rankes . 19 of motion in forme both in fyles and rankes . 20 of charging of pikes . 21 giving of fire by the flanke . 21 of constancie in words giuing . 21 what march and motion is . 22 word of particular motions . 22 what postures are . 22 the postures of the pike . 23 postures standing . 23 postures marching . 23 postures charging . 23 the postures of the musquet . 23 the postures in skirmish . 24 postures in exercise . 24 postures standing . 24 postures marching . 24 postures charging . 25 postures discharging . 25 the postures of the hargobu● . 26 a repetition by way of advise . 26 the dignitie of places . 27 a table expressing dignities . 27 the vse of the table . 27 leaders of middle fyles . 27 middlemen to the front and reare . 28 subdevision men . 28 the first sixe parts of martiall discipline . 29 carriage , election , and composition of colours . 29 mixture of colours . 29 captaines colours . 29 colonells colours . 29 superior officers colours . 30 where gentlemen may finde their colours . 30 the libertie that captaines take . 30 of severall mettalls and colours . 31 the signification of mettalls and colours . 31 of bastard colours , and their significations . 32 offences in colours . 32 of obedience and the vertue thereof . 33 the end of the first table . the second table of the cavallarie , or trayning of horse-troopes . the difficultie in this art. 37 the things considerable in this art. 37 the election of men and horses . 38 the arming of gentlemen at armes . 38 arming for triumph . 39 arming of launciers . 40 arming of light horse . 40 arming of cuiraissiers . 41 arming of hargobussiers . 42 arming of dragons . 42 arming of captaines cuirassiers . 43 arming of lieutenants . 44 arming of cornets . 44 arming of the trumpet . 44 arming of corporalls . 45 arming of captaines hargobussiers . 45 arming of captaines of dragons . 46 difference betwixt the cornet and guydon . 46 a●vancement of captaines of horse . 46 the formes of trayning . 47 the imbattayling of horsemen . 47 the extent of a fyle . 47 the extent of a ranke . 48 the devision of a horse-troope . 48 fiue things to be taught . 48 manage of the horse . 49 words of command . 49 the performance . 49 the words and the performance . 50.51.52 carriage and vse of armes . 53 the postures of the pistoll . 53 postures standing . 53 postures charging or marching . 53 postures discharging . 54 postures in skirmish . 54 the best way to teach . 55 of distance of place . 55 of motion . 55 of marches . 56 words of especiall direction 56 the manner of opening or closing rankes or fyles . 57 of doubling rankes or fyles . 57 of doubling the front divers wayes . 57 the turning of faces . 58 of countermarching or wheeling . 58 observations in countermarching . 58 observations in wheeling . 59 observations in doubling the front. 59 of the trumpet . 60 the first poynt of warre , and its vse . 60 the second poynt of warre , and its vse . 60 the third , and its vse . 61 the fourth , and its vse . 61 the fifth , and its vse . 61 the sixt , and its vse . 61 speciall notes . 62 the chiefe officers in an horse armie● 62 wherein the iustice consisteth . 62 the places of great officers . 62 the composition of regiments . 63 whence directions are received . 63 the end of the second table . errata . page 14. line 28. for before reade betweene . p. 18. l. 24. for formes r. forme . p. 31. l. 30. for lenitie r. leuitie . p. 32. l. 11. for not r. at . p. 33. l. 18. for yea r. yet . p. 41. l. 28. for rooes reade races . the sovldiers accidence . the captaines of the men to be trained for the warres ( whether they be muster-masters , or other private commanders ) haue two things to be referred vnto them , that is , sorting of armes , and the formes or true manners of trayning . for the sorting of armes , it is a good preportion to haue a companie equally compounded of armed men and shot , the armed men to be all pikes ( except the officers . ) the shot to be at least halfe musquets , the other halfe harquebushes , but if the shot could be two parts musquets , it were better , but if all musquets , then best of all . also care is to be had what men are put to every finde of armes , the strong , tall ; and best persons to be p●kes , the squarest and broadest will be fit to carry musquets , and the least and nimblest may ( if necessitie compell ) be turned to the harquebush ; but aboue all other respects , it is to be considered to what armes every man doth best frame himselfe , for which cause it is not amisse , that the captaine see the same men to vse severall armes before he doe appoint them certainly to carry any one . next he shall see that every man be well and sufficiently armed with good and allowable armes ; that is to say , all his pikemen shall haue good spanish morians , or els steele caps for their heads , well lined with quilted caps , curaces for their bodies of nimble and good ●ould , being ( at the least ) high pike proo●e● large and well ●ompa●t gordgets for their neckes ; fayre and close ioyned . taces , to arme to the mid-thigh , as for the pouldron , or the vant●●●●e , they may be spared , because they are but 〈…〉 . all this armour is to be rather of russet , sang●ine or blacke colour● then white , or milld , for it will keepe the longer from rust . they shall haue strong straight , yet nimble pikes of ash-wood , well headed with steele , and armed with plates downward from the head at least foure foote , and the full size or length of every pike shall be fifte one foote , beside the head . these pikemen shall also haue good , sharpe , and broad swords ( of which the turkie or bilboe are best ) strong scabards , chapt with iron , girdle , hangers , or bautricke of strong leather ; and lastly , if to the pikemans headpeece be fastned a small ring of iron , and to the right side of his backpeece ( below his girdle ) an iron hooke , to hang his steele-cap vpon , it will be a great ease to the souldier , and a nimble carriage in the time of long marches . all his musquetiers shall be armed in good spanish marians vpon their heads . about their bodies bautrickwise from the left shoulder vnder the right arme , they shall carry bandiliers of broad leather , hauing made fast● vnto them at least twelue or thirteene charges of wood or horne , well covered with leather , and hanging by large long strings , that with ease they may be brought to the mouth of the peece . and these charges must containe powder according to the bore and bignesse of the piece by due measure . they shall also haue swords , girdles , hangers , or bautrickes , and bullet bags , in which they shall carrie their moulds , bullets , wormes , screwes , rammer , and pryming iron . also they shall haue good and sufficient musquets , of true size and bore , with cleane barrels , and straight scowring stickes , headed at the one end with rammers of horne , sutable to the bore of the piece , and at the other , with boxes of iron in which to screw their wormes , iron rammers , and the like . the cockes and trickers of the piece ( for seares are not good ) shall be nimble to goe and come , and the stocks shall be straight , & of very sound wood . lastly , for their right hands they shall haue rests of ash wood , or other tough wood , with iron pikes in the neather end , and halfe hoopes of iron aboue to rest the musquet on , and double strong stringes fastned neare therevnto , to hang about the arme of the souldier when at any time he shall haue occasion to traile the same ; and the length of these rests shall be sutable to the stature of the man , bearing his piece so , as he may discharge it without stooping . the harquebushes shall be armed like the musquets ; the rest onely excepted , and the quantitie of the piece , and the charges duely considered . your halberdier shall be armed in all points like your pike , onely in stead of the pike he shall carry a faire halberd , that is strong , sharpe , and well armed with plates of iron , from the blade at least two foot downward vpon the staffe , and fringed or adorned according to pleasure ; and these halberds doe properly belong vnto the serieants of companies , who by reason of their much imployment are excused from armes ; otherwise in the day of battaile , or in the battaile they are for guard of the ensigne , or matter of execution , and then to be armed as is aforesaid . the ensigne , or bearer of the captaines colours , shall be armed at all pieces to the mid thigh , as as head-peece , gorget , curaces , pouldrons , vantbranes , and taces , with a faire sword by his side , and his captaines colours or ensigne in his hand . the lieutenants of companies shall be armed like the ensigne-bearer , and his weapon shall be a faire guilt partizan . the captaines shall be armed as the lieutenants , onely as much richer as they please , and their weapons to lead with , shall be feather staues ; but their weapons to serue or encounter the enemy with , shall be faire partizans of strong and short blades , well guilt and adorned , according to their owne pleasures . for the formes or manner of trayning ; that forme is onely to be followed , which shall be soonest and easiest learned , and of most vse for all kind of service whatsoever , and which i take to be this forme following . first you shall draw your company into two battalions , or square bodies ( the pikes by themselues , and the shot by themselues ) which bodies shall consist of ranks and files , and you shall draw them forth by files or tens , man after man , or if they be much disorderly and vncapable , then draw them forth by halfe files or fiues , and when they are so placed , by doubling those halfe files , you may bring them to whole files ; which done , then placing the pikes in the midst , wing them on either hand with your shot , wherein if you haue ha●quebushes ( which are now out of vse with vs ) you shall then giue to your musquetiers the prioritie of place , that is , they shall make the outmost files both of the right and the left hand . now for a ranke , you shall vnderstand it is a row of men placed pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder , their faces being directed all one way ; and a file is a sequence of men standing one behind another , backe to belly , extending from the first to the last man ; and it is taken from the french word la fila signifying a thridd , because men stand long wise and straight like a thrid , and the files consist of single men downeward , as the ranks consist of single men ouerthwart . now these files in some discipline are called flankes , because they doe flanker , or wall in the battalia , and the rankes are called fronts , because they stand formost and doe as it were affront the battailes , and looke vpon the enemie , but in truth none can properly be called the front but the ranke which standeth formost , nor any file be called a ●lanke , but those which stand outmost , yet all are ranks , and all are files , and therefore those two names are without contradiction . now lastly you shall vnderstand , that a ranke may consist of as many men as you please ( according to the number of your company ) but a file ( howeuer the spaniards and italians vse it in vncertaine depth ) ought neuer to be aboue ten persons deepe ( except it be in marching or in most especiall seruice , where advantage of ground requireth the contrary ) the reason thereof , being that the first man hauing done his dutie in discharging his piece , may in the space that nine other men shall do their duties , and discharge their pieces distinctly one after another , be againe in readines & make his first place good , there to discharge his piece a-againe . besides it is the readiest and best way for the drawing of grosses and great numbers , into any forme that you please , because according to this discipline , euery hundred men make a full square , that is to say , iustren euery way . this done you shall deuide one hundred men into foure corporall shipps or squadrons , and euery squadron , into as many files as the number wil beare , and euery file into fellowships or camera-does , th● corporall of euery squadron , shall be the leader of the chiefest file of the squadron , and the lanspresado : ( who in the corporalls absence , as vpon a guard or otherwise , doth all the corporalls duties ) shall lead another file , and the most sufficient gentlemen of euery squadron shal be the leaders of the rost . now for the especiall duties of these two officers ( which is the corporall , and the lanspresadoe ) you shall vnderstand that the corporalls chiefest dutie is vpon guards at night , after the watch is set , and the sentinells placed● where so soone as the sentinell shall call vpon any approach , lie shall immediately goe with his sword drawne , or in especiall cases ( where the enemy lodgeth neare ) with a guard of two at least ( being a pike and a shot ) vnto the sentinell , and making his guard stand vpon their guard he shall place the point of his sword to the breast of him that is to giue the word , whether he be rounder , or other private passenger , and so with his eare to his mouth very closely receiueth● word , which if it be right he shall giue the partie passe ; if otherwise he shall take him prisoner , and disarme him , and either keepe him vpon his guard , or els deliver him to his superior officer : but if any resistance shall be offered then it shall be lawfull for him to kill him . also the corporall shall in the time of service fee that every souldier in his squadron haue his armes neate , cleane , and handsome ; that they be not vnfurnished of powder , match , and bullet ; and the lanspresadoe ( as was before said ) shall in the absence of the corporall doe all the corporals duties , and in the time of rest he shall call vpon his squadron , and see them dresse , trimme , and scoure their armes and weapons , and teach them how best to doe the same . and also he shall see them cast their bullets , if need require , and to such as are ignorant , teach them how to doe the same , and shew them how to scoure their pieces , and oyle them , and in time of necessitie , or vpon cloying , how to vnbreetch them . the companie being thus devided , in the trayning foure principall things are to be taught . 1. first , the carriage and vse of armes , conteined in divers postures or stations , expressing the formes of men in armes . 2. secondly , distance or proportion of place in files and rankes . 3. thirdly , march and malion , contained in words of most especiall directions . 4. and fourthly , all the sounds or beatings of the drumme , and ordinarie words of direction ( which are our vocabula artis ) and how by the drumme , or the voice of a commander , to moue and obey the direction . 1. the carriage of armes must be comely and readiest for vse . the vse of pikes is either in receiving or giuing a charge ; by being t●ught the first● the souldier learnes to withstand horse ; by the second , to encounter with the enemies pikes , in which the vse of armes is most in knowing when and how every man , and so every ranke should giue his push . in teaching the vse of shot the souldier must first learne how to carry his piece , then how to present it , and to take his levell , and how and when to giue his volley with those in his ranke . all which shall be more plainly described when wee come to speake of postures ● and this part of instruction is the proper office of the serieants of companies , for they should both teach the shot the vse of their armes , and be their leaders in service , if by an especiall commandement , a superior officer be not appointed . in teaching to giue volleys , the ancient and vulgar manner of discipline ( which is that the whole volley shall be given of all the shot in one battalia , or troop , at one instant , as well of them behind as before ) is vtterly to be condemned ; for either the hind most must venture to shoot their fellowes before through the heads , or els will overshoot , and so spend their shot vnprofitably . besides , the volley being once given , the enemy comes on without impeachment or annoyance● but in stead of this kind of volley at once ( which onely serues to make a great crack ) let the first ranke onely giue their volley , and if the bat●ali● ma●ch , then that ranke which hath giuen their volley to stand , and the second to passe through it , and so giue their volley , and then to stand , and the third to come vp , and so consequently all the rankes . but if the battalia stand , then the first ranke having given their volley , shall fall back to the reare , either in wheele , or in counter-march ( according to the number of persons in the ranke . ) and the second ranke come into their places , and so the third , and fourth , till the first ranke be come to their places againe , and so to continue to the end of commandement . but if the battalia shall fall backe or retire , and loose ground ; then shall all the shot stand still , and no man advance a foote of ground ; but the first ranke in its due place shall giue their volley , and then fall backe behind the last ranke , and then the second ranke shall giue their volley in their due place , and so fall behind the first , and in the same manner all the rest , till they haue lost so much ground as to the commander shall seeme convenient : and so the volley shall be still continued , whether in marching , standing , or retyring , and the enemy never free from annoyance ; all which is easily performed , if before the motion you doe make all your shot open their files well , either to one or the other hand . there are two other wayes of giuing fire , the one vpon advancement , the other , vpon a swift and speedie retrayt : that vpon advancement towards an enemy when your men skirmish loose and disbanded , must be done by rankes in this manner ; two rankes must alwayes make ready together , and advance tenne paces forwardes before the bodie , at which distance a sergeant ( or when the body is great ) some other officer must stand , to whom the musquetiers are to come vp before they present and giue fire ; first , the first ranke , and whilest the first giues fire , the second ranke keepe their musquets close to their rests , and their pans guarded ; and as soone as the first are falne away , the second presently present and giue fire , and fall after them : now as soone as the two first rankes doe moue from their places in the front , the two rankes next it must vnshoulder their musquets , and make readie , so as they may advance forwards tenne paces , as before ; as soone as the two first rankes are fallen away , and are to doe in all points as the former ; so all the other rankes through the whole devision must doe the same by twoes one after another . the manner of giving fire in a swift retrayt is as the devision marcheth away , the hinder most 〈◊〉 of all ( keeping still with the devision ) maketh readie , and being readie , the souldiers in that ranke turne altogether to the right hand , and giue fire , marching presently away a good round pace to the front , and there place themselues in ranke together , iust before the front ; as soone as the first ranke turnes to giue fire , the ranke next it makes readie , and doth as the former , and so the rest . next to the carriage of armes , you shall teach the knowledg of distance or seperation of places , 2 being accounted a certaine orderly space betweene file and file , ranke and ranke , in such order and measure as the gaptaine shall be disposed to nomina●e , which not being obeyed , the whole body of the battalia is put out of order , and neither carrying proportion● nor true shape , are as men in rout or disorder● therefore it ought carefully ( of all things ) to be observed and vsed according to the limitation or fitnesse of every motion ; for the stations of all military persons , and the motions in armes , are not alwayes certaine , or in one steadie role● but do● continually interchange and alter agree a●y one with another ; and the vse of this distance is both in rankes and files , in marches , and in motions ; in files , as when they stand or march at the first distance , which is called closest , that is to say , pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder , or when they stand or march at the second distance , which is called close , and is a foot and a halfe distance man from man ; or when they stand or march at the third distance , which is called order , which is three foote man from man ; or when they stand or march at the fourth and last distance , which is called open order , and is sixe foote betweene person and person . so likewise in rankes to stand or march closest , is to be at the swords poynt , to stand or march close ; is three foote , to stand or march at order , is sixe foote , and to stand or march at open order , is ever twelue foote . now there be some commanders which vary in the nomination of these termes , though not in quantitie or distance , for they will haue close in files to be pouldron to pouldron ; order , a foote and an halfe ; open-order three foote , and double-distance sixe foote● and so omit the word closest . and so like wise in rankes , close they will haue to the swords poynt , order three foote , open order sixe foote , and double-distance twelue foote , and so not the word closest at all . others vary it another way , and will haue but three distances , that is to say ; open order , which they will haue to be six foote both betweene ranke and fyle , order three foote betweene ranke and fyle , and close-order a foote and an halfe betweene fyle● and fyle , and three foote betweene ranke and ranke , and when they come to open rankes , then they command double-distance also , which they make twelue foote , and so by steps come to the fourth distance also , but i preferre the first discipline , and hold the words fully as significant and most in vse , which aboue all things are to be esteemed and imitated . now to take the true measure of these distances , because the eye is but an vncertaine iudge , you shall take the distance of sixe foote betweene fyle and fyle , by commanding the souldiers ( as they stand ) to stretch forth their arme● , and stand so remoued one from another , that their handes may meete . to take the distance of three foot betweene fyle and fyle , you shall make the souldiers set their armes a kenbowe , and put themselues so close that their elbowes may meete , and to take the distance of a foote and an halfe , euery other souldier in the ranke shall set one arme a kenbowe , and his fellow shall neare touch it ; and thus likewise in rankes wee take the distance of sixe foote , when the but ends of the pikes do almost reach their heeles that march before . three foote in ranke is when they come almost to the swords poynt ; and twelue foote is the length of a pike charged ever . 3 next vnto distance of place , is to be taught marches and motions , and in teaching of marches , after euery man knowes his place , and is willed to obserue his fyle and ranke ; in a plaine march , there is no hardnesse , nor yet in a counter-march , if the leaders of the fyles be well chosen , and that every man obserue well him that goes next before him . besides , if there be any little disorder , the officers keeping a good eye , and being every one of them in their due place , will easily reforme it . now for the places of the officers , they are these : the head of the troope or band is for the captaine , and the reare for the lieutenant , except it be in a retrayt , and then the captaine should be in the reare , and the lieutenant at the head. the ensigne ( in an ordinary battalia ) vpon the head behinde the captaine , or within a ranke thereof . but marching in an extended battayle , then in the heart or midst of the pikes . the drummes are in a square battalia to beate before the right and left wings . but in an extended battayle , the eldest drumme shall beate before the third and fourth ranke of shot , which followeth next after the captaine . the second drumme shall attend the ensigne ; and the third ( if there be so many in one companie ) shall beate betweene the third and fourth ranke of shot , which marcheth in the reare next before the lieutenant . the phiphes ( if there be more then one ) the eldest shall march with the eldest drumme ; and the second shall attend on the ensigne . the sergeants are extravagantly to march on each side the company , and to see the souldiers keepe their rankes and fyles , according to the captaines appoyntment ; as also to listen and performe any direction that shall come from the captaine , or other officer in chiefe : as also ( vpon any occasion ) to leade loose and disbanded fyles of shot in skirmish , or els devisions of pykes or shot in ordinary marches , where superior officers are absent . now to these marches , are added the teaching of motions , because there are many such that are not marches at all : as some without changing of place , in onely turning of their faces to the right hand , or the left , or about ( that is to say ) the meere contrary way , to that they were at the command giuen ; which is necessarie if the enemy should charge of either side or behinde . some motions there are which change place ; but yet no more then a remouing from one ranke to another , or from one file to another , when as ( commonly ) though some doe remoue , yet others stand still ; and these kinde of motions are doubling of rankes or fyles , whereby the battalia is made broader or longer , as the enemy or the ground you haue , causeth you to make your flankes , fronts , rankes , or files greater or lesser . and here is to be noted in this doubling of rankes or fyles , that rankes when they double to the right hand , must ever turne to the left hand to come to their former places againe , and if they be doubled to the left hand , they must turne on the right hand to come to their first places againe ; and fyles when they are doubled to any hand , by the doubling of rankes to the contrary hand , they are brought to their first places againe . and so having doubled your rankes to any hand , by the doubling of fyles to the contrary hand , you also bring them to their first places againe . there is also to be taught another motion , in which all doe moue , and yet none doe march , which is the opening and closing either of rankes or fyles , and is of vs● not onely when you would haue one ranke passe through another , or the whole body of the battalia make a counter-march , but when we would draw the battayle quickly , and in order , more of one hand or other . in teaching the souldier how to know the sounds or beatings of the drumme , 4 you must make them obserue not onely what the drum doth beat , as whether it be a call , a march , a troope , a battalia , a charge , a retrait , a batterie , a reliefe , and so forth , but also what time he keepes , for euer according to the measure of time , the souldier is to march slower or faster , to charge with greater violence , or to come off with greater speede , also he shall know when by the drum to attend his captaines directions , when to repayre to his colour● , and when to doe other duties . and many other beatings as occasion shall administer , and as by the sound of the drum , you doe teach your souldiers to march , so by the voice ( at their first instruction ) you shall teach them all other motions . to make them therefore perfect in these and all other motions , it is good to vse them to some certaine words , which being once learned● will serue for direction , and they must bee the wordes● now most in vse in our english armies . the words which are now in vse , both here and in the netherlands , are these and such like 〈◊〉 following . first for all motions in generall , they must eyther be in distance , or in forme . if in distance , it must eyther be in file , or rank , or in both together . if the motion be in distance o● files , it must eyther be in closing or in opening ; if in closing , then your words of proper directions are th●se . first hauing drawne your ba●●aile in order you shall say — leaders stand forward with your files . then close your files . close your files to the right hand . close your files to the left . and all these three motions you shal doe eyther closest , close , to order , or to open order . open your files . open to the right hand . open to the left . or to any order as aforesayd . if in distance of rankes , then also in closing or opening , if in closing — then close your rankes . close your rankes , from the front to the reare . close your rankes , from the reare to the front . and any of th●se to any order as aforesayd , and if in opening — then open your rankes . open your rankes , from the front reareward . open your rankes from the reare forward . and any of th●se to any order aforesayd , and heerein is to bee noted that rankes when they open , ought ( for the most part ) to open downeward , turning to the reare , and if they close , it m●st euer be vpward to the front. lastly if motion in distance , be both of rankes and file● at one instant , then you shall say — files and rankes close . files and rankes open . and both these to any order aforesayd . now if it be motion in forme , it is also in files , in rankes , and in files and rankes both together . if it be motion in forme of files , the words of direction are — double your files to the right hand . double your files to the left . advance 〈◊〉 files to the right hand . advance your files to the left . advance by devision to the right hand . advance by devision to the left . files ranke by conversion to the right hand . files ranke by conversion to the left . files ranke 3.5.7 . &c. shorten your files to 5.8 . &c. lengthen your files to 10.12.16 . &c. files counter-march to the right hand . files counter-march to the left . files counter-march to both by devision . and this counter-march may bee done divers wayes and manners , as after the manner of the macedonians , the lacedemonians , the persians , or out late and more moderne vse and fashion , & all these motions must be done to some one or other order as aforesayd . if it be motion in forme of rankes , then the words are — double your rankes to the right hand . double your rankes to the left . rankes file by conversion to the right hand . rankes file by conversion to the left . rankes ranke . 5.7 . &c. midlemen double the front to the right hand . midlemen double the front to the left . midlemen double to both by devision , to the right entire , and to the left entire . rankes counter-march from the right hand to the left . rankes counter-march from the left hand to the right . in the manner as formerly in fyles , according to severall nations , & when you will counter-march to the right hand , the first ranke of leaders onely must advance one stepp forward with the right leg , and then turne , and all the other ranks must march first vp to the place from whence the first ranke did counter-march before they turne ; so likewise , if you will counter-march to the left hand , the first rankes must stepp forward , one stepp with the left legge , and then turne , and all the other rankes behind , must come vp to that place before they turne as before ; the same order is to be obserued , when you will counter-march your files ; also in counter-marching , though both are here set downe for distinction sake , you are to name neither rankes nor files , but are onely to say — to the right hand counter-march , or to the left hand counter-march . now if it be motion in forme , both in files and rankes iointly together , then the words of direction are faces to the right hand . faces to the left . faces to both by devision . faces about , or all one . faces to the reare . all one . wheele by conversion to the right hand . wheele by conversion to the left . wheele to both by devision . charge to the right hand . charge to the left . charge to both by devision . charge to the front. charge to the reare . charge to both front and reare by devision . now to reduce any of these words of direction to the same order or station in which the souldier stood before they were spoken , you shall say — as you were . now in these words of generall directions , this is principally to be regarded , that in charging with pikes , halfe the rankes are but to charge their pikes , and the other halfe to carrie them advanced , or ported , so neare the heads of the formost as they may doe them no annoyance , either in charging or retyring ; and they must also obserue when they doe charge standing , to fall backe with the right foote , and marching to step forward with the left . there is also another motion in forme , which is the giuing of fire by the flanke , or by whole fyles one after another , which are strange to the dutch , or spanish , yet exceeding frequent with the irish , and therefore necessary for our english vse . and that is for the beating or clayring of paces ( which are narrow strait wayes through woods and bogs ) and the words for direction are — cast of your fyles to the right hand . cast of your fyles to the left . cast of your fyles to both by devision . now for the most of these words there can be hardly better chosen . but it is not so materiall what words you first choose to trayne by ; as it is to vse some words constantly : and yet the same words should be vsed generally through the troopes of an armie , or els it will breed confusion . and if it were also generally in the discipline of one kingdome , it were better and more absolute . and thus much touching march and motion ; which is nothing els but an actuall working of the bodie , contained in foure severall circumstances : the first being a marching forward ( as charging to the front ) the second backward ( as by retrayt ) the third side-wayes ( as by closing , opening or doubling of fyles to either hand ) : and the last wheeling ( as by conversion or turning to either hand ) all which must be performed as occasion shall be offered to the vnderstanding of the commander , observing every motion in true order , place , distance , and posture . all other motions in the mayne body of a battalia being nothing but the parents of disorder and confe●sion ; 〈…〉 art , by the opinions of the auncients● is o●●ly the true science of warlike motion , of the emperiall art of comely and well ordering of battayle● , armes , gestures , and motions , any of which will not indure monstrou● shape● 〈…〉 . next vnto these words of generall motions , wee will place the words of particular motions , which onely concerne the manage , vse , and carriage of weapons . and these kinde of motions are called in one present discipline postures , that is , the true 〈◊〉 of men in armes , carrying all manner of mar●●all weapons ( in every motion whatsoever ) in the comeliest , ●●ad i● 〈◊〉 , and easiest way both to 〈…〉 , and not onely making everything 〈…〉 very deligh●full to the eye , but also taking away all dangers and disorders which might otherwise happen , either through igno●an●e or rudenesse . to speake then first of those postures which belong vnto the pike , and are published by the most excellent prince , the count ma●rice of 〈◊〉 , prince of orange ; they are in number ●●●●one ; that is to say , three which are exprest standing●●ixe ma●ching , and seaven charging . the three which are exprest standing , are — lay downe your pike . take vp your pike . order your pike . the sixe which are to be done marching● are — advance your pike . shoulde●● your pike . levell your pike . sloape your pike . cheeke your pike . trayle your pike . the seauen which are done charging , are — port over hand . port vnder-hand . charge over-hand . charge vnder-hand . couch over-hand . couch vnder-hand . charge against the right foote , and t●●aw yo●●●●ord over-arme . as touching the postures which belong to the musquet , they are fortie in n●mber , and are to be done ; fiue standing ; three marching ; eight-teene charging ; and fourteene discharging : and are onely for military instruction in the time of trayning , and to make the souldier most exquisite and perfect . but in the time of present service before the face of the enemy , or in fight , then all this great number of postures , the captaine shall reduce into three onely and no more . the three postures or words of command , which are vsed for the musquet in the face of the enemie , in fight , or in skirmish , are these — 1. make readie . 2. present . 3. giue fire . the postures or words of command which are vsed in ordinary trayning , or daily exercising of the souldiers , are these following — first there are fiue to be performed standing . — that is to say — put on your armes . prepare your skirmish . rest your musquet . your sentinell posture . your saluting posture . the postures which are to be performed in marching are these — shoulder your musquet , and carry your rest in the right hand . levell your musquet . sloape your musquet . the postures which are to be performed in charging , are these — cleare your pann . prime your pann . shut your pann . cast off your loose cornes . blow your pann . cast about your musquet , with both your hands , and trayle your rest. open your charges . charge your musquet with powder . draw out your scowring sticke . shorten your sticke . ramme in your powder . draw out your sticke . charge with bullet . ramme in your bullet . draw out your sticke . shorten your sticke and put it vp . bring your musquet forward with your left hand . hold it vp with your right hand , and recover your rest. the postures which are to be performed in discharging , are these — carrie your rest in your left hand , preparing to giue fire . sloape your musquet , and let the rest sinke . in the right hand poyze your musquet . in the left hand carrie the musquet , with the rest. in the right hand take your match betweene the second finger and the thumbe . hold the match fast and blow it . cocke your match . trie your match . guard the pann and blow your ma●ch . open your pann . present your musquet . giue fire . dismount your musquet and carrie it with the rest. vncocke your match and put it vp betweene your fingers . now touching the postures of the hargobus , i hold it needlesse here to insist or stand vpon them , since they are all one with the musquet , ( the rest onely excepted ) and whosoeuer is a good musquetier cannot chuse but be a good hargeletier . and therefore i referre it to mo●s particular practise . and to make a connexion of all that is before sayd , i would wish euery industrious teacher , first to respect his men ; then their armes , and to sort and place each man according to his worth and cunning , not his wealth or birth ; then for his lessons , first to bring him to an exquisite readinesse in the postures , and true manage of weapons ; next to make him know all the sounds or beatings of the dr●mme . thirdly , the ●rue distance of places and orderly proportions : fourthly , the execution thereof in all manner of marches and motions . and lastly , a generall performance of all that hath beene spoken in the practise of skirmishes and alteration of battalions . so shall men become readie and not confused , as many are by silken and simple tutors , who striue to teach many things together , but nothing in order . now for as much as dignitie of places is a most needfull knowledge for every commander , both for the adornment of the band , and the incouragement of the well deserving souldier , i will shew you here a table , containing the honor and dignitie of places● as they haue beene observed by the most auncient masters of martiall discipline . the vse . now for the vse of this table , you shall vnderstand , that the figure 1. which standeth on the right hand , is the leader of the right hand fyle , and so the first and chiefest man in the battalia , and that whole ranke in which it standeth is the front , so called , because the faces of the whole companie are directed one way , and also every man in that ranke is called the leader or captaine of the fyle he leadeth . the figure 2. which leadeth the left hand fyle is the second man. and the figure 3. ( which is in the reare ) because there the backes are turned , is the third man , and the whole ranke in which it standeth is called the reare , or the bringers vp . then the figure 4. is the fourth man , & so forth according to the number of the figures , are the dignities of the places . now here is also to be noted in this table , that the figure 17. standing in the front , is the leader of the middle fyle to the left flanke ; and the figure 18. leader of the middle fyle to the right flanke ; and so are called leaders of the mayne devision . the fifth ranke from the front downeward towards the reare , are called middlemen to the reare , and the sixt rank are called middlemen to the front , or the leaders of halfe fyles . lastly , whensoever this bodie , or any other whatsoever ( which containeth but ten persons in fyle ) shall be devided in the midst betweene the middle-men , then the last fiue rankes to the reareward are called by the name of subdevision . and whensoever the reare shall double the front , then are the reare called bringers vp , because they bring vp their halfe fyles by sequence . these rules knit vnto memorie , and practised with care and diligence , will make any souldier perfect in the first sixe parts of martiall discipline ; as election of men ; sorting of armes ; march or motion ; distance ; posture ; and lastly , the beatings of the drumme . now to these i will adde a little touch or essay , touching the carriage , election , and composition of captaines colours , or ensignes , which is the honorable badge or marke of every captaine , and in which both of late here at home , and also formerly in forraine nations . i haue seene as grosse absurdities , as any malice would wish to see in the folly of his enemy , which doubtlesse must proceed from ignorance , since no master of reason would be guiltie of his owne iniurie . you shall therefore vnderstand , that all colours belonging vnto private captaines , ought to be mixt equally of two severall colours , that is to say , ( according to the rule in herauldry ) of colour and mettall , and not colour on colour , as greene and red , or blew and blacke , or such like , nor yet mettall on mettall , as white and yellow , or orrengtawnie and white , for colours so borne shew bastardie , pesantrie , or dishonor . now in the corner which is next to the vpper poynt of the staffe , he shall car●ie in a faire large square , or canton , containing a sixt part of the colours , a plaine red crosse in a white field ( which is the ensigne of our kingdome of england . ) if the colours doe belong to a colonell , they shall then be all of one entire colour , or one mettall , onely the red crosse , or ensigne of the kingdome shall be in his due place , as aforesaid . if they belong to a colonell generall , to the lord marshall of the field , or any such superior officer , then they shall be all of one entire colour , or mettall , and the red crosse or ensigne of the kingdome , shall be in a verie little square or canton , as in a twelft part of the field , or lesse if it please them . but if they belong to the generall of the field , then they shall be of one entire colour or mettall , without any red crosse at all , as was before sayd . thus much touching the generall composition and carriage of colours . now for a more particular election and vse therof , you shall vnderstand , that every gentleman of coate-armour ( being a private captaine ) ought to carry for his colours , those two principall colours which are contained in his coate-armour , being the field and the chiefe charge thereof ; which that no ignorance may be busie to find out , they are evermore contained in the bandrole , vpon which his crest standeth : being indeed a true type or figure of his colours wreathed together , as the support of his honor . now in as much as captaines are not all gentlemen of coare-armour , and so take vnto themselues ( in these dayes ) a more particular freedome , affirming that honor is not buckled to them , but to their vertues . and that vertue consists not in the same of auncestors , but in their owne actions , and defences of their countries , mistresses , widdowes , and the oppressed : and so may suite or elect their colours , according to their hopes or imaginations . taking ( as it were ) their honor from the parties they most reverence ( which is a paradoxe easily confuted . ) i will here first shew you the nature and signification of colours . and then some particular offences , in which an indifferent mixture being made , the composition must needs be noble and wholesome . you shall first then vnderstand , that there be in military honor nine severall faces , or complexions , that is to say , two which be called mettals , as yellow and white , figuring gold and silver , and ●eaven , which are called proper colours , as blacke , blew , red , greene , purple , tunnis , and ermine ; figuring seaven precious stones , of whose natures here to speake were tedious and needlesse , and of these , as before i said , mettall may not be carried on mettall , nor colour vpon colour . now for the significations of these mettalls and colours , you shall vnderstand , that yellow betokneth honor , or height of spirit , which being never seperate from vertue , of all things is most iealous of of disgrace , and may not indure the least shadow of imputation . white signifieth innocence or puritie of conscience , truth , and an vpright integritie without blemish . blacke signifieth wisedome and sobrietie , together with a severe correction of too much ambition , being mixt with yellow , or too much beliefe aud le●itie , being joyned with white . blew signifieth faith , constancie , or truth in affection . red signifieth iustice , or noble and worthy anger , in defence of religion , or the oppressed . greene signifieth good hope , or the accomplishment of holy and honorable actions . purple signifieth fortitude with discretion , or a most true discharge of any trust reposed . tunnis , or tawnie , signifieth merit , or desert , and a foe to ingratitude . ermine ( which is onely a rich furre with curious spots ) signifieth religion , or holinesse , and that all aymes are not devine obiects . now from these colours , and their mixtures , are derived many bastard and dishonorable colors , as carnation , orengtawnie , popeniay , and such like , all which haue bastardly significations , as craft , pride , wantonnesse , and such like ; of which who so is desirous to vnderstand , let him looke into du tillet , and other french authors , and he shall gaine satisfaction . for mine owne part , since they appertaine not vnto honor , i will here omit them , and to those free spirits that haue gaind these noble places ; from these considerations leaue them to their owne elections , and compositions , with these few advertisements following . first , he that in his colours shall carry full coate-armour , doth indiscreetly ; for he puts that honor to hazzard , which he may with more honor keepe in safetie , and inticeth his enemie by such ostentation to darre beyond his owne nature . he that in his colours beareth any one blacke spot● and no more ; if it be round , square , or of any equall proportion , it shewes some blemish in the owner , and that his life is not voyde of some notorious scandall . if the spot be of vnequall proportion , that is , longer or broader one way then another , it signifieth funerall , or deadly revenge ; for such a spot is called an hearse . he that carryeth a word in his colours without a devise , carrieth a soule without a bodie . he that carrieth a devise without a word , carrieth a bodie without a soule . he that carrieth both word and devise , carrieth both soule and bodie , yet if the devise carrie any humane shape , it is a grosse bodie , and if the word containe aboue three or foure words at the most ( except it be the latter end , or beginning of some verse ) it is an imperfect soule : but if both word and devise be compleate ; that is , empresa and not embleme , yea they are much fitter for maskes , triumphes , or pageants , then the field , or reall action ; for the true mixture of colours is devise enough for every foote souldier . he that carrieth more colours then two , except it be some small dash for an especiall note , or the ensigne of severall kingdomes , carrieth a surcharge , and it is esteemed the ensigne of folly. now to conclude and knit vp this sleight discourse , with the true cement which bindeth all the former duties faithfully together , every souldier must especially regard obedience , a worke which is contained in three circumstances , and every circumstance adorned with an especiall vertue . the first is reverence from the inferior to the superior , in which is expressed loue. the second , a readinesse to take directions , and a willingnesse to be commanded , which is a performance of dutie : and the last , in the allowing of his captaines opinion , and approving his iudgement ; which is a certaine character of modestie , wisedome , and discretion . for that captaine cannot be sayd to be perfect , that wants vertue worthie of reverence ; authoritie fit for commandment , or experience able to direct and censure his actions . and he that hath these , hath that sufficiencie , that to disobay , is to die , as witnesseth all the best of the romanes , who never spared any in that capitall and grosse trespasse of absurd disobedience . and to this i must also adde , that the tyrannie of captaines in commanding with too great rigor , is as offensiue as the former disobedience : for as montaigne saith ; the authoritie of them which teach , often hinders those that would learne . and therefore nothing like manly courtesie doth become a commander . the cavallarie ; or the formes and manner of trayning of horse , as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies . together with all such knowledges as are meete for the practise of those that are profest teachers , or profest learners of this noble art . virg. aenei . arma virumque cano — by g. m. london printed by i. d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons , neere the royall exchange . 1625. the cavallarie ; or trayning of the horse-troopes . infinite great ( and nor without much difficultie ) are the considerations which dependeth on him that taketh vpon him to teach , command , and governe a troope of horse ; for to instruct man onely ( who is a reasonable creature , can vnderstand my language , and apprehend my directions ) though he be never so ignorant or peevish , yet there is much ease in the progresse , and what favour cannot perswade , authoritie and punishment may inforce ; but to bring ignorant man and more ignorant horse , wilde man and madd horse , to those rules of obedience , which may crowne every motion and action with comelie , orderly , and profitable proceedings ; hic labor , hoc opus . to come then to the office or dutie of that commander , who taketh vpon him to trayne or drill a troope of horse ; he shall vnderstand , that there be three things referred to his iudgement . first , election of men and horses . secondly , arming . and lastly , the formes or manner of tray●ning . 1 for the election of men and horses , they mu●● be sutable to the armes and weapons ( defensiu● and offensiue ) which they carrie , which becaus● they are of divers kindes , and divers dignities and in as much as horse-troopes consist all of one entire bodie or armes , and not of divers bodies , or divers armes in one troope , ( as foote companies doe ) i will first giue you the names of every severall troope of horse , and after elect men , horse and armes agreeable with each severall dignitie . 2 in the old warres , and before fire was got to that height of excellence to which it is now arived , the first and principall troope of horse were called , men at armes , or gentlemen at armes , because the bodie of the whole troope consisted of noblemen , knights , and gentlemen . a prince ( for the most part ) being ever their commander ; they were armed with defensiue armes at all pe●ces , c●●p a pe , from head to foote ; that is to say , with close caskes on their heads , gorgets about their necks , faire brestplats of hargobus proofe , and backpeeces of lesse proofe for their bodies ; pouldrons for their shoulders , vambraces for their arms , gauntlets for their hands , taces for the belly , cui●ses for the knees , and greaues for the legs and feete , ●nd about their wa●ts rich bases of velvet , sattin , s●●ke , or other s●uffe , and girdles and hangers . for offensiue armes , they had faire guilt swords and daggers , strong launces headed with steele , a case of short pistols , with priming-box , flaske , key , and bullet bag , a well armed battellaxe , and a strong payre of spurres on his heeles , with long neckes and long rowells . his horse should be strong , well shaped , of great courage , and throughly mand and ridden , he should ( by all meanes ) be stoned ( because tyring hurts them not ) of lustie age , and faire trotting : and of these horses the neopolitan is the best , the greeke next , then the spanyard , the english , the almaine or the french. for his furniture , it should be either a barbe of steele , or a caparison of bend-leather , arming from the pole of the necke to the pomell of the saddle , and so round about his brest : as also from the hinder part of the saddle over all his buttockes , and downe to the cambrell : he shall haue a shaffron for his forehead , and for the other part of his head , an headstall , and raynes of broad leather ( the raynes being lyned with a small chayne of iron to prevent cutting ) and in his mouth a faire bitt ; on his backe a steele-saddle , with three girtes of double webb , with stirrops , stirrop-leathers , and for his tayle a faire saker , with rich tassels , and a strong twynsell . this was the ordinarie arming of the gentlemen at armes for the field , onely some at their owne discretions would to the former peeces adde a placcard to cover the brestplate , which was an advancement of the proofe , but not an inforcement from commandment . now if these gentlemen were to arme for triumph before the king or queene , then to the peeces defensiue ( before shewed ) they ought to haue ( if it were for the tylt ) a grandguard for the breast , a pasguard for the left shoulder , and a maine-fere for the left hand . if it were for the tourney , then onely a buffe for the chynne , and a lockt gauntlet for the right hand . the second troope of horse were called launciers or demilaunciers , they were armed at all peeces from the head to the knee , like the gentlemen at armes , and their offensiue weapons were a launce , a case of short pistolls , a battle-axe , sword and dagger ; strong horses , well ridden for the field , armed with a steele-saddle , headstall , raynes , bit , brest-plate , crooper , trappings , girtes , stirrops , and leathers . the third sort of auncient horsemen , were called light-horse , and they were armed for defence with burgenets , or steele-caps , gorgets , curats , or plate-coats , gauntlets or gloues of male ; for offensiue armes , they had a slender chasing staffe , a single pistoll , and sometimes a case , a sword and dagger . their horses were nimble light gueldings , fayre trotting , and well ridden : the furniture for the horse was a strong headstall and raynes , a bitt , a morocco saddle , pettrell , crooper , light trappings , and other necessaries sutable . the men to be handsome yeomen or serving-men● light timberd , and of comely shape , where it skils not much for the tallnes or greatnes of the bodie , but for the height of spirit , and the goodnesse of the inclination . in which little david ( many times ) puts downe the greatest goliah . thus for your knowledge , nor your example , i haue shewed you the severall compositions and armings of horsemen , according to the auncient times , when the bow and the hargobus had the first place , and the musquet , and other fierie weapons lay obscured . but to come to these our present times , wherein the vttermost strength of the fire is found out and explaned , and to shew you that which you must onely imitate and follow ; you shall know , that all our horse-troopes are reduced to one of these three formes . the first and principall troope of horsemen for the generalitie , are now called cuirassiers or pistolleirs , and these men ought to be of the best degree , because the meanest in one of these troopes , is ever by his place a gentleman , and so esteemed . they haue for defensiue armes , gorget , curats , cutases , which some call culets , others the guard-de-reine , because it armeth the hinder parts from the wast to the saddle-crootch , then pouldrons , vambraces , a left hand gauntlet , taces , cuisses , a caske , a sword , girdle , and hangers . for offensiue armes , they shall haue a case of long pistolls , fierlockes ( if it may be ) but snaphaunces , where they are wanting● the barrels of the pistolls would be 26. inches long , and the bore of 36. bullets in the pound ; flaske , priming-box , key , and moulds ; their horses should be stoned , and of the best r●ces , fayre trotting , and well ridden for the warres , that is to say , being able to passe a strong and swift cariere , to stop close , to retire at pleasure , and to turne readily on both hands , either in large rings or in strayt , especially , the turne called terra , terra , the horse shall haue saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , crooper , with leathers to fasten his pistols , and his necessary sacke of carriage , with other necessary things according to the forme of good horsemanship . the second sort ( of which many troopes of horse are compounded ) are called hargobusseirs , or carbines , these men ought to be the best of the first inferior degree , that is to say , of the best yeomen , or best serving-men , having actiue and nimble bodies , ioyned with good spirits and ripe vnderstandings ; these men shall haue for defensiue armes , gorgets , curats , cutasses , pouldrons , vambraces , and a light head peece , wide sighted , and the ●ever to let downe vpon barres of iron ; for offensiue armes , he shall haue an hargobus of three foot , three inches long , and the bore of twentie bullets in the pound , with flaske , p●iming-boxe , and moulds ; or in stead of these , cartalages which will serue either for this or any other peece on horsebacke ; also a good sword , and other accouterments according to his place . his horse shall be either a fayre stoned trotting horse , or a lustie strong guelding well ridden , he shall be armed with a morocco saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , and crooper , with the rest before shewed necessarie to his place . the last sort of which our horse-troopes are compounded , are called dragons , which are a kinde of footmen on horsebacke , and doe now indeed succeed the light horsemen , and are of singular vse in all the actions of warre ; their armes defensiue are an open headpeece , with cheeks , and a good buffe coat , with deepe skirts ; and for offensiue armes , they haue a fayre dragon filted with an iron worke to be carried in a belt of leather , which is buckled over the right shoulder , and vnder the left arme , hauing a turn●ll of iron with a ring through which the peece runneth vp and downe ; and these dragons are short peeces of 16. inches the barrell , and full musquet bore , with firelockes or snap-haunces : also a belt , with a flaske , pryming-boxe , key , and bullet-bag , and a good sword : the horse shall be armed with a saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , crooper , with straps for his sacke of necessaries , and the horse himselfe shall be either a good lustie guelding , or a nimble stoned horse . these dragons in their marches are allowed to be eleauen in a range or file , because when they serue , it is many times on foote , for the maintenance or surprising of strayt wayes , bridges , or foords , so that when ten men alighteth to serue , the eleventh man holdeth their horses : so that to every troope of an hundred , there is an hundred and ten men allowed . now for the arming of the superior officers of these troopes , you shall vnderstand , that a captaine of cuirasseirs may be armed at all peeces cap a pe , in such sort as i shewed for the gentlemen at armes , onely he shall haue no launce nor battle-axe , but onely his pistolls and sword , his owne head , his horses head , and his horses buttockes may be p●umed . he may lead his men with a white trunche on chargd on his right thigh . his place is on the head of his troope before the trumpet ; he hath the absolute governmemt of his troope , both for instruction and maintenance : onely he is to receiue all especiall orders from his colonell ; his colonell from the serieant-maior of the field , and the serieant-maior from the marshall . the lieutenant may be armed to the knee like the captaine , and his owne head , and his horses plumed ; his place is at the reare , and in marches he may carry a truncheon , but of a thicker size then that of the captaines . the cornet shall be armed and horst in all points both defensiue and offensiue , like the lieutenant , onely in stead of the truncheon , he shall carry charged on his right thigh , his captaines cornet , which ( being a private captaine ) should be compounded of colour and mettall impaled , that is , the one halfe colour , the other mettall . the substance of the cornet should be of damaske , and the forme must be almost square , ( onely a little longer from the staffe then on the staffe , ( and frindged about sutablie . the staffe shall be small like a foote ensigne , and not so long as an ordinary launce ; it must be headed with steele , and either guilt or silverd ; with fayre tassels sutable to the cornet . if the cornet belong to a greater officer , it shall then be of one entire colour , of lesse quantitie and full square ; and in this cornet , the captaine may carrie devise and word , or els none , at his owne pleasure . the trumpet is not bound to any armes at all , more then his sword , which in former times was not allowed , but with the point broken : he shall haue a fayre trumpet , with cordens sutable to his captaines colours , and to his trumpet shall be made fast a fayre banner , containing his captaines full coate-armour ; he may weare scarfe and feather , and all other ordinary accouterments of a horsemen , and for his horse it shall be a good hackney , with gentleman-like furniture . the corporalls shall be armed at all poynts , and horst like the mayne bodie of the troope , onely in their right hands they shall carry truncheons ; for their office is , like the serieants of foote companies , to ride extravagantly vp and downe on either side the troope , & to see them keepe their rankes and files , and that all things may be performed which shall come from the captaines direction . they are likewise to supplie and doe all the duties of corporalls , and lamprizadoes of foote , both vpon scoutes , watches , and guards , as also to looke to the provision of all necessary things which appertaineth to the troope , and where their own power cannot reforme , there to informe their superior officers . and therefore these officers are to be chosen out of the troope , as the principall and best vnderstanding men therein . the captaine of the hargobusseirs shall be armed , horst and accoutered at all points like the lieutenants of cuirassiers ; the lieutenants of the hargobusseirs like the cornet of cuirassiers ; and the cornet of hargobusseirs like a priuate gentleman of the troope of cuirassiers . the captaine of dragons shall be armed like the lieutenant of the hargobusseirs ; the lieutenant of dragons like the cornet of hargobusseirs ( the cornet and pistolls excepted for he shall carrie the weapons of his owne troope ) and the guydon ( for these shall not be led with a cornet ) of the dragons shall be armed like a priuate gentleman of hargobusseirs . and here is to be noted , that the difference betwixt the cornet and the guydon is much ; for the guydon is the first colours that any commander of horse can let flie in the field ; this guydon is of damaske friudged , & may be charged either with the crest of him that is the owner thereof , or with other devise at his pleasure ; it is in proportion three foote at the least deepe in the topp next the staffe , & vpon the staffe and so extendeth downe narower and narower to the bottome where the ende is sharpe , but with a slitt devided into two peaks a foote deepe ; the whole guydon is sixe foote long , and should be carried vpon a launce staffe . if the captaine ( owner of this guydon ) shall do a good dayes service , or produce from his vertue somthing worthy advancement , so that he is called to a better command , as to lead hargobusseirs , or cuirassiers , then the generall or officer in chiefe , shall with a knife cut away the the two peaks , & then it is made a cornet which is longer one way then another ; if ( after that ) he do any thing worthyly , whereby he is made by the king or supreame , either banneret or baron , then shall his cornet be made iust square in forme of a banner , which none may carrie in the field on horsbacke vnder those degrees ; now if these noble customes be neglected and that men out of ambition , vsurpation , ignorance or conivance , take to themselues other liberties , let those great knowledges which haue the cōmand of armes reforme it , or ells vertue will fit mourning at the ladder foote , because she hath not one true round left to mount by . hauing thus giuen you a briefe touch of the election of men and horses , and the manner of arming & appoynting them to each seuerall seruice , with some other especiall notes which ( as strangers vnlookt for ) haue encountred me by the way , and i hope are not all vnworthy your consideration , i will now proceede to the formes and manner of trayning of men on horsbacke . that forme ( as i sayd before ) is to be followed 3 which is soonest and easiest learned and fittest for all manner of seruice ; therefore supposing you haue a troope of one hundred horse standing in route , you shall first draw them out man after man , into as many files as the number wil containe , euery file consisting of six persons ; that is to say a leader , two midlemen , a bringer vp , a follower betweene the leader and the midleman to the reare , and a follower betweene the midleman to the front , and the bringer vp which is the last man in the file and called the reare ; for you must know that a troope of horse consisteth of ranks and files as well as a company of foote , and hauing set file vnto file close , that is cuise vnto cuise , or knee vnto knee , and made euery man to follow his leader in an euen line , you shall then ( hauing left some space betweene the rankes ) make the rankes stand even , and in one lyne also , so that looking vpon the whole battayle , you may see them present vnto you a iust square , then going to the head you shall finde you are sixteene in ranke , and sixe in fyle , which maketh nintie sixe men , to which adde three corporalls , & the clarke of the troope ( who is the captaines continuall attendant ) and there is the full troope of one hundred men and horse . where by the way vnderstand , that as in foote companies , so in horse troopes , a ranke may consist of as many men as you please , according to the number of your troope . but a fyle ought never to be aboue sixe deepe , because that number is sufficient for dutie , and more are cumbersome , and not so fit to take directions . this troope of one hundred , you shall devide into three squadtons , the first squadron shall appertaine to the captaine , the second to the lieutenant , and the third to the cornet ; and vnder them the eldest corporall shall command the captaines squadron , the second , the lieutenants , and the youngest , the cornets : and the cornet himselfe shall ever march vpon the head of his owne squadron . these squadrons shall be devided into as many fyles as the number will containe , and the principall and best vnderstanding gentlemen of the troope , shall be the leaders , bringers vp , and middlemen of every fyle . the troope being thus formed into battayle , and devided into rankes and fyles ; in trayning there are fiue principall things to be taught . first , the manage and government of the horse , contained in certaine motions of the hand , foote , and sometimes of the whole bodie . secondly , the carriage and vse of armes , contained in divers postures . thirdly , distance or orderly proportion in rankes and files . fourthly , march and motion , contained in words and commands of especiall directions . and lastly , the soundings and commands of the the trumpet . for the manage and government of the horse , 1 though it be supposed that the horse is ridden and made perfect before he came into the souldiers hands , yet if the souldier cannot ( after an orderly manner ) make the horse doe what he hath beene taught , and likewise correct , or helpe him ( in due time ) when the horse shall either doe amisse , or not doe with so comely a grace and dexteritie as he ought . the motion without all question will be full of disorder and confusion . the first word therefore of command to the souldier , is — mount your horse . for it is to be supposed , no horseman is so simple , as not to know how to dresse or apparell his horse , and therefore for the monture it is in this manner ; he shall first in his left hand take the bridle-rayne , laying his thumbe flat on the nearest side of the rayne and his fore-finger , his great-finger and his ring-finger gryping the farre side , and the little finger he shall put betweene the raynes , and so with the other hand stretching the raynes to an even length , that the horse may feele he is within restraint , the horseman turning his left shoulder to the horses neare shoulder , shall put his left foote into the stirrop , and then staying his left hand vpon the pomell of the saddle , he shall bring his right hand to the hinder part of the saddle , which as soone as he toucheth , he shall immediately ( without heaving or iumping ) rayse his bodie from the ground , and bring it into the saddle . the other words of command , are — advance forward . this the souldier shall doe by thrusting both his legs forward at an instant , sodainly and strongly , and a little yeelding his bodie forward , ( yet as covert as may be ) and when you haue advanst enough , by restrayning your bridle-hand , gently make the horse stand still . and this advancement shall be done either vpon footepace , vpon trott , or vpon gallop , as the captaine shall command — then retire your horse . this is to make the horse retrayt or goe backe , which the souldier shall doe by drawing in his bridle-hand strayt , and observing that as the horse yeeldeth and goeth backe , so he must also yeeld and make gentle his hand . and when he hath gone backe sufficiently , then the souldier shall jert both his legs forward sodainly , and that will stay the horse from retyring any further . — then trot your large ring to the right hand . trot your large ring to the left . gallop your large ring to the right hand . gallop your large ring to the left . any of these the souldier shall doe by thrusting the horse forward with his toes vpon the stirrop , or with the helpe of the calues of his legges against the horses sides , or els with the even stroake of his spurrs , ( in case of dullnes ) and the souldier shall obserue in this lesson to take a verie large circumference , both for the horses ease , and his owne instruction . and there is no motion more necessarie then this , because it is vsed in every charge , in euery conversion , but chiefly in wheeling . — then set a strayte turne to the right hand . set a strayte turne to the left . this ( if the horse be readie ) the souldier shall doe , by drawing vp his bridle-hand strayte , and turning it inward to the side on which he would turne , and then clapping the calue of his outward legge hard to the horses side , and jetting it sodainly forward againe , and ( if there be dulnesse ) by giuing the spurre on the outside also he shall make the horse turne terra , terra , in as small a circumference as may be . and this serveth for counter-marches , charges , or any sodaine assault or ingagement . — then passe sidewayes to the right hand . passe sidewayes to the left . passe sidewayes to both by devision . any of these the souldier must doe by a constant restraynt of his bridle hand , and ( as it were ) carrying the foreparts of the horse to that side he would passe , as also laying his contrary legge , and sometimes his spurre to the contrary side , and so making his hinder parts to goe equally with his fore-parts . and this lesson serues for the closing and opening of fyles . — lastly passe a cariere and stop close . this the souldier shall doe by thrusting the horse violently forward both with his legs and bodie , and giuing libertie to the bridle . as soone as the horse is started into his gallop , he shall giue him the even stroake of his spurres , once or twice together , and make the horse runne to the height of his full speede , then being at the end of the cariere ( which will not be aboue sixe score or eight score yards ) he shall then draw vp his bridle-hand very hard and constantly , and laying the calues of both his legges gently to the horses sides , make the horse stop close to the ground , with onely a comely aduancement . and this serveth for all manner of charges , whether it be horse against horse , or horse against foote . when your souldier can doe these things perfectly , 2 he can then do as much as belongeth to the manage and government of the horse : you shall then proceede to the second instruction , which is the carriage and vse of armes , contained in divers postures . now for as much as the principall weapons on horsebacke , are pistolls , petronells , or dragons , and that all these are with fire-lockes , and those fire-lockes ( for the most part ) snap-hances , because the other are too curious , and too soone distempered with an ignorant hand . i will therefore vnder the name of the pistoll onely , ( without any tedious comment ) giue you the names of the postures , not doubting but every man of command , will ( vpon the reading ) at the first sight finde out the application . you shall vnderstand then that the postures of the pistoll-snaphance , are twentie-foure ; whereof three are to be done standing , two marching , fourteene charging , and fiue discharging . the three postures which are to be done standing , are — 1. prepare for service . which is to gagge the flaske , and to put bullets into your mouth . — then 2. the scout posture . 3. the saluting posture . the foureteene postures which are vsed in charging , — are 1. draw vp your cocke . 2. secure your cocke . 3. open your pann . 4. prime your pann . 5. close your pann . 6. shake off your loose cornes . 7. blow your pann . 8. turne your pistoll about into your left hand . 9. charge with powder . 10. draw out your scowring sticke . 11. ramme in your powder . 12. charge with bullet . 13. ramme in your bullet . 14. put vp your scowring sticke , and stand readie . the fiue postures which are to be performed in discharging , — are draw downe your hammer . vnloose your cocke . present . giue fire . dismount your pistoll , and put it vp . now as in foote companies , so in horse-troopes . in the time of present service , these many postures are reduced vnto these three onely ; make readie . present . giue fire . the first is done standing or marching ; the second , in the charge , and the last , in the face of the enemie . now for as much as time is precious , this labour tedious , and men vnwilling to take long paines , it shall not be amisse ( for the speedier perfecting of the men ) first to labour the leaders of the fyles ( which should be the most sufficient men of the troope ) in all these lessons before shewed , and then to make every leader to instruct the fyle he leadeth , which will not onely make the teachers striue to be excellent for their owne glory sake , but also stirre in the other ( which are taught ) a braue ambition to equall or exceede those that informe them . after they can thus manage their horses , and handle their armes in a decent manner ; 3 you shall then come to the third lesson , which is , distance of place , and orderly proportion . a matter necessary and dependant vpon every forme of battayle , and may not be absent eyther from ranke or fyle . it is then to be vnderstood , that in horse-troopes there are but two sorts of distances or orders , eyther in rankes or fyles ; that is , close order , and open order , close order in fyles , is cuish to cuish , or knee to knee , and open order in fyles , is six foote ( which is accounted an horse length ) : so close order in rankes , is to the horses crooper , or without streete , and open order is sixe foote , aboue which the rankes must never open . and therefore that the troop may march orderly and keepe their distance truly , let the whole troope in marching , mooue all at one instant , that is , when the head begins , then the reare to be ready , so shall they seldome be found to erre disorderly . also you must know , that when the troope cometh to march in battalia , that then they must march at their close order in fyles , and at open order in rankes . but when they come to doe the evolutions or motions in warre , then they must be at their open-order , both in fyles and rankes . the distance betwixt troope and troope ought to be twentie-fiue paces ; and betweene regiment and regiment fiftie paces . and thus much for distance or proportion of place . 4 the fourth lesson succeeding for the vse of the horse-troopes , is march or motion , both of the horse and man performed in an orderly and comely manner , without neglect of any of the three former lessons already described ; for in all these motions following , there must be a true manage of the horse , and government of the mans bodie , a formall and cunning carriage of the weapon , and a due observation in keeping the iust measure and proportion in distances according to direction . now the words of especiall direction for the particular motions on horsebacke in any battalia , are these or the like following . stand right in your fyles . stand right in your rankes . and this is to stand truly man after man , and horse after horse ; as also , man against man , and horse against horse . — then — silence . open your rankes . open your fyles to the right hand . open your fyles to the left . open your fyles to both hands by devision . and any of these to any order aforesaid . close your fyles to the right hand . close your fyles to the left . close your fyles to both hands by devision . and these also to any order aforesaid ; also in opening the squadron , you must ever first open the rankes , which must be done downeward to the reare , and then the fyles . and in closing ; you must first close the fyles , and then the rankes , which must ever be done vpward towards the front. — then — double your fyles to the right hand . double your fyles to the left . double your fyles to both by devision . and this to any order aforesaid . — double your rankes to the right hand . double your rankes to the left . double your rankes to both by devision . and this to any order aforesaid . — middlemen double the front to the right hand . middlemen double the front to the left . middlemen double the front to both hands by devision . bringers vp double the front to the right hand . bringers vp double the front to the left . bringers vp double the front to both hands by devision . and these to either order aforesaid . — to the right hand turne . to the left hand turne . to both hands turne by conversion . to the right hand about turne . to the left as you were . to the left hand about turne . to the right as you were . now to reduce any motion before shewed , to the same station , in which the horseman stood before the command given , you shall vse this generall word ; — as you were . countermarch to the right hand . countermarch to the left . countermarch to both by conversion . wheele to the right hand . wheele to the left . wheele to both by conversion . and in this motion of countermarching , you must obserue , that the leaders ( if it be in a standing countermarch ) doe advance forward full one horse length before they turne , and then turne to which hand they are commanded , all the rankes successiuely following , to make good the leaders place of turning before they turne , and so to perfect the countermarch . but if it be to be done vpon a greater advancement , then shall either a corporall or other higher officer stand at the place of turning , and the leaders shall advance vp vnto him and there turne to either hand , according to direction , and so successiuely all the rest of the rankes in the troope , till the countermarch be made perfect . so also in the motion of wheeling , you must obserue , if the troope be vnder an hundred , first to double your front to the one or the other hand , either by the bringers vp , or the middlemen , before you wheele , and then standing at their close order , to wheele about , or otherwise at pleasure . againe , obserue when you wheele to the right hand , to double your front to the left hand ; and when you wheele to the left hand , to double your front to the right hand ; for so the leaders of the right and left hand fyles will keepe their places on that corner to which you wheele . lastly , to reduce and bring every man into his first place againe , — you shall say , — fyles to the right ( or left ) hand open to your open order . bringers vp ( or middlemen ) to your first places as you were . and in this motion obserue , that if the bringers vp did double the front , then shall the middlemen being in the reare first fall into their places , then the follower , and lastly , the bringer vp . and so if the middlemen did double the front , then those middlemen being in the front , shall in countermarch fall into their first places , after them their followers , and last of all the bringer vp . 5 the fift and last lesson belonging vnto the horse-troope , is to teach the souldier the sounds and commands of the trumpet , and to make him both vnderstand the notes and language of the trumpet , as also in due time to performe all those duties and commands , which are required by the trumpet . and of these soundings ( which we generally call poynts of warre ) there are sixe , which are most necessary for the souldiers knowledge . — the first is — 1. butte sella : — or — clap on your saddles . which as soone as the souldier heareth ( in the morning , or at other times ) he shall presently make readie his horse , and his owne person , trusse vp his sacke of necessaries , and make all things fitting for iourney . the second is , — 2. mounte cavallo — or — mount on horsebacke . at which summons , the souldier shall bridle vp his horse , bring him forth , and mount his backe . the third is — 3. al'a standardo , — or — goe to your colours . whether it be standard cornet ● or guydon , upon which sound , the souldier with those of his fellowship , shall trot forth to the place where the cornet is lodged , and there attend till it b● di●lodged . also , this sound in the field , and in service , when men are dis-banded , is a retrayt for the horseman , and brings him off being ingaged , for as oft as he heares it , he must retire and goe backe to his colours . the fourth is , — 4. tucquet , — or — march. — which being heard simplie of it selfe without addition , commands nothing but a marching after the leader . the fift is , — 5. carga , carga , — or — an alarum , charge , charge . which sounded , every man ( like lightning ) flyes vpon his enemie , and giues proofe of his valour . the sixt and last is , — 6. auquet , — or — the watch. which sounded at night , commands all that are out of dutie to their rest ; and sounded in the morning , commands those to rest that haue done dutie , and those that haue rested , to awake and doe dutie . and in these sounds , you shall make the souldier so perfect● that as a song he may lanquet or sing them , and know when they are sounded vnto him . other soundings there are ; as , tende hoe , for listning , a call for summons , a senet for state , and the like . but they haue reference to the greater officers , and those haue no neede of my instructions . having thus run through all those parts which make vp a serviceable souldier on horsebacke , i will conclude this discourse , with these few notes following . first , you shall vnderstand , that the cavallerie , or horse-armie , haue for their chiefe officers the generall of the horse ; the lieutenant-generall of the horse ; and the serieant maior of the horse , which in some discipline is called the commissary-generall , or colonell generall of the horse . and betwixt these three , the whole armie of horsemen is devided . they haue also a quarter-master , and a provost-generall . the iustice resteth vnder the councell-generall of warre in the armie . the generalls regiment hath alwayes the vanguard , and the rest alternately by turnes , as he that this day hath the vanguard , the next day hath the reare ; and so of all the rest . the colonells haue their regiments compounded of three or foure troopes , and seldome aboue fiue , or vnder three ; and the colonells troope ever marcheth on the left wing of the regiment . the captaines of horse receiue their directions from the colonells ; the colo●ells from the serieant-maior , and the serieant-maior from the lord marshall . thus much i haue thought fit to impart , as an introduction into these military affayres , leaving to those larger and better enabled spirits , the vnbounded field of discourse , into which when they shall be pleased to enter , no doubt but the studious observer , shall receiue a much more worthie satisfaction . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06964-e5280 vse of the pike . vse of the shot . how to giue volleys . volleys marching . volleys standing . volleys retyring . volleys vpon advancement . volleys vpon a swift retrait . 2 2 distance of place . the measure of distances . 3 3 of marches . the severall places of officers . of motion● . 4 4 of the sounds of the drum. vse of words . the words of proper directions . charging of pikes . giuing of fire by the flanke . constancy in words giuing . what march & motion i● . words of particular motiō . what postures are . the postures of the pike . the postures of the musquet . postures in smirmish . postures in exercising . of the hargobus . repetition by way of advise . the dignitie of places . the vse of the table . leaders of middle fyles . middlemen to the front and reare . subdevisionmen . the first sixe parts in martiall discipline carriage , election , and composition of colours . mixture of colours . colonells colours . superior officers colors . where gentlemen may finde their colours . notes for div a06964-e11070 difficultie in this art. things considerable in this art. 1 1 election of men and horses . 2 2 arming of gentlemen at armes . arming for triumph . arming of launceirs . arming of light-horse . arming of cuirassiers . arming of hargobusseirs arming of dragons . arming of captaines . arming of lieutenants . arming of cornets . arming of the trumpet . arming of corporalls . captaine of hargobusiers and his officers . captaine of dragons or his officers . difference betwixt the cornet and guydon . 3 3 formes of trayning . the extent of a filo . the extent of a ranke . devision of the troope . fiue things to be taught . 1 1 manage of the horse . words of command . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . 2 2 carriage and vse of armes . posture of the pistoll . postures in skirmish . the best way to teach . 3 3 distance of place . of motion . 4 4 of marches . words of especiall direction . observation in countermarching : observation in wheeling . observations 5 5 of the trumpet . the first poynt of warre . the second . the third . the fourth . the fift . the sixt . speciall notes military duties recommended to an artillery company; at their election of officers, in charls-town, 13. d. 7. m. 1686. by cotton mather, pastor of a church in boston. mather, cotton, 1663-1728. 1687 approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50142 wing m1128 estc w479523 99827393 99827393 31811 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50142) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31811) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1892:1) military duties recommended to an artillery company; at their election of officers, in charls-town, 13. d. 7. m. 1686. by cotton mather, pastor of a church in boston. mather, cotton, 1663-1728. [8], 78, [2] p. printed by richard pierce: and are to be sold by joseph brunning, at his shop at the corner of prison lane near the exchange, boston in new-england : 1687. with a final advertisement leaf. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. military art and science -united states -early works to 1800. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion military duties , recommended to an artillery company ; at their election of officers , in charls-town , 13. d. 7. m. 1686. by cotton mather , pastor of a church in boston . ubi nullus est militarium virorum ordo et cura , ibi nulli sunt r. p. nervi . herodot . plus togae laesere rem-publicam quam loricae . tertullian . boston in new-england , printed by richard pierce : and are to be sold by ioseph brunning , at his shop at the corner of prison lane near the exhange . 1687. the preface . it was the observation which judicious capel began a preface to a good book with the mention of , books are more necessary in a state than arms. let it pass for a conveniency among us in this scythian desart , that the gentlemen who handle arms may be also presented with books accommodated unto their instruction and encouragement . it is reported of an unparallel'd souldier , no less an hero than julius caesar , that being forc'd to swim for his life in an extremity , he employ'd one hand to preserve from the damage of the water , certain books which he had a special value for . nor is it any disparagement unto men of a military disposition or improvement , that in all ages the most accomplisht of them , have been willing sometimes to make books the entertainment of their vacant hours : even a mighty alexander must have a book under his pillow , or he cannot sleep . perhaps it is from somesomething of this bookish temper that this poor sermon preached unto the artillery of middlesex , is by some members of that worthy company now desired to be printed ; that their eyes may dwell upon those things which he who gives favour to them that are not men of skill made not altogether unacceptable unto their ears . it was a souldier that found out the happy art of printing at first ; and it seems that souldiers will now and then press the press into their service still . my education among libraries , my concernment only in such a warfare as timothy had recommended unto him , and my impatient longings for the revolution of a golden age wherein there shall be ( as about the time of our lords first coming it is noted by the roman historian that there was ) totius orbis aut pax aut pactio , a general peace or truce throughout the whole world , have made me the unfittest of all men to read military lectures . aelian ' s tacticks shall stand in the r●…re of my authors , and will perhaps be left unstudied by me , till i have nothing else to do . that military mischievous invention of guns , and the nitrous , sulphureous , charcoal'd matter which they vo●…it , was indeed first hit upon by a clergy-man , yet one that i never would care to be a kin unto . but a request from the honoured persons , at whose invitation the ensuing thoughts have been spoken and written , was a strong summons not to be g●…in said by me , who ought to count opportunities 〈◊〉 doing good among the best of all my treasures . they asked me to lay before them their du●…yes , as farr as my armory , the bible , would inform me what they are : and i have with brief hints attempted to let them know what those words of command are which come unto them back'd with a , thus saith the lord . they have also asked me to give them a copy of those words for the publication of them ; and i consider'd that this being all , my case was not so hard as that of the expedition against sisera , wherein out of zebulon were engaged they that handled the pen of the writer , gown-men became sword-men , and pen-knives ( as one saith on it ) were turned into swords . but in this thing they had not found me ready to gratify them , if it had not been for the sake of communicating those meditations in the close of the discourse , which render every man a souldier , and call upon all to encounter the invisible enemies of their own souls . this part of the discourse is no diversion from the work which my hand finds to do , however the other may : of this , if i had a voice as loud as the last trumpet i must say , let him that hath ears to hear , hear . thousands of praises , whole ages of praises be given unto a good god , for the abundance of peace wherein we in this wilderness do delight our selves . 't were well if the blessed leisure which deus fecit , is given by god unto us , were employ'd unto spiritual advantages by us all ; and particularly by them that have a kindness for the affairs of souldiery . it would be an incredible benefit to the church of god , for men to have their houses furnished with treatises which shall teach them how to spirituallize the outward occurrents of their occupations , and set pulpits , and faithful preachers for them in every business that they have to meddle with . i find that the husband-man , and the shepherd , and the mariner , yea , and the weaver too , are thus provided for , by the ingenious labours of some heavenly-minded men . a reverend person among our selves , has in this way been an obliging friend unto the souldier also ; his , souldiery spirituallized , well deserves the perusal of them to whom it is directed , and hath given a just super-sedeas unto those enlargements of that kind here which else might have been endeavoured . that they who will be souldiers may likewise be serious ; that there may be glory to god in the highest , and that there may be peace on earth , and good will among men , is the grand scope of this little essay . military duties laid before a trained band 13. d. 7. m. 1686. it is written in psal. cxliv . i. blessed be the lord my strength , who teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight . that elegant resemblance of our lord jesus christ , in the close of his last letter from heaven to the church on earth , rev. 22. 2. a tree of life which bears twelve manner ( a blessed variety ) of fruits , the leaves whereof also are for the healing of the nations , hath been sometimes not unfitly apply'd unto the scriptures , those precious leaves of the bible , which testify of him. there is in these oracles of god , a delicious entertainment for the innumerable sorts of readers to whom these presents come ; and the benefit of the souldier particularly is not left unconsulted in them . the blessed suitableness of this miraculous book unto the affayrs and concerns of all men , is , to be found ( as the philosopher saith , of the soul in the body ) in every part thereof ; but the book of psalms ( a little bible , as luther styl'd it ) in peculiarwise , is so remarkable on this score , that it was no imprudence in old ierom to bid his friend make this his vade mecum , his constant companion , it was no folly in the holy minister of constantinople being driven out of that city , to take no part of his treasures but this , which was unto him pro et prae divitiis , instead of and better than all the riches of the world ; the renouned basil therefore very rightly recommended it as a divine treasure , and the eloquent chrysostom no less appositely reputed it as , a panoply for the christian. from this panoply , from this well-furnished armory , give me leave to offer something for the use of this armed , and much honoured auditory . for this cause the name which the holy spirit in a certain place ( in col 3. 16. ) putteth upon these psalms is that of spiritual songs ; partly because the spirits of men are most singularly suited therein : every man may conceive , as athanasius long ago observed , that they speak de se , in re sua , to his own case directly . t is to be hoped that the spirit of the souldier especially will anon herein meet with what shall not be impertinent unto him . that inspired person , whoever he were , that marshalled the psalms into the method wherein we now enjoy them , seems to have had some respect unto the affinity of subjects therein handled , in his doing of it . hence this hundred-and-forty-fourth psalm , with the rest unto the end of our psalter , is employ'd in that business which we expect at the end of our pilgrimage to be put upon ; even the magnifying of the lord iehovah . the p●…nman of this composure , is by the title of it , determined to be david , the sweet singer of israel . indeed some passages of it are by him again repeated in both his first and his second edition of the eighteenth psalm ; and if the primitive christians in their publique worship , are reported to have had no common satisfaction when they heard aliquid davidicum , any thing of david , sounded among them , t is to be suppos'd , that we shall not therein come behind them . but the occasion of the composure is to be variously guessed at , as an un●… th●…g . those whom we ( upon uncertain grounds ) reckon the 〈◊〉 greek t●…anslators , or rather interpreters of the old testament , have so inscribed it , a psalm of david against goliah ; so the ethiopic likewise , and so the vulgar latin. and perhaps david's victory over goliah , may be one thing referr'd unto in this song of zion . i find a iewish commentary particularly favouring such a sentiment . but good old hilary for one , justly and honestly declames against the foisting in of this clause , where it should not be . thus much then is all the conjecture for which we have room left unto us : we may apprehend that the amiable david was now arrived thro an iliad of mischiefs and whole seas of difficulties , unto a settlement in his kingdom over israel ; and that hereupon he now presents unto the lord , both his praises for the vanquishent of the enemies who had hitherto disquieted him , and his prayers for the continuance of his tranquillity , maugre all future opposition . the rapturous thanksgivings of the psalpsalmist begin as soon as was possible ; even at the verse now before us . the gracious saint is here uttering of his wishes that the great god may forever be well-spoken of by all the world , and this on a double account . something god hath been to him , and something god had done for him . firstly , for something that god was to him . he ascribes to the lord that title , my strength , or ( heb. tzuri ) my rock . q. d. the almighty god has afforded a better defence to me in all dangers than the ragged rocks and caves and thickets did unto my poor countrey men , before i by slaying the tall pagan occasion'd the routing of the philistines , who had driven them thereinto . nextly , for something that god did for him . he celebrates this kindness of god unto him , he teaches my hands to war and my fingers to fight . i. e. the good god enables me to go through the military performances which i am put upon . these hands of mine that were once wont to hold the shepherds crook , and these fingers of mine which were wont to solace me with their soft notes upon my harp , are now expert in those martial a●…chievments which god hat●… bin my teach●…r in . there is a divine teaching herein acknowledged , and the twofold subject of it is taken notice of . the good man first declares the subject which received this teaching : this was his hands & his fingers . these are by a synecd●…che put for not only all the members of his body , but also all the powers of his mind . these may be singled out , because there is a special use of these parts in all warly encounters . there was so particularly , first in choosing and then in casting the stone which laid the philistean champion sprawling on the ground . in the hands also strength is seated , and skill is shewed by the fingers . so both of those qualifications may herein be glanced at . the good soul next declares the subject which this teaching was occupy'd about : this was warring and fighting . the former expression [ lakrob ] comes from a root that signifies to draw near ; the latter [ lammilchama ] comes from a root that signifies to eat up ; because in warly engagements , persons first approach and then devour one another . from hence then the doctrine which summons our present attention is doct. that the almighty god is to be acknowledg'd as the author of whatsoever military skill or strength any children of men do excel in . that the worthy company who call'd me to this place and work , may not be too long detained from the field , where no doubt , they love to be , all due brevity shall be endeavoured , in our present discourse . only two propositions shall be call'd upon , to ripen this doctrine for it's application . proposition i. it is the priviledge of some persons to excel in a military skill or strength . there is a two-fold military excellency which some in the world are so priviledg'd as to reach unto . firstly , there are some persons excellent for their military skill . there is such an happy unhappy art used among adam's wrangling posterity in the world , as that of tactics , or the art of warr ; and her●… and there we may find those who have the honour of being excellently well skill'd therein . the politic and most peaceable monarch of old , made it one of his aphorisms in eccl. 9. 18. wisdome is better than weapons of warr. but some desireable persons there are , meriting for this to be called deliciae humani generis , or mankinds delight , who at once have weapons in their hands , and wisdom in their heads enabling them to manage the same unto very good account . there are persons very notable for feats of arms , like david , of whom t is reported in 1. sam. 18. 5. he behaved himself wisely and he was set over the men of war : it seems he was so good a souldier , that he was made captain of the artillery at gibeon . such brave men were those pious trans-iordanites , of whom wee have that description in 1. chron. 5. 18. they were men able to bear buckler and sword , and to shoot with bow , and they were skilful in war. and such a character we also have of several tribes who were mustered at hebron , to solemnize davids coronation there , in 1. chron. 12. at verse 33. it is related of the zebulonites , that they were expert in warr , with all instruments of warr , able to keep rank ; at verse 35. it is related of the danites , and at verse 36. it is related of the asherites likewise that they were expert in war. some such beauties is the face of the earth adorn'd withall ; persons that understand well all the figures or postures which a souldier is to use in the handling of his arms ; persons that are well acquainted with all the motions & orders which a souldier may be call'd unto , all the various facings , and numerous doublings , & intricate counter-marchings , & comely wheelings which are customary , and all the chargings which the many sorts & shapes of battails do admit , with innumerable stratagems of war ; persons , in a word , who can handsomely apply all the insruments of defence which a souldier may cap-a-pe be furnished with , and all the instruments of offence which a souldiers hand can be put unto , from the half-pike unto the granado and the roaring canon . nextly , there are some persons excellent for their military strength also . there is a two-fold strength which souldiers are sometimes to be admired for . firstly , some souldiers have an admirable strength of body . such a souldier was that renowned judge of israel , sampson , the history of whose activity ( as well as the signification of his name ) the heathen have carried into their stories about their hercules : 't is storied of him , in iudg. 14. 6. that when a young lion roared against him , he rent him as he would have rent a kid ; tho the oracles of the lion's maker have determined him to be the strongest among beasts . t is storied of him , in chapt. 16. 3. that he took the gates of a city , doors , posts , barrs and all , and carried 'em away up an high hill twenty miles off . t is storied of him in chapt. 16. 27. that with main force he over-sett the two huge pillars whereon lay the stress of a vast temple , containing many more than three thousand people . there are souldiers , that for the strength of their limbs , deserve the name wich once a king in england had , even that of ironside ; they may almost affirm , what iob deni'd , my strength is the strength of stones , and my flesh is brass . we have read of a scanderleg who had an arm that could make his sword strike through thick iron , and who encountring a mighty wild bull that had slain many , wi●…h one onely blow of his cimitar cutt his head clean from his shoulders . we have read of a milo , of a maximus , of some others , men made up of sinewes , that would hold a club , or keep a place in spite of all possible assaults , that would carry burdens next to insupportable , and in every peece of action scorn a match . nextly , some souldiers have an admirable strength of spirit also ; their courage is marvellous and invincible . such were those captains which increased davids band , 1. chron. 12. 21. all mighty men of valour . and such were the simeonites , ( ibid. v. 25. ) mighty men of valour , for the war : and such the ephraimites ( ibid. v. 30. ) mighty men of valour , famous throughout the house of their fathers . there are souldiers that for their valour deserve the name of caleb , which may signify all-heart , and who , like caleb are not afraid to look a bigg son of anak in the face . they are as undaunted as the leviathan , ( the crocodile ) which is made without fear ; it s a meer sport unto them , to out-brave the king of terrours , to have cannon bullets flying & hissing , and drawn swords clashing round about them , and dischargdischarged pistols hurled at their heads ; they are like fiery metal-fome war-horses clothed with thunder , they go on to meet armed men , they laugh at fear , and are not affrighted , neither turn they back from the sword , they shout among the loud drums and the ●…hrill clangors of the trumpet ha , ha! the thuuder of the captains and the shouting only adds fire to their magnanimity ; and if they are threatned with such clouds of arrowes as shall darken the very sky , they make no more of it than the persian , who reply'd to such a menace , i am glad of that ! we shall then fight in the shade . yea , almost every spot of ground affords a spectacle of more fortitude than what appears in fighting stoutly when martial noises do inspirit men . we may see men whose blood chills not when they are call'd out to dy alone in cold blood ; men that with a steady countenance can take grim death arrayd with all its pompous horrors , by the cold clammy hand , and cheerfully say , friend , do thy worst ! such skill ! and such strength many mortals have . proposition ii. the almighty god is to be acknowledged as the author of these excellences . all that have such excellencies are beholden to god for them , and ought to own their being so . among the romans , there were those officers who were called campi doct●…res , the doctors of the field . all true christian souldiers will acknowledge the ever-living god for the supreme teacher in the field unto them ; they say , he hath his chair in the heavens , who is our teacher . shall we speak of skill ? behold , the blesse●… god , the father of lights is the bestowe●… of that . the haughty sennacherib is rebuked for saying of his military exploits , in isa. 10. 13. by my wisdom i have done them . we are informed concerning the husband-man by the princely prophet , his god doth instruct him to discretion , and doth teach him . how fitly may that be said of the souldier too ! there is a god that he hath his military discretion from . shall we speak of strength ? lo , this also is to be ascribed unto god , the rock of ages . it was a check given to the moabites in ier. 48. 14. how say ye , we are mighty and strong men for the war ? as for strength of body this is from god. the psalmist does most ingenuously confess , in psal. 18 , 34. it is the lord that teacheth my hands to war , so that a bow of steel is broken by mine arms . as for strength of spirit , this too is from god. when arrowes are to be made bright , and shields to be gathered , t is said ( in ier. 51. 11. ) that the lord raiseth the spirits of men . that which makes this further evident is , that the almighty god takes away military skill and strength from men , whensoever it pleaseth him. this the poor canaanites had experience of : the hundreds of thousands of armed men in those mighty nations , advantaged with chariots that were plated with sweeping slaughtering hooks of iron , could not stand — the lord at once tormented them with great wasps , hideously stinging of their bodyes , and with black fears weakning of their spirits , they could not stand before an handful of men , to whom the lord had promised in exod. 23. 27. i will send my fear before thee , and will make thine enemies turn their backs unto thee . the cruel crafty indians among our selves , were t' other day an instance of this too ; at a time when we expected utmost ruin by their merciless hands , they fell before us like the leaves in autumn , and themselves gave this reason of it , laying their hands on their breasts , oh ( said they ) the englisham's god makes us afraid here . this there is no question to be made of ; no means or helps will make us succesful souldiers , if god deny his smiles : an host of sorry mice will render all our bow-strings utte●…ly unserviceable , if god say unto them , go , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have cause to say after the psalmist in psal. 44. 6. i will not trust in my bow , neither shall my sword save me . but the improvement of these things remains . use . i. there is a strong invitation to an attendance on military discipline hence given un●…o all that are capable thereof . this truth should be as good as a thousand drums beating of a troop in your he●…ing , engageing of you to repair in your 〈◊〉 unto a peaceable military rendezvous . it 〈◊〉 lamentable to see how military discipline 〈◊〉 begun to languish among us ; to see how 〈◊〉 list themselves in military societies , and 〈◊〉 delinquent in military services they that 〈◊〉 listed often are . i would to god the t●… were come wherein we might have 〈◊〉 seasonable sermon on that text , isa. 2. 4. they shall beat their swords , into plow-shares and their spears into pruning-hooks ; for they shall learn warr no more . when will men chuse david's motto , anishallo●… ; i. e. i am peace ? when will those two make-bate pronouns , meum and tuum leave off to set mankind together by the ears ? but surely , till gog and magog are burnt up with flashes of hot lightening , as their predecessors , the assirians were of old , a fitter theme to be preached on will be that in ioel. 3. 12. beat your plow-shares into swords , and your pruning-hooks into spears , and let all the men of war draw near . thanks be to the god of peace , for the peace wherewith we enioy the gospel of peace . we have no occasion to kindle becons , or to stick up a scoth fire-cross for the summoning of all between sixteen and sixty , to oppose an invading enemy . the thing which our civil authority puts us upon this day , and all that i am concernd to speak a good word for , is , the regard to military discipline , which our peace does give us a most happy advantage for . there is this argument for the abundant use of military discipline in the midst of us , now giving encouragement thereunto ; the almighty god is the teacher of it . and what ! will any of you be loth to go-to-school unto the almighty ▪ god ▪ will you play the truant from the school of god ? let the able idle spectators of military exercises for shame count themselves concerned to rank and file with their honest and industrious neighbours . t is desireable that all our trained bands might flourish , and become terrible , as an army of banners . and it is particularly to be desired that our artillery companyes may be unto the utmost countenanced . in persia once they had an artillery company consisting of ten thousand , which they called , the immortal company , because whenever any one was taken off , another was still chosen to supply his place . may that artillery company in special which i am now speaking unto , in this sense become an immortal company . consider , i. that military discipline is a very lawful thing . when the souldiers satt under the ministry of iohn baptist , he said not unto them , lay down your arms ; but as in luc. 3. 14. be content with your wages ; which was as good as saying , be content to be souldiers . the believing cencenturion did not look upon himself as obliged to throw up his commission , tho it had a roman original : and yet of him it was said in matt. 8. 10. i have not found so great faith , no , not in israel , as in him . it is recorded of the patriarch abraham , ( of that father of the faithful ) in gen. 14. 14. that he had a kind of artillery garden at his house ; an artillery company was under his conduct , whereto about forty files belonged . shall we imagine that god will teach any unlawful thing ? no ; the ever-glorious god himself is called , the god of armies . but he is never called , the god of theeves , or the god of murderers ; or the god of any thing that is to be thought sinful . it is indeed said , that they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword . but this refers to taking up the sword without a right cause , and without a just call. when men meddle with swords without a sufficient call from both god and man , they are wont to come off like those ephraimites which the seventy eighth psalm singeth of , among other ancient things , who would needs break prison out of egypt and sieze upon palestina , by force of arms , before they had a good warrant for it , and were slain by the men of gath , to the great grief of their fa-father , and the encrease of their servitude . it is also said , whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek , turn to him the other also . but private , personal revenge is the thing forbiden there . t is to be suspected , that the people who make out-cries against all use of carnal weapons , would ( as one ingeniously saith ) use the weapons very carnally , yea , very bloodily , if they had them in their own hands . consider , 2. that military discipline is also a needful thing . it was a true remark of the ancient gre●…ian , that , a common-wealth wherein there is not a plenty of military men , is as a body without sinews . a wall of stones about a city or a countrey is good for little without a wall of bones defending of it . — hi sunt spartae m●…nia . it is threatned as a very direful plague unto a land in isa. 3. 2. the lord of host●… doth take away the men of war therefrom . why should any of us have an hand in bringing such a plague on the land wherein we live . ¶ don't plead , it s being a time of peace may excuse us from being in arms while thes●… halcyon dayes continue . for a time of peac●… ▪ is the time to prepare for a time of warr. the prudent king asa thought so of old . and the want of preparation in us , may sharpen the edge of an enemies desire to our land ; some west-indian might have been upon our skirts before now , if the military appearances among us had not dampt them . you are not ignorant of what befel the inhabitants of quiet and secure laish long ago . do not plead , i can't spare the time to train . what! not spare time to go to school to god ? t is observ'd , that the people in this countrey with moderate diligence make themselves capable of greater leisures than many in the world . besides , would you serve god with that which costs you nothing ? or would you be made souldiers by a miracle ? do not plead , there are enough to train with●…ut me . how if every one should plead so ? certainly , people did not thus exempt themselves from the artillery company at ierusalem , in the dayes of iehoshaphat . it is noted ( for so i would understand it ) in 2. chron. 17. fin . that while one man was leader of that company , they were an hundred and eighty thousand : while another , they were two hundred thousand ; while another , they were two hundred and eighty thousand ; and while another , they were no less than three hundred thousand . there were thousands exceeding the unites in our artillery companies ! should i now pretend to give directions how military discipline may best be ordered among us , i might justly be derided no less than he that would read military lectures before the martial hannibal . yet there are two things which i would presume upon 〈◊〉 liberty to say . advice . i. it seems good prudence to be most attent o●… and accurate in that peice of military discipline which is most necessary . ; or most accommodated for the safety of the place which we belong unto . we have such a parenthesis in the preface of david's elegy over saul and ionathan , 2. sam. i. 18. he had them teach the children of iudah the — bow. some take that word , the bow , to be only the title of the ensueing song . but others thus conceive of it . the philiphilistines had made fearful slaughter among the israelites by their being curious archers ; and the study of david now was to have the israelites out-shoot the philistines in their own bow. all that you shall now hear of this matter from one whose highest military attainment is that he counts military discipline a thing not to be despised , is only this : there is a swarthy generation of philistines here , the indian natives , i mean , whom alone we are like to have any warrs withal . these salvages have ( not long since ) butchered several hundreds in these plantations ; in that bloudy gloomy-day , when the alarm of warr was heard , and it was said , sword , go through the land , the canibals had many an hellish feast of english flesh ; and the main thing wherein the wild creatures out-did us and ●…n-did us was this , they were very yare marks-men , and every tree was a fort from whence they took their aims . if ever those now wounded chaldeans should make an attempt again upon us , there will be few words of command used , unless those two , make ready , and give fire . the best marks-man will then be the best souldier : the benjamites that can shoot to an hairs breadth will probably carry the day . how comes it then to pass , that in our trainings there seldome are any of marks and prizes set up for the promoting this accomplishment ? advice . ii. they that give their presence to military discipline , should be ashamed if their proficiency therein be not conspicuous and considerable . the counsil which paul gave to a spiritual souldier is very proper here , in 1. tim. 4. 15. give thy self to these things , that thy profi●…ng may appear unto all . do not look upon training dayes as designed for meer diversion and recreation ; or to do nothing but make smokes . be not of them who unless to get off a fine would never appear at their colours ; remember that , as you were , is not a fit word of command for you all the year long . behave your selves alwaies in your trainings , as under the eye of the authority whom , under his majesties favourable protection , you are therein obedient unto , yea , and as if you were by them also bid to expect the sight of an adversary . at the end of each day , be able to make a good reply unto that question , quid profeci ? or what progress have i made this day in military discipline ? give not your tutors cause to blame your non-proficiencies . use . ii. the attenders on military discipline should hence be careful to acknowledge god in what they do . let them act according to that acknowledgement , the lord is my teacher . to particularize : firstly . there are some acknowledgements due to god from you , while you are using of military discipline . all the trained souldiers among you have these things incumbent on them , as so many ackowledgments unto god their teacher . in the first place , souldiers should be gracious men . o get on the whole armour of god ; get gracious principles into your souls . never dream that you are in all respects fit to war and to fight with any men ▪ till your peace be made with god. you that may some time or other carry your liv●… in your hands , had need alwaies to carry grace in your heárts . a very heathen handling that problem , who is the best armed souldier ? solved it so , integer vitae scelerisque purus : the sincere godly man is the best armed of any man in the world . you be n't so fit as you should be to handle a sword ; till you come to use a book as well as a sword ; till you govern your lives by the words of command in the book of god ; till you can say with that renowned souldier in psal. 119. 14. i have rejoiced in the way of thy testimonies , as much as in all riches . you are poor souldiers , till you can with all hilarity say to your own souls as that dying ancient hilary did , egredere ▪ anima , egredere , quid times ? or turn out , o my soul , turn out ; scorn , scorn to be afraid of death ; which no uncoverted man can duly say . after all the bravadoes which many hectoring dam-mee's make while no body is like to hurt them , it is the new-born , heaven-born christian that will stand the most daringly before the mouthes of cannons vomiting out fire & death ; here , here is the man that is best able to look the most ●…errible of all terribles in the f●…ce & to scoff at the hisses of that rattle-snake ▪ death , saying , where 's thy sting ? i have heard that not a very long ago , in the low-countryes an huffing captain challenged one reputed a very pious man unto the fighting of a duel : the general taking notice of it said , pray stay till to morrow , such a town is then to be assaulted , i 'll then see which of you two can fight best . the town was assaulted , and a breath made in the wall , now ( said the general to the challenger ) now do you enter : to this the couragious coward reply'd with horrot , i beseech your excellency excuse me , i be n't fit to dy . but the man whom the changes of regeneration have made fit to live , he is likewise fit to dy . he that hath christ for his life , will assuredly have gain by his death ; and may fall into transports of ioy , whenever the grim ferry-man shall call upon him , come away ! moreover , souldiers should be praying men . the illustrious g●…stavus , adolphus was , for a souldier , the miracle of this last age ; but scarce any thing more contributed to his being so , than the army of prayers which were ever in his service : hence he would say to his counsellors , the greater our army of prayers , the more assured will be our victory . it is given as the character of a man worthy to be a captain , in act. 10. 2. he was a devout man and one that pray'd unto god alway . the emperor aurelius was blessed with a legion of such souldiers in his host : when the army was like to perish for thirst , this christian-legion with-drew to prayer , and immediately god sent a plentiful rain which relieved them , but sent such fearful flashes of lightening therewithall as destroyed their enemies ; from whence this was called the thundering legion . god grant that every trained company among us , may be a praying thundering company ! prayer , was the great field-peice of iehoshaphat ; 't is said in 2. chron. 20. 3. he set himself to seek the lord. yea , the most of the prayers in the bible were made by a souldier ; the psalms of david . our late indian-war gave us evidence enough of prayer's efficacy and importance , in military executions . luther was wont to style prayer , the gun-shot of the soul. certainly , a souldiers weal is enwrapped in nothing more than in the well discharging of it . furthermore , souldiers ought to be well aiming men . i would say about your training , as paul about eating and drinking , in 1. cor. 10. 31. — do all to the glory of god. let all that you do from the girding on of your harness , to the putting of it off , be aimed at the glory of god , and the good of his people , to the just satisfaction of your king and countrey . let every one of your weapons have that motto which the lord has provided for the bells of the troopers horses in ierusalem , zech 14. 12. holiness to the lord . let all inferior ends be placed by you in a due subordination hereunto , and not be the main spring of your artillery motions . as a religious man once at work in the woods , being asked , who are you at work for ? very savourily answered , i am cutting of wood for god. so be you able to say of all your trainings , that you are therein obeying of god , and the government , which is the minister of god unto you for good : thus preparing to fight the battails of the lord. once more , souldiers ought to be sin-having men . there has been a scandal raised upon souldiers , nulla sides pietasque viris qui castra sequunt ur . ] that souldiers are seldom christians . the slander has been most happily confuted-by the vertuous lives which many men of a military profession have been exemplary for . that i may recite one instance instead of many , give me leave to inform you of what the learned voetius relateth in his ecclesiastical polity , ( part . 1. lib. 2. tract . 4. ) concerning a young scoth gentleman of his acquaintance , then a captain in the low-countryes . this devout souldier was ( as voetius testifies to the world in his immortal writings ) a mirrour of piety , gravity , modesty and extraordinary prudence . he was abundant in reading the scriptures , & sundry treatises both of divinity and history , and penning down in his private papers the memorable passages which he found pertinent & profitable to himself therein . yea , it was common with him to spend whole days in the austerities of a fast. he moreover kept a constant diary wherein ( to use his own phrase ) he had on one side , a page for the old man , on the other side , a page for the new man ; in these he did every day note down on the one side , how far the interest of sin decayed in him , on the other side , how far he grew in his conformity to iesus christ. doing thus until he dyed . upon which th●…●…ction of that great man is to this purpose , ●…t is fit that many ministers of the gos●…el should read this , to make them sensible how much a souldier has gone beyond them in the exercises of devotion . now let your accurate conversation in like manner promote the vindication and the reputation of ●…he blemished souldier . beware of those sins ●…hat souldiers are most addicted unto . iohn baptist in his advice to souldiers luc. 3. 14. hath enumerated some of those hateful immoralities . it was a proverb of old , miles romans , aegyptum cave ; roman souldiers must be careful to shun egyptian vices . many a man is no less than a leader unto a trained band , and yet so miserable as to be himself mis-led by a foolish lust. o be so valiant as to fly ( here valour it self turns its back ) the fleshly lusts whereof the alarms of god have told you , that they war against the soul. abstain especially from the ordinary epidemical vices of training dayes . it is reported of the carthaginian souldiers , that they were not to meddle with any wine all the time of their bearing arms. our trainings are too commonly abused unto the contrary excesse●… of surfeiting and drunkenness . let the vanity , let the rioting , let the pagan pr●…●…ane health . drinkings which are th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…l , be abominable unto you , who have not 〈◊〉 ●…arned christ. secondly . there are some further acknowledgement●… due unto god from you , when you ar●… ●…hriving in military discipline . if you thrive under your heavenly teacher you are to pay unto him such acknowledgements as these . your humble , your hearty praises are first , to be rendred unto the most high for an your military endowments . among the ancients , when an old souldier . came to have an honest honourable ●…ismission from the camp , he dedicated his arms with his praises unto his houshold gods. truly , there are praises to be returned unto our god , when we are made masters in military practice . o' do a●… the psalmist in the close of his military psal●… , ( in 2. sam. 22. 50. ) resolves to do . i will give thanks to thee , o lord , i will give praises to thy name . again , you should now submit unto any the hardest military employment that the most high god shall call you to . stand like the israelites in the desart of old , pitching every man by his standard about the tabernacle of the lord ; and when you have the full warrant of god and his vice-gerents , don't shrugg or shrink back for any difficulty that you may be put upon . let me speak unto you in the words which the lord-general of israel in his military oration used , ( 2. sam. 10. 12. ) be of good courage , play the men , for your people , and the cities of your god. here you are like the valiant of israel , all holding of swords , and expert in war , — standing about the bed of solomon ; and if solomon say the word , then count that the best way to save your lives will be to lose 'em ; and so the holy . angels may at the first arrival of your disengaged souls into the spiritual ●…orld , welcome them with the salutation which an angel gave to gideon , the lord is with thee , thou mighty man of valour . finally , when you cannot possibly , or may not lawfully serve god as souldiers , be willing to serve god as sufferers . god knowes whether you may ever be put upon the ●…earing of any testimonies to the truths or wayes of jesus christ , which may incurr the ●…rown ▪ of all standers-by . now it will be a greater magnanimity to suffer disgrace and poverty and imprisonment cheerfully , than it is to defend a feild of lentiles singly against an whole army of philistines , or to slaughter six hundred of 'em with an ox-goad . be ready with a passive obedience , to follow him whom the apostle styles in heb. 2. 10. the captain of our salvation , made perfect through sufferings . souldiers have sometimes had their : superstitions about crosses , but most certainly it is the most real christianity to take a cross imposed by the providence of the lord jesus on us , and to lay the ragged tree upon our shoulders until it do there bring forth the peaceable fruits of righteousness . the name that our k. edward i. ( the comliest of men . ) had , when called crouch-back , because of the cross which he wore on his back , very well befits a souldier , when crosses and tryals are carved out for him by the god of heaven . christan souldiers should be as willing to entertain crosses , i mean sorrows , and troubles , for the sake of the gospel , as the primitive christian souldiers were to throw by the military crowns which were profered unto them . the ancients have with very eloquent lines celebrated those forty souldiers , who for the professing themselves christians , were conten●… to undergo the fiery exquisite anguish of being frozen to death . let every one of us in like sort be content to endure the bleakest , the most nipping and peircing winds that can blow upon us for our faithfulness unto the son of god. o be among the armies in heaven following the lamb , and if ever you should ( thanks be to god you yet have not ) to do with persecutors , be unto them no otherwise than as sheep before the shearers . use . iii. hence , men ●…pert in military discipline are to be had in high account by us , as the great , blessings of the great god. if acknowiedgements are to be made unto god as the author of military skill or strength ; surely the river of our acknowledgements running into that infinite ocean , may do well to call at the banks of earth , as they glide along , paying some kindness to the men that have military ornaments on them . he that would say , blessed be god that teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight , may also see cause to say , blessed be god who has made any hands & fingers , expert at military discipline in the midst of us . our sight of a trained company , but especially of an artillery company , should not be perhaps without some special expressions of our value thereof ; since we may say , there march the scholars of the almighty god. persons well-acquainted with military discipline , have honours and roses cast upon them by the blessed god himself . the most high and mighty god himself affects to be called ( in exod. 14. 3. ) a man of war. the lord jesus christ also chooses to be represented ( in psal. 45. 3. ) as a mighty one with a sword by his side . the glorious angels , the bright inhabitants of the third heaven , are styl'd in luc. 2. 13. the heavenly host , or army . their excellent general calls 'em forth by twelve legions at once , that is , to the number of seventy two thousand foot-men , and eighty four hundred hors-men , the number which a roman army consisted of o what matchless fellow-souldiers all well-qualified souldiers have ! the scriptures , these inestimable treasures of heaven , are filld with nothing more than military terms and things and among men have souldiers in all ages had most remarkable reputation . the best souldiers were by david in 2. sam. 23. 8. reckoned , the worthyes of the kingdom . in solomons time , t is noted in 2. chron. 8. 9. that the best men in the land were the men of war. it was made an act among the war-like spartans that no man should have an epitaph , or so much as his name written on his grave , if he had not been a souldier . some of the chief dignityes now in the world had a military rise : an esquire , an earl , a duke , and some orders of knight-wood owe their titles to the field . let us then manifest a special esteem unto the right souldiers that this countrey is favoured withal . but let me bespeak your peculiar acknowledgements for them who ieoparded their lives on the high places of the field , for us in the late indian-war . my heart is towards those souldiers , and , under god those saviours of this people , who then willingly offered themselves . t is just that those lovers of their countrey , should have extraordinary marks of respect from all of us for whom they exposed themselves ; their very countenances methinks carry loveliness in them , & their wounds are b●…autyes ; if ever any of those dear men should be reduced to penury , let all , their neighbours testify more than common kindness unto such well-deserving persons . i have the delight of seeing some of them in this assembly ; and tho i must own unto them , as tertullian did unto the christian souldiers of his time , non tantus sum ut vos alloquar , and say , i am too mean a person to render you the thanks of your countrey ; yea tho i must account no tertullus able to make a due address unto them ; yet by me let it be said , seeing that by you , we enjoy great quietness , and very worthy deeds have been done for this people by your fortitude , we accept it allwayes , with all thankfulness . blessed be the lord for you , ye blessed of the lord. use . iv. it is hence the duty of all men to acknowledge god as the author of all their mercies . if it becomes the souldier to say , blessed be god for my military skill or strength ; surely it is fitting that every man should say , blessed be god for every mercy . it is a iewish custom to season all their solemnities , with a baruk adonai , a blessed be the lord. an●… it sufficiently unchristian also to be seldom , or scanty in blessing of a good god. the mercies of god are on every side , surrounding every one of us : o where are our hallelujahs ? our antedatings of heaven's work ? why do not we call upon our own dull souls , as he in psal. 103. 2. bless the lord , o my soul , and forget not all his benefits . when tamerlan the tartar overcame bajazet the turk , he asked his prisoner , ' syr , did you ever give thanks to god , for making you such a potent emperor ? the turk answered , no , in truth , i never thought of that ! whereupon reply'd the tartar , ' ah , woful wretch , don't wonder then ' that god has made thee a spectacle of the ' most rueful miseries in the world . should a like enquiry be made of us ; man , hast thou ever from thy heart , said blessed be the lord , who hath given me a life full of provisions & preservations ? or , blessed be the lord , who hath granted me a large estate ? or blessed be the lord , for the friends that love me ? it is to be doubted , many of us must own , no , this hath been quite out of our minds . o shameful ingratitude ! and ingratitude , that — ingratum dixeris , et omnia dixeris : that is too vile a thing for a dog to be guilty of . let this matter sink down into your hearts this day . the lord could tell elisha all that his man gehazi had received ( how much above three hundred & seventy five pound sterl . ) from the syrian . noble-man . verily , o soul , this lord iehovah keeps an exact account of what all thy receipts from himself have been . o be not as a silent and a sensless grave unto the mercies of a gracious god. incur not the doom fore-told by the apostle when he link'd those two together , unthankful , unholy . dreadful will be the danger of such disingenuity ! this non-payment of rent , will procure your ejectment from all that you take pleasure in . christians , you should receive every mercy ( they of old would not speak of their very afflictions without a deo gratias ) with a blessed be god. and should it not be a part of your task every evening to reflect and ruminate on the mercies of the day foregoing ? yea , and it were most proper , i am sure it were highly profitable , to draw up in your private memorials a bill of the principal mercies for which you are indebted unto god ; to be subscribed with a , lord , i thank thee : often affect your selves by looking into ●…se grateful records , and leave them as an inheritance with the children whom you would bequeath your god and christ and religion to . it would moreover be far from improp●… ●…or unprofitable for you sometimes to keep whole dayes of secret thanks giving unto your father who seeth in secret ; spending the dayes in contemplating the glo●…ies of god & christ , in enumerating and admirin●…●…is merciful dispensations towards your sel●… , and in contriving , what to render unto the lord for all his benefits . one such day will bring heaven it self from on high into you●… souls ; & it will rarely be any other than a presag●… or a fore-runner of a more than ordinary addition to your mercies . 〈◊〉 short , be ye thankful . use . v. let every christian acknowledge god for his teacher in the spiritual warfare which he is calld unto . among those monuments of antiquity , the works of those gray-headed and reverend men whom they use to call the fathers , we may find this text glossed with a variety of allegorical expositions ; we have it represented as the speech both of our lord jesus christ on the cursed tree ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 powers of darkness in their o●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of every christian also en●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s●…en battails of the lord ag●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wickednesses which do annoy●… 〈◊〉 ●…ot meet that a popular auditory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…s'd with vain quotations from the●… 〈◊〉 ●…is i●… as certain as what is mo●… 〈◊〉 every christian shares with his le●… 〈◊〉 lo●…d jesus christ , in being ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…rases it ) a praeliator interior , on●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spiritual warfare to be sollicito●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the souldiers present , have this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the three kinds of calls to regard the●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duties . they have had not only , verba m●… ▪ ta , the military sights of ensigns and weapons display'd before them ; and not only verba semivocalia , the military sounds that have been knocking and clashing in their ears ; but they have also had verba vocalia , the articulate commands of man and of god also , to acquitt themselves as good souldiers ; the lord open their ears to disciplin●… ▪ but having done with them for that , there now remains a very solemn and earnest address to be made unto them and every person in the congregation , about a thing of more concernment farr away . congregation , hear the word of the lord ▪ well sings the sententious poet , nunquam bella bonis , nunquam certamina desunt , et cum quo certet , mens pia semper habet , i. e. the godly man is never free from warrs with some soul-enemie . there is an holy warr which indeed every soul in this house ( or in this world , is call'd unto . there is no professor of christianity among us all , who is not infinitely concern'd to be in arms perpetually at warr with the enemies of his never-dying foul , his everlasting weal . and how many millions of woes will overtake the soul that becomes not a good souldier of iesus christ , no tongue can express , or heart conceive . let these admonitions then excite you and direct you to get the help of god in teaching your heart to war and your spirit to fight against the invisible enemies whose oppressions make you mourn . for your awakening here . know , first , there are innumerable and very formidabl●… enemies dayly pursuing the destruction of your souls . it was an out-cry sometimes made for the rowsing of a sleepy man , in iudg. 16. 9. the philistines are upon thee , man. a more startling thing is to be signified unto every one of you , christian , there are foes and horrible fiends all round about besetting of thee . ever since we were born into the world , we have lived in the territories of our enemies ; and we can scarce take a step without annoyances from the bloudy murderers of our souls . it is related concerning the prophet's servant , in 2 , king. 6. 17. elisha prayed , and said , lord i pray thee open his eyes that he may see 〈◊〉 and the lord opened the eyes of the young man ▪ and he saw ; and behold , the mountains were full of horses and chariots of fire . may i now p●… up such a petition unto the god of heaven in the behalfe of them that i am speaking to ; o our god , our god , open our eyes we pray thee , that we may see the unseen enemies which are dayly and hourly assaulting of us . might the most high god pronounce an ephatha over our slumbering eyes , we sh●…ld soon perceive the ground about us cover'd and the 〈◊〉 about us crouded with armies of terrible ones whom our souls are endangered by . there is a sarco-cosmo-pneumato-machia a warr with the flesh , the world and the devil , which you are all prest unto . the apostle hath in eph. 2. 2 , 3. given us the names and qualities of three captains which the infernal army of our adversaries is under the conduct of . it makes an hott battle indeed when our enemies fire by salves , pouring in scalding sulphureous showres of lead upon us , by fireing three ranks together . behold such is the fierce combate which every one of you are put upon . yea there are no less than three mighty armyes fireing upon you all at once . there are three most potent , most wily , and most malicious commanders , who with all their hellish forces are attempting to sieze thy immortal soul , o man ; oh how fain would they make a prize of it , and keep it in their horrid clutches for evermore ! there is a black prince who has an unknown power of troops , raging , and ramping and roving , ( like wild arabians ) within the atmosphere of our air , to which the vengeance of god hath confined them for their apostasie ▪ this grand seignour of hell is , as mahom●… is call'd in the apocalypse , the grand abaddon or appollyon of souls . this monarch of the lapsed angels cannot have his envy at man , or his hatred of god satisfyed without enslaving all the children of adam not only under his condemnation , but under his iurisdiction also . there are vast , hideous multitudes of desolate spirits alwayes ready at a minutes warning to serve him in spoiling the happiness of men by keeping a distance between god and them . he , and all this his forlorn crue are more unwilling to let any men please god , than pharaoh was to dismiss the israelites from the brick-kilns of their bondage . david was not more dogg'd for his life by saul than we are by these roaring dragons of the wilderness . besides these , the subjects , the devoted vassals which this fly-god hath already gained unto his party , of the humane race , do sett themselves with might and main to promote his interest every where , being led captive by him at his will ; and all the pleasures , all the profits , all the preferments of time , do afford weapons to befriend this execrable enterprize . but that which compleats our peril is , that we harbour in our own breasts a treacherous enemy whic●… sides with all these ; a cage of unclean lusts have lodg'd themselves within us , which at th●… first summons would presently surrender us into the hands of the bitter and hasty natio●… that are gaping for us . all the arrows which the spiritual wickednesses in high places do shoot at us , are headed & feather'd from our selvs , fro●… our own sensuality , or coveteousness or ambition , and a certain old man that sleeps in our own bosomes . if it were not for this perfideous inmate , our enemies would go grudging about the streets for want of bread. alas , we have within our own bowels , a sheba that riseth up in rebellion against our eternal king. this is our amazing case ; and it will be so untill we have fought our way quite through the field of blood which the church militant is groaning in . the omnipotent god hath fired a becon before our eyes , and given us that faithful warning in 1. tim. 6. 12. that we must fight a good fight , or we cannot lay hold on eternal life . such a voice as that we have from the shrill trum●…ets of god , in matt. 11. 12. that we must like souldiers , exert an holy force and violence or be shutt out from the kingdom of heaven in howling anguishes , until the very heavens be no more . thus must we work out our own salvation ; thus must we strive to enter in at the strait gate . the real christian is to be pitty'd on the same score that the bird of prey is hated , namely , quia semper vivit in armis ; as long as he breathes he never has it said unto him , lay down your arms. o the besotment , the lethal stupidity of the soul who●…●…hese intimations will not awaken ! remember next the engagements whichly upon you to encounter these enemies , are many & very mighty obligations . there are obligations hereunto laid upon you by the vowes of god , which you are under . the military oath was call●…d a sacrament of old . verily you have taken sacraments upon it , and oaths of fidelity unto the lord jesus christ that you will never have any peace , or so much as any truce with these enemies which would not have him to reign over you . were you not baptized into the name of our lord jesus christ ? then , in that day were you listed under the ●…er o●… that poten●…e ; you were bound unto a neve●… ceasing emnity and watchfullness against th●… tempters which would with-draw you from your allegiance unto him. but , ah lord how rarely are any among us duly mindful of our baptismal vow ! souls , if ever after this you submit to the wills of those abominable things which would build a partition-wall between god and you , you do then prophanely play the traitor towards the great lord whose mark you have received in your foreheads . be assured , the waters of baptism will one day become like the waters of iealousie , or more direful than a river of burning brimstone unto the renegadoes that shall thus procure to themselves a lott among the fearful & the unbelievers . have not many of you also satt down at the table of the lord ? verily , when the lord so erected a banner of love over you in his banquetting-house , there were fresh tyes , rendering all reconciliation or accommodation between you and these a●…alekites the most dishonest thing imaginable . the lord jesus christ hath there said in plain visible words unto you , — behold , i was thus murdered by those very enemies that are lying in wait for thy precious life ; o never do thou admit any friendship with them . then with a pretence of as much affection as the citizens of rome discovered when the shew of stabb'd caesar's bloody robes made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ury to demolish the houses of the assassinate●… , you have openly vowed never to have so much as a kind parly or treaty with those destroyers ; you have most vehemently professed against them , with the indignation which david had against the injurious man in the parable , as the lord lives , i 'le do what i can , that they who have done this thing may dy the death . and can you find in your hearts after this , thus to break your everlasting govenant ? after you have ate and drank with jesus christ can you sit and side with the assaylers of his throne ? yea , these vows have you renewed as often as you have made any near approaches unto god in jesus christ ; this hath been the language of every good deed which you have applyed your selves unto ; i will even resist unto blood , striving against sin. moreover both the precepts of god have enjoyned this upon you in 2. cor. 16. 13. quitt you like men , ( like souldiers ) and be strong ; and all the providences of god , whether merciful or afflictive have been so many spurs quickning of you unto these warrs of the lord. o let not all these bonds of god be upon you , like the green withes on sampson easily burst asunder ! but there are still further obligations here●…nto laid upon you in point of interest . on the one hand , be assured , if you do combate strenuously , you shall conquer gloriously . you have a general that never yet was overcome ; he is the king of glory , the lord mighty in battail : no enemy can stand before a look of his. veni , vidi , vici , a sight of him , and a flight by them , is the constant tenour of his successes . if you will sincerely but let him bring you on , he will be sure to bring you off securely . and if you hold on , & hold out , if you continue faithful unto the death , o the unparallelable crowns and kingdomes , and inexhaustible treasures which you shall become the possessors of ! est deus , est aether , precium certaminis hujus ; haec faciant pugnam praemia tanta levem . [ mantuan . ] the lord jesus christ will publish all your p●…ins in a big convention of all the world ; in the near day ; the last and great day , when every child of man shall stand before the tribunal of jesus christ : he will then proclaim what you have been and done , and requite it with a well done , good and faithful servant . then shall he as the cheif ( the standard-bearer as in cant. 5. 10. he is dedenominated ) among many thousands , mar●… before you up unto the mountaines of spices , and you shall in his blessed army of chosen and galled and faithful ones , with him enter into the coelestial mansions , where you shall be for ever with the lord. on the other hand , be assured you must either fight or dye . this warr is like that of death , whereof t is said in eccl. 8. 8. there is no discharge in that warr . when a person once confessed unto one of the ancients , nihil pugnae sentio in corde meo . i don't feel that my soul is put upon strugglings with any enemies ; the good man made this answer , alas , then the city gates of thy soul are open , so that thy enemies do what they will without controul . here indeed the christian that is no●… a souldier , is a perfect slave , and what a deplorable thing is that ! it was the speech of a famous commander unto his army , when they were penn'd up with the sea on one side of them , and an huge host of enemies on the other , fellow souldiers , you must 〈◊〉 ●…ither drink up this sea , or eat up these men . thus , there is no escaping here ; you must either beat the eemies of your souls , or burn in a 〈◊〉 ocean of god's wrath for ever . if t●…e cut-throats of our souls are not resisted sted fastl●… in the faith , we shall become the captives of those mighty ones ; and if they get us they will keep us , if they subdue us they will torment us , world without end : there will be no remedy but we must welter under the anguishes , the bitter dolours of everlasting fire with the divel 〈◊〉 his angels . and which of us all is not now awakened to ask of god to teach us to warr and to fight against those canaanites which would keep us out of the land flowing with milk and honey ? but for the counsilling of you then , rule . i. let unfeigned repentance put an end unto your warring and fighting against the god of heaven . it is very proper to begin with the caution which doctor gamaliel gave to the iewish sanbedrim , ( in act. 5. 39. ) be not found to fight against god. until men are brought unto the experience of a conversion to and a covenant with god in jesus christ , all the affayrs of a christian warfare will be no less unsuitable than unacceptable to them . all unregenerate m●…n which live in known sins are so farr from warring and fighting against the arm●… of hell , that they desperately set themselves in battle array against the infinite god. the black description of every impenitent transgressor is that in iob. 15. 25 , 26. he stretcheth out his hand against god , and strenghens himself against the almighty , he runneth upon him , even upon his neck , upon the thick bosses of his buckler . o that these foolish & unwise kind of people would now be perswaded to bethink themselves ! what a prodigious phrensy is this , for them that lately came out of the creating hands to cast themselves into the avenging hands of god! the first and the best direction that can be given to these children of folly , is , oh lay down your arms , and make your peace with that terrible god , whom by your sin you have made your provoked adversary . the secure sinner perhaps is not aware of his own makeing these daring adventures . but this must be plainly told unto every man that maintains a trade of wilful disobedience unto the commandments of god : man , thou art sounding a challenge against god himself , thou art every day bidding defiance to the eternal god ; thou art certain of that which which was only a mistake in io●… of old : god counteth me for his enemy . o that such hd●… less men and women would sit down in sobe●… s●…dness to think on the none-such madness which hath possessed them . are you not every day ( conscience , do thine office ) are you not daily allowing your selves in those things ▪ for which you are not ignorant that the wrath of god comes-upon the children of disobedience ? if you are not such hold debauche●…s as to live in swearing , in uncleanness , in drunkenness , in sabbath-breaking ; and to make nothing of a vile cheat , or a fl●…tt lye ; yetdo you not make light of a prayer-less life ? and so , of a faithless and a christ-less life ? now every such sin of yours has a tongue in it , a blasphemous tongue , that talks against heaven , and saith , i am for the waging a warr & a fight with god. as they sometimes said in isa. 5. 19. let the lord hasten his work that we may see . such an insolent bravado do you affront the most high withall . the faithful and holy god has said cast away from you all your idols , or i 'le break you sore in the place of dragons : i will burn you in the fiery bottom of hell for those rebellions . but every unreclamed sinner now , doth as bad as reply let god do his worst ; his darts are but stubble and the shaking of his spear is but to be laughed at . thus the unrepenting and unrelenting sinner , h●… knowes that he sins , and yet with an high-hand he rushes on , to the doing of those things whereof the compassionate god saith unto him , o do not those abominable things which my soul hateth . but o venturesome unthinking sinners , consider the doleful plight which you are in , consider this ye that forget god , lest he tear you in peices and there be none to deliver you . the blessed god hath positively declared unto you , ( in psal. 7 ▪ 12 , 13. ) that he has whe●… his sword and bent his bow , and ordained the instruments of death against the sinners who turn not from their evil wayes ; he hath declared upon the word of a god , ( in psal. 68. 21. ) that he will wound the head of these his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such an one as goeth on still in his trespasses . it was the short and smart return which iehu made unto ioram in 2. king. 9. 22. joram when he saw jehu said , is it peace ? and he answered , what peace , so long as the whoredomes of thy mother are so many ? thus , if any unrenewed sinner ask , is there not a peace between god and me ? it must be said unto him , no , such sins as thine are inconsistent with peace , thy sins render god thy dreadful enemy . but o now turn from all sin unto god in christ , lest ye perish , cry for quartor , yea , cry for pardon , and agree quickly with your matchless adversary . let that question be put unto you ( 1. cor. 10. 22. ) do you provoke the lord to iealousy ? are you stronger than he ? surely you cannot presume that you shall make your party good against god , who can thunder the whole world into nothing in a moment ? it is said in luc. 14. 31. that one going to warr against another , sitteth down first , and consulteth whether h●… be able to meet him that cometh against him . be you entreated to admit so much consideration here as common prudence will suggest . i have heard of a man in the west-indies a little while ago who being in a boat with another when a high wind made a rough sea , at his companion 's expressing some concernment about the issue , which he was disturbed at , the wretch flew out into this out-rage of blasphemy , let god almighty blow , let him blow if he list , i fear him not ; and behold the words were but just out of his mouth , when he was blown over-board and drown'd , while the other gatt safe to shoar . all deliberate sinning soameth out such a contempt of god , and verily the event is like to be 〈◊〉 better : 〈◊〉 the black dead sea of god's wrath will swallow up such despisers till they perish , it is written concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…mb . 32. 31. that when he saw a f●…ming swo●…d in the hands of an angel ch●…cking of his motions , it put him to 〈◊〉 ●…and . oh 〈◊〉 durst you go on in a course of ●…in , when you ●…erceive t●… great god with flaming sword●… and ●…ott thunder-bolts opp●…ng of you ? l●… it not be f●…d that your sturdy obstinacy in s●… out-goes the stout stomach of the very devil●… themselves , who believe and tremble , whi●… you sin and tremble not . it is no less tha●… an omnipotent enemy whom by unforsake●… sin you 〈◊〉 the just revenges of ; and wi●… the sorry 〈◊〉 of the earth make light of his hor●…dous indignation ? it is the exclamation of the psalmist in psal. ●…6 . 7. w●…●…ay stand in thy sight when once thou art ang●… o lord ! o no more , no more harden y●… selves against this god ; it is impo●… that you should prosper if you do . you 〈◊〉 ●…he lord of hosts against you ; and while y●… have , all the hosts of the lord are up in a●… against you too . while you are thus un●…●…he curse of god , every creature of go●… hath been crying unto him against you , a●… 〈◊〉 king ●…to the prophet about the 〈◊〉 syrian●… , shall i smite them , o lor●… 〈◊〉 i 〈◊〉 them ▪ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall i swallow them up alive ? as i d●… corah and his company ? the se●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lord , shall i run over the heads of 'em , as i did to pharaoh and his followers ? the clouds have rumbled , lord , shall we showre down fierce lightenings upon them , as we did upon sodom & gomorrah ? thus are even all the creatures of god only staying for that word fall on ; and upon that signal given , they would all joyn to plague you , more than the sun and moon did sisera of old ▪ when by producing the inundations of kishon they did in their courses fight against him . but there is that which , is more tremendous yet : you must expect that if repentance prevent it not , you will at length fall into the hands of the everliving god himself , whose hands it is 〈◊〉 fearful thing to fall into . and o how ca●… you bear the gripes of those iron arms , 〈◊〉 ●…e immedeate stroaks where-with he will one day dispense his fiery fury in those ovens of hell , the souls of his enemies ; can your hands be strong or can your heart endure , in the day that i shall deal with you , saith the lord ? the hands of god! alas those ir●…ful hands ●…o splitt the everlasting rocks , and make the very pillars of heaven tremble . i knew 〈◊〉 very stout man , who in the ang●…ishes of death thus express'd himself , i have ●…een said he ) among drawn swords and armed souldiers ; i have stood before the mouths of roaring canons , from whence th●… bullets have flown about my ears , and yet i never knew what it was to be afraid ; but now i am apprhensive of my being exposed to the everlasting anger of god , my heart shivers & fails-within me , at the though●… of that . sometimes when my visits have been call'd for by men on their death-beds , perceiving themselves on the borders of eternity , i have found them quaking and there very beds shaking under them , and their first speech has been to this purpose , o sir , the wrath of a dreadful god makes me tremble , i tremble , i tremble at it ! how full of hellish dimness , and darkness and bitterness , will presumpteous transgressors then be in the day of god's unmixed wrath , in the day when he shall fulfil that threat in psal. 50. 21. i will reprove thee , and set thy sins in order ( in battle-array ) before thine eyes ? now let every hitherto-unchanged sinner count himself concerned to put a penitent period unto the dangerous deadly warfare , wherein he is warring and fighting against the almighty god. in this case the teaching which you have from god is , lay down your arms , o war and fight no more . all the powers of your souls , all the members of your bodies have hitherto bee●… 〈◊〉 t is said in rom. 6. 13. the weapons of unr●…ghteousness . o find out now a better , a fitter employment for them ; otherwise your only wages or stipend will be ( as the apostle ●…aith , alluding to the military stipends of old ) death , death , forevermore . wherefore ●…ere make a pause . o commune with your selves about what you have been and done . now confess , now bewail before the most high all your past miscarriages , entreating that thro' the prince of peace they may be all forgiven and the breach be made up between god and you ; promising there-withal , that for the fu●…ure it shall be your hearty study to have no more to do with idols . o say , it is enough , lord , i have done iniquity , and i will do so no more . but so much may suffice to b●… 〈◊〉 unto them who have not yet known th●… 〈◊〉 of cana●…n . more briefly in what remains . rule . ii. become furnished with that armour for your warring and fighting , which god in his blessed word hath provided for you . there is a tower of solomon , wherein god hath hanged up thousands of shields & all the weapons of strong men . see to thi●… that you do only put on the armour of god , and that you have all your armour to be both of god's institution , and of god's constitution also . let god be acknowledged as the appoint●…r of all your weapons . the will-worship , the fond amulets , and penances●… of the papists , no less than the p●…ylacteries of the iewes , are to be exploded as most trifling insignificancies , and the ridicules of those very enemies whose terror they are calculated for . a funeral elegy for those wretched warriours we have in fzek. 32. 27. they go down to hell with their weapons of war ▪ they have laid their swords under their heads , but their iniquities shall be upon their bones . you have no need to go down to the forges of the philistines for the weapons of you●… souls . whatever shall be offer'd as a serviceable weapon for you , which you have not the warrant of god for the using of , throw it by , as david rejected sauls cumbersome useless armour . let god also be accknowledged a●… the bestower of all your weapons . it is affirmed concerning one eminent peice of your armour in eph. 2. 8. it is the gift of god. let that be your sentiment of every weapon which you shall have occasion for , it will do me no good unless , god be the framer and giver of it . ever account a weapon to be of no good metal , if it come not thro' the hands of that god , without whom you can do nothing at all . unless we look to this , the great leviathan of hell , will esteem our iron to be but sraw ; and our brass but as rotten wood. consult the sixth chapter to the ephesians , as a glorious magazine wherein god hath sett before you all the accoutrements of a christian souldier from head to foot. there is a little cluster of four or five verses in that chapter , which are fit to be called enchiridion mili●…is christiani . you have no armor there for the back , because you must ( as the lame androclid excused his going unto the warrs ) expect to fight and not to flee . you are first to procure a belt ; now for this get your loins girt with truth . let your minds have a due knowledge of , and yeild a full ▪ assent to the truths of god : especially let four sorts of truths be unto you as the girdle of your loins ; namely , fundamental truths . and truths immediimmediately refrerring to iesus christ , an●… such truths as enwrap the covenant , and lastly ▪ the present labouring truths of the times : unto an acquaintance with these truths , adding all sincerity heart , and integrity of life . he will be a loose kind of souldier for god , who is pore-blind in these truths ; all his notions and actions must hang in much disorder ; here the obsc●…re proverb will be too much verify'd , un-girt , unblest . you have then a breast-plate to take care for : fo●… this , ( in imitation of your general ) put on righteousnes as a breastplate . o labour to preserve the vitals of your inner-man harmless , by endeavouring not only to render all men their dues , but to keep a conscience void of offence towards god as well as towards man. a work of real thorough sanctification in the soul of a man , will be as aes . triplex circa pectus , as armour of proof upon the heart in an evil day . a sufficient pair of shoes are next to be procured . it is a rough cragged thorny way that we have to go . well , be●…shod with the preparation of tho gospel of peace : the gospel of god , which is a gospel of peace ; bringing the ●…ntelligence and producing the settlement of a 〈◊〉 b●…twixt god and man ; this exhibi●…●…to u●… those counsels and those comfor●… which will be a good preparative against the worst that can befal us : o lay up a stor●… of these ; and so say , tho' warr should rise ●…gainst me , in th●…se will i be confident , but what shall we do for a shield ? especially since the darts to be shott at us , like those among the scythians , dipt in the venempus gall of vipers , will horribly inflame and torment the souls which they are smitten with . broad shields of raw ne●…s-leather were wont to be held up against the violence of these . but here now ▪ above all take the shield of faith . let your faith convey unto you the substance of things hoped for ▪ the evidence of things not seen . especially let your faith put you under the conduct of the lord jesus christ , and call in him as an able and a ready saviour , alwayes knowing how to succour the tempted . here will be a shield which will stand you in stea●… to keep off more than as many darts ( two hundred and twenty ) as were stuck in th●… shield of s●…eva at the siege of dyrrachium . thus the body is defended : but what shall ●…e done for the head ? ●…o , an helm●…t ! tak●… the 〈◊〉 ●…t of salvation , that is , as th●… 〈◊〉 postle else where has it , the hope of salvat●…●… . let there be in your souls , a lively hope that god is your friend , that christ is your 〈◊〉 , that the promises are your portion ; and live and dy in such a well-grounded hope , not only say , dum spiro sp●…ro , i will hope while i live ; but also dum expiro sp●…ro ; i will hope when i dye . thus will your he●…ds be guarded against those hard thoughts of god and grace , those . terribilia de deo , and hor●…ibilia de fid●… , which the tempter would 〈◊〉 you with . all these weapons are defensive only : at least we must have one to offend our adversary with ; where is our sword ▪ this it is , take the sword of the spirit which is the word of god. this , o●… english iosiah , is reported to have call'd for , under the term of a third sword when two swords were presented him at his coronation . you are blessed with the free use of a bible , which is a spiritual sword , shaped by the inspiration of the eternal spirit . this is a sword of which i may say , as david of goliah's , there is none like it . here is a sort of sword , whereof it may be said unto every man , he that hath not such 〈◊〉 sword , let him sell his garment & buy one . the pious husband-man who in a scarcity of such now common-sleighted treasures , gave a load of hay for a leaf of the bible , for even a few filings of this sword , has justified this advice . our lord jesus christ hath by his own example shewed you how to wield this sword and manage it unto the vanquishment of all satanical invasions : when the principal tempter tryed his over-throw by proposeing to him a three-fold bait of the same three allurements which prov'd mortal to the first adam , he still came of a victor , by opposeing an , it is written , thereunto ; and all the swords or words of this kind , used by him , were fetch●…t out of that one book of deuteronomy , from whence we may collect how rich a supply for our warr the whole bible then will afford unto us . let this be our method against the joint fraud and force of our wily enemies . whenever they urge us to any evil thing , still have some pertinent text of the bible to reply upon them . all the commandments , all the promises , all the me●…ces in the bible are like so many swords all-edge to be-friend you in this concern . thus particularly : are you tempted unto uncleaness ? then reply , it is written , th●… god knowes how to reserve the unjust unto th●… day of judgement to be punished , but chiefly them that walk after the flesh in the lust of uncleanness . are you tempted unto revengfulness ? then reply , it is written , avenge not your selves , but overcome evil with good . are you tempted unto distracting and corroding cares about the things of this life ? then reply , it is written , cast all your care upon god , for he careth for you . thus may you conquer , as he said , sola unius syllabae pronunciatione , with a words speaking . verily these writtens will be more gastly fearful things unto the enemies of your souls , than the hand-writing upon the wall was to the babylonian monarch . here are swords that will be more fatal to them , than the sword of ehud was to the moabi●…ish tyrant . the captain of your enemies dare not stand , when these , against which he hath a peculiar antipathy , are brandished against him : a little resistance of this kind will make the field too hott for him . as the poet hath it , est leo si fugias ; si stas , quasi musca recedet . or rather as the apostle has it more certainly , and more divinely , resist the divel , and he will flee from you . wherefore , let it be your daily endeavour , that the word of christ may dwell richly in you ; and that you may have the texts of it as ready as the names of those that dwell in the same houses with you ; or , as ready as that honest man , of whom alsted , i think , somewhere saith , if all the bible had been lost , it might have been in a good measure recovered by that good man's readiness therein . let not a day ordinarily pass you , wherein you will not read some portion of it , with a due meditation and supplication over it . the ethiopian nobleman would not omit this exercise , even when he was on a iourney . and he that shall accustom himself while he reads in his retirements , to fetch at least one note & one wish out of every verse as he goes along , will perhaps take as speedy a course as any man whatever to become a well-armed christian. he was a souldier and an emperour too , that wrote out the new-testament with his own hand . and that gracions man , mr. thomas stoughton , asserts that he knew a young gentlewoman , who before she was nine years old , could say it all by heart . it will be our shame , if this ●…o-edged sword be not often in our hands and hearts , and become like our necessary food unto us . and that prince of transilvania who read ●…ver the bible seven & twenty times , wi●… condemn us if our eyes are seldom placed o●… this heavenly sword. it was a dark time with the church of god , when one was pronounced most sufficient , at his commencing doctor of divinity , tho he had never read the bible . sure i am no man can be a sufficient souldier in christianity , unless this be the man of his counsil . these are now your weapons ; o put them on , and go before the lord armed for the battel . rule iii. let the sufferings of our lord , ●…each you how to warr and to fight against that lust which gives the most advantage unto all the enemies of your souls let the lord here , have the same signification which in the new-testament it is won●… to have , even the lord jesus christ ; now let him be your teacher in this matter . it hath been said , crux pendentis est cathedra docentis , — thus , while you behol●… him hanging on the cross , let him teach you how to warr and to fight especially a-against the sin which doth most easily beset you ▪ the emperour valentinian when he was dy ing , had his friends comforting of him with the remembrance of his past victories ; he told them that he gloried in one victory above all the rest , inimicorum nequissimum vici ( said he ) carnem meam . i have had a victory over my , flesh the enemy in the world . let this 〈◊〉 our high attainment . the enemies of our souls would , all of them together , be able to do us little harm , if there were not some peculiar lust , like trojan horse , within us , assisting of all their enterprizes . it was the priviledge of the man christ jesus alone to say , the devil finds nothing in me , when the legions of hell made an attacque upon him . the father of lies utter'd a real truth , when from the throat of a possessed man , he said unto mr. balsome , if god would-let me loose upon you i should find enough in the best of you to make you all mine . and so truly there is in the best of us all , a party of lusts which would resigne us up unto the power of all our other enemies if the grace of god prevent it not . let these ●…e well kept under and the day is yours . among the many lusts which are of the dedevil's faction in us , every man hath , as 〈◊〉 sort of master-bee in the hive , one peculiar lust , which he may call , as david did in psal. 18. 23. my own iniquity . there is in every one of you , a lust which above other you are most impatient to have reproved or restrained . a lust which above other doth most disquiet you and discompose you in the service of god ; a lust which gives most frequent eclipses unto the light of god's countenance upon your souls . of this let me say as he about the king of israel in 1. reg. 22. 31. fight neither with small nor great in comparison of this. the braining of this giant is of as much importance perhaps as any one thing in your warr-fare , as having an influence upon the prosperity of it all . however they that write de re militari , lay this down as a maxime , quicquid tibi prodest , adversario nocet ; whatever is profitable for you is pernicious for your adversary : that this is both , who can make any doubt ? now what shall be done in order hereunto ? this , follow the teachings of the lord. let the death of him that is generalissimo of all the celestial armyes teach you 〈◊〉 to do ; he has dyed in part for this reason , that he might ins●… you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right way of warring and fighting against th●… enemies whom his death hath also been the price of your redemption from . this th●… you have to do . let your principal corruption be put unto such a death as your dying saviour has given a s●…mplar of . it is 〈◊〉 by the apostle in rom. 6. 〈◊〉 . that we must be dead to sin , even as jesus christ dyed for sin . this is the sanctified way of dealing with that son of anack which creates the most warr and evil for you ; handle it with severities analogous to those which jesus christ was crucifyed withal . o then receive this mystery of warring and fighting against your own iniquity . did not the iew●… with uninterrupted and unwearied glamours , urge their governour , against our lord jesus christ , never ceasing their out-cries , let him be crucified ! until they had their will ▪ thus do you never leave seeking and sighing and shouting unto god , lord , this corruption is worthy to 〈◊〉 ; it is a traiter to thy kingdom in me ; o by no meanes let it reign and rave in me as 〈◊〉 : thus beg until god give order , the rebe●… shall dye . furthermore did they draw 〈◊〉 ●…ny 〈◊〉 indictments against our lord christ ▪ as guilty of treason and sedition ; and bl●…phemy and heresy , and the most villainous impostures in the world ? well , so do you lay unto the charge of your lust all the dishonour to god , and all the destruction to you and yours , which it has procured , say , thou vile corruption , thou art it that has●… made a partition-wall between me and my god ; thou art it that hast exposed me unto all the curses in the flying roll , nothing has done so much wrong to god , or to me , or to all heaven and earth , a●… thou . speak and think the worst of it . moreover , did they offer unto our lord jesus christ all the indignityes that possibly they could devise ; binding of him , spitting on him , jeering at him , preferring a barbarous high-way man before him , and at last hanging him up naked ? between the worst of malefactors . in like manner do you cast heaps of shame upon your lust ; upbraid it as the quintessence of madness , as the exaltation of ●…lly , as a most loathesome object , worthy to be buffetted by all hands , to be abhorred by god and man for ever ; and a swine , in no wise sit to lodg'd in the parlour of you●… souls . once more , did they with-draw all refreshment from our lord jesus christ in his ruefu●… agonies , and count a cup of gall good enough for him ? just so do you withhold from your lust that sustenance which may enable it to hold out in its insurrections . be sure to make no provision for this flesh to feed upon . starve it out , and so tame it ; keep it under , and keep it bare of those things which you see to be the support or fuel of it . to say no more , did they torture our lord jesus christ , until by the dolonrs of his wounds they hunted that hind of the morning , his precious soul , out of his body ? agreeably to this , do you make your lust undergo the pains of an evil and a bitter thing . let it cost you those prayers and those tears , and manifold austerities which may meerly ●…tire it out , and discourage it from haunting of you . by these means cripple that delictum dilectum , which is your most darling iniquity . and while you are thus in the field , derive all the virtue which may be , from abundant thoughts on the death of jesus christ. dedevout nazianzen said , that when his lusts gave too busie molestations to him , he would by reading the book of lamentations quickly quell & curb those troublesome guests . how much more mortifying a spectacle would the man who is god's fellow , hanging on a tree , be unto us ! let your thoughts often carry you to mount calvary , and for your war-fare you will soon be among the worthyes of david . rule iv. cry mightily to god in christ , that by strength from him you may be made conquerers and more than conquerers over the enemies of your souls . when the apostle had arm'd his christian souldier from head to foot , he then concluded , pray alwayes , and watch thereunto ( a military order , take not a wink of sleep ) with all perseverance . o cry mightily to god , for the weapons of your war-fare are mighty thro' god alone . the best posture for you , wherein to war and to fight against your soul-enemies , is ( that wherein a wounded thought-dead souldier once gave a mortal stab unto a proud conquerer that was pleasing himself with a view of them whom he had slain ) upon your knees : in the midst of your encounters , use to do as the emperour theodosius did in the extremities of a furious dubious battel ; betake your selves to importunate prayers for succour from above ; be praying iacobs , and you shall be prevailing israels . if any temptation be more than or dinarily violent in besieging of you , do like those warriors in 1. chron. 5. 20. cry to god in the battel ; and therewithall put your trust in him : do as paul saith he did in such a case , ( in 2. cor. 12. 8. ) i besought the lord thrice ; perhaps he kept three dayes of prayer . and o let the spirit of prayer cause you to fill your lives with frequent and servent prayers unto god , that he would gird you with strength unto all your battels and subdue under you those that rise up against you i would conclude my sermon as the mertyr us●…d his letters , o pray , pray , pray . you cannot contrive a more effectual preservative from the hurts of temptation than prayer ; daily , wrestling , restless prayer . the infamous day of origen's foul apostasy , was a day whereon he had been remiss in his morning prayers . i will not tell you nazianzen's story of what a devil was forc'd to own unto cyprian , about his inability to work upon a praying soul , in his dayes : but this i am sure of ; the trumpets of gideon did not more fright the midianites , than the prayers of the faithful do all the devils in the dark regions . the devil roars about the prayers of the beleever as the scotch queen did about knox's prayers ; i am more affraid of those prayers , than of the biggest armyes . accustom your selves to every sort of prayer ; and so keep your hands lifted up , like moses in the mount , until the lord deliver you from your strong enemy , and from your haters which are to strong for you . often set apart whole dayes , for your thus rallying your disordered forces against them ; and every day let your private and secret groans be sent up to your eternal helper on this errand ; yea , let scarce one waking hour in the day pass you without shooting over the camp of them that are strictly beleaguring of you , requests ty'd to the arrows of ejaculatory prayer , that god would not be farr from you ; happy is the man that has his quiver full of these arrowes . o pray and plead as he in 2. chron. 20. 12. lord , i know not what to do , but my eyes are up unto thee . and while you thus pray without ceasing , exercise a true faith on the bloud of jesus christ as the , meritorious cause of all your successes , which bloud will more dismay and and confound all the behemoths of hell. than the sight of bloud could the elephants in the macc●…bees of old . and exercise a strong faith on the grace of jesus christ , as both enableing and enclining of him to succour them that are tempted as he once was himself , which grace is engaged to be sufficient for you . thus pray and warr and fight , until you come to shout as dying disconsolate mr. welch did , when the word victory came from the mouth of the person that pray'd with him , and he catch'd hold on it with over-powering never-ending joy , crying victory , victory , victory now forevermore . yea , leave not off , till you come to say with paul. i have fought the good fight , there is now laid up for me a crown of righteousness . amen . and now , — do thou grant unto us , o lord our god , that we being delivered out of the hands of our enemies , might serve thee in holiness and righteousness all the dayes of our lives . militat omnis homo qui dat sua nomina christo ; quique deo fidit , militat omnis homo . books printed for , and sold by ioseph brunning at his shop at the corner of prison lane next the exchange . a discourse concerning com●…s , wherein the nature of blazing stars is enquired into , by mr. increase mather . — an essay for the recording illustrious providences — the mystery of christ opened & applyed . — the greatest sinners exhorted & encouraged to come to christ , and that now without delaying . also the exceeding danger of men's deferring their repentance . together with a discourse about the day of iudgment . and on several other subjects . — the doctrine of divine providence opened and applied . to which is annexed a sermon wherein is shewed , that it is the duty and should be the care of believers on christ to live in the constant exercise of grace . by mr. nathaneel mather , minister of the gospel at dublin in ireland . a practical discourse concerning the choice benefit of communion with god in his house , witnessed unto , by the experience of saints , as the 〈◊〉 improvement of time. by mr. ioshua ●…y minister of the gospel . self-employment in secret , containing evidences upon self-examination , thoughts upon painful afflictions , memorials for practice , by mr. iohn corb●… . an arrow against profane and promiscuou●… d●…ncing . drawn out of the q●…iver o●… 〈◊〉 scriptures . by the ministers of boston . errata . page 15. line . 2. read , english-man's p. 30. l. 12. r. knighthood . p. 64. l. 12. r. which are smitten with them . p. 70. l. 8. r. the worst enemy . ibid. l. 12. r. a srojan horse . the arte of gunnerie. wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets, and practical conclusions, belonging to the art of gunnerie, by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished: both pretie, pleasant, and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie. / compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier. smith, thomas, fl. 1600-1627. 1601 approx. 192 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a12531 stc 22855 estc s116363 99851580 99851580 16860 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a12531) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16860) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 939:16a; 939:16b) the arte of gunnerie. wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets, and practical conclusions, belonging to the art of gunnerie, by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished: both pretie, pleasant, and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie. / compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier. smith, thomas, fl. 1600-1627. [11], 103, [6], 76 p. : ill. (woodcuts). printed [by richard field] for vvilliam ponsonby, london : 1600 [-1601]. printer's name from stc. printer's device on title page, mck. 192; headand tail-piece, initial. the "plates" are woodcuts. includes second part, with separate t.p. and register: certaine additions to the booke of gunnery, with a supplie of fire-workes. all done by the former author thomas smith souldior of barwicke vpon tweede: both pleasant and profitable. [device mck. 192] london, printed for william ponsonby. 1601. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data 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some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gunnery -early works to 1800. artillery -early works to 1800. ordnance -early works to 1800. military fireworks -early works to 1800. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arte of gvnnerie . wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets , and practical conclusions , belonging to the art of gunnerie , by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished : both pretie , pleasant , and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie . compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier . london , printed for vvilliam ponsonby . 1600. to the right honorable perigrin bertie knight , lord willovghbie beake and earsby , lord gouernour of her maiesties towne and castle of barwicke vpon tweed , and lord vvardon of the east marches of england , for and anempst scotland , &c. it is a common opinion right honourable amongst a great number , who may be tearmed more wayward then wise , that the art of soldiery may perfectly be attained in two or three moneths practise , and that any common man in a few weekes trayning , hauing seene two or three skirmishes may be called an expert soldier . not considering that a mariner may saile seuen yeares , and yet be far from a nauigator . a number of mechanicall artificers may labour diuerse yeares , and yet be far from perfection ; and a number of souldiers may serue many yeares , and yet haue but the bare name of a souldier . he may well be called a trained souldier , that knoweth by the sound of drum , and trumpet , without any voice , when to march , fight , retire , &c. that is able in marching , embattelling , encamping , and fighting , and such like , to performe , execute , and obey the lawes and orders of the field , that hath some sight in the mathematicals , and in geometricall instruments , for the conueying of mines vnder the ground , to plant and mannage great ordinance , to batter or beat down the wals of any towne or castle , that can measure altitudes , latitudes , and longitudes , &c. such a one may be tearmed in my opinion an expert souldier , though he neuer buckled with the enemie in the field . such perfections is well knowne to be in your honour , that you are furnished with these and many morare qualities in the art militarie , and aboue all with wisedome and noble courage , to performe and execute any honorable enterprise whatsoeuer for the honour and seruice of god , your prince and countrie , the which our proud enemies haue felt to their paine and your euerlasting fame . and although i my selfe be but one of the meanest souldiers in this guarison now vnder your lordships gouernement ( whom we pray long to gouern ouer vs ) being brought vp from my childhood vnder a valiant captaine in militarie profession , in which i haue had a desire to practise and learne some secrets touching the orders of the field , and trayning of souldiers : as also concerning the art of managing and shooting in great artillerie . i haue thought it good ( hearing of no other that hath done the like before ) to frame together certaine arithmeticall and geometricall rules , to shew in part how necessarie arithmeticke and geometrie is for our profession , the which i haue set downe in two litle bookes , the one intituled arithmeticall militarie conclusions , the other ; the art of gunnerie : the first i wrote two or three yeares since , and bestowed on my captaine , sir iohn carie knight , the which ( god sparing life ) i meane to correct & enlarge , & perhaps put to the presse : this other i haue thought it my part , to offer to your lordships good consideration , to be shrouded vnder your honourable buckler , to beare off the blowes of enuious tongues , which are euer ready to spit their spite against any vertuous exercise : which although it be vnworthie to passe vnder so honourable a protection , i hope your lordship will in indifferent ballance weigh my willing mind , to do my countrie good , and your honour any seruice my poore abilitie is able to performe , which if your honour allow of , i shall thinke my paines well employed , and shall encourage me hereafter to bring this new found art into some better perfection , so farre as my poore abilitie is able to put in practise , or my simple skill in the art will reach to . thus loth to be tedious , i cease : beseeching god to preserue your honour with much increase of honour , to gods glorie and your hearts desire . your honours dutifully at command , thomas smith souldier . to all gentlemen , sovldiers , gvnners , and all fauourers of militarie discipline , thomas smith wisheth increase of happinesse . gentlemen , there was neuer author nor practised gunner euer able ( as i am perswaded ) to describe at full , or could shew perfectly the efficacie and force that gunpowder is able to accomplish , it being a mixture of such a wonderfull operation and effect , as by dayly experience we find . and although diuerse men in diuerse ages , haue inuented diuerse engines and ordinance for offensiue and defensiue seruices by gunpowder to be perfourmed , yet none hath nor could euer attaine to that full perfection , to know precisely what straunge effects the said mixture is able to worke . also diuers learned men haue inuented many excellent rules pertaining to the art of gunnerrie , and a great many of them haue and do erre in the principals of their inuentions : and the cause is , for want of due practise therein . for the art of gunnery doth require great practise and experience , to declare the rare secrets thereof ; which is not for meane men to attaine to , for that the charges is great . and albeit , i am the least able of a great many to take any matter in hand , pertaining to the same art , being but a sworne scholler thereto , and my abilitie far vnable to put in practise that i would : yet because i haue serued a prentize-hood twise told since i tooke my oth , and neuer hearing of any that hath compiled any arithmeticall rules or secrets ( which is the fountaine head from whence all arts or sciences do spring ) into one volume , i thought it my part and duty ( according to my skill ) to do the best i could therein , for the benefit of others , and that in the plainest maner i could , that such as are not well seene in numbers art , might the sooner vnderstand the same . and albeit i haue herein shewed but a few arithmeticall conclusions belonging to the art of gunnerie , yet the experienced gunner or skilfull mathematitian , by these few may deuise a great many moe , for seruice offensiue and defensiue , by arithmeticke and geometrie to be performed . all which conclusions ( gentle readers ) i haue thought best to frame in easie questions , shewing the answers or resolutions thereof . and although they be but meanly framed , i hope you will accept the same in good part , the rather , for that they are a yong gunners practises . and if there be ought herein that may profit you , yeeld me your friendly censure , i craue no more : or if in any place i haue erred , either gently correct it , or passe it with silence , or in friendly sort admonish me thereof , i deserue no lesse . there is a great many that can spie a mote in another mans eye , that had neede to haue a beame pulled from their owne : some wil scan verie curiously , and sooner find two faults then amend one . if you be of that mind ( friendly readers ) i mind not to make you my iudges . the widowes mite was aswell accepted as the gifts of the wealthie . a souldier in alexanders campe , in the dry desert presented the king his helmet full of cold water , saying , if i could haue gotten better drinke , your grace should haue had part : the which the king gently accepted and liberally rewarded , answering , i wey not thy gift , but thy willing mind . but i seeke no reward for my trauell , but onely you will wey my mind is willing to do my countrey good , and to profite the readers : and not to carpe with momus , nor disdaine vvith zoilus , nor sooth vvith zantippus . in so doing you shall encourage me to set penne to paper , and to flie a higher pitch pertaining to this new found arte. othervvise , if you spit out your spite against me for my good vvill , i will as meanely account of your malice , and so as i find you , looke to haue of me . from my poore house in barwicke vpon tweed this 2. of may , 1600. your friend and welwiller , thomas smith souldier . peter lvcas cannonnier in commendation of the authour and his booke . shake silly pē to write of arte , to him where arte doth dwel , and say , the want of eloquence doth so thy hand repell , that farre thy muse vnable is to praise the authors skill : nor canst thou paint thy mind , nor finely tell thy will , but as there needs no signe at dore , whereas the wine is pure , so need not i commend this worke , it all men will allure , to loue the smith that forg'd this worke , who hath such art in store , that better is then arte which trieth gold from ore , as our proud foes haue found , and felt by ordinance might , and ayde of the almightie ioue , who doth defend our right . therefore good zeale go post-hast vnto fame , and bid her giue this booke an euer-liuing name . peter lucas gunner . richard hope gentleman in commendation of the worke . to tell a tale without authoritie , or faine a fable by inuention , the one proceeds of quicke capacitie , the other shewes but small discretion . who writes conclusions how to vse a peece , in my conceipt deserues a golden fleece . vvho takes in hand to write of worthie warre , and neuer marched where any warre was made , nor neuer hopes to come in any iarre , but tels the triall , knowing not the trade , to write of warre , and note not what it is , may well be thought a worke begun amisse . but he that by his studie makes it knowne , vvhat thing warre is , and whereof it proceeds , defensiue and offensiue reasons shewing , to those that gape for honor by their deeds , a worthie worke who doth not count the same , in my conceit he doth a souldier shame . if so : smiths trauell cannot well offend , for so he meant before he set it forth , and if it chaunce to come where souldiers wend. he it commaunds to seeme of litle worth : for what he writes , he writes to honor those , vvhich wade in warres to triumph ouer foes . richard hope souldier . richard rotheruppe gentleman in commendation . that man whom martiall attempts may raise to honor hie , let him peruse with learned skill , smiths worke of gunnerie . that fountaine which such springs sends forth , can neuer drie remaine : i meane the ground of arts , from which all science we attaine . as grammer , musicke , and phisicke , vvith high astronomie : and other artes mathematicke , and braue geometrie . this art of gunnerie likewise , amongst the rest let stand , vvhose god-father this author is , vvhich tooke the same in hand . whose knowledge in this famous arte , deserues eternall fame , for his conclusions excellent doth well deserue the same . richard rotheruppe souldier . the art of gvnnerie . a table shewing the deminite parts vsed for mensuration . forasmuch as some of these measures are to be vsed in the treatise following , it is requisite that i shew what kinde of measures are commonly vsed and now in force , beginning with a barly corne , frō whence all these hereunder and a great many moe do proceed , as an inch , cōtaineth 3 barley cornes layed end to end . a finger bredth , cōtaineth 4 barley cornes in thicknesse . a hand bredth , cōtaineth 4 fingers . a foote , cōtaineth 12 inches . a yard , cōtaineth 3 feete . an ell , cōtaineth 5 quarters of a yard . a span , cōtaineth 3 handbredths . a foote , cōtaineth 4 handbredths . a geometricall pace , cōtaineth 5 feete . a fadome , cōtaineth 6 feete , or 2 yards . 10 fadome , cōtaineth a score , or 20 yards . a furlong , cōtaineth 123 paces . our english furlong cōtaineth 132 paces , or 660 feete . a pearch or rood , cōtaineth 5 yards ½ or 16 feet ½ . an aker , cōtaineth 160 perches , 528 paces , or 2640 feet a league , cōtaineth 1500 paces . an italian or english mile , cōtaineth 8 furlongs , or 1000 paces , or 5000 feet . a germane mile , cōtaineth 32 furlongs . a score , cōtaineth 20 yards . an hundreth , cōtaineth 600 feet , after 5 score to the 100. 24 grains of wheate dry , cōtaineth one penie of troyes weight . 20 pence , cōtaineth one ounce . 12 ounces , cōtaineth one pound . 20 graines of barley , cōtaineth one scruple of haberdepois weight 3 scruples , cōtaineth one dramme 8 drammes , cōtaineth one ounce . 16 ounces , cōtaineth one pound . 112 pound , cōtaineth 100 weight . a tunne , cōtaineth 20 hundreth a table shewing how to weigh a great deale with few weights . you may way any number of pounds from one to 40 with these 4 weights , 1. 3. 9. 27. 1 to 121 with these 5 weights 1. 3. 9. 27. 81. 1 to 364 with these 6 weights , 1. 3. 9. 27. 81. 243. this rule of weighing many things with few weights proceedeth of geometricall progression . the pounds to be weighed , are wayed with as many namelike weights , to be done either double or three-fold , sometime by adding one weight to another , and sometimes by taking away and adding to the contrary ballance . example in a double respect : all termes to 15 are weighed with 4 weights of pounds : as , 1. 2. 4. 8. so in a triple respect , all pounds to 40 may be weighed with 4 weights , as 1. 3. 9. 27. all pounds from 1 to 364 are to be weighed with these 6 weights , 1. 3. 9. 27. 81. 243. and so infinitely . measures . the varietie of measures are in a maner infinite , and yet are all comprehended vnder three general kinds , proceeding from a point in geometrie , as arithmeticke doth from an vnite : that is to say , lines , superficies , bodies . lines hauing but only length without bredth of thicknesse , do measure onely altitudes , latitudes , and longitudes , &c. superficies , being limited by lines , bearing length and bredth , without depth or thicknesse , in these are knowne the contents of pauements , glasse , boord , land , &c. bodies , being bounden by superficies , & containing length , bredth , and thicknes , do make knowne the quantitie of all solide or massiue things , as timber , stone , &c. all which requires the aide of arithmeticke , to be truly measured . the definitions , termes , and orderly working of these and all other , the elements of geometrie will teach you . here i thought to haue written briefly , or rather to haue glaunced at the wonderfull strange effects that arithmeticke is able to worke and attaine to , but finding that that learned and famous man master iohn dee , in his mathematical preface vpon euclids elements , doth notably touch the same , shewing the rare properties and incredible mysteries that numbers art can reach to , affirming that the effects thereof , of man is notable fully to be declared , it soone strake me in the dumps , feeling my selfe farre vnable to soare so high . how to finde the cubicall radix or roote of any number . as in my booke of the art of warre , entituled arithmeticall militarie conclusions , i began with the extraction of square rootes , being a speciall rule to worke diuerse feats belonging to the sayd art : so in this treatise i haue thought best to begin & shew how to extract cubicke rootes , for that diuerse conclusions are to be done by the sayd rule , in the worke following letting passe all former rules , as lesse necessarie , the which are commonly knowne to euery child , that hath any sight in the art of numbring . to finde the radix or roote cubicall of any number , you must note how many figures or numbers be in the totall summe thereof , and then as is shewed in the rule how to extract the square root of any number , you make a pricke or point vnder euery other number , beginning at the first number towards your right hand : euen so in this rule , in searching for the cubicall roote of any number , you must put a prick vnder the first number towards your right hand , and so increase your number of prickes , vnder euery third number , towards your left hand , and your quotient will containe so many figures as there be prickes . if your number propounded be cubicall , multiplie your quotient cubically , the product of that multiplication will be the number that was propounded . to multiply cubically , you must do as this example sheweth . 5 multiplied in himselfe is 25 , which 25 multiplied againe by 5 , makes 125 , and is a cubick number . a cubicall figure , is proportioned as these figures sheweth , for a cube is a solide body of sixe equal squares or sides like a die . example . it is requisite in learning to extract rootes , to haue in perfect memorie all those cubicke rootes of digit numbers and the cubes they do make , the which will be a great helpe in working , the which i haue here set downe in a table after m. records order . 1 1 2 8 3 27 4 64 5 125 6 216 7 343 8 512 9 729 now to seeke for the first figure or roote , your table will shew you what number shal stand in the quotient , being due to the last prick , towards your left hand , which figure so set in the quotient , multiplied cubickly , if it be equall to the number or numbers aboue that last pricke , it doth shew that the said number or numbers are cubicke ; but if it bee more then a cube number , then abate the greatest cube number , that the quotient will make from the sayd numbers , and cancelling the same , let the remaine stand ouer the head of the said numbers , as is done in deuision of common numbers , and so haue you done with the first pricke . secondly , triple your roote , setting the said tripled number one place nearer from the last pricke , towards your right hand . thirdly , multiply the said triple , by the said quotient , the numbers arising thereof is your deuisor , to set vnder your first tripled number . fourthly , find out a number to be placed in your quotient , that may shew how often times your deuisor is cōtained in the deuident , or numbers so remaining ouer it . fiftly , you must multiply your deuisor , by the number last placed in your quotient , first drawing a line vnder your deuisor , and that which ariseth of the said multiplication must be placed vnder the said line . sixtly , you must square the number last placed in your quotient , and multiplie the said square by the triple of your first quotient number , & the summe arising of that multiplication set vnder the line , one place nearer tow●rds your right hand . seuenthly , multiply the number last placed in your quotient cubickly , and set the same cube numbers vnder the line , beneath the other numbers , one place nearer towards your right hand : and then drawing a line vnder the same , adde all those numbers together ; the summe arising abate from the other pricke that standes toward the right hand in your deuident , and if nothing remaine , the number propounded is a cubicke number : but if any thing remaine , the number propounded is no cubicke number , but yet the quotient doth shew the nearest cubicke roote in the proposition . in this order you must worke by euery pricke , how many figures soeuer the nūbers propounded containeth . to find a denominator to the cubicke remaine . if the number propounded be not cubicall , and that you desire to know the true denominator to the cubicall remaine , you must square your cubicke roote , and then triple the said square , and after triple the roote , adding all those summes together , and to the totall of the sayd addition , adde one vnitie , so haue you the true denominator cubicall , the which you may abbreuiate into lesser termes by abbreuiation , according to your desire . or you may find the denominator cubicall , by multiplying the roote in the triple of another number that is more by one vnite , nor the said roote : and then adding one vnite to the product of the said multiplication , you haue your desire . an example how to worke , to find the cubicke roote . admit the summe or numbers , whose cubicke roote you desire to know be 32768. i set the pricke vnder 8 , and vnder the figure 2 standing in the fourth place , as in the worke here you see , and i finde that the greatest cubicke number in 32 is 27 , and 3 is his roote , which 3 i place in the quotient , and his cube being 27 , i substract from 32 , so resteth 5. and so i haue done with the first prick towards my left hand , as here in the work you may see . then i triple the quotient 3 , & it is 9 , which i set one place from the last pricke nearer towards my right hand . and then i multiply the triple of the quotient being 9 , by the said quotient 3 , ariseth 27 , the which i place vnder 57 , drawing a line vnder my deuisor 27 , and then i seeke how oft i can haue 27 the deuisor in 57 , which is a part of the deuident , the which i can haue but 2 times , which 2 , i place in the quotient , and by the sayd 2 i multiplie the deuisor 27 , so ariseth 54 , which i place vnder the line vnder the deuisor , as here you see . and then i square the number last placed in the quotient being 2 , and it is 4 , which square i multiply by the triple of the first quotient number being 9 , ariseth 36 , which i place vnder 54 , one place nearer towards the right hand , as here you may see . and then multiplying the digit 2. cubickly ariseth 8 , to be set vnder the line one place nearer towards the right hand , & adding all these sums together , there ariseth 5768 , the which substracted frō the number belonging to the first prick there remaineth nothing , so i say that 32768 is a cubicke number , and 32 is the true root thereof . you may proue it by multiplying the quotient cubickly , and abating the product from the number propounded , there will remaine nothing . to find the nearest root of a number not cubicke . question . i demaund the true cubicke root of 117884. resolution . the pricks placed in order as before , i find there will be but 2 figures in the quotient , & that the cubick nūber of 117 is 64 , whose cubick root is 4 , which 4 i place in the quotient , and his cube 64 being abated from 117 , there remaines 53 to be placed ouer the last prick : then tripling the quotiēt 4 , ariseth 12 to be set down one place nearer towards my right hand , & then multiplying the quotient by the said triple , doth arise 48 for a deuisor , which i set in his place , drawing a line vnder him as in the former worke you see . and then i make search how oft i can haue 48 in 538 , which i can haue many times , but more then 9 times i must not take ; and therefore i set downe 9 in the quotient , and multiplying the same by the deuisor 48 , ariseth 432 , to be placed vnder the line vnder the deuisor , then i do multiply the said 9 squarely , ariseth 81 , the which multiplied by 12 being the triple of the first quotient , ariseth 972 , the which i set down one place nearer towards my right hand ; and then i multiply 9 cubickly , ariseth 729 to be set downe yet one place nearer towards my right hand : and adding all those sums together , the totall is 53649 , which abated from 53884 , rests 235. and thus i affirme , that 49 is the nearest cubicke root in whole numbers of 117884 , as here by the worke you may see . now to find a denominator for the 235 remaining , i square the roote 49 , so ariseth 2401. then i triple the sayd squared number and there ariseth 7203 , and then i triple the roote 49 , ariseth 147 , to which i adde one , and it makes 148. al which summes ioyned together , makes 7351 , aud so the true cubicke roote of 117884 is 49 and 235 / 7351 partes of an vnite . theormes shewing the true proportion that a bullet of one mettal beareth to the like bullet of a cōtrary mettall , as also the proportion that the circumference of any buller or globe &c. beareth to the diameter , and of the superficiall content thereof to the diametrall square thereof , the which according to archimedes are thus proued . all circles are equall to that right angled triangle , whose containing sides , the one is equall to the semidiameter , the other to the circumference thereof . the proportion of all circles to the square of their diameter , is as 11 to 14. all globes beare together triple that proportion that their diameters do . the circumference of any circle , is more nor the triple of his dyameter , by such proportion as is lesse then 1 / 7 and more nor 10 / 27. a bullet of iron , to the like bullet of marble stone is in proportion as 15. to 34. a bullet of lead to the like bullet of iron , is in proportion as 28 is to 19. a bullet of lead to the like bullet of marble stone is in proportion as 4 to 1. the diameter of any bullet &c. is in proportion to the circumference as 7 to 22. how by knowing the true weight of any one bullet , and the diameter of the peece due for the said bullet , to find out the weight of any other bullet belonging to a contrarie peece of ordinance . question . admit a demy cannon of 7 inches diameter shoot an yron bullet of 32 pound weight , i demaund what weight shall that bullet be of , that serues a cannon of 9 inches diameter ? resolution . to answer this and such like , there is a generall rule ; for ewclid in his sixt booke of geometricall elements , hath demonstrated and proued that all globes are in triple proportion to their diameters , therefore i multiply the proportion of each bullet cubically , and i find the cube of 7 is 343 , and the cube of 9 is 729. then by the rule of proportion i say , if 343 yeeld 32 pound weight , what shall that bullet weigh whose cube is 729 ? so multiplying 729 by 32 pound , the weight of the lesser bullet , ariseth 23328. which deuided by the 343 , being the cube of the lesser bullet , yeelds in the quotient 68 poūd & 4 / 343 parts of a pound , so much shall that bullet , weigh , that serues a cannon of 9 inches diameter , as by working the rule you shall find . another easie conclusion , how by the weight of a small bullet knowne , to find out the weight of a greater . question . a bullet of 3 inches diameter weighing foure pound weight , what shall a bullet of the same mettall weigh whose diameter is twise the height of the former ( that is 6 inches high ? ) resolution . i worke in the order of the former conclusion , multiplying the diameter of each bullet cubically , and deuiding as afore is shewed , the quotiēt is 32 pound weight , so much shall the greater bullet weigh . example . in the last conclusion the weight of the greater bullet weighed 32 pound , being 6 inches diameter , how shall i find the weight of a bullet of the same mettall that is but halfe that height . resolution . i find the cube of 6 is 216 , and the cube of 3 is 27 , so framing the conuerse rule of 3 , i say : if 216 yeeld 32 pound weight , what will 27 ? and multiplying 27 by 32 , and deuiding the product by 216 , the quotient yeelds 4 pound , the true weight of the lesser bullet . and note that if you know the diameter and weight of any bullet , and would know the weight of one that is but ½ the height of the first , the lesser shall be in weight but the ⅛ part of the greater . or knowing the weight of any bullet , if you would know the weight of another of the same mettall , being twise the height of the former , the greater shall weigh 8 times as much as the lesser , as in a figure demōstratiuely hereafter drawne you may see . how by knowing the weight of any bullet whose diameter containeth both whole inches and partes of whole , how you should worke to find out the true weight of another whose diameter ends with a fraction . question . if a sakeret shoote a bullet of 2 inches ¾ diameter , of 3 pound weight , what shall a culuering shot weigh of 5 inches ¼ diameter ? resolution . to answer this or such like , i reduce each bullet into his proper fraction , and i find that the bullet of 2 inches ¾ diameter will be in a fraction 11 / 4 or 11 quarters , and the culuering bullet of 5 inches ¼ height , will be 21 / 4 then i multiply each of these 2 fractions cubically , and i find that the cube fraction of the lesser bullet is 1331 / 4 and the cubike fraction of the greater is 9261 / 4 which knowne , i set down vnder three pound ( the weight of the lesser bullet ) the vnite 1 , and it will represent a fraction thus 3 / 1 , and then multiplying and deuiding by the golden rule in fractions , i find that the weight of the culuering shot of 5 inches ¼ diameter will weigh 20 pound weight and almost ¾ pound , as in the working you may find . how by knowing the diameter and weight of an yron bullet , to find the weight of a bullet of marble stone of the like diameter : or how by knowing the weight and height of a bullet of marble , to find out the weight of an iron bullet of like height . question . admit an iron bullet of 4 inches height weigh 9 pound , i demaund what shall a bullet of marble stone weigh of like diameter . resolution . in a theoreme afore mentioned , i find that a bullet of yron to the like bullet of marble stone , shall beare such proportion as 34 is to 15. and therefore i multiply the weight of the iron bullet knowne being 9 pound by 15 , ( the proportion the stone bullet beareth thereto ) so ariseth 135 , which deuided by 34 , the quotient is 3 pound , and 33 / 34 parts of a pound : that is , 4 pound wanting 1 / 34 part of a pound , so much shall the bullet of marble stone weigh that is in diameter and circumference , equall to the like bullet of iron . in like order reducing the weight of the stone bullet into his proper fractiō , you shal haue 135 / 34 pound , which deuided by 15 , the proportiō the stone bullet beareth to the like bullet of iron , your quotient is 9 , the nūber of pounds that the iron bullet weigheth . how by knowing the height and weight of an iron bullet , to find out the weight and height of the like bullet of lead , or how to find the weight of an iron bullet , by knowing the weight of a leaden bullet of like diameter . question . there is a cannon that shootes an iron bullet of 72 pound weight , what shall a bullet of lead of the same diameter weigh ? resolution . to worke this , i note that the theoreme before saith , that a bullet of iron to the like bullet of lead , shall beare such proportion as 28 is to 19 , therefore i multiply 72 ( the pounds which the iron shot weigheth ) by 28 , so ariseth 2016 , which deuided by 19 , the quotient is 106 pound 2 / 19 , so much will a leaden bullet weigh that is proportionall to an iron bullet of 72 pound weight . in this order by working as i haue shewed in the end of the last conclusion , you may by knowing the weight of the leaden bullet , find out the weight of the like bullet of iron . how you may find out the weight of any stone bullet of marble , by knovving the vveight of the like bullet of lead , or hovv by knovving the vveight of the stone bullet to find out the vveight of a leaden bullet of like proportion . question . if a bullet of lead weigh 106 pound , what shall a bullet let of marble stone weigh of the selfe like proportion ? resolution . to answer this , i find that a bullet of lead to the like bullet of marble , beareth such proportion as 4 to 1. therefore multiplying 106 by 1 , and deuiding the product by 4 , the quotient will be 26 pound & ½ shewing the true weight of a stone bullet , that is proportionall to the like bullet of lead . and now to find out the weight of the leaden shot , by knowing the weight of the stone shot , reduce the stone bullet into his properfraction , you shall haue 53 / 2 , & setting 1 vnder 4 fraction wise , multiply the numerators together , and likewise the denominators , and deuiding the product arising of the numerators by the product of the denominators , your quotient will be 106 pound , shewing the true weight of the leaden bullet . if you haue or do know the weight and true height of a bullet of stone , or any other mettall , and is desirous to know the weight and height of another bullet that is greater or lesser , and of the same mettall , in working as the first conclusion sheweth , you shall haue your desire . to find out the circumference of any circle or bullet . question . i demaund how many inches is about the circumference of that bullet whose diameter is 9 inches . resolution . to worke this or any such like , there is a generall rule , as thus , that the proportion of the diameter to the circūference is as 7 to 22 , therefore multiplying the diameter 9 by ●2 ariseth 198 , which summe deuided by 7 , the quotient is 28 , 2 / 7 shewing the true number of inches about the circumference of a bullet of 9 inches diameter , as the figure here demonstrated sheweth . how you may by knowing the circumference of any bullet , find out the height or diameter of the same . question . the circumference of the bullet in the last conclusion , contained 28 inches 2 / 7 as in the demonstration you may see , i would know how i should worke to find how many inches the diameter of the same is . resolution . to answer this and all such like , i must worke contrarie to the former conclusion , first reducing the whole number and broken being 28 inches 2 / 7 into his proper fraction , and it will be 198 / 7 then multiplying by 7 according to archimedes doctrine , and deuiding by 22 , the quotient will be 9. so many inches is the diameter of the same bullet . in this order you may find out the diameter and circumference of all other bullets . how to find out the solid content of any bullet , &c. question . there is a bullet of iron whose diameter containeth 9 inches , how many square inches is in the solid content thereof ? resolution . to know this and all such like , there is a generall rule , as thus , to multiply the diameter in his square , i meane cubically , and then multiply that product by 11 , deuide the totall summe by 21 , the quotient sheweth the number of square inches in that spherical globe or bullet , for 9 multiplyed cubically ariseth 729 , which augmented in 11 is 8019 , that totall deuided by 21 , yeeldeth 381 inches , and 6 / 7 so many square inches of iron will be in a bullet of 9 inches diameter . to find the true content of the superficies of any circle drawne vpon a flat , as on a table or paper , &c. question . there is a circle whose diameter is 21 inches , i demaund how many square inches is contained within the circumference of the same ? resolution . to resolue this ofr such like , there is a generall rule , in taking ½ the diameter , and multiplying it in ½ the circumference , or squaring the diameter , and multiplying the product by 11 , and deuiding the result by 14 , the quotient sheweth the area or content of all the superficies within the circumference thereof . example : the square of 21 is 441 , which multiplied by 11 is 4851 , that deuided by 14 , yeeldeth in the quotient 346 inches ½ . or other waies , take the halfe of 21 inches , that is , 10 inches ½ , and take ½ of the circumference , which is 33 inches , reduce them into fractions according to the rule , you haue 21 / 2 for the diameter and 33 / 1 for the circumferēce , then multiplying the one by the other , the product is 1386 / 4 , which deuided by the denominator 2 , yeeldeth in the quotient 346 ½ as before . in this order you may find out the content of the plaine of any circle . to find out the circumference of any bullet or globe diuerse and sundrie waies . question . how many inches is about the circumference of that bullet or globe , whose diameter is supposed to be 21 inches high ? resolution . after you haue with your callaper compasses , found out the height of the diameter , multiply the same by 22 , so there will arise 462 , the which deuided by 7 , the quotiēt wil be 66 inches , the true measure of the circūferēce another way . triple your diameter , and thereto adde the 1 / 7 part of the same , your product is the circumference . example : the triple of 21 is 63 , and the 1 / 7 part of 21 is 3 , which added to 63 is 66 inches , as before . another way to worke the same . looke how many times you can haue 7 in the diameter , so many times must you haue 22 in the circumference . example . the diameter being 21 inches , deuided by 7 , yeelds in the quotient 3 , by which if you multiply 22 , your product will be 66 inches , for the circumference , as before . in this order you may find out the circumference of any bullet , or sphericall body , &c. to find out the superficies of any round body , as bullet , globe , &c. diuerse and sundry waies . question . i haue a demy cannon bullet of 7 inches diameter , i demaund how many inches the superficiall content therof is ? resolution . to answer this and all such like , i must in the order before shewed , find out the circūference of the bullet , and i find that a bullet of 7 inches diameter , shall cōtaine 22 inches in circūference , which circumference being multiplied in the diameter , ariseth 154 inches , the true number of inches contained vpon the superficies of a bullet of 7 inches diameter . another way . multiply the square of the diameter of any bullet or globe by 22 / 7 the product is your desire . example : the bullet whose diameter was 7 inches being squared , the square thereof is 49 , which multiplied by 22 , yeelds 1078 which sum deuided by 7 , the quotient is 154 inches as before . another way . deuide the square of the circumference of any bullet by 22 / 7 your quotient nūbers will shew you the superficiall measure of the same . example : the circumference of the bullet aforenamed of 7 inches diameter containeth 22 inches , the square thereof is 484 inches , that number deuided by 22 / 7 as you do in fractions , in setting an vnite vnder the square number thus , 484 / 1 and multiplying the said square number by the denominator of the other fraction being 7 , ariseth 3388 , which deuided by the numerator 22 , the quotient is 154 inches , the superficiall content thereof , as before . how you may find out the solid content or crassitude of any round bullet or globe , &c. diuerse wayes . question . in the question before propounded of the bullet , whose diameter was 21 inches , i would know how many inches is in all the solid or massiue content thereof ? resolution . i multiply the diameter cubickly , and after multiplieth that cubicke number by 11 , so ariseth 101871 , the which deuided by 21 , my quotient is 4851 , shewing there is so many inches iu the solid content of a bullet or globe of 21 inches diameter . another vvay . multiply the cube of ½ the circumference by 49 , and deuide the product arising thereof , by 363 , your quotient will shew your desire . example : the circumference of a bullet whose diameter is 21 inches , containeth 66 inches , the ½ thereof is 33 inches , the cube whereof is 35937 , that summe multiplied by 49 is 1760913 , which deuided by 363 , the quotient is 4851 inches as before . hovv you may by knovving the diameter and vveight of any bullet , or other round bodie , find out the diameter of any bullet or globe that vveigheth tvvise the vveight of the former . question . there is a demy culuering bullet of 4 inches diameter weighing 9 pound , i demaund the true height of that bullet which weigheth 18 pound weight . resolution . to worke this and all such like demaunds , this rule is generall in multiplying the height of the lesser bullet whose weight is knowne cubically , then doubling that summe , and extracting the cubicke roote thereof , the quotient will answer your question . example . the bullet afore named of 4 inches diameter being multiplied cubically is 64 , that summe doubled is 128 , the cubicke roote thereof is 5 inches and a fraction remaining scarse the 1 / 30 part of an inch , shewing the true height of a bullet that weigheth 18 pound . in this order if you haue a bullet that is 3 times as heauie as another of like mettall , whose weight is knowne , and that you desire to know the diameter of the greater bullet : in tripling the cubicke number of the lesser bullet whose diameter is knowne , & extracting the cubicke roote thereof , you shall find out the true height of the greater bullet . or if you would find out the height of any bullet of like mettal , that weigheth 4 times as much as an other bullet whose weight is knowne , quatriple the cubicke number of the diameter of the lesser bullet , and extract the cubicke root thereof , your quotient will satisfie you . or if 5 or 6 times &c. in working as i haue shewed you may find your request . how you may geometrically find out the diameter of any bullet , that weigheth twise as much as another knowne bullet . take the true height or diameter of the lesser bullet whose weight you know , and square the same as you see in the figure following . then draw a line that may deuide the said square in 2 equall partes , in the 2 opposite angles , and that line shall be the diameter of a bullet twise the weight of the other : then deuide that diametrall line in 2 equall parts , setting one foote of your compasse in the center or mids thereof , and with the other foote draw a circle , and that circumference wil represent the proportion of a bullet , twise as much in weight as the lesser . how you may arithmetically prooue this conclusion . the dyameter of the lesser bullet is 5 inches , the square of it is 25. that some dubble is 50. the square roote of 50 , is 7. 1 / 7 and so much is the diameter of the greater bullet , as in the figure here drawne you may see . another way geometrically , to find the diameter of any vnknowne bullet that is double the weight of a knowne bullet . draw a straight line of what length you thinke good , as you see the line a. b. then draw another crosse line perpendicular to the ground line as you see the line c. d. note the meeting or crossing of the lines , as is the pointe e. this done , open your compasse the iust length of the diameter of the lesser bullet whose weight you would double , setting one foote of the compasse in e. and the other in d. and measure towards b. twise that diameter , as is done in the points f. g. then deuide the line e. f. in 2. equall parts in the point h. and after deuide the line e. h. in 2 equall halfes , as in the point i. and lastly deuide the line i. h. in 2 equall partes in the point k. which done , open your compas , placing one foote in k. and the other in g. draw ½ a circle , as you see , i do the semi circle l. c. g. after deuide the line c. d. in 2 equall partes in the point m. and opening your compasse the iust widenes of one of those parts , set one foote in m. and with the other foote draw the line c. n. l. which done , the bullet whose diameter is the line l. e. wil weigh twise as much as the bullet whose diameter is the line e. d. as ewclid in his 6. booke of geometricall elements doth demonstrate and proue . the greater circle o. doth shew the proportion of a bullet that weigheth twise as much as the lesser circle n. both the said bullets being cast of one like mettall . another demonstration to proue the former conclusion by numbers . in a conclusion before set downe , where the bullet of a demy culuering of 4 inches diameter weighed 9 pound , i proued that a bullet whose weight was 18 pound should be more then 5 inches diameter . euen so i haue hereunder deuided the line e. d. of the former conclusion , being supposed to be the diameter of a bullet whose weight is knowne , into 4 equall parts or inches . and likewise deuiding the diameter f. e. into the like diuisions it containeth 5 of those parts , and almost the 1 / 30 part of an inch more , shewing the true height of a bullet that is twise as much in weight as the lesser bullet of 4 inches diameter , as this figure sheweth . as the vpper face or side of any square being doubled , the square arising of that doubled side shall be in proportion iust 4 times as much as the first square was , whereas a great many would thinke it wold be but twise as much . euen so the diameter of any circle being doubled , the area or superficiall content of the flat of the same circle so doubled , shall be foure times as much as the other . also any cube , globe or bullet , whose diameter is in double proportion to another , the solide content of that bullet whose diameter is so doubled , shall be in weight 8 times as much as the lesser , as these two examples in the conclusions following figuratiuely drawne sheweth . how by knowing the superficiall content of the plaine of any circle , to finde out the superficiall content of another that is twise the diameter of the first . question . there is two circles drawne , the one 7 inches diameter , the other 14 inches : how much is the content of the greater circle more then the lesser ? resolution . to answer this or the like , by the theoreme afore mētioned , i square the diameter of the lesser circle being seuen inches , so ariseth 49 inches , that square multiplied by 11 , yeelds 539 , the which deuided by 14 , the quotient is 38 inches ½ shewing the superficiall content of the circle of 7 inches diameter . also working in the same order , i find the content of the greater circle of 14 inches diameter to containe 154 inches , which deuided by 38. ½ the quotient is 4 , shewing that the superficiall content of the greater circle is iust 4 times as much as the lesser . by knowing the weight and height of any one bullet to find out the weight of another of twise the height of the former . question . if a bullet of 4 inches diameter weye 9 pound , how much shall a bullet of 8 inches height weye . resolution . to know this or the like , multiply the diameter of ech bullet cubically , and i find the cube of 4 is 64 , & the cube of 8 is 512 , which knowne , i frame the rule of proportion saying , if 64 yeeld 9 pound , what will 512 ? and in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , my quotient is 72 pound , the weight of the greater bullet , ( that is iust 8 times the weight of the lesser bullet . ) for further proofe behold these 2 figures in cubick forme , where you may see that the greater figure whose side is in double proportion to the lesser , doth containe 8 times the quantitie of the lesser . an easie rule to find out the diameter of any bullet , and how to know how much one bullet is higher then another by arithmeticke skill , without any callaper compasses . if you want a paire of callaper compasses , take a line or a garter &c. and gird the bullet or bullets whose height you desire iust in the mids , laying that measure to an inch rule , noting how many inches or other measure the same containeth , then multiplying the said measures by 7 , and deuiding by 22 , the quotient will shew you your request . and then abating the lesser diameter from the greater , the remaine will shew you how much the one is higher then the other . example . suppose the circumference of the one bullet be 16 inches , and the circumference of the other 26 inches , in working as aboue is taught , i find the diameter of the lesser bullet is 5 inches 1 / 11 and the diameter of the greater bullet 8 inches 4 / 11 , so abating the lesser from the greater , the remaine is 3 inches and 3 / 11 partes of an inch , shewing the greater bullet is so much in height more then the lesser . the like is to be obserued with any other . by this rule you may know how much the circumference or any part of your peece is higher then another . a table shewing the weight of all yron bullets from the fawconet to the cannon in habberdepoiz weight . height of the shot in inches and parts of inches . weight of the shot in pounds and partes of poundes . height . weight . 2. 1. 2 / 7 2. ¼ 1. ¾ 2. ½ 2. ⅓ 2. ¾ 3. 3 / 7 3. 4. ½ 3. ¼ 5. 3. ½ 6. 2 / 9 3. ¾ 7. 6 / 7 4. 9. 4. ¼ 10. ¾ 4. ½ 12. ⅔ 4. ¾ 14. 5 / 8 5. 16. ¼ 5. ¼ 19. ⅔ 5. ½ 22. 1 / 7 5. ¾ 25. ⅚ 6. 29. ½ 6. ¼ 32. ⅛ 6. ½ 36. ⅝ 6. ¾ 40. ¾ 7. 46. 7. ¼ 52. 6 / 7 7. ½ 56. ⅝ 7. ¾ 64. ½ 8. 70. 8. ½ 76. ⅔ how you may arithmetically know the true breadth of the plate of the ladle that is due for any peece of ordinance ▪ by knowing the height of the bullet fit for the said peece . take a line and compasse the bullet in the mids , laying the same measure to an inch rule , deuide the same measure into 5 equall parts , 3 of those parts is the iust bredth you ought to make your plate of , which being orderly placed on the staffe , and bent circularly , serues to hold the powder in : the other ⅖ partes being cut and taken away , and so left open , serues to turne the powder into the peece , the which to do gunner like , as soone as you haue filled the ladle so full that you may strike the same with a rule , and put the same into the mouth of the peece , fixe your thombe vpon the vpper part of the staffe , towards the ende next the tampion or head thereof , and so thrusting the ladle gentlie home to the breech of the peece , turne the rammer staffe , so as your thombe fall directly vnder the staffe , and so shall you empty your ladle orderly . now to know the ⅗ parts of the bullets circumference , that you may make the plate of your ladle orderly , and of that iust breadth , lay the measure of the whole circumference to an inch rule , and then multiplie the same by 3 , and deuide the product by the denominator 5 , your quotient will tell you truely the breadth that the plate of your ladle ought to be of . example . a cannon whose bullet is 7 inches high , will be 22 inches in the circumference , that multiplied by 3 is 66 , which deuided by 5 the quotient is 13 inches ⅕ , the true breadth that the plate for a cannon ladle of 7 inches diameter ought to be of . the length of the ladle is to be made according to the length , height , and weight of the peece for which it is made , which in a table in the ende of the booke you may find set downe for all sorts of peeces . how to make a ladle for a chamber-bored peece . open your compasse the iust diameter of the chamber , within ⅛ part of an inch thereof . deuide that measure in 2 equall partes , then set your compasse to one of those parts , and with the one foote fixed on a paper or smooth boord , draw with the other foote a circle , the diameter thereof will be a iust quarter of an inch shorter then the diameter of the chamber-bore , by the circumference whereof , you may find out the true breadth of the plate of a ladle that is fit for such a chamber-bored cannon , by the rule afore set downe how to find the true breadth of the plate of any ladle , for any other peece of ordinance , in taking the ⅗ partes of the circumference thereof , the length ought to be twise the diameter , and ⅔ partes , to hold at 2 times the iust quantitie of corne powder that is due to charge such a chamber-bored cannon with example . the diameter of the circle drawne for any cannon whose chamber-bore is 7 inches containeth 6 inches ¾9 the circumference whereof is 21 inches 6 / 7 , the ⅗ partes thereof is 12 inches ¾ , and so much ought that ladle to be in breadth , and in length it ought to be 18 inches ⅔ . in this order you may worke to make a ladle in length and breadth for any bel-bored cannon : and to find out the thicknes of the mettall at the touch-hole , or the height of the bore thereof , the conclusion following will shew you . how to find out the height or diameter of the chamber , in any chamber-bored cannon , or other peece of ordinance , and how to find out the thicknes of the mettall round about the chamber thereof . take your priming yron , or else a straight peece of wyer , and bow the end thereof in manner of a hooke , and then put the same into the touch-hole , downe to the lowest part of the concauity of the peece , and then with your knife or else with a peece of chalke , make a stroke vpon the wyer hard by the vpper part of the mettal , without the peece at the touch-hole , then measure by your inch rule , how long the wyer is from that stroke to the end . after put in the same wyer againe , and pull it vp , so as the bowed end may restor stay within the cilinder or concaue of the peece : and make an other marke or stroke on the said wyer , hard by the vpper part of the mettal , the distance betweene those 2 strokes , is the iust thicknes of the mettall , round about the chamber , the which abated from the length of the wyer ( i meane from the first stroke to the lowest end ) the remaine is the true diameter of the chamber-bore in that peece . example . admit the length of the wyer from the end of the concauity to the first stroke containeth 15 inches , and the distance betweene the 2 strokes is 8 inches : then those 8 inches is the iust thicknesse of the mettall about the chamber ; which abated from 15 inches , restes 7 inches , the iust diameter of the chamber in such a peece . by arithmeticke skill , how to know whether the caryage for your peece be truly made or no : or how the caryage for any other peece of ordinance ought to be made . measure the iust length of the cilinder or bore of your peece , the plankes of your caryage ought to be once and a halfe that length . also measure the diameter of the peece , and the sayd plankes at the fore end should be in deapth 4 times the diameter , and in the midst 3 times and ½ the diameter , and at the ende next the ground , two times and ½ the diameter , and in thicknesse once the diameter . example . admitte a culuering of sixe inches diameter is in length in the bore thereof 20 times that measure ( that is 10 foote long , ) then i say that the plankes of her caryage ought to be 15 foote in length ; and at the fore end next the peece 2 foote in breadth , and in the midst one foote three quarters , and at the lowest end next the ground one foote and a quarter : and in thicknesse halfe a foote . also euery caryage ought to haue foure transomes , and ought to be strengthened with strong yron boltes . the holes or centers wherein the trunions ought to lye , ought to be three times and ½ the diameter from the fore end of the caryage , and in depth ⅔ parts of the thicknesse of the trunions , which depth you may easily find out , as thus : take the height or diameter of the trunions , and multiply the same measure by 2 , and deuiding by the denominator 3 , the quotient will shew your desire . how by knowing the weight of any one peece of ordinance , to find out the weight of any other . question . if a saker of foure inches diameter weigh 1600 pound weight , what will a culuering weigh that is sixe inches diameter ? resolution . some would thinke that the rule of proportion plainly wrought , would answer this question : but in that they are deceiued , for the content of solide bodies being massie , are sphericall or cubicall inproportion , therefore you must multiply the diameters of euery peece cubically , & set downe the weight of the peece knowne in the middle number , and so working according to the rule of proportion , you shall find out the true weight of the greater peece . example . 4 inches the diameter of the lesser peece , multiplied cubically , ariseth 64 inches . likewise the cubicke number of the diameter of a culuering of 6 inches high , is 216 inches : then framing the rule of proportion , i say , if 64 being the cube of 4 yeeld 1600 pound weight , ( being the weight of a saker of 4 inches bore ) what will 216 being the cubicke number of 6 inches , so multiplying 216 by 1600 , ariseth 345600. which deuided by 64 yeeldes in the quotient 5400 pound weight , so much weigheth the culuering of 6 inches diameter . in working by the conuerse rule of proportion , you may not onely prooue this conclusion , but also may find out the weight of any lesser peece of ordinance , by knowing the weight of a greater . example . if 216 being the cube of 6 inches , yeeld 5400 pound in weight , what will 64 being the cube of 4 inches ? so multiplying 5400 by 64 there ariseth 345600. which deuided by 216 , the quotient is 1600 pound weight , shewing the true weight of the saker of 4 inches diameter , as before . or if the diameters of the peeces whose weight you would know , containe both whole numbers and broken , in reducing each diameter into his proper fraction , and multiplying the same cubically , setting down the weight of the peece knowne , in the middle place , for the second number , and multiplying and deuiding as afore is taught , the quotient will shew you your request , as the conclusion following will teach you . question . if a demy culuering of 5 inches ¼ diameter weigh 2600 pound weight , what will a cannon of 7 inches ¾ diameter ? resolution . i reduce the diameter of each peece into his proper fraction , and i find that the broken number of 5 inches ¼ diameter containeth 21 / 4 , which multiplied cubically ariseth 9261 / 4. likewise i reduce the diameter of the cannon , being 7 inches ¾ into his fraction , and it is 31 / 4 ; , whose cube is 29791 / 4 ; : then 1 set an vnite i vnder 2600 , and it doth represent a fraction thus 2600 / 1. now to find out the weight of the greater peece , i set down these 3 new made fractions in the order of whole numbers , and working by the rule of proportion , i finde the greater peece weigheth 8363 pound , and almost ¾ of a pound : for in multiplying 29791 by 2600 , there ariseth 77456600 , the which augmented by the denominator 4 maketh 309826400 for the deuidēt or number to be deuided . likewise the fraction of the lesser peece being 9261 , multiplyed by his denominator 4 , makes 37044 for a deuisor , which deuident being deuided by the deuisor , yeeldeth in the quoent 8363 pound , and certaine partes of a pound , so much will a cannon of 7 inches ¾ weigh being proportionall in mettall to the other peece . how you may be arithmeticall skill , know how much of euery kind of mettall any brasse peece of ordinance containeth . question . euery gun-founder doth commonly vse for euery 100 pound weight of copper , to put in 10 pound weight of lattine , and 8 pound weight of pure tinne : i demand how many pound weight of euery of those mettals is in a culuering of 5600 pound weight ? resolution . to answere this or all such like , i ioyne all the seuerall mixtures together , and they make 118 pound , which i reserue for my deuisor . then i multiply the weight of the peece by euery mixture seuerally , and there ariseth of the 100 weight of copper being the greatest mixture , 560000 , the which sum is to be deuided by the deuisor common ( to wit , 118 pound ) and the quotient is 4745 pound and 90 / 118 partes of a pound : so much copper is in the said peece . now to know how much latin is in the same , i multiply the whole weight of the peece by 10 the second mixture , and the product is 56000 , which number deuided by the deuisor common , the quotient is 474 pound 68 / 118 : so much latin is in the same peece . and lastly to know how much tin was in the same peece , i multiply the weight of the peece by 8 , ariseth 44800 , which deuided by the deuisor 118 , the quotient is 379 78 / 118 : and so much tin was put into the said peece . now to proue the worke if it be truely wrought or not , i adde all the 3 quotients together , and because they doe all make the true sum of the whole weight of the peece according to the proposition , i affirme the same to be truely wrought . the gun-founders do hold and affirme , that the lattin doth incorporate , and causeth the peece to be of a good colour , and the tin doth strengthen and bind the other mixtures . how you may know how far any peece of artillery wil conuey her bullet at the best of the randon , by knowing the vtmost range and point blancke of another peece , and how to proue the same : by which rule , you may know how far any peece will reach at point blancke and vtmost range . question . if a saker at point blanke conuey her bullet 200 paces , and at the best of the randon shoot 900 paces , what will that cannon do which at point blancke shoots 360 paces ? resolution . to resolue this or the like , i set downe the numbers proportionall according to the rule , multiplying 900 paces ( the vtmost randon of the saker ) by 360 paces , ( the point blanke of the cannon , ) so ariseth 324000 , which deuided by 200 the number of paces the saker shoots at point blanke , the quotient is 1620. and so many paces will a cannon shoot at the best of the randon , that at point blanke rangeth 360 paces , as by working you may find , and by experience better vnderstand . you may proue this conclusion by the conuerse rule of proportion , multiplying 900 the number of paces the saker shoots at the best of the randon , by 360 , the paces that the cannon shoots at point blanke ; and deuiding that product 1620 the number of paces the cannon shoots at the best of the randon , the quotient is 200. shewing the number of paces that the saker shall shoot at point blanke . in this order you may worke the like conclusion by any other peece of artillery , and finde out the point blanke and vtmost range thereof . to know how much a bullet of yron will out flie a bullet of lead of the like diameter , being both discharged out of one peece , with one like quantitie in powder . question . if a bullet of lead of 24 pound weight , being shot out of a peece with ⅔ partes of the said bullets weight in powder , range at pointe blanke 240 paces , how far will a bullet of yron of like height range , being discharged out of the said peece at point blanke with the like quantitie of powder ? resolution . the proportion betweene a bullet of yron and a bullet of lead of the same height , i haue shewed by the theoremes and conclusions afore set downe : by which i finde that a bullet of yron being of equall diameter to a leaden bullet of 24 pound weight , the said yron bullet shall weigh 16 pound 2 / 7 partes . and for as much as the leaden bullet is shot with ⅔ parts in powder of his weight , that is , with 16 pound of powder , which is very neare the full weight of the yron bullet , i find that the said bullet of yron shall out flie the leaden bullet ⅓ part of the leuell range ( that is ) the yron bullet shall flie being shot as afore at point blanke 320 paces , that is , 80 paces further then the leaden bullet rangeth at point blanke . but if the peece out of which the said bullets were shot , had beene mounted at any number of degrees of randon , the range of the yron bullet would shorten somewhat of the ⅓ of the ouerplus of the said range : so that if the peece were mounted to the best of the randon , the said bullet of yron would not out flie the leaden bullet , not the ⅕ part of the said range . by knowing how much powder is sufficient to charge any one peece of ordinance , to know how much of the same powder will charge any other peece of ordinance . question . if a saker of 4 inches diameter ▪ require 5 pound of corne powder for her due loading , how much of the same like powder will charge a cannon of 7 inches diameter ? resolution . the plaine rule of proportion cannot resolue this conclusion , except you multiply euery number cubically , and then the quotient will shew you your desire . example . the cube of 4 is 64 , and the cube of 7 is 343. which multiplied by the weight of the charge of powder due to load the lesser peece , ariseth 1615 , which deuided by the cubicke number of the diameter of the lesser peece , yeelds in the quotient 25 pound and almost ¼ part of a pound : so much corne powder must a cannon of 7 inches diameter haue to charge her with . and note , that for as much as now the shooting with serpentine powder is not vsed , being of no great force , and the making of corne powder neuer better knowne , nor of more force then now it is made & daily vsed in shooting in great ordinance ; as also the great ordinance now cast , not so fully fortified with mettall as they ought to be , being made more nimble and lighter then in times past , therefore the experienced gunners do obserue as a generall rule to abate ¼ part of the ordinarie charge of corne powder in all peeces aboue 6 inches bore . how by knowing how much serpentine powder will charge any peece of ordinance , to know how much corne powder will do the like , or contrariwise by knowing how much corne powder will charge any peece of ordinance , to know how much serpentine powder will serue . question . i demaund how much corne powder will charge that culuering that shoots 24 pound of serpentine powder at a shoot ? resolution . you must note for a generall rule , that 2 partes of corne powder will doe as much as 3 partes of serpentine powder : so that the proportion betweene the quantities or charges of these powders , is as 2 to 3 , therefore i multiply 24 by 2 , ariseth 48 , which deuided by 3 , my quotient is 16 pound : so much corne powder will charge the said culuering . or if you know how much corne powder will charge her , you may know how much serpentine powder will serue , in multiplying 16 pound the due charge of corne powder , by 3 , and deuiding the product by 2 , your quotient is 24 , as before . in this order you may doe the like by any other peece . and note that her due charge of corne powder , will lesse hurt the peece , then of serpentine powder , for if serpentine powder be ramd any thing hard , it is long a fiering . and a little heate long continued ( which the serpentine powder will doe ) dangereth the peece more then a great heat presently gone , which effect corne powder works . how by knowing how far your peece will shoot with her due charge in powder and shot , how to giue a neare estimate how far she will shoot with a charge more or lesse then her common charge . question . admit a culuering shoote a bullet of 18 pound weight 900 paces , being charged with ⅔ parts in powder of the bullets weight , i demaund how far should the said peece shoot that bullet if she had been charged with as much powder as the bullet weighteth ? resolution . by the rule of proportion i find she should shoot ⅓ part further then she did at the first shot , being charged with ⅓ part of more powder , that is 1200 paces : yet it is knowne she will not driue the bullet full out the ⅓ part of this range further , although she will come very neare it , and the reason is , because the bullet flieth in a circular proportion more or lesse , a part of the range , after the insensible streight line or motion of the bullet be past , according to the degrees of randon the peece is eleuated at . also the concaue of the peece being filled vp with the powder , wadd and bullet , further then it ought to be , is a hinderance to the range of the bullet in proportion according to that litle quantitie of the concaue which the ouerplus of powder and wad filleth vp ; which though it be but little in comparison of the whole concauity to the range , yet it is a great hinderance in the bullets range , for that the bullet being so much nearer to the mouth , is driuen into the ayre before the powder be all fiered , and haue effected his force thereon : so that giuing the peece her bullets weight in corne powder , she will shoote much further nor with an ordinary charge , but it will both put the peece in danger of breaking , and those that are neare thereto in danger of their liues , if the peece be not all the better fortified with mettall . how by knowing how much powder a few peeces of ordināce haue spent , being but a few times discharged , to know how much powder a greater number of the same peeces will spend to be often discharged . question . if 4 cannons being twise discharged at any seruice , shoote 240 pound of powder , how much powder will charge 5 cannons to shoote euery one 6 shots ? resolution . worke by the double rule of proportion , saying ; if 4 cannons shoote 240 pound of powder , what will fiue cannons ? your quotient will be 300 pound : then say againe , if 2 times discharging yeeld 300 pound of powder , what 6 times ? and your quotient being 900 pound weight , sheweth that so much powder is due to 5 cannons , to shoote euery one 6 shots . to know how much powder euery cannon spent in the former conclusion at one shoote . question . if 5 cannons burne 900 pound weight of powder , being but 6 times discharged , how much powder did euery one shoote at one shoote ? resolution . multiply 4 the number of peeces first propounded by 2 , the times they were discharged , ariseth 8 , by which deuide 240 the number of pounds in powder spent , the quotient is 30 pound , and so much powder did euery cannon fire at one shoote . or else you may multiply the other 5 cannons by the times they were discharged , and deuiding that product by the powder spent , you shall haue 30 pound weight of powder in your quotient also . how to know how much powder euery little caske or firken ought to containe , and how many of those caskes makes a last of powder , and how many shots any quantity of powder will make for any peece of ordinance . euery little caske or firken being empty , ought to weigh 12 pound , and being filled ought to hold an hundreth pound weight of powder : so that the full caske ought to containe 100 of habberdepoize weight , and 24 of those caskes or firkens filled makes a last of power . question . how many shots will one of those caskes filled with powder make to a culuering that shootes 15 pound weight of corne powder at one shot ? resolution . deuide the 100 pounds of powder in each firkē by 15 , the quotient will shew you that 100 weight of powder will be 6 shots to a culuering that burnes 15 pound of powder at a shoote , and 10 pound to spare . how by knowing how many shots a firken of powder will make for a culuering , to know how many shots a last of powder well make for a canon . question . if a firken of powder of one hundreth weight charge a culuering 5 times , shooting 20 pound of powder at euery shot , how many of those shots will be in a last of powder ( containing 24 hundreth weight ) to a cannon that shoots 30 pound of powder at euery shot ? resolution . reduce 24 hundreth weight into pounds , you haue 2400 pound ; then say by the rule of 3 direct ; if 100 pound weight of powder be but 5 shot , what will 2400 ? and you shall haue in the quotient 120 shot , for the said culuering that shoots 20 pound weight at one shoote . and whereas the question sayes the cannon shooteth 30 pound of powder at a shot , you must frame the backer rule of 3 , and say if 20 beare proportion to 120. what will 30 ? so multiplying 20 by 120 , and deuiding by 30 , the quotient is iust 80 : so many shots of powder will be in a last for any cannon that shootes but 30 pound weight at a shot . the like is to be done with any other . to know how many shots of powder will be in a graund barrell for any peece of artillerie . question . if an ordinarie culuering shoot 15 pound weight of good corne powder at one shoote , how many times will a graund barrell full of powder serue to charge her , the said holding 300 weight ? resolution . deuide 300 by 15 , the quotient is 20 , your desire : the proofe is easie ; for multiplying 20 by 15 , you haue 300 the number first propounded : the like is to be done if you would know how many shoots will be in a graund barrell , for any other peece of ordinance , in deuiding the poundes of powder contained in the said barrell by the number of poundes of powder due to charge the said peece . to know arithmetically what proportion of euery receit is to be taken to make perfect good powder , what quantitie so euer you would make at a time . question . the best ordinary corne powder made in these daies , containeth 12 partes of mr. 3 partes of cole , and 2 partes of sulphur . the order how to compound and make the same is not peculiar to this treatise , being meer arithmeticall ; i demaund how many pound weight of euery sort is to be taken to make 1000 pound weight of powder ? resolution . adde all the parts or pounds of the receits together , ariseth 17 pound for your deuisor . then frame the golden rule saying , if a mixture of 17 pound weight of powder , require 12 pound of the salt-peter , what will 1000 pound weight ? in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , the quotient will be 705 pound , and 15 / 17 parts of a pound : so many pound of the mt. is to bee taken to make 1000 pound weight . againe , say by the same rule , if that a mixture of 17 pound weight , do require 2 pound of sulphur , what will 1000 ? your quotient will shew you , that 117 pound and 11 / 17 is to be taken . and lastly by the said rule say , if a mixture of 17 pound take 3 pound of cole , what will 1000 pound take ? and your quotient will tell you that 176 pound and 8 / 17 parts is to be taken . the which 3 quotient numbers being all added together , will be iust 1000 pound weight , and so proues the worke to be truly done . and note that the goodnes or badnes of powder may be knowne diuers waies , as by the colour , the tast of the toung , the quicke burning , &c. also the brimstone is that materiall substance that is most apt to kindle with any sparke , the cole most fit to continue or maintaine the flame , and the mr. being resolued into a windie exhalation worketh the effect , as cheife and principall of the three . before i frame these conclusions following , of the randon or range of the bullet , and the diuersitie thereof , it is requisite to make knowne to the reader , how that diuers haue written , and some will vaunt that by the range or flight of the bullet out of any one peece of ordinance knowne , they will or can tell the vtmost range of all other , thinking that the range of the bullet out of any one peece , should be proportionall to the bullet and charge of powder out of any other peece . also some do affirme , that out of any one peece of ordinance discharged with sundry quantities of powder , they can tell the vtmost range of the bullets discharged ; and their reason is , that the range of those bullets shall be proportionall to the weight of powder wherewith they were charged . and hereupon some haue giuen out rules which are false and full of errors : for the diuersity of proportions cannot by the plaine rule of proportion be resolued , as they affirme : but this may they do ; out of any one peece of ordinance charged with one and the same like charge in powder and bullet , find by the rule of proportion , the neare difference or ranges of the bullets , the peece being mounted or dismounted at any degree of randon ; or by knowing how many paces , yards , feete , or other measure any peece will reach at point blanke , by knowing the point blanke and vtmost range of another peece of ordinance , they may find the furthest range of the first . or contrariwise , by knowing the vtmost range and point blanke of one peece , and the vtmost randon of another peece , they may find out the point blanke of that other peece , as by the rules following shal be proued . and it is to be noted that any peece of ordinance being mounted to the best of the randon or highest degree of the quadrant , the mouth and hollow cilinder of the said peece , must be erected to 45 degrees , that is at the 6 point of the skale in the quadrant ( as the most part of quadrantes now are made : ) but some peeces will shoote as far at the 5 point , or at 41 , 42 , or 43 degrees according as the winde is of calmenesse , for if any peece be mounted higher then 45 degrees , she shall shoote shorter in euery degree about the 1 / 45 part of her vtmost range . and therefore to know how to worke these conclusions , you must buy an instrument geometricall , or by some line of measure truely deuided , measure the distance from the peece to the place where the shot first fell or grazed , noting how many pearches , paces , yardes , or other measure that distance is ; which knowne , deuide that distance by the degrees in the best of the randon , being 45 , your quotient will tell you how many paces , yardes , feete , or other measure your peece will shoote further or shorter in mounting or dismounting a degree : the which knowne as i haue said , by one truely measured , you may before you shoote , know very neare how far or short your peece will shoote , at the raising or dismounting of any degree , allowing one and the selfe like proportions in charging , both with powder , bullet and wad . how by arithmeticke skill you may know how with one and the selfe same like charge in powder and shot , how much far or short , any peece of ordinance will shoote , in mounting or dismounting of any degree : whereby you may know how far your peece will shoote at any degree of the randon , by knowing the distance she shoots at the utmost grade . question . if a cannon at her vtmost randon ( that is , at 45 degrees ) carry the bullet 1440 paces from the peece , how far shall the same peece shoote being dismounted but one degree ? resolution . to answere this or all such like , i set downe the numbers according to the rule of proportion , and multiplying and deuiding accordingly , i find she shall shoot short in dismounting a degree , 32 paces , or 53 yeards , or 160 foote , which substracted from 1440 , rests 1408 paces ; so far shall the cannon shoote in dismounting her one degree of her furthest range . or you may do the like in framing the golden rule , saying : if 45 degrees range 1440 paces , what will one ? and you shall haue 32 paces in your quotient as before . how by knowing the distance to the marke , by the conclusion or rule before , you may know whether your peece will shoote short , or ouer the marke , or you may know how far it is from your platforme to any marke , within the reach of your peece , onely by knowing the vtmost range of your peece , and the degrees she is eleuated at . question . admit the same cannon in the former conclusion , which ranged at the best of the randon 1440 paces , hauing the like charge in powder , shot and wad , is laid to shoot at a marke being mounted at 30 degrees , i demaund how far it is from the peece to the said marke , or how far the said peece doth carry so mounted ? resolution . to answere this , i multiply the paces my peece reacheth at the best of the randon , by those degrees in the proposition ( to wit ) 30 degrees , and there ariseth 43200 , which deuided by 45 , my quotient is 960 paces , ( that is 40 paces lesse then a mile ) so far will that peece shoot being mounted at 30 degrees . and if you would know how much this is short of the vtmost range , abate the same from the said range , the remaine is your desire . as 960 paces abated from 1440 , rests 480 paces , so much doth she shoote short of her best randon . in this order by 2 shoots knowne , you may know what any peece of ordinance will do being mounted aboue 10 degrees to the best of the randon , but vnder 10 degrees you should erre something in this practise , because the range of the bullet flieth a great part of the way in an insensible streight line , and the peece mouth eleuated aboue 10 degrees , shootes or driues the bullet in a more circular proportion . the range or flight of the bullet by the draught in the next leafe may be vnderstood . and note that in seruice there is no peece of ordinance lightlie mounted aboue 15 or 20 degrees , except morter peeces , and such like . the direct straight range at 90 degrees this draught here drawne doth shew you the range or motion of the bullet through the ayre , shot out of any peece of ordinance at any degree of the randon . how to make a table of randons , or go very neare to know the true range of the bullet out of all sorts of peeces , being mounted from degree to degree . many authors haue taught how to make a table of randons , whereas some of them neuer shot in any peece of ordinance in their liues . and for asmuch as i find their writing and reasons differing , i thinke it will be a very hard matter to make a perfect table of randons , except the same be tried and experimented with some peece of ordinance in some conuenient ground . i neuer heard nor reade of any that hath as yet fully put the same in practise , the which would be much auailable to euery gunner , to know what euery peece would do at the mount of euery degree or point in the quadrant , the motion or range of the bullet being something variable at the mount of euery degree . you shall very neare find out the true range or randon of the bullet shot out of any peece of ordinance , the peece mounted at any degree of randon , as thus : charge your peece with her due loading , in powder , shot and wad , laying the peece at point blanke , which you may easily try , by putting the rule of the quadrāt into the peece mouth , & coyning the peece at the breech , so as the plūmet may cut the quadrant in the line of leuell , as you see in the first figure hereafter drawne , that peece lyeth point blanke : which done giue fire , & marke where the bullet first grazeth , after bring your peece to the same platforme , so as the wheeles and cariage stand neither higher nor lower then they did the first shoote : and being charged with one & the selfe like quantity in powder , bullet & wad as before , the peece being of like tēper raise her mouth one degree , as the second figure showeth : discharge her , and marke where the pellet falleth or grazeth first ; then measure how farre the first graze of the second bullet is beyond the graze of the first bullet , so much will the peece conuey the bullet further at the mount of euery degree , or very neare thereto . but being mounted aboue 20 degrees , she will shoote shorter & shorter , a litle at the mount of euery degree to the best of the randon , according to the height & circular motiō of the bullet . if the peece be mounted to the best of the randon , the plummet will cut the 45 degree of the quadrant , as the 3 figure sheweth . or you may make a table of randons like the other , as thus : measure the distance the peece cōueyeth the bullet at the best of the randō , frō which abate the distāce the peece cōueyeth her bullet at point planke , deuide the remaine by 45 , the quotient will shew you how far the shoote is caried at the mount of euery degree : or deuiding the sayd remaine by so many degrees as you would eleuate your peece at , the quotiēt wil likewise shew you how far the bullet doth range beyond point blanke . example . if a cannon at point blanke range 300 paces , and at the best of the randon shoote 1500 paces , how farre shall she shoote at the mount of one degree ? resolution . abate 300 frō 1500 , rests 1200 , which deuided by 45 , the quotient is 26 2 / 3 , so many paces shall she shoot at the mount of euery degree . this conclusion or rule , i do not affirme to be cleane without error , for that i neuer tried the same , yet it will come very neare to this proportiō , being tried on a plain groūd that is water leuel , for the peece being moūted frō 1 to 10 degrees , conueyeth the bullet with litle bending at the fall thereof , and from 10 degrees to 20 , as the motion of the bullet decreaseth : so it falleth more bowing then in the first 10 degrees . and mounted from 20 grades , to the best of the randon , conueyeth the bullet in a more circular course . and it is to be noted , that any peece of ordināce hauing her due charge , will driue the bullet more ground mounted at 20 degrees , then from 20 grades to the best of the randon . and being truely loaden and discharged at the best of the randon , will driue the bullet 5 times the distance of her leuell range , or rather better . how you may arithmetically know how much wide , ouer , or short , any peece of ordinance will shoote from the marke , by knowing the distance to the marke , and how your peece is laid to shoote at the said marke . question . if a culuering or cannon of 10 foote long , be shot at a marke 700 yardes from the peece , the mouth of the said peece planted an inch wide , how far shall the bullet light wide of the marke ? resolution . reduce the measure of the length of the peece into inches , because the denomination of widenesse is by inches , and the peece of 10 foote length , will yeeld 120 inches . likewise reduce the length from the peece to the marke into inches , you haue 25200 inches . then by the rule of propotion : say , if 120 inches shoot wide one inch , what will 25200 inches ? and in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , you shall find in your quotient 210 inches , that is 17 foote ½ : so much shall the bullet light wide of the marke . for this is a generall rule , that looke how many times the length of the cilinder or concaue of the peece is to the marke , so many inches shall the peece shoote amisse , being laid ouer one inch , or vnder , or wide of the marke , if the winde doe not alter it . the like is to be done of any other . a remedie to lay your peece straight , if she lie either ouer , vnder , or wide of the marke . let a plumbe line fall perpendicularly ouer the middle part of the breech of the peece , and with a hand-spike or leuer , winde the carriage of the peece too and fro till you espie the middle part of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the said line deuide the marke in 2 equall partes : so shall you make a streight shot , giuing the peece her true disparture and length . another way . or you may take the true diameter of the concaue at the mouth of the peece , laying an inch rule to the same , deuide the said diameter in 2 equall partes ; to the point of which deuision being the center of the cilinder of the peece , let a threed and plummet fall , or else erect a squire , so as the containing angle touch the center or middle point of the diameter , by the edge of which rule or squire draw a line with the point of your knife , from the height of the mettall at the mouth : that line would crosse in the center if it were continued , and it is a perpendicular or plumbe line to the other , by which line or strike so drawne , with a litle peece of soft waxe , set vp a straight straw , to reach a litle aboue the mettall . and knowing likewise the midle mettall at the breech of the peece , it is an easie matter to make a straight shot , if the 2 sights ( to wit ) the sight at the breech and mouth be laid so as they deuide the said marke in 2 partes : for this is generall , that any three thinges that the eye can comprehend at once , being equall with the eye , are in a streight line from the eye , whether the same be at ascent or descent . the line or strike thus drawne at the mouth of the peece , will shew you presently where and how to set vp your disparture of your peece at any occasion . in shooting without disparting your peece at any marke within point blanke , to know how far the bullet will flie ouer the marke by knowing the distance to the marke . question . a cannon or culuering of 12 foote in length , hauing three inches more mettall at the breech on each side then at the mouth , shooting at a marke supposed to be within the leuell range , and 600 yeards from the mouth of the peece , being shot without her disparture , how much shall the shot flie ouer the marke ? resolution . it is a generall rule , that looke how much the peece is thicker of mettall , in any one side at the breech , then at the thickest part at the mouth , as also looke how many times the length of the peece is to the marke , so many times that ouerplus of thicknesse shall the bullet flie ouer the marke , being no higher then the peece , and the said peece discharged without her disparture . example . deuide 600 yeards ( being the distance from the peece to the marke ) by 4 , ( the length of the peece ) your quotient is 150 , which multiplied by 3 inches the ouerplus of mettall , ariseth 450 inches : so much shall the bullet flie ouer that marke , the marke being placed on the side of a hill or bearing banke , and within the leuell range of the peece . in like manner shooting at anie marke within ½ the vtmost range of the peece , and not disparting your peece , you shall ouer shoote somthing , giuing the peece her due length and due loading . how you may lay your peece point blanke without instrument . if you bring the height of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the height of the mettall at the breech , equall with the horison , the hollow cilinder of the peece will lie point blanke . how you may arithmetically dispart any peece of ordinance truely diuers waies . if you measure with a paire of callapers the greatest height of mettall at the mouth of the peece , and likewise at the breech , abating the lesse out of the greater , ½ the remainder is the iust disparture . example . a culuering that is 19 inches high at the greatest part of mettall in the breech , will be 13 inches high at the greatest part of mettall at the mouth : which 13 inches abated from 19 , rests 6 , which deuided in 2 equall parts , the quotient being 3 inches sheweth the true disparture of that culuering . another way to dispart any peece without callapers . take a line and measure the greatest circumference of mettall in the breech , then multiply that measure by 7 , deuiding the product by 22 , the quotient is the diameter , or height of the circumference . likewise measure the greatest circumference of mettall at the mouth , multiplying that measure by 7 , deuide by 22 as before , the quotient will shew the diameter of the mettall at the mouth : substract that diameter last found , from the diameter at the breech ½ , the remaine is the true disparture . example . a culuering whose greatest circumference of mettall at the breech containeth 66 inches , and at the mouth 44 inches , i demaund how high is the diameter of the mettall both at the breech and mouth , as also what is the true disparture of that peece ? resolution . multiply 66 by 7 , ariseth 462 , deuide by 22 , the quotient is 21 , the height of the mettall at the breech : likewise multiply 44 by 7 , you haue 308 , deuide by 22 , the quotient is 14 , the height of the mettall at the mouth , which 14 abated from 21 rests 7 , the which 7 deuided in 2 equall parts , yeelds 3 inches ½ for a part , the true disparture of that culuering . this is one of the principallest points belonging to a gunner , to know truely how to bring the concaue of the mettall of his peece euen : diuers other waies there is to do the same . as for chambred peeces , there is no perfect or generall rule , but is to be considered according to the chamber or concaue of the peece . euery reasonable gunner may iudge in that case . how by arithmeticall skill you may mount any great peece of ordinance by an inch rule vnto 10 degrees of the quadrant , if you want a quadrant or other instrument . first you must measure the iust length of the cannon or bore of the peece : reduce that measure into inches , and double the same : afterwards multiply the number of inches so doubled by 22 , and deuide by 7 , and note what the quotient number is , which quotient deuided by 360 the degrees contained in the whole circumference of euery circle , the last quotient number will shew you the number of inches , and parts of an inch , that will make a degree in the quadrant for that peece . example . admit there is a saker or fawcon , whose concaue or bore containeth iust 7 foote in length , and that you desire to know what parts of an inch rule will mount her to one degree of the quadrant , you must reduce 7 foote into inches , and you haue 84 inches , that 84 doubled is 168 , the which multiplied by 22 ariseth 3696 , the which deuided by 7 , the quotient will be 528 ; that quotient number being deuided againe by 360 , wil yeeld 1 7 / 15 ( that is ) one inch and ½ , wanting 1 / 15 part of an inch . so i affirme that any peece of ordinance whose chase or bore is but 7 foote long , being mounted by an inch rule one inch and 7 / 15 parts , that peece shall lye iust the height she wold haue done if you would haue mounted her one degree of the quadrant . the like order is to be obserued in mounting any other peece of ordinance by an inch rule , of what length soeuer . and note that in mounting any other peece of ordinance , to any degree of the quadrant , by a geometricall quadrant , you must put the rule of the quadrant into the peece mouth , lifting the peece vp or downe with a leauer or hand-spike towards the breech , till the plummet cut iust vpon that degree of the quadrant you desire . but to mount her by an inch , you must place the rule vpon the highest part of the mettall at the breech of the peece , coyning the peece vp or downe , till through the sight or slit in your rule ( be lifted to that part or deuisiō in your rule that answereth the degrees you desire ) you espie the carnoize or highest part of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the marke , all 3 in a streight line . if you would mount the same peece to 2 degrees of the quadrant by an inch rule , you must multiply the measure in your rule last found , being 1 inch 7 / 15 parts by 2 , in the order of fractions , and you shall haue 44 / 15 , the which 44 being the numerator of the fraction deuided by 15 the denominator , the quotient being 2 inches 14 / 15 is your desire ; so may you affirme that 3 inches by the rule wanting 1 / 15 part of an inch , will make 2 degrees by the quadrant . and note , that looke how much you would haue your peece mounted by an inch rule for to answer any number of degrees vnder 10 , either multiply that number by the number of inches and parts of an inch , that makes a degree of the quadrāt , or else working as you did the first conclusion , multiplying the first product by the number of inches desired , and deuiding that product by the numbers afore mentioned , your last quotient will resolue you of your desire . example . i demaund how much the peece afore mentioned should be eleuated by an inch rule , to answere to 8 degrees of the quadrant ? resolution . reduce the length of the bore of the peece into inches , as afore is shewed , doubling that measure , and it makes 168 , as you see in the 1 conclusiō : which 168 inches multiplied by 22 , yeeldeth 3696 inches , the which product afterwards multiplied by 8 , ariseth 29568 , which summe deuided by 7 , the quotient is 4224 : the same deuided by 360 , yeelds in the quotient 11 inches 11 / 15 parts of an inch , so many inches and partes of an inch must the same peece be eleuated to with an inch rule , to answere to 8 degrees of the quadrant , as by triall you may find . how by arithmeticke skill you may know the true thicknes of mettall in any part of any peece of ordinance . take a paire of callapers , and measure the height of the out side of the mettall in that place of the peece whereas you desire to know the thicknes of the mettall , then with an inch rule , or else a paire of streight compasses , measure the diameter of the bore , or concaue of the peece , abating the height of the said diameter from the height of the whole thicknes of that part of the peece so measured . and note the remainder , the which deuide in 2 equall parts , and the one of those parts is the iust measure of the thicknesse of the mettall in that part of the peece . example . i prooued this conclusion with a culuering , whose bore or concauity at the mouth was 5 inches ½ height , & i found that the thicknes or height of the whole circūferēce of the sayd peece at the touch-hole , was 16 inches ⅓ , from the which i abated 5 inches ½ ( fraction wise ) rests 10 inches ⅚ parts of an inch : that deuided in 2 equal parts , the quotient is 5 inches , and 5 / 12 or 5 inches ½ wanting the 1 / 12 part of halfe an inch , so thicke was the mettall of that culuering at the touch-hole . likewise i searched for the thicknesse of mettall in the same peece at the end of the trunions , and i found that the thicknes or height of the superficies of all the mettall there contained 13 inches , from which i abated the diameter or concaue at the mouth , being 5 ½ inches , rested 7 ½ , which deuided in 2 equall parts , the quotient being 3 inches ¾ shewed the true thicknesse of the mettall at the trunions . in this order you may find the true thicknesse of mettall in any part of any peece of ordinance . another way to know the thicknesse of mettall in any part of any peece of artillerie . take a letherne girdle , and gird about that part of the peece you desire the thicknesse of mettall , lay the same measure to an inch rule , and note how many inches or other measure the same containeth : then multiply that measure by 7 , and deuiding the product by 22 , your quotient is the true measure of the whole thicknesse of the peece in that place . thē substracting the diameter of the bore or concauity of the peece from that quotient , note the remainder . deuide that remaine in two equall partes , the one of those parts is the thicknesse of the mettall in that part of the peece so measured . example . i prooued this conclusion with a demy cannon of sixe inches diameter , in girding the same about with a line hard behind the trunions , and laying the same to an inch rule , it cōtained 44 inches , which summe multiplied by 7 , amounted to 308 inches : that summe deuided by 22 , my quotient was iust 14. and so many inches was the height of the whole mettall in that part of the peece , out of which quotient i did abate the diameter or bore of the peece being 6 inches , and the remaine was 8 inches , which deuided in 2 equall partes , my quotient being 4 inches , shewed the true thicknesse of mettall in that part of the peece , being hard behind the trunions towards the breech . and it is to be noted , that euery peece of ordinance if it be truly fortified with mettall , ought to containe as much mettall in thicknesse round about , so farre as the chamber where the powder and wad lyeth , as the bullet is in height . how to make a good shot in a peece that is not truly bored : or to know how much any peece will shoote amisse , that is thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , if you know the distance to the marke . question . a certaine gunner hauing shot diuers times in a cannon at a marke supposed to be 500 paces from the peece , findeth she shooteth still towards the right hand , & searching whether the fault were in him selfe , or some impediment in the peece , he findeth that the peece is 2 inches thicker of mettall on the right side then on the left . and therefore requesteth how to lay the concaue of the peece ( being 9 foote in length ) equall with the marke , so as he may make a straight shot . resolution . to do this or the like , there is a generall rule , that looke how oftentimes the length of the cilinder or concaue of the peece is to the marke , which is easily done by deuiding the distance to the marke , by the length of the concaue of the said peece . and knowing likewise how much the one side of the peece is thicker then the other , the one halfe of that ouerplus being multiplied by the quotient first found , the product will shew you how much the peece shooteth wide of the marke . and this is a generall rule : that looke which side of the peece is thickest of mettall , towards that side shall the bullet fall , for that the thinner side is more smart , and the thicke side more dull in heating . example . the cannon in this conclusion , is said to be 2 inches thicker of mettall more in thicknesse on the right side then on the left . and the distance to the marke is supposed to be 500 paces , ( that is , 2500 feete ) the which deuided by 9 feete , being the length of the hollow cilinder of the cannon , yeeldeth in the quotient 277 feete 7 / 9 , the which multiplied by ½ the super fluitie of the mettall being one inch , makes 272 feete 7 / 9 still , and so much wide of the marke should the said peece haue shot at such a distance , although she had beene laid full against the mids thereof . how to remedie your peece being thicker of mettall in one part then another to make her shoote streight . you must first search your peece with an instrument , to know which is the thicker side , then deuide the ouerplus of mettall in 2 parts , setting the disparture of your peece one of those parts towards the thickest side of the peece mouth , and bringing the midle part of mettall at the taile of your peece , that disparture and the midle of the marke , all in one streight line , giue fire and you shall make a streight shot but beware of ouercharging of such peeces , for they are dangerous . if the thickest part of the mettall be aboue , then you ought to make your disparture one inch more : if vnder ( i meane towards the carriage ) an inch lesse . to know the different force of any two like peeces of ordinance planted against an obiect , the one being further of from the said obiect then the other . question . admit there is a castell or fort to be battered , being situate vpon a hill , which hill is 50 paces in height , and that 140 paces from the said castell there is another hill , of equall height to that hill whereon the castell is built , and ordinance planted thereon to beat or batter the castell wall , and in the valley at the foote of the said hill 180 paces off from the castell hill , there is ordiance planted , and mounted at 20 degrees , to shoot and beat downe the said castell : i would know whether the ordinance in the valley being 180 paces distance from the castell , and mounted at 20 degrees , or the ordinance on the height of the hill , lying leuell to shoote a litle aboue the base of the wall , being distant therefrom 140 paces , shall worke the greatest effect in battering downe the said castell wall , the said peeces being of like length and height , and hauing like charge in powder and bullet ? resolution . to resolue this or the like , a man would thinke that the peece planted on the height of the hill , lying leuell to shoote a litle aboue the ground-worke of the castell , would batter sorest , because she is nearest : yet by experience we find the contrary , for the castell being a great way within the reach of both the peeces , that peece shall not onely shoote much further , that is any thing eleuated , but also pierce much sorer , by so much as she is able to ouer shoot the other selfe like peece that lyeth leuell : albeit the said peece so eleuated , be planted furthest off from the said resisting obiect : for euery gunner knoweth , and reason and experience doth teach euery reasonable man , that no peece of artillerie will shoote so far at point blanke , as when the same is eleuated at any number of degrees ; because the bullet being ponderous , flieth more heauily and sooner declineth , being shot out of any peece lying leuell , then out of any such like peece mounted at any degree of the randon . so that of force it must needs follow , that the peece planted in the valley 180 paces off from the castell , shall pierce and batter a great deale sorer then the like peece planted on the height of the hill being but 140 paces from it . example . example . suppose a cannō or culuering at point blanke shoot 240 paces , and being mounted at one degree outshoote the same 30 paces , what will the sayd peece do being mounted 20 degrees ? by proportion i find , that if at the mount of one degree , any bullet range 30 paces beyond the leuell range , that at 20 degrees if shall outflie the same 600 paces : albeit the sayd bullet range not in euery degree a iust like number of paces , yet the proportion will be very neare thereto . and because the peece at the foote of the hill is sayd to be 40 paces further from the castell , then the like peece planted on the height of the hill , i abate 40 out of 600 , rests 560 paces : so farre would the peece in the valley out shoote the other like peece on the hill ; so that it must needs follow , her bullet shall pierce sorest , for that it hath most strength to flie furthest . another exmaple or triall of the former conclusion . the peece planted vpon the hill , is sayd to be 140 paces from the castell , and the like peece at the soote of the hill 180 paces . now suppose each of those peeces being layd at point blanke , would not range aboue 240 paces , abate 140 paces ( the length to the marke of the peece on the hill ) from 240 paces her leuell range , and the remaine is 100 paces ; and so many paces shall that peece strike the marke before the end of her leuell range . now to find the like in the peece planted in the valley 180 paces from the castell , mounted at 20 degrees , i find by the conclusion afore set downe , that she shall out shoote the other 600 paces : so that abating the distance from the peece to the castell , being 180 paces from 840 paces , her whole range mounted at those degrees , there remaines 660 paces . and forasmuch as the sayd peece eleuated at 20 grades , doth strike the marke 660 paces before the full end of the range of her bullet , it must of force pierce or batter sorer then the other peece whose bullet beates the marke but 140 paces before the full end of his range . how you may hauing diuerse kinds of ordinance to batter the wals of any towne or castell , &c. tell presently how much powder will loade all those ordinance one or many times . question . there is a castell besieged , and to batter the same there is appointed 4 cannons , 6 demy cannons , 6 culuerings , 8 demy culuerings , and 5 sakers : these peeces are charged euery time with corne powder , the whole cannons shootes at euery shot 32 pound of powder a peece , the demy cannons 18 pound , the whole culuering 16 pound , the demy culuering 12 pound , and the sakers 6 pound a peece . all which peeces being 10 times discharged , did make a breach sufficient for 9 or 10 men to enter in by ranke ( a breach of such a widenesse is thought sufficient to be assaultable , ) i demaund how much powder was spent before the breach was made ? resolution . to answere to this demaund , i multiply the number of euery sort of peeces , by the weight in powder that one of them shootes , and the product sheweth me how much powder euery sort of the said peeces did spend at one bout : then i adde euery number together , and the totall of that addition sheweth me how much powder will loade all those peeces one time , which addition multiplied by 10 , being the times they were supposed to be discharged , the product sheweth the iust quantitie of corne powder occupied at the said siege by the great ordinance . example . i multiply 32 pound the weight of powder due to loade euery cannon by 4 the number of cannons , ariseth 128. likewise 18 pound of powder being the duety of euery demy cannon multiplied by 6 the number of the same peeces , ariseth 108 , and 16 pound of corne powder being the duety of euery culuering multiplied by 6 the number of those peeces , is 96. and 12 pound of powder being the due loading of euerie demy culuering multiplied by 8. the number of the same is 96. and lastly 6 pound of powder the duety of euerie saker , multiplied by 5 the number of that sort of peeces , is 30. these summes or additiōs put together makes 458 pound weight of powder : and so much will discharge all those peeces one time ; the which summe multiplied by 10 , is 4580 pound of powder , that is , two last of powder wanting 220 pound . in this order if you haue 20 last of powder , by knowing the number of euery sort of seuerall ordinance , you may presently know how many shots , or how many times the said powder will loade all the said ordinance , as this table sheweth . names of the peeces . number of each sort of peeces . powder due to loade each sort of peeces one time . cannons . 4. 128. demy can. 6. 108. culuerings . 6. 96. demy culuer . 8. 96. saker . 5. 30. summe 458 pound of powder , which multiplied by 10 , makes 4580 pound weight . and it is worthy the noting , that in planting of ordinance to batter or beate downe any curtaine , wall , or cullion point , you must plant the same in 3 or 2 seuerall places at the least , frō the thing to be beaten downe ; so as the said ordinance be a pretty distance from other , vpon conuenient platformes , hauing gabbions or baskets , about 8 foote high , ramd full of earth conueniently placed betweene each peece , to saue the gunners and laborers from the danger of the enemies shot : which ordinance would be planted within 200 or 240 paces of the obiect to be ouerthrowne , if it be possible to haue conuenient platformes and to bring them so nigh the said obiect . the which ordinance ( if so you haue made 3 mounts or platformes , the ordinance from the 2 side mountes doth coine or cut out that which the ordinance from the midle mount doth batter or pierce , or shake , as this draught here drawne sheweth . the best shooting to batter downe the broad side or curtaine of any wall , is to leuell something vnder the midle part of the wall , and after to shoote 2 or 3 foote higher : for the lower part being beaten downe , the height or vpper part of the said wall must fall of necessitie . and a speciall regard must be had to giue fire from each platforme or mount at one instant , for that the bullets beating all together , do more shake and batter the said wall , then lighting now one and then another . in the figure or draught which i haue drawne shewing how ordinance may be planted to ding downe or batter the broade side or curtaine of any wall , castell or fort , the middle ordinance placed on the middle mount or platforme , directlie against the obiect to be beaten downe , are called the peircers , and are onely to shake and beate the wall , and the ordinance on the two other side mounts , or platformes shooting something slanting , are to coyne or cut out that which the ordinance from the middle platforme doth shake or loose . the baskets ramd full of earth being placed betweene each peece of ordinance are to defend the gunners and laborers from hurt of them that are besieged , as afore i haue said . and further it is to be noted , that to batter the coyne or cullion point of any wall , two places is sufficient to plant your ordinance in . also you may batter and beate downe the wall of a towne or castell as well by night as day , so as the enemie shall haue no time to builde vp in the night that which was dung downe in the daie , as thus : lay your peece or peeces , to the marke in the day light , and note well what degree of the quadrant she lieth at , which is soone done in putting the rule of your quadrant into the peece mouth , so laid against the marke , letting a line and plummet fall to the ground from the said point of your quadrant , and at the lighting of the plummet on the ground , there driue in a stake or wooden pin ; and letting a plumbe line fall likewise from the midle part of the taile or breech of your peece to the ground , driue therein another stake into the ground , then stretch a line from the said 2 pinnes , so as the ends of the said line may reach 2 or 3 yards further then the pinnes at each end . and there make them fast in driuing a pin of wood or yron into the ground at each end , then bringing your peece or peeces to lie streight aboue the said line or lines so drawne ( which is easily done hauing a lanterne with a close couer ) you may both charge and recharge , and shoote aswell by night as day , according to your desire . how you may know the true weight of any number of shot , for seuerall peeces of ordinance , how many soeuer they be , and how many tun weight they do all weigh . question . suppose a ship is loaden with bullets to be caried to the siege of a towne , &c. in which ship is 500 shot for whole cannons , 800 demy cannon shot , 900 culuering shot , 1000 demy culuering short , 1100 saker shot 1200 minion shot , and 1400 fawcon shot , the question is to know the true weight of all the shot , and how many tun they do all weigh . resolution . in the beginning of this treatise , i shewed how to find out the weight of any vnknowne bullet , by the weight of a knowne bullet of the like mettall , so that multiplying the number of euery seuerall sort by the weight that one of them weigheth , and adding all the products into one summe ; and then deuiding that totall by 2240 pound , which is the pounds in a tun , the quotient will shew you how many tun all those bullets weigheth . example . admit the cannon shot weigh 60 pound a peece , by which i multiply 500 ( the number of that kind of bullet ) so ariseth 30000 pound weight , and then there is 800 demie cannon shot of 32 pound weight a peece , which multiplied as before , makes 25600 poūd weight . and then there is 900 culuering shot of 16 pound weight a peece , which makes 14400 pound weight . and then 1000 demie culuering shot of 10 pound weight a peece , which makes 10000 pound weight . and then 1100 saker shot of 5 pound weight a peece , which makes 5500 pound weight . and then 1200 minnion shot of 3 pound weight a peece , which makes 3600 pound . and lastly , 1400 fawcon shot of 2 pound weight a peece , which makes 2800 pound weight . all these summes added together makes 91900 pound weight , which deuided by 2240 , yeelds in the quotient 41 tun , and 60 pound weight remaining . in this order you may know how many tun weight any number of shot weigheth , so that knowing how many tun any ship is of burthen , you may easily know how many shot will loade the said ship . how any gunner or gunfounder may by arethmiticke skill , know whether the trunions of the peece be placed rightly on the peece or not . measure the length of the bore of the peece , from the mouth to the breech , deuide that measure by 7 , and multiply the summe that commeth in the quotient by 3 , the product will shew you how many inches or other measure the trunions ought to stand from the end of the lowest part of the concauity of the sayd peece at the breech . and note that the trunions ought so to be placed , as ⅔ parts of the circumference of the peece may be seene in that place whereas the trunions are set . example . admit the cilinder or concaue of a cannon , or other peece of ordinance be 10 foote ½ long , i demaund where the trunions of the sayd peece ought to stand ? answere . reduce the length of the concaue of the peece into inches , you haue 126 inches , the which deuided by 7 , the quotient is 18 , that multiplied by 3 , makes 54 inches , or 4 foote ½ , so farre ought the trunions to be placed from the breech or lowest part of the hollow concauity of the sayd peece . another way . or multiplying the length of the concaue of the peece by three , and deuiding the product by 7 , the quotient will shew the true place , how farre the trunions ought to stand from the lowest part of the bore or concauity of the peece . example . 126 inches the length of the concaue of the peece , multiplied by 3 , makes 378 inches , which number deuided by 7 , the quotient is 54 inches as before . and note that the trunions of euery peece were inuented to hold the peece vp in her cariage , to moue her vp and downe to make a perfect shot , and to hold her fast in her cariage , after she is discharged : for if the trunions be placed too neare the mouth , the peece will be too heauy towards the breech , so as the gunner appointed to serue with her , shall haue much adoe to raise her , to coyne her vp or downe , or being placed too neare the breech , the contrary will happen . how you may know what empty caske is to be prouided to boy or carry ouer any peece of ordinance ouer any riuer , if botes or other prouision cannot be gotten . it is thought sufficient that 5 tun of empty caske will swimme and carry ouer a cannon of 8 or 9000 pound weight , 4 tun will carry ouer a demy cannon , 3 tun a culuering , and 2 tun a saker , accounting all prouisions to be made fast thereto , as plankes , ropes , &c. so that knowing what number of ordinance is to be ferried or caried ouer any riuer , adding all their weights into one summe , by framing the golden rule , you may presently know what empty caske is to be prouided to ferry ouer all the sayd ordinance at one instant . example . if a cannon of 8000 weight require 5 tun of empty caske , how much emptie caske is to be prouided to carry ouer so many ordinance as is supposed to be 100000 weight ? resolution . i multiply 100000 by 5 , so ariseth 500000 , the which being deuided by 8000 , the quotient is 62 ½ , so many tun of emptie caske is to be prouided to carry ouer so many ordinance as weigeth 100000 pound weight . the which empty caske made fast head to head a row on each side , by such as haue skill in such seruices , and planked aboue , would serue for a bridge to carry ouer a whole army with all prouisions thereto belonging . all which necessaries in time of seruice , and many more , belongeth to the master of the ordināce his office , to haue in readinesse , as also to be prouided of trunkes , arrowes , balles , and all kind of fire-workes , wet or drie , and the receits for making thereof . as also engines for mounting or dismounting of ordinance , wheeles , axeltrees , bullets , powder , ladles , sponges , ropes , shouels , anckors , &c. also it is the duety of the maister of the ordinance , the maister gunner , and euery chiefe officer or quarter maister vnder them , to be expert in the arte of gunnery , the better to teach and instruct their inferiors , the which without some practise in arethmiticke and geometry they cannot well accomplish . they ought to haue some sight in the mathematicalles , the better to teach and instruct such as would shoote at all randons , to know what ordinance is conuenient for an army , or to batter or beate downe the walles of any towne or castell , to know what powder and shot is to be prouided for that or such like purpose , what cariage horses , labourers and other necessaries is to be allowed for the same . they ought to practise all geometricall instruments , for the measuring of heights , lengthes , breadthes , depthes , &c. to practise how to conueigh mines vnder the ground , and how the same should be truely wrought , to blow vp any towre , castell , &c. to know what length the mine will containe with all his windings to and fro to the place appointed . to haue skill , in the handling of all engines and inuentions belonging to the ordinance . to appoint to euery peece of ordinance in time of seruice ' , gunners that know perfectly how to mannage their peeces , to charge , shoot , clense , scoure , wad and ram the same , and what laborers are to attend thereon . to know in euery platforme appointed , how to place the baskets or gabbions , and what proportion of widenesse , height , or thicknesse they ought to containe : and that the loopes haue their due proportion of widenesse . to see that euery gunner be able to discharge his duety , and not for fauour or affection to preferre such as can say most , and doe least : but that euery man be preferred to place of credite , and esteemed according to his honest behauiour and skill in this singular arte. that none be permitted to the profession of a gunner , but that he be first truely instructed in the principals of the arte , by such as haue skil therein . and not to make or suffer euery tagge and rag to be a gunner , as is too much vsed in these daies in townes of garrison , who was neuer practised in the arte , nor bath discretion nor desire to practise therein : a great number of such haue but onely the bare name of a gunner , although their standing hath bene of long time : for as a great many of marriners haue saild 7 or 8 yeeres and yet farre from a nauigator , so a great many such haue continued in pay a large prentise-hood , and yet farre from a good gunner . such in time of seruice would worke as the builders did at the towre of babell , when one cald for one thing , he had deliuered a contrary thing . in seruice the prince by such is not truely serued , the arte lesse esteemed , and themselues discredited . the arte is like to a circle without end , or like to a laberinth , wherein a man being well entred in , knoweth not how to get out againe , and therefore it must be exercise and industrie that must make a perfect gunner . many things here could i write pertaining to the duety of a gunner , and euery officer pertaining to the ordinance , but for as much as the same is not peculiar to this arethmeticall treatise , and sufficiently handled by other authors , i omit . how to know the true time that any quantitie of gunmatch being fiered , shall burne , to do an exploit at any time desired . take common match , and rub or beat the same a litle against some post or stoole to soften it , and then either dip the same in salt-peter water and drie it againe in the sun , or else rub it in a litle powder and brimstone beaten very small and made liquid with a litle aqua vitae , and dried afterwards . now when you would occupie the same , trie how long one yarde will burne , which suppose to be ¼ part of an houre , then 4 yards will be a iust houre in burning . now suppose you haue laid some powder or balles of wilde fire to burne some house , ship , mine , corne-stacks , &c. or that you haue placed the said powder or balles in some secret place to burne some thing you are desirous to spoile , and that you would be going from the place 3 houres before it effect , then binding the one end fast to the balles , laying loose powder vnder & about the same , or wrapping the one end like a wreath amongst the powder loosely , draw out the other end , or lay it crookedly , or wrap it softly about something , so as one part doe not touch another , and fire it at the other end : which match so drawne or rolled , being iust 12 yards in length , shall kindle the thing you would burne at the end of 3 houres , according to your desire : for the rule of proportion sheweth , that if one yard require a quarter or ¼ of an houre , that 12 yards of match will burne out in 3 houres . the like order you may obserue , to answer to any time appointed . how by arithmeticall skill you may know what number of men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to draw any peece of artillerie , and how much euery one draweth a peece , so as they all draw together . question . if 90 men be able sufficiently to draw a cannon of 9000 pound weight , accounting carriage and all , i demaund how many men is able to draw a culuering of 2500 pound weight , and how much euery man drew for his part ? resolution . i answere : if a cannon of 9000 pound weight , require 90 men , the quotient sheweth me that a culuering of 2500 weight requireth 25 men to draw the same : and deuiding the weight of the peece to be drawne by the number of men appointed to draw the same , the quotient will shew you how much euery man drew to his part ( to wit ) 100 weight . to know how many horses is to be prouided to draw any peece of ordinance , and how much euery one draweth . question . if three horses draw a fawcon of 900 weight , how many horses will draw a culuering of 3000 weight ? resolution . i say as before , if a peece of 900 weight require 3 horses , what will a peece of 3000 weight ? and in working according to the rule , the quotient is 10 , shewing that 10 horses must be prouided to draw a culuering of 3000 weight . also deuiding 3000 , the weight of the said peece , by 10 ( being the number of horses ) there will stand in the quotient 300 , shewing the draught of each horse . to know how many oxen is to be prouided to draw any peece of artillerie . it is to be noted that 3 yoake of oxen is thought to draw as much as three horses , and that 3 yoake of oxen is sufficient to draw a saker of 1400 weight . question . how many oxen must be prouided for a cannon of 8000 weight ? resolution . in working as before , i find that 34 oxen , or 17 yoake of oxen , will serue to draw a cannon of 8000 pound weight . and note that whereas there doth remaine 2 / 7 parts of a whole number , neither men , horses , nor other cattell , can in any such millitare questions be brought into a fraction , but yet the rule it sheweth that 17 yoake of oxen is sufficient for the draught of a cannō of 8000 pound weight , when 3 yoake of oxen serue for to draw a saker of 1400 pound weight . if you deuide the weight of the whole cannon being 8000 pound weight by 34 , the oxen appointed to draw the same , the quotient is 235 pound 5 / 17 : so much did euery oxe draw . how you may wanting both oxen and horses to draw any peece of ordinance , know presently how many men is able sufficiently to draw the same , either on plaine or marrish ground . question . i shewed in a conclusion before , that 3 yoake of oxen would draw a peece of 1400 pound weight , and that 90 men would draw a cannon of 9000 pound weight ; now if there want both horses and oxen , or that you are occasioned to draw the said peece through some marrish ground , whereas horses and oxen cannot passe , i demaund how many men is sufficient to hale a saker of 1400 pound weight through the said marish ground ? resolution . if a cannon of 9000 weight require 90 men to draw the same , i find that a saker , weighing 1400 pound weight must haue 14 men to draw the same , and euery one shall draw 100 weight for his part . in drawing artillery through any soft marrish ground it is requisite to haue in readinesse , in the maister of the ordinance his carts , which carrieth the prouisions for the ordinance certaine hurdels of boords , or rather flat bottomed boates , in which any peece of ordinance may be placed carriage and all , and by force or strength of men may be drawne as easily , as to draw the said peece on the firme land , for that the said boate is apt to slide or swimme on the soft owish , the ropes being made fast to the forestearne or sides of the sayd boates , which boates do serue also for cariage of the ordinance , and all things thereto belonging , ouer any riuer or soft owish ground , &c. how you may by the rule afore , know how many oxen will draw any peece of ordinance , if you want men and horses . i shewed that 90 men is able to draw a cannon of 9000 pound weight , and that three yoake of oxen will serue to draw a cannon of 1400 pound weight : now wanting men and horses , i say if a saker of 1400 pound weight require 6 oxen , what will a cannon of 9000 ? and in multiplying the weight of the cannon by 6 , the number of oxen appointed to draw the saker , and deuiding that product by the weight of the lesser peece , the quotient is 38 oxen or 19 yoake , so many must be prouided to draw a cannon of 9000 pound weight , which weight deuided by the 38 oxen appointed to draw the same , the quotient sheweth that euery oxe drew 236 pound weight . how you may wanting men and oxen to draw any peece of ordinance , know how many horses is requisite to draw the same . also i noted before , that 3 horses would serue to draw a fawcon of 900 pound weight : i demand how many horses will serue to draw a cannon of 9000 pound weight ? in working as before , the quotient is 30 , so mamy horses is requisite for that purpose : which peece , her weight deuided by the number of horses appointed to draw the same , the quotient sheweth that euery horse drew 300 pound weight . in this order you may know what number of men , horses , or oxen , is able to draw any peece of ordinance , and what euery one seuerally doth draw . how to know how many 100 of haberdepoize weight any peece of ordinance , or other grosse weight containeth . in the conclusions afore set downe , thou must note gentle reader , that euery 100 weight of most things , is accounted after fiue score to the hundreth : but if thou be desirous to know how many hundreth of haber depoize weight any peece of ordinance or other grosse weight cōtaineth , thou mayst by arithmetike soone be resolued , for euery 100 of haberdepoize weight containeth 112 pound , the halfe hundreth 56 pound , the quarter 28 pound , and the pound 16 ounces : so that deuiding the weight of any great peece by 112 , thou mayst easily know how many hundreth of haberdepoize weight the same containeth . i would know how many hundreth of haberdepoize weight is in a cannon of 9000 pound weight , i deuide the same by 112 as aforesayd , and the quotient being 80 40 / 112 , sheweth that a cannon of 9000 pound weight containes 80 hundreth of haberdepoize weight , one quarter and 12 pound . a tun containeth 2000 of haberdepoize weight . how you may proportionally prooue all sorts of peeces of artillerie for seruice whether they will hold or no. all peeces that shoote a bullet vnder 10 pound weight , and duely fortified with mettall , being shot 3 times , first with the whole weight of the yron bullet . secondly with 5 / 4 partes thereof , and lastly with 3 / 2 partes of the same , will hold for any seruice , being charged with her ordinarie charge , albeit the said peece were discharged 100 times in one day . how you may find out the proportionall charge afore named as thus . suppose a peece shoote a bullet of 6 pound weight , and that you desire to know what 5 / 4 partes in powder of the weight of the bullet is : multiply the weight of the said bullet by the numerator 5 , and deuide by the denominator 4 , the quotient is your desire . example . 6 multiplied by 5 , is 30 : the same deuided by 4 , the quotient is 7 ½ . the like order you must vse in giuing her 3 / 2 parts in powder to the weight of the shot , and your quotient is 9 pound . how to prooue any peece that shooteth a bullet vnder 50 pound weight , and aboue 10 pound weight . any peece that shooteth a bullet aboue 10 pound in weight , and vnder 50 pound , would for the first shot be charged with ⅔ parts in powder of the pellets weight : for the second shot with ⅚ partes , and lastly with the whole weight of the bullet . example . admit a peece shoote a bullet of 40 pound weight , the ⅔ partes thereof is 26 pound ⅔ , and ⅚ partes thereof is 33 pound ⅔ parts . and note that in proouing any peece of ordinance , whether she be seruiceable or not , her mouth would be mounted to 20 or 30 degrees of the quadrant , or thereabout . to know how much one coyler rope , for the draught of any peece of ordinance is bigger then another , and how thicke any of them is . take the compasse of the lesser , and likewise the circumference of the greater , abating the lesser out of the greater , the remaine is your desire , which knowne by the rule of proportion you may find out the height or thicknesse of the lesser . example . suppose you haue a coyler rope of 6 inches compasse , and another of 4 inches compasse , abating 4 inches from 6 inches the compasse of the greater , rests 2 inches , the diameter or height of the greater : which knowne , frame the rule of proportion saying : if 6 yeeld 2 , what 4 ? the quotient is one inch ⅔ parts , shewing the true thicknesse or height of the lesser . to know how much one coyler rope is more then another . take the compasse of your rope , and multiply it in it selfe , and looke how much you would haue the other greater , augment your product by the same proportion , extract the square roote , you haue your desire . example . a coyler rope of 6 inches compasse squared , makes 36 inches . now if you would haue one 3 times as much , then multiply 36 by 3 , the product is 108 , the square roote thereof is 10 inches and something better , and so thicke ought a rope to be that is 3 times the compasse of the other . how by knowing the waight of a faddome of one rope , to know the weight of a faddome of any other . a cable or coyler rope of 10 inches compasse weighing 16 pound euery faddom , how much will a faddom of that rope weigh , that is 15 inches compasse , and made of the same stuffe ? i multiply the greater in it selfe , ariseth 225 , and that multiplied by 16 pound the weight of a faddom of the lesser rope , ariseth 3600 , the which deuided by 100 , being the square of the lesser rope , the quotient is 36 pound , and so much will euery faddome of the greater rope weigh . in this order by knowing what a faddome of the greater rope weigheth , you may soone find what a faddome of the lesser rope weigheth . how by knowing the quantity or compasse of any small rope , to find out the same in another that is many times that bignesse . admit i haue a small rope of 3 inches compasse , and that it is required to know the height of another that is 5 times that compasse . i square the number 3. ariseth 9 , which multiplied by 5 makes 45 , the square roote thereof is 6 inches ¼ so high is the greater . the like is to be done of all such like demaunds . to know the weight of a whole coyler rope for the draught of any peece of ordinance . question . there is a coyler rope of 8 inches compasse weighing 12 pound euery faddome , i demaund the whole weight of that rope being 20 faddome long ? resolution . multiply the number of faddoms in the rope ( being 20 ) by the weight of one faddome , the product is 240 pound weight , your desire . the length of a coyler rope for a whole cannon ought to be 70 faddome or thereabouts . for an ordinary cannon 64 or 66 faddome , and for a demy cannon 60 faddome or thereabouts . for a culuering 40 faddome , a demy culuering 36 faddome , and a saker 30 faddome , &c. to find out the superficiall content of the hollow concauity of any peece if you multiply the length of the cilinder or bore of the peece , by the circumference of the hollow concaue about the mouth , the product will shew you the superficiall content of the cilinder of the said peece . example . a cannon of 7 inches diameter hauing her concaue or hollow cilinder 12 foote in length , how much is the superficiall content thereof ? resolution . reduce the length of the hollow concaue of the pecce into inches , ariseth 144 inches , which multiplied by 22 inches , the circumference of the concaue at the mouth of the peece , ariseth 3168 inches , the superficiall content of the mettall compassing the concaue of the peece . to find out the crassitude or solid content of the cilinder or concaue of any peece . first you must by the rules taught in the beginning of the booke , find out the content of the base or plaine of the concauity at the mouth of the peece , in multiplying ½ , the diameter in halfe the circumference or else squaring the diameter and multiplying that product by 11 , and deuiding the result by 14 , the quotient will also shew you the content , the which multiplied in the length of the cilinder of the peece , the product is your desire . example . the cannon aboue named of 7 inches diameter , wrought as is shewed , yeeldeth 38 inches ½ at the base or circular content of her mouth , which multiplied by 144 inches , the length of the cilinder , yeeldeth 8280 inches , the solid content of the concaue of the said peece . if you desire to know how many foote in square measure the solide content of the empty or hollow concauity of the peece aforenamed or any other doth containe , you must worke thus ; deuide the number of inches in the solide content thereof by the number of inches in a foote square being 1728 , the quotient is your desire . example . the solide content of the peece of 7 inches diameter aboue named , containeth 8280 inches , which deuided by 1728 , the quotient is 4 57 / 72 , that is 5 feete in square measure wanting 15 inches . the like is to be done in any other peece , or in measuring the cilinder or cone in any other solide body . how you may arithmetically know how much any peece of ordinances is taper-bored , or whether the same be taper-bored or not . put vpon your rammer staffe a tampion of wood , that is iust the height of the hollow concaue of your peece , and thrust the same home into the peece ; if it go not home to the breech , then the peece is taper-bored , if it go home the peece is not taper bored : if she be taper-bored , then put on such a tampion of wood vpon your rammer staffe , as may fill the concaue of the peece in the narrowest part where she is taper-bored , and be sure that it go home to the breech of the peece , and afterwards with your compasses , measure the diameter of either tampion , abating the lesser measure out of the greater , the remaine is your desire . and note that the tampion at the end of euery rammer staffe , is to thrust home the wad and bullet close to the chamber or place where the powder lyeth , and euery rammer staffe ought to haue a sponge at the one end , to cleanse the peece with , and a tampion of wood at the other end , to put home the bullet and wad with , in the center of which ought to be a hollow screw wherein the gunner may screw in a wad hooke to vnloade any peece at his pleasure . how to shoote in any morter peece . morter peeces were inuented onely to annoy the enemy , when other ordinance cannot be vsed against them , as being charged with stone to beate down the houses of the enemy , or to fal amongst men being assembled together , or charged with balles of wild-fire to burne the enemies ships , houses , or corne . to make a perfect shot in one of these peeces , it is requisite you know 2 things belonging to the same ( that is to say ) how farre your morter peece will carry a bullet , or a ball of fire-worke , as she is to shoote at the best of the randon : and likewise how far it is from your peece to the marke you intend to shoot at , which knowne you may make a perfect shot , as thus . example . if a morter peece shoot a bullet or fire-worke 700 paces , and that the marke which you intend to shoote at is but 500 paces ; i demand at what degree of the quadrant , shall the peece be layd at , to make a good shot ? resolution . to answer this and all such like , reason and experience teacheth , that the lesser ground you intend to shoot , you must raise the mouth of your morter peece so many degrees aboue the best of the randon , as is sufficient to reach the marke desired : and therefore i say if 700 paces require 45 degrees of the quadrant , what will 500 ? and the quotient tels me , that at 63 degrees of the quadrant the mouth of the sayd peece must be eleuated at , to cause the bullet or fire-ball to light accordingly . if you abate 45 degrees ( being the best of the randon ) from 63 degrees , that the peece was eleuated at , the remaine is 18 degrees , & so many degrees of the quadrant was the mouth of the morter peece eleuated at to reach the marke . to know how farre or short any morter peece will shoote further or shorter , at the mount or dismount of one or many degrees . question . a morter peece that shoots 450 paces at the best of the randon , i would know how much shorter shall she shoote , being eleuated one degree aboue the vtmost range ? resolution . deuide the distance of the vtmost range being 450 paces , by 45 the degrees in the best of the randon , the quotient is 10 , so many paces will the sayd peece shoote shorter , her mouth eleuated one degree . how you may know verie neare how farre from your peece the bullet shall light , the sayd morter peece mouth being raised to what degree you thinke good . question suppose there is a castell &c. besieged , and that the gunners had brought their ordinance as neare as they would wish , so that hauing discharged the morter peece in the former conclusion , at the mount of 60 degrees , they find that the bullet fals in or about the mids of the sayd castell or fort. the question is how farre it is betweene the peece and the fall of the sayd bullet ? resolution . you must first seeke what difference of degrees is betweene 60 and 45 , and you shall find 15 , then by the rule of proportion say , if one degree abate 10 paces , what will 45 ? and you shall find 150 paces in your quotient . and in this order by the help of arithmeticke you may find how farre it is from the peece to the marke . also it is possible to shoote so directly vpright in a quiet , faire , and calme day , that the bullet shot out of your morter peece , shal fall into the peece mouth againe or hard besides the same , if you raise the peece mouth iust to 90 degrees of the quadrant , which albeit it be not seruiceable , yet it is possible to be done : for this is a generall rule , that no peece of ordinance whatsoeuer can shoote a bullet to continue still in a streight line , during the motion of the said bullet , except you eleuate or raise the concaue of the said peece directly towards the zeneth of the skie , or else plumbe downe towards the center of the earth . the diameter of the chamber mouth in euery morter peece , ought to be equall to the semi-diameter in the mouth of the said morter . the length of euery chamber in a morter peece , ought to be once and a halfe the diameter of the chamber . the mettall at the breech of euery morter peece , ought to be fortified equall in thicknesse to the diameter of the mouth of the chamber within , and at the trunions to the semi-diameter , and at the fore-part or necke of the peece , to the ⅓ part of the diameter of the chamber mouth . to mount a morter peece by the quadrant , some vse to put the rule of the quadrant into the peece mouth , close to the mettall , or inside of the peece , noting at what degree the plummet hangs ; but for as much as there be many morter peeces a little taper-bored at the mouth , ( i meane the diameter at the mouth is something wider then it is within ) therefore it is the best to haue a rule made for the purpose , which among the experienced gunners is common , the said rule being about 18 inches length , at the middle point or pricke whereof is another shorter rule , framed artificially about a foote long , ioyned close , and falling perpendicularly on the longer rule , whose containing angle lighteth iustly on the middle point or mids of the longer rule , from which point is drawne by arte the ⅛ part of a circle , and deuided into 45 equall deuisions or degrees , so as the 90 degree stands iust on the center or middle point of the longer rule : so that laying the longer rule crosse the mouth of the peece , you shall presently know at what degre the said morter peece is eleuated at by the plummet , the peece being mounted at any grade aboue 45. and thus may you mount your morter peece , to shoote at what degree you thinke good . the patterne of the rule this figure sheweth , plainely drawne . the orderly flight or motion of the bullet or fire-ball shot out of any morter peece , by the figure or draught hereunder may be perceiued . hauing planted ordinance vpon any mount or platforme , to besiege any towne , &c. and that you desire to make some little trench or ditch about the same for the defence thereof , how you may know how much the earth and turfe that is cast out of the said ditch , shall raise a wall in height , being laid orderly at the brim of the said ditch , on the inside thereof , making the same wall to any proportion assigned . question . suppose the generall commaund the captaine of the pyoners , that a ditch be made about the mounts or platformes where the ordinance plaies , making the same 18 foote in bredth at the brim , 12 foote in bredth at the bottome , and 8 foote in depth , and that the earth and turfe digged out of the said trench be laid orderly in the inside thereof at the brim of the said ditch , so as a wall may be made in bredth at the bottome 12 foote , and at the top 8 foote , i demaund how high shall that wall be when it is finished ? resolution . to worke this , there is a generall rule , ( as thus . ) adde the widenesse or breadth of the brim , and the breadth or widenesse at the bottome together , the ½ of that addition multiplied by depth of the ditch the product of that multiplication shall be your deuident , or number to be deuided . now to find the height of the wall , adde the thicknesse of the bottome of the wall which you meane to make , to the thicknesse or bredth that you intend to make it at the head ; the ½ of that addition shall be your deuisore , which deuident deuided by the deuisor , the quotient will shew you the height of the wall . example . the trench in this conclusion is said to be 18 foote broad at the mouth or brim thereof , and 12 foote at the bottome , which 2 numbers being added , makes 30 , the halfe whereof is 15 feete , which 15 feete multiplied by 8 feete being the depth , ariseth 120 feete for my deuident . likewise , adde twelue foote ( the thicknesse of the wall at the bottome ) to 8 foote the bredth you meane to make it at the head , so ariseth 20 feete , the ½ thereof is 10 feete for my deuisor , ( and so thicke the said wall will be in the mids : the which deuident being 120 , being deuided by the deuisor 10 , the quotient is 12 , and so many foote in height shall the earth and turfe casten out of the trench aforesaid , make a wall being 12 foote broade at the bottome , 8 foote at the head , and 10 foote in breadth at the mids : the said trench being 18 foote broad at the brim , 12 foote broad at the bottome , and 8 foote deepe . in this order you may find out the height , bredth , or depth of any such like wall or ditch , in making the same after any proportion assigned . briefe obseruations of certaine principals in the arte of gunnery , for euery gunner to consider of , to practise and learne , viz. to know what disparture euery peece of ordinance ought to haue in shooting either at or within point blanke , or with an inch rule at any aduantage . to vse a mediocrity in ramming and wadding , and in giuing euery peece her due loading in powder and bullet . to know the goodnesse and badnesse of powder , and how to mixe and make perfit good powder , and how to fine the peter , &c. to consider the wind , whether it blow with you or against you , or on any side of the peece , and how to weather your peece to make a good shot . to consider the platforme , whether it be flat , or else declining for the recoile of your peece , and whether the marke be higher or lower then your platforme , as also to know the distance thereto . to know whether your peece be truly bored or not , and how to make a perfect shot in a peece that is not truly bored . to consider whether the one wheele be more glad or reuerse faster vpon the axle-tree then the other , or whether the one wheele stand higher then the other , lest you do shoote wide . to know whether a short peece will outshoote a long peece or not , keeping the length of the marke by the like degrees of the quadrant . to know that leuelling with the quadrant towards a hill ( the marke standing higher then your platforme ) you shall shoote short : and shooting into a valley , you do ouershoote the marke , but shooting on a leuell ground you keepe the length with the quadrant , and how you ought to lay your peece to make a perfect shot with ●he quadrant at euery marke . to know that giuing leuell with an inch rule ( which some call the rule of flat ) it is erronious in shooting in ●eeces of contrary length , as also at seuerall markes : obseruing one method . to learne to know the distance to the marke , and what distance your peece will shoote at point blanke , or mounted from degree to degree ( which is the best rule to snoote by . to know whether the cariage or stocke of your peece haue her due length or not , and whether the peece be truly placed therein or not . to consider that in shooting diuerse peeces from one platforme , to discharge that peece which stands to the ley wards first , and to set your match or fire euer on the ley side , and your powder on the wind hand . to know the true order in mixing and making all kind of fire-workes , wet and dry . to know the height and weight of all peeces of ordinance , and whether the same lye streight in the cariage or not . to know the height and weight of all bullets of like mettall , and the circumference thereof : and what proportion a bullet of one mettall beareth to the like or vnlike bullet of a contrary mettall . to know how much serpentine or corne powder is requisite to charge any peece of artillery . to know what necessaries belongeth to any peece of ordinance , being in seruice by land or sea ; as ladles , sponges , hand-spikes , ropes , coines , &c. and what labourers should attend the same . to know likewise what men , horses , or oxen , is able to draw any peece of ordinance in seruice , or on the sudden . to be circumspect of lighted matches and candles &c. for feare of powder , being in sea-seruice : and to keepe a perfect register of euery thing pertaining to your ordinance , both what you haue present , and what you haue spent , to keepe your ordinance drie within , and to haue in readinesse all kind of seruiceable fire-workes , which fire-workes ought to be made either in the boate or on land , but not in the ship for feare of had i wist . to know the vse of all geometricall instruments belonging to the profession of a gunner , as also to haue some sight in arithmeticke and geometry , thereby to shoote at all randons , and how to mannage and handle all engines , for the mounting or dismounting of any peece of ordinance , in or out her cariage , &c. to know that euery peece ought to be as thicke of mettall in euery part from the lowest part of the concaue at the breech , to that part of the chamber that holds the powder , as the bullet due to that peece is in height . a breuiary of certaine secrets in the art of gunnery . a bullet violently driuen out of any peece of ordinance by the force of the powder , flieth swiftest and streightest from the mouth , till it be past ½ the distance of the leuell range . the great noise or rore that the peece makes in deliuering the bullet ( or discharged without bullet ) ariseth betweene the ayre within the peece , violently driuen out into the open aire by the force of the fire ( the petre or maister being resolued into a windie exhalation . ) and according to the quantity of the fire and aire , bursting out of the peece , so is the cracke more or lesse . any bullet shot out of a peece lying leuell , doth flie more heauily , and worketh lesse effect in piercing an obiect , then when the peece is eleuated at any degree or degrees of the randon . a heauy bullet violently mouing pierceth sorer then a lighter bullet , hauing the like motion . a bullet of lead shall worke as great effect against an obiect , as the like bullet of yron , hauing the like motion , by reason of his ouerplus of weight . a bullet shot out of any peece of artillery , will pierce more against any thing standing firme , then against a moueable obiect , and shot at an obiect a reasonable distance from the peece , will pierce more effectually , then shot at the same nearer hand . euery bullet doth make a long or short range , according to the eleuation of the peece out of which it is shot . a bullet flieth euer furthest in his streight motion ( or in an insensible streight line ) the higher that the peece is eleuated at the mouth . any peece discharged twise with one and the selfe like quantity of powder , wad , and bullet , hauing one and the selfe like proportion in ramming and wadding , and shot at one like degree of randon , the peece of like temper at either shot shall make like ranges , but the sayd peece discharged as afore , but not of like temper , shall make seuerall grazes . two peeces in all respects equall , saue onely that the one is something longer then the other , discharged with one like quantity in powder and bullet , shall make seuerall grazes , according to the length of the cilinder of the peece , the longer shall outshoote the shorter . two peeces in all respects equall , saue onely in length , discharged at a marke of equall distance from each peece , and being within the range of both peeces , the bullet shot out of the shorter peece , shall graze or beate the marke , before the bullet shot out of the longer peece . two peeces proportionall in all respects , being discharged with one like quantity and kind of powder , but differing in bullet , as the one yron : the other lead , and both bullets of like height , shall make seuerall ranges , the yron bullet shall outflie the leaden bullet , but discharged with a bullet of mettall , and afterwards with a like bullet made of wood , obseruing one and the like quantity in powder at euery shot , the bullet of wood shall not flie so farre as the like bullet of mettall . a peece any whit eleuated at the mouth , will shoote further in an insencible steight line , then lying leuell : and by how much more any bullet is driuen more swifter through the ayre , by so much it is made the more lighter in the mouing or drift thereof . two peeces a like in euery respect , shot with one like bullet , but different quantity of powder , shall make seuerall ranges . also the sayd peeces and bullets equall in all respects , and the powder also in quantity equall , sauing that the mixtures of the sayd powder is not alike , shall make seuerall ranges . one peece discharged diuerse times with one like bullet , first with the quarter of the weight of the bullet in powder , after with halfe the weight , thirdly with ⅔ parts of the weight , and lastly with the whole weight of the bullet in corne powder , and the ranges differing at point blanke noted , the ranges at the vtmost randon differing , shall be proportionall , one method in charging , &c. being obserued . to euery peece of ordinance , according to the proportion of the diameter , length of the cilinder , and weight of the bullet belōging thereto , there is a due quātity of powder to be allowed , so that charging the peece with more or lesse then the sayd due proportion , shall rather hinder then further the bullet in his furthest range . by how much the mettall of any peece is made hotter by often shooting , then it was before you made the first shot , by so much is the concaue or bore of the peece made more attractiue , the mettall more dulled and the peece worketh lesse effect then in the beginning . all peeces in whose mettall is mingled most tin , lead , or copper , is more attractiue a great deale then those peeces in whom is put most bel-mettall . a brasse peece made hote with often shooting , is more apt to breake then when it is cold ; and any peece of artillery is more apt to breake at the first or second shot in a hard frost being cold , then made hote with often shooting . any peece of ordinance discharged , hauing her full charge in powder , will range and pierce further , then wanting any part thereof ; and hauing a little quantity more then her due charge in powder , will ouershoot the other , but it will daunger the peece ; but doubling the weight of the bullet in powder , shall shoote lesse ground then hauing a meane proportionall charge in powder ( to wit betweene ⅔ parts and the whole weight of the bullet ) for that the cilinder of the peece is too much choked , and the bullet driuen out into the open aire before the powder be all fired . euery peece of artillery ought to haue her conuenient length and weight of mettall , according to the proportion of the diameter or bore of the same , and being made longer or shorter then her sayd due length , will rather hinder then further her vtmost range . any peece of ordinance made hote through much shooting , will neither range so farre , nor pierce so deepe , as being temperatly cold . no peece of artillery can shoot a bullet to range still in a perfect streight line , except you shoote the same either directly vpright towards the zeneth of the skie , or else directly plumme downe towards the center of the earth . the right line of the vtmost randon in all peeces , is more then the right line of the leuell range ; and the right line of the vtmost range , is not so much as the right line of 90 degrees . the vtmost range in all sorts of peeces , is not at iust 45 degrees of randon , as tartallia and diuerse others do affirme , but shooting with the wind in a quiet or calme day , is at or about 45 degrees , but the wind against , or on any side , or rough , or the aire thicke , &c. will range as farre at or about 40 degrees . two peeces in all respects equall saue onely in length , discharged with a like quantity in powder , wad , & bullet , and shot at a marke within the reach of both peeces , mounted at like degrees of randon with the quadrant , the shorter peece shall outshoote the longer . the right lines made by any 2 peeces at one degree of randon discharged , are proportionall to the ranges of their bullets at the same degrees of randon , and the right lines made by any 2 peeces at any randon , are proportionall to their vtmost ranges . any peece of ordinance first discharged with the whole weight of the bullet in serpentine powder , & after discharged with ½ the weight of her bullet , in such corne powder as shall cause the peece to range the same ground : and lastly discharged with halfe the quantity of either sort of powder , the second ranges shall not be equall , although the manner of charging and temper of the peece be all alike . three peeces in all respects equall , saue euery one exceeds other in like proportion in length , the vtmost ranges of their bullets shall not be alike proportionall , although the forme of charging be vniforme and alike . a peece twise charged , first with an yron bullet fit for the same peece , and after with a leaden bullet of the like weight , but differing in height , and with one and the like quantity in powder and wad , at either time the yron bullet shall outflie the leaden bullet . a peece discharged first with an yron bullet , and after with a leaden bullet of like height , and at either time discharged with the weight of the bullet in serpentine powder , shall make vnequall ranges . a peece twise discharged at like degree of randon , first with an yron , and then with a leaden bullet , and after discharged with any other quantity of powder , the ranges of the bullets shall not retaine the same proportion . if 2 peeces of one length but differing in bore , the one discharged with an yron , the other with a leaden bullet at one like randon , hauing the weight of either bullet in course powder , do range both alike ground , and the sayd peeces after discharged with halfe the weight of their bullets , of the same or any other powder , shall not range one like distance of ground . two peeces of one mettall and length , but of different bullets equally mounted , discharged with any like quantity of one powder , shall not range iustly one distance of ground . the proportion of the different ranges , that yron and leaden bullets make , being found by experience in any one peece of ordinance , the same proportion will not hold in all other peeces of ordinance of contrary length , that shootes the same like bullet . any peece of ordinance being thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , discharged at a marke , will cast the bullet towards that side , that is thickest of mettall . two peeces of contrary length , but of like diameter , hauing both one like charge , being shot off at a marke within the reach of both peeces giuing leuell with an inch rule , at one like height of the rule , shall make seuerall grazes , the shorter peece shall outshoote the longer . any peece of ordinance will conuey the bullet more ground , her mouth eleuated at 18 or 20 degrees , then from the sayd grades to the best of the randon , although there be 7 degrees vantage in the latter . any peece of ordinance hauing her due loading will conuey the bullet more then fiue times the distance of her leuell range . a table shewing the contents of this booke . a table of the deminite parts vsed in mensurations . 1. a table shewing how to weigh any great quantity vvith fevv weights . 2. how to extract the cubicke radix or roote of any number , and how to find a true denominator to the cubicke remaine , and how to proue if you worke right or not . 4.5 theoremes , shewing the proportion betweene a bullet of one mettall , to a bullet of contrary mettall , and betweene the diameter and circumference thereof , &c. 8. how by knowing the true weight of any bullet , and diameter of the peece due for the same , to find the weight of any other bullet of like mettall belonging to a contrary peece of ordinance . 8. how by the knowne weight of any small bullet , you may find out the weight of a greater , and how to proue if you worke right or not . 9. by knowing the weight of any bullet , whose diameter containeth both whole numbers and broken , how to find the weight of any other of like mettall . 10 by knowing the diameter height and weight of an iron bullet , to find the height and weight of a bullet of marble stone : or contrariwise , by knowing the height and vveight of a bullet of marble stone , to find the vveight of the like bullet of iron . 11. by knowing the weight and diameter of an iron bullet , to find the height and weight of a leaden bullet of the same proportion : or contrariwise , by knowing the vveight of a leaden bullet , to find the vveight of an iron bullet of like height . 12. to find out the weight of any bullet made of marble stone , by knowing the weight of the like bullet of lead , or else by knowing the vveight of any leaden bullet , to find out the vveight of a bullet of marble of like diameter . 12. to find out the circumference of any bullet or round body , &c. 13. by knowing the circumference of any bullet , how to find out the diameter thereof . 14. to find the solid content of any bullet or globe . 15. to find the superficiall content of any bullet , &c. 15. to find out the circumference of any circular body diuerse vvaies . 16. hovv to find the superficiall content of any round body , as bullet or globe diuerse vvaies . 17. hovv to find the crassitude or solid content of any bullet , &c. diuerse wayes . 18. by knowing the diameter and vveight of any bullet , &c. to find the diameter of another of like mettall , that is twice the vveight of the first . 18. hovv you may diuerse vvaies geometrically find out the vveight of any vnknowne bullet , that is double the vveight of a knowne bullet , and hovv to proue the same conclusions by numbers . 19. 20. by knowing the superficiall content of the flat or plaine of any circle , to find out the superficiall content of another , that is twise the diameter of the first . 23. by knowing the vveight and height of any one bullet , to find out the true vveight of another that is twise the height of the former . 24. hovv you may arithmetically find the diameter or height of any bullet , and to knovv hovv much any one bullet is higher then another , vvithout any callapers . 25. a table shewing the vveight of all iron bullets , from the fawconet to the cannon , in haberdepoize vveight . 26. hovv you may arithmetically knovv the true bredth of the plate of any ladle due to any peece of ordinance , by knowing the diameter of the bullet fit for the peece . 27. hovv to make a ladle for a chamber-bored peece . 28. to find out the height of the diameter of the chamber in any chamber-bored cannon , or other peece : and hovv to find out the thicknesse of mettall , round about the chamber thereof . 29. hovv you may arithmetically knovv vvhether the cariage for your peece be truly made or not , and hovv the cariage for any peece of ordinance ought to be made . 30. by knowing the vveight of any one peece of ordinance , to find the vveight of any other . 31. hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv hovv much of euery kind of mettall is in any brasse peece of ordinance . 33. hovv to knovv hovv farre any peece of great artillery vvill conuey her bullet at the best of the randon , by knowing the vtmost range and point blanke of another peece , and by the same rule hovv you may knovv hovv farre any great peece vvill range at point blanke and vtmost randon . 35. to knovv how much a bullet of yron vvill flie further then the like bullet of lead , being discharged the one after the other out of any great peece , vvith one like quantity in powder . 36. by knowing hovv much powder is sufficient to charge any one peece of ordinance , to knovv hovv much of the same powder vvill charge any other peece of ordinance . 37. by knowing hovv much serpentine powder vvill charge any peece of ordinance , to knovv hovv much corne powder vvill do the like : or contrariwise , by knowing hovv much corne powder vvill charge any peece , to knovv hovv much serpentine powder vvill serue . 38. by knowing hovv farre any peece shootes vvith her due charge of powder , to giue a neare estimate hovv farre the sayd peece vvill shoote , vvith a charge more or lesse in powder then the other . 39. hovv by knowing hovv much powder a fevv peeces of ordinance hath spent , being but a fevv times discharged , to knovv hovv much powder a great number of the like peeces vvill spend to be often discharged . 40. hovv to knovv hovv much powder euery little caske or firken ought to containe , and hovv many of those caskes doth make a last of powder , and hovv many shootes any quantity of powder vvill be for any great peece of artillery . 41. by knowing hovv many shootes a firken of powder vvill make for a culuering , to knovv hovv many shootes a last of powder vvill make for a cannon . 41. to knovv hovv many shootes of powder vvill be in a graund barrell , for any peece of ordinance . 42. hovv you may arithmetically knovv vvhat proportion of euery receipt is to be taken to make perfect good powder : vvhat quantity soeuer you vvould make at a time . 43. hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv hovv vvith one and the selfe like charge in powder and bullet , hovv much farre or short any peece of ordinance vvill shoote , in mounting or dismounting her any degree , vvhereby you may knovv hovv farre your peece vvill shoote at any degree of the randon , by knowing hovv farre she vvill reach at the vtmost randon . 46. by knowing the distance to the marke by the conclusion aboue , you may know whether your peece vvill shoote short or ouer the marke , or you may know hovv farre any marke is from your platforme , being vvithin the reach of your peece , onely by knowing the distance of the vtmost range of your peece , and the degrees she is eleuated at . 46. 47. hovv to make a table of randons , or go very neare to knovv the true range of the bullet , out of all sorts of great peeces of artillery , being mounted from degree to degree . 48. hovv you may arithmetically knovv hovv much vvide , ouer , or short any peece vvill shoote from the marke , by knowing the distance to the marke , and hovv your peece is layd to shoote at the sayd marke . 51. hovv to lay your peece to make a streight shot at any marke . 51. in shooting at any marke vvithin point blanke , not disparting your peece , to knovv hovv farre the bullet vvill flie ouer the sayd marke , onely by knowing the distance to the marke . 53. hovv to lay your peece point blanke vvithout iustrument . 54. hovv you may arithmetically dispart any great peece of artillery diuerse vvaies . 54. hovv by arithmeticall skill you may mount any great peece by an inch rule to 10 degrees of the quadrant , if you vvant a quadrant or other instrument . 55. hovv you may knovv the true thicknesse of mettall in any part of any great peece of ordinance diuerse vvaies . 58. 59. hovv to make a good shot in a peece that is not truly bored , or to knovv hovv much any peece vvill shoote amisse , that is thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , if you knovv the distance to the marke : & hovv to remedy your peece , being thicker of mettall in one part then another , to make her shoote streight . 60. to knovv the different force of any 2 like peeces of ordinance planted against an obiect , the one being further off from the sayd obiect then the other . 62. hovv you may hauing diuerse kinds of ordinance to batter the vvals of any towne or castell , &c. tell presently hovv much powder vvill loade all those ordinance , one or many times . 65. hovv you may knovv the true vveight of any number of shot for seuerall peeces of ordinance , hovv many soeuer they be , and hovv many tun vveight they do all vveigh . 70. hovv any gunner or gunfounder may by arithmeticke skill know vvhether the trunions of any peece be rightly placed on the peece or not . 72. hovv you may knovv vvhat empty caske is to be prouided to boy or carry ouer any peece of ordinance ouer any riuer , if boates or other prouision cannot be gotten . 73. hovv to knovv the true time that any quantity of gun-match , being fired shall burne to do an exploite , at any time desired . 76. hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv vvhat number of men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to dravv any great peece of artillery , and hovv much euery one draweth , so as they all do their indeuor . 77. to knovv hovv many hundreth of haberdepoize vveight any peece of ordinance or other grosse vveight containeth . 81. how you may proportionally proue all sorts of peeces of artillery for seruice , vvhether they vvill hold or not . 82. to knovv hovv much one coyler rope is more then another , for to dravv any great peece of ordinance . 83. by knowing the weight of a faddome of one coyler rope , to know the vveight of a faddome of any other . 84. by knowing the quantity or compasse of any small rope , to find out the same in another that is many times that bignesse , and hovv to find out the vveight of a vvhole coyler rope , for the draught of any peece of ordinance . 84. to find out the superficiall content of the hollovv concauity of any peece . 85. to find out the crassitude or solid content of the cilinder or concauity of any peece , and how much the same containeth in square measure . 86. how you may knovv how much any peece of ordinance is taper-bored by arithmeticke skill , or vvhether any great peece of ordinance be taper-bored or not . 87. a table vvherein you may knovv the names of all peeces of artillery , their height and vveight , and thicknesse of mettall in any part of them , and vvhat men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to draw the same , and the height , vveight , and compasse of the bullet belonging to euery peece : and hovv much powder vvill charge euery of the sayd peeces , and the length and breadth of the ladle fit for any peece , and hovv thicke , broade , long , or deepe , the cariage of euery peece should be , and hovv long euery coyler rope should be , for the draught of any great peece of ordinance . 87. conclusions for shooting in morter peeces . 87. to knovv hovv much further or shorter any morter peece vvill shoote at the mount or dismount of one or many degrees . 88. to knovv very neare hovv farre from your peece the bullet shall light , the morter peece raised at what degree you thinke good . 89. notes to be learned concerning morter peeces . 89. to know how much the earth and turfe that is digged & throwne out of any ditch , shall make a defencible ramper or vvall at the brim of the sayd ditch , making the same to any proportion assigned for the better defence of the ordinance in time of seruice . 93. certaine briefe obseruations of certaine principals of the art of gunnery , to be knowne of euery gunner : with a breuiary of certaine secrets of the same art , very necessary for all professors of the art of gunnery . 94. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a12531-e6290 note . political and military observations a new collection / by j.d. of kidwelly. davies, john, 1625-1693. 1679 approx. 129 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37231 wing d396 estc r16079 12952207 ocm 12952207 95949 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37231) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95949) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 735:8) political and military observations a new collection / by j.d. of kidwelly. davies, john, 1625-1693. [2], 158 p. printed for h. cox ..., and h. bonwick ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -early works to 1800. military art and science -early works to 1800. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion political and military observations . a new collection . by j. d. of kidwelly . london . printed for h. cox next castle-yard in holborne : and h. bonwick in st. pauls church-yard , 1679. political , and military observations . i. it is the common humour of mankind , principally to fear the danger which is next at hand , and to be more carefully concern'd for things present , than is requisite ; and on the contrary , to make less account than they ought of those things which are to come , and at a distance ; and this out of a certain presumption , that time and the contingency of humane accidents may afford some remedy for the latter . ii. it happens many times that the wisdom which is over-curious , and too too considerative , may be blame-worthy ; inasmuch as the affairs of the world are subject to so many and so great a diversity of occurrences and disappointments , that that seldom happens , which wise men imagined would come to pass . that person therefore who quits the present good , out of a fear of the future danger , ( it being presuppos'd that the danger is not inevitable and too near at hand ) finds , to his sorrow , that he has let slip the occasion which presented it self to him of gaining honour or advantage , meerly out of a fear of the danger , which is afterwards found to have been vain . iii. when the prudent man finds himself induc'd to give way to some just cause of discontent ( from what occasion soever it may proceed ) he ought to moderate it , what lies in his power , with a mature judgment ; out of this motive , that he is not so much to mind his own private interest , as that of the publick ; since it is not unlikely , but that his discontent may be prejudicial to the welfare of the state. iv. a great power , and that united in one person , is more to be dreaded than that which is divided amongst several parties ; which latter , as it has a diversity of motives , so has it also a diversity and discordancy of operations , and those promoting a diversity of designes . v. there is this observable in republicks , that they are not govern'd according to the inclinations of a single person , but by the joint deliberations and consent of many ; and thence it comes , that commonly they are thought to carry on their consultations with more moderation and respect . vi. such as the prince is in point of morality , such is the government of affairs . if the prince himself be a person of no great esteem , those are in a condition tending to ruine ; is he be a person of conduct , and vertuous , they flourish . vii . new conquests , if they be not not well regulated , nor prudently governed , do rather burthen the person who has made them , than render him more potent and considerable . for it is not to be expected that he should be the occasion of any good or happiness to a government , which he hath acquir'd by indirect means . viii . aswe find in the ordering of mans body , that it is not sufficient the head be free from all indisposition , but it is withal requisite that the other members exercise their several functions : so neither is it sufficient in the government of a state , that the prince himself be unchargeable with any default in the management of affairs , if there be not a correspondency of diligence and vertuous action in his officers . ix . the prince and the republick are seriously to consider , what difference there is between being the first aggressors in a war against another , and expecting the other to be the first beginner thereof ; between treating about the dividing of another state , and expecting till their own be in danger thereof : and lastly , whether it be better to have one only assistant , or to engage alone against several joint adversaries ; and after such consideration made to deliberate about what is likely to prove most conducive to their particular interest . x. it is a thing of singular prudence and great repute in a great prince , when he so demeans himself in his affairs , as that they who are inferiour to him , have no occasion to suspect , that he does any thing out of dissimulation , or by way of personation , or out of any other design that is not good and justifiable . xi . when princes enter into leagues , in order to the reducing of interests to a certain equality , there easily arise disgusts and jealousies among them ; whence it often happens , that enterprises begun with a great opinion of success , meet with many difficulties , and in fine come to nothing . xii . for a man to be a king may sometimes be the effect of success ; but to exercise that sacred and royal function , which proposes to it self for its last end , the good and welfare of his people , depends wholly on the person himself , and the vertue which ought to be attendant on him . xiii . in difficult and intricate deliberations , the prince ought to approve those for easie and desirable which are necessary , or at least those which in comparison of others , seem to imply less difficulty , and less danger . xiv . the greater and more powerful a king is , the more honourable it is for him to employ his grandeur in the maintenance and administration of justice , and the publick faith ; there being not any thing more unbecoming a prince or republick , than to be defective in the observance of publick obligations . xv. in things that are doubtful , the prince ought to continue in suspence , and to reserve to himself , as much as lyes in his power , the means of taking and fixing upon that resolution , which he shall find by the general course of affairs likely to prove most beneficial and expedient . xvi . the prudential captain is he , who to obtain a victory with greater security , would rather do it with great protraction of time , much hardship endur'd , and cautious adventuring forward , with sufficient provision for all accidents , than to overcome with ease and expedition , meerly to acquire glory to himself by puting all to an immediate hazard . xvii . it commonly happens through the corrupt judgment of mankind , that prodigality is more recommended in a king , though in some measure attended with rapine , than frugality , though accompani'd by an abstinence from encroaching upon that which is anothers . xviii . all the things , for which men are so industrious and concern'd in this world , are reducible to two points , to wit , profit and honour ; under that of profit is comprehended whatever concerns the body , under that of honour , whatever concerns the mind . xix . the prince ought to be grave , by a regular stayedness of demeanour , governing himself with moderation in all his affairs , performing the promises he hath made , and standing more in fear of doing that which is evil , than that any ill should be done to him ; and all this with a continual remembrance , that he being but a man , has receiv'd from god a power almost divine ; but to this end , that he might be a furtherer and advancer of things just , and of good report , in his government . xx. the citizen who begins to concern himself in the management of the publick affairs , ought to live according to the usual course of the other citizens , and accommodate himself to their humour , and with all the dexterity and prudence he can , promote those things , wherewith the populace are more satisfy'd , and by which they are ordinarily kept in a good humour . by these compliances he will come into repute and credit , and acquire authority . xxi . they who are entrusted with the management of the affairs of a free state , ought to be always mindful of two precepts of plato . one is , that they principally promote the advantage of the citizens , and make all their endeavours subservient to that end , not regarding their own private interests . the other is , that they have an eye on the whole body of the republick , so as that though they incline to one party , yet they must notdesert another . the reason of it is , that the commonwealth ought to be govern'd as a guardianship ▪ is , to wit , for the good and advantage of those who are receiv'd under the charge thereof , and not altogether for theirs , to whom it is committed . xxii . it is the peculiar charge of the magistrate , to be careful , that he represent the person of the city , and that he maintain the order and dignity thereof , observe the laws , and be mindful of the things committed to his trust , and make provision not only for what is done , but also for what ought to be done ; it being his business , that the common-wealth be as well regulated after his death , as it was , while he liv'd . xxiii . that war is just which is necessary , and that is a pious ▪ recourse to arms , when there remains no hopes otherwise than in arms ; and that war is just which a prince enters into ▪ either to recover what is lost , or to prevent the wrong intended him . xxiv . this ought to be heeded by governours , that when they pardon a small number of delinquent persons , they disoblige all the good ; in regard that these latter perceiving that mischief is pardon'd , cannot promise themselves that good will be requited by the governours ; and thereupon ▪ persuading themselves that there is more to be gotten among the wicked , they are easily diverted from well doing . xxv . it is always observ'd , that in cities , they who are necessitous envy the good , and have an esteem for the wicked ; they quarrel at things of ancient establishment , and are forward to promote novelties ; and out of the aversion they have for the wealthier sort , they study tumult and seditions , imagining that their poverty and multitude will indemnify them from the punishments , due to the disorders , whereof they are the occasions and abettors . xxvi . when persons of a mean and despicable condition are guilty of any miscarriage , it is known but to few persons , and the noise of their actions reaches no further than their conditions will bear . but the acts and demeanour of those who are of great quality , and owners of great estates , are remarkable to all , and so become more highly censureable . xxvii . it is seldom seen that a vertuous man loses his liberty , but he withal in some respect loses his life ; in regard it is a thing notorious to all , and of great difficulty to those who have been educated and enur'd to freedom , to be reduc'd to a servile life , inasmuch as of all things in the world liberty is the best and most desireable , the very name whereof is a character of vertue , as servitude is a mark of misfortune . xxviii . when a person of noble extraction degenerates from his ancestors by the doing of things that are not vertuous , he ought to remember , that by how much the more illustrious the lives of his progenitors were , in their times , so much the more scandalous and reproachable will his appear : inasmuch as the lustre and reputation of ancestors is as it were a light to their descendents , which discovers , to the eyes of others , the vertue or vice which is remarkable in them . xxix . 't is an humour highly commendable in a victorious prince , when he is so far mindful of himself , as to endeavour rather to do what is consistent with the rules of generosity , than to impose conditions too insupportable upon his conquer'd enemies . xxx . he who is of an humour inclin'd to peace , will not be diverted from the concluding of it by the great difficulties which present themselves in the negotiation thereof ; inasmuch as the difficulties occurrent therein , are remov'd either by the force of down-right justice , or by retaliating injustice with injustice , and counterpoising reason with reason , or by the enduring of a lesser prejudice , or by a mutual deference of several parties in abating somewhat of their right ; as shall seem most convenient to prudent persons , according to the importance of the thing in dispute . xxxi . it is the property of a well establish'd and well regulated commonwealth , that all affairs , or the greatest part thereof , as far as it is possible , be manag'd , and decided by the laws , rather than left to the decision and discretion of a judge ; inasmuch as there are few of so great abilities and sound understanding , as to be sufficiently skill'd in the laws , and withal of unquestion'd integrity , to give right judgement in a doubtful case ; whereas the laws themselves , by long experience of affairs , and by mature consideration , are reduc'd to perfection : but the judgment of man according to his natural bent to love or a version is wrested and corrupted without the support of the law. xxxii . among those of the popular rank , discords arise from the disparity of estates , in regard those of the lower rate are desirous to be equal to those of the higher ; but among the nobility , they proceed from grandeurs , inasmuch as they who are equal are desirous to aggrandize themselves . xxxiii . when men are come near that disaster or inconvenience into which they are fatally design'd to fall , 't is then that they are principally depriv'd of those advantages of circumspection and prudence , with the assistance whereof they might , in all likelihood , have avoided the inconvenience which threatned them . xxxiv . when matters of great importance are under debate , there is not any thing more necessary on the one side , nor more dangerous on the other , than to take advice thereupon ; and no doubt the prudent person stands less in need of counsel than the imprudent , and accordingly the former derives greater advantages from taking counsel than the other , because he has so great a stock of prudence , as to be able to consider and weigh things of himself , and amongst the reasons that are offer'd , to discern those which make most for his interest . but what assurance can the imprudent person have , in asking counsel , that the advertisements he receives are good and faithful ? for if the person who gives counsel be not highly faithful and well affected to him who desires it , but is inducible to be otherwise , out of some notorious concern of his own , or out of some motive of advantage , or flender satisfaction , he will frame his advice so as that it may be most beneficial to himself . and that intention of his being for the most part unknown to the party consulting , he makes no discovery , if he be not a prudent person , of the perfidiousness of the counsel that is given him . xxxv . he who is desirous to ballance things between princes , and to observe a punctual neutrality , must , with the greatest circumspection he can , abstain not only from all acts , but also from any discovery , which may raise a suspicion of his being inclin'd to one side more than the other . xxxvi . youth , as it is that part of man's age which is most greedy of honour , and looks upon disgrace with the greatest indignation , so is it also the most capable of enduring the inconveniencies , difficulties , and hardships , which necessarily attend war. the difference there is between men or nations is not to be measured by years , but by ingenuity , vivacity , and soundness of judgment , study , industry , and the particular exercises of vertue . xxxvii . if a great person has done thee an injury , dissemble thy reception thereof , and smother thy resentments ; for it is a pure extravagance to be disgusted against a person , whom thou dar'st not call to account , and whom it were imprudence in thee further to exasperate . xxxviii . there happens an infinite variety of turns and changes in military affairs ; therefore ought not a man to grow too confident upon new advantages , nor be too much depressed , upon the contrary : inasmuch as ever and anon , there comes some alteration , whereby this lesson may be learnt , that when opportunity presents it self , it should not be neglected , because it lasts but for a short time . xxxix . when matters come first under deliberation , it is most seriously to be consider'd , what the issue thereof may be ; and then ought men to be cautious how they assent to uncivil and pernicious demands . for some have found by experience , that when such as they are treating withal have obtain'd what they desir'd , it has prov'd only an encouragement to them to make a further progress in their demands . xl. the more sudden and unexpected accidents are , the greater discomposure and astonishment do they cause to those to whom they happen . it is therefore the part of a prudent person , to make that provision before-hand , which may prevent his being surpriz'd or disturb'd ; or if it so happen that it cannot be avoided , let him endeavour , from the present state of things , to foresee what may come to pass , using all the precautious remedies , which his experience and prudence can suggest , and not suffering things to grow worse and worse . xli . it always happens , in civil conversation , that , whether a vicious act be chastis'd , or a vertuous act recompenc'd , the whole body of the citizens receives a good thereby ; nor was there ever any expedient more contributory to the preservation of cities in a happy and flourishing state , than that counterballancing of punishment and reward , justly apply'd according to desert . xlii . all the assurances that can be had of an enemy whether by oath , parole , engagement to friends , promises , or whatever other way can be imagin'd , are good ; but by reason of the corruption of persons , the depravation of morality , and the vicissitude of times and accidents , the best expedient is for a man to take such order in his affairs , as that the enemy may not be in a capacity to annoy him . xliii . the present method of carrying on a war is much different from that of the ancients , who did not their work by assassinations , and surprises , but discover'd to the enemy , if any base contrivance were in hand against him , and all out of a confidence that they should be able to overcome him by vertue . xliv . when a man is advanc'd to some great charge ; it is soon discover'd whether he be a person of great abilities , or not ; but above all , by the augmentation of his worldly concerns , and the advantages he may have by his office , the affections of his heart are discover'd , together with his disposition ; inasmuch as , the greater person he is , so much the less cautious will he be , in suffering himself to be carryed away with the current of his own natural humour . xlv . be it thy continual care , that thy superiour conceive no ill opinion of thee , and be not over-confident of the leading an unblameable course of life , but endeavour to be such an one as that thou maist not be much afraid to fall into his hands ; inasmuch as there is an infinite number of unforeseen occasions , wherein thou mayst stand in need of him , and be glad to insinuate into his favour . xlvi . the governour ought rather to fix his consideration upon the substance and reality of the thing , than upon the appearance of it , measuring it rather by prudence , than by his own will , and being always distrustful of himself ; in regard it is a great reproach to a state , when imprudence is attended by danger . xlvii . the grand mystery of war consists rather in obedience , than a curiosity of knowing the reason of the general 's orders ; and that army is well fitted and prepar'd for danger , which , before it is set on work , is the most exactly kept under discipline . xlviii . all those who are concern'd , or commissionated to deliberate and treat of affairs of great importance , ought to consider with themselves , whether that they undertake will prove beneficial to the commonwealth , honorable to themselves , and may be compass'd without any great difficulty . xlix . in the carrying on of enterprises , it is to be observ'd , whether he who gives the advice , is also willing to expose his person to danger ; and when the enterprise has taken effect it is to be consider'd , to whom the honour thereof is principally to be attributed . l. in the times of publick disturbances and seditions , they always have the greatest power and credit , who of all are the most wicked ; but in times of peace and tranquillity , they are most in esteem who are the most remarkable for their conduct , and observance of discipline . li. men would not be so violently addicted to mischief , were it not for the advantages or satisfaction they reap thereby . this gave occasion to wise law givers to make punishments and rewards the ground-work and support of their governments , not so much out of a design to afflict their subjects , as to divert them from those things wherein they are apt to follow their own corrupt inclinations . lii . as discord divides one city and makes it two , or more , and gives occasion to those who have their eye upon it to advance and carry on their designes with greater success against it ; so union restrains and cements the counsels of many , and reduces them into one body , and by that means keeps the government closely compacted together , and uncorrupted . liii . as it happens in a structure of importance , that there is more danger of the falling of one stone towards the foundation , than if a hundred tiles fall down from the roof of it : so is it a much greater fault in point of policy , to disobey justice , than to commit many slight faults against the particular devoir between man and man ; since it has been observ'd , that many times great scandals have been rais'd in the commonwealth , which were occasion'd at first by some small disobedience . liv. it would be a good and wholsom law , if those persons , who observe no regularity in their lives , who are negligent in the managery of their domestick concerns , who order not their affairs as they ought to do , and discover no observance of discipline in their own families , but live in perpetual jarring and contention with their neighbours , should be put under the tuition of guardians , who might treat them and keep them in , as distracted and extravagant persons , to prevent the communicating their extravagance to others ; inasmuch as the commonwealth is never more likely to fall into disturbance , than it is by their means who observe no rule in their private demeanour . lv. there is not any thing more common or more pernicious among men , than that deceitful imagination of one mans condition being better than another . and this proceeds hence , that mens eyes are so blinded with malice and envy , that they would rather with much trouble grasp at what belongs to another , than quietly enjoy their own . the condition of princes is really good , if they make a good use thereof . in like manner , the popular state is good , if men acquit themselves therein as they ought to do . the condition of the wealthy is good , if they use it with moderation ; and so is that of the poor , if it be attended with patience , which is of such a soveraign vertue , as to make that good which is generally accounted otherwise . lvi . if subjects knew what a hard task the prince has in commanding , or if the prince knew how sweet a thing it is to live in tranquillity , the meaner sort would have a great compassion on the grandees , and the grandees would envy those of a mean condition ; inasmuch as the divertisements which the prince enjoies , amount to little in comparison of the discontents he is forc'd to endure . but as the station of the prince is the highest of all , as he can do more than all , as his worth exceeds that of all the rest , as he endures more than all , and surpasses all in government ; so is it necessary , that the court , the person , and life of the prince be better regulated than those of all the rest , inasmuch as it is the rule , measure , and standard thereof . lvii . there is not any thing whereof a wise prince should be more selfsatisfy'd , than that he has about him some persons eminent for their valour and conduct , to carry on the military concerns , and others signal for their prudence and integrity , to manage the civil . lviii . it is a very remarkable observation , that men eminent for their valour and good fortune in military affairs are born and flourish much more in one time than they do in another . for if a valiant person rise up in the time of a daring prince , he shall be in great esteem , and employ'd upon extraordinary designes ; but if he live under a timorous and distrustful prince , such a prince shall make greater account of those who study how to improve and advance his revenues , than he will do of him who shall return crown'd with laurels from the wars . lix . they who are desirous of the reputation of good princes , ought to propose to themselves the examples of such as have been such in their several ages : for to that end are the lives and actions of illustrious persons , by faithful historians , transmitted to posterity ; that princes and grandees may have such exemplars set before them as they ought to imitate . lx. the greatest care a governour ought to take , is to find out the person who shall advise him to govern well , and to maintain his estate with justice . and that is not done with harsh words , but with a meekness that gains mens hearts , and acts of good example ; for a generous soul is easily drawn in to obey , when the person who imposes the command is of good repute and example . lxi . there happens one thing in the world which is worthy our serious observance ; to wit , that as among the good , there is some one , transcendently good , so in like manner , among the bad , there is one transcendently such . but the misfortune is , that the good person does not gain so much honour by his vertue , as the lewd person does reputation by his lewdness ; in regard vertue renders a man naturally inclin'd to retirement , whereas the vicious person never thinks better of himself , than when he appears upon the stage . lxii . princes ought not to betray their surprize and astonishment at any thing , even when things seem to go most against them ; but they should obstinately stand upon the defence of their own , expecting their neighbour princes will find it their own interest to keep them up in their former station , to prevent the over-growth of some ambitious pretender . lxiii . the person o'repress'd with calamities and disasters is always hearkning after some change of fortune , whereas he who is at his ease does not so much as think of any alteration ; the litter is sufficiently satisfi'd with the present posture of his affairs , and the other looks on vicissitude as the only means to cause some amendment in his condition . lxiv . some wise men affirm , that when the commonwealth is upon the choice of a governour , they should be sure to pitch upon a person who has been at least ten years in the wars ; in regard that he alone is most likely to be the best preserver of a desired peace , who has been experimentally acquainted with the miseries and calamities consequent to war. lxv . no doubt but that prince does most wisely , who regulates his affairs answerably to his revenues ; in regard that if he do not , and his territories be but small , he must either run the hazard of losing what he is possess'd of , or , to keep himself up , do those things that are burthensom to his subjects , and so his government must degenerate into tyranny . lxvi . it is the greatest commendation that can be of the supream magistrate , to be conversant and familiar with the good , ( since that familiarity is the greatest incentive and encouragement that can be to goodness ; ) to be liberal of his estate in doing of good works , ( it being notorious , that he who values his reputation , makes but little account of mony ; ) to extirpate tyranny ( inasmuch as the concent and harmony of the princes government consists in the chastisement of the bad , and the rewarding of the good ; ) and to shew his munificence upon all occasions ; in regard there is not any thing more endears the majesty of the prince , than when he makes all the demonstrations he can of his grandeur , in relieving others , and not expecting that he should derive great advantage from others . lxvii . two things render a city secure , and highly contribute to the commendation and honour of its governours ; the one , when it is guarded by those whose estates are the most considerable , & is well provided with all things relating to the defensive part ; the other , when there is a fair correspondence between its governours and their neighbours ; without which there cannot be a free intercourse of commerce , and mutual supplies of all necessary provisions . lxviii . a soveraign lord , who would be obey'd , will do well , in the first place to conclude it necessary , that when he commands , he should make some discovery of his own personal observance thereof , in regard that no lord is to propose that soveraignty to himself , as to be exempted from the acts and exercises of vertue ; especially since that the prince , being the mirrour of others , is oblig'd so evidently and actually to apply himself thereto , as that he himself should give example to those that are under his government . lxix . to meet with some unexpected misfortune , is a thing , of its own nature , not good ; yet may it accidentally contribute to the advantage of a person of sound understanding ; in as much as it may be an occasion to him of standing more strictly upon his guard , in case the like accident may happen another time , there being few who truly believe what evil is , till they have had some experience thereof . whence it comes , that all persons not well vers'd in affairs proceed ordinarily either with too much negligence , or too much presumption ; whereas he who has once weather'd out a disastrous chance , becomes thereby so much the more cautious and considerate . lxx . princes will do well , so to converse with their subjects , as that they may be induc'd to serve them rather out of a readiness of inclination , than out of hopes of reward ; in regard that the less respect men have for mony , the less it implies of servitude . for he who loves another sincerely and generously , does not become arrogant in prosperity , nor flinches from him in adversity ; does not bemoan himself upon the consideration of poverty , nor is cast down and disgusted at his not being much in favour , nor recoyles in the time of persecution . in short , there is a correspondence between life and love to the last gasp . lxxi . every state ought so to desire peace , as to be nevertheless diligent in the making of all military preparations ; for peace without arms is weak and indefensive . thence it came , that the heathens represented even the goddess of arts and sciences armed ; and so , to be desirous of peace and to carry on the preparatives of war , are not things simply contradictory . lxxii . he truly understands the tender and transcendent concern of friendship , who obliges his friend before he be requir'd to do it . for in so doing , he is not only generous in the disposal of his kindnesses , but also causes them to be receiv'd with a greater sense of obligation , by disburthening his friend of that bashfulness and fear of repulse , which commonly attends asking . lxxiii . that prince does well who makes it his business to be well supply'd with prudent commanders and persons eminent for their valour for the management of war : but no doubt , he does better , whose court flourishes with wise counsellors , and statesmen ; in regard that the gaining of battels consists in the prowess and valorous deportment of many , but it happens sometimes , that the government of the commonwealth is committed to the management of one particular person . lxxiv . of all employments the worst is that which is concern'd in the chastisement of other mens miscarriages ; and thence is it that a well-advis'd person does what lies in his power , to avoid them ; in regard that the reprehension of vices does more commonly beget an aversion for the reprover , than it does amendment in those that are reprov'd . lxxv . every fault , what excuse soever there may be for it , is however condemnable ; inasmuch as if it be committed out of a sudden sally of passion , it is already a great miscarriage , but if out of forethought and deliberation , the mischief is so much the greater . lxxvi . 't is well done for a man to endeavour to manage all his concerns with reason , and to carry on every enterprize by order ; but in the doing of it , there is much difficulty . and yet considerate persons , to compass what they have design'd , will use such diligence and precaution , as may prevent those inconveniences ; which , for want thereof , might otherwise ensue . lxxvii . it is but reasonable , that the citizen , who , while he continu'd in the quality of a private person , was affable and familiar with his friends , should demean himself with an equal degree of affability and humanity towards them , when he has put on the robe of magistracy . for as it is the character of a mean spirit to be arrogant upon the honours successively acquir'd by valorous atchievements ; so when a man grows proud upon his advancement to an office , whereof he must within a short time after be devested , he betrays his indigence of modesty and vertue , and little reflects , that if mens exaltation to honours must change their manners , humours , and deportment , it ought to change them for the better , and not for the worse . lxxviii . when persons of understanding propose to themselves the obtaining of somewhat which is not to be obtain'd without some difficulty , they bethink themselves of the proper means to compass their ends . many things are obtain'd , by the dextrous and insinuating applications of those employ'd therein ; as appears frequently by the negotiations of ambassadors , and other publick persons . lxxix . the chief commander of an army , besides his skill and experience in military affaires , ought to be magnanimous , of a sedate temper , valiant , liberal , and prudent . it is expected from him , that he should stand upon his authority in the management of affairs , that he should be grave in discourse , and a punctual observer of his promises . when affairs of importance come into debate , he ought to use all imaginable circumspection , to deliberate with a mature judgement , and then put things in execution with great diligence . his demeanour and countenance towards his soldiers ought to be cheerful , serene , and obliging to all , yet with a remembrance of his quality , and the distance there is between them ; that so he may not , by his excessive familiarity , give his army occasion to be disobedient and undisciplin'd ; nor disgust it , by being too morose and severe . and whereas the good affections of the souldiery is the most certain hope he has for the obtaining of a victory , it ought to be his constant endeavour not only that they should bear him the reverence and respect due to his character , but also that they should have a mutual kindness one for another , and be sensible of their being members of the same body ; rewarding those who merit it , and disgracing and punishing the neglectors of their duty . lxxx . the power of fortune ( by that name did the heathens call the secret and not ordinarily perceptible disposition of the extraordinary works of god ) is of wonderful consequence in humane accidents , but especially in the case of war and armes . so that a command not rightly understood , an order not well executed , some temerarious action , or the voice of an ordinary souldier , does many times transfer the victory to those who before seem'd vanquish'd . and that causes of a sudden an infinite number of accidents , which it is impossible to foresee , or remedy . lxxxi . men are never more easily deceiv'd , than they are by those who have the reputation of being most sincere , that is , at the greatest distance from deceiving . lxxxii . the greater and more important things are , the more apt are men to discourse of them , never minding how closely they keep to the truth , or how far they receed from it . there are some who believe , and hold to be most certain , what they have heard , not regarding whether it be true or false . others , though a thing be ever so true , relate it otherwise than it is , and afterwards time making some additionals to the story , the thing is much augmented beyond what was reported at the first . lxxxiii . to come into favour and authority , one while by ostentation and munificence , another while by industry and vigilance , are two ways equally prejudicial and pernicious , when they are practis'd subtilly in order to a mans advancement to government . thence came it that wise men have affirm'd , that the tracks leading to principality are steepy and difficult , but when once men are gotten into them , every thing helps and sets them forward . lxxxiv . it cannot be easily imagin'd , whence it comes that princes are so favourable to some , and so cross and inflexible to others ; to wit , whether there be in that some secret of nature , or that it lies in our power to keep our selves in a mean , so as that we may not too obstinately oppose the inclinations of him who governs , and yet withal , that we forbear precipitating our selves into a scandalous adulation , and a kind of servile deportment , but that we observe such a moderation as neither to crouch to ambition , nor be over desirous of honour , and by that means pass our lives with more security , and less danger . lxxxv . there are but few that can by prudent advertisements distinguish between good and evil , between what is profitable , and what is prejudicial , but follow the ordinary road of growing better , and more cautious , by the knowledge which they derive from the common events of things . lxxxvi . those things that are foreseen prove much less hurtful , than those whereof we have no preapprehension at all . he therefore may be accounted a person of a sound understanding and excellent temper , who has the government of himelf , and as with an unstartled spirit , entertains the arrival of sudden and unexpected accidents . lxxxvii . though the particular thoughts and imaginations of every one be known only to god himself , yet the natural inclinations of a people or a province is a thing obvious and easy to be known ; inasmuch as their actions being publick , they must needs thereby discover their intentions and affections ; from which prudent men will be able to give a character of them accordingly . lxxxviii . subjects are much more satisfi'd to have their prince near them , than at a great distance from them ; inasmuch as there accrew thence two considerable advantages ; one , that the truly loyal , and well affected , being more immediately under his protection , are so much the more engag'd to his service ; the other , that the pernicious designes of turbulent persons are the more easily prevented . lxxxix . a commander in chief ought to to acquire reputation , not by the hardships and dangers of others ( as many do ) but by the sweat and hazard of his own person , and by the interposition of his own vertue . and whereas it is no less honourable to terminate a war by counsel , than to put a period thereto by arms , he ought to use both means , and should principally reflect , that the first successes are those which rendor him most dreadful to the enemy , or , on the contrary , despicable and of little repute ; in regard that , for the most part , such as the beginning is , such is the issue . xc . as it is a thing unquestionably certain , that victories are gain'd by preventions and diversions , so is it withal certain , that he is at a great distance from good counsel , who , without evident necessity , transfers the war , which another had been first engag'd in , to himself . xci . a person of comprehensive parts , who can husband time well , has no reason to complain that his life is too short ; for he who makes advantage of the infinite occasions that present themselves to him does anticipate time it self . xcii . liberty is a thing makes a great noise in the world , yet few truly understand wherein it consists . but of all kinds of liberty , that of persuasion is the most desir'd by all , in so much that to gain it , some would rather be transplanted to people solitudes , than smother their discontents to live in well-govern'd societies . xciii . he who desires to be in favour with his superiour ought to make all the discoveries he can of the respect and reverence he bears him ; for if there be once a failure in that , the endearing correspondence between superiours and inferiours is immediately dissolv'd . xciv . he who is entrusted with the custody of a city which expects a siege , ought above all things , to be think himself of all the remedies which may protract time , and to cut off all opportunities , though ever so small , from the enemy , inasmuch as many times one day , nay one hour , produces some accident which may occasion the relief of it . xcv . he is easily deceiv'd who relies on the first advertisement he receives of some accident that hath happen'd , in regard that commonly the effects are not aswerable to the first advices that come . he therefore who is not forc'd by necessity to do otherwise , ought to expect several confirmations thereof , ere he takes up his final resolution , what he ought to do . xcvi . it is a dangerous thing to be govern'd by examples , if there be not a concurrence in the general , and also in all the particulars of the same reasons to be consider'd . the same may be said , if things be not regulated by the same prudential motives and reflections ; and withal , if there be not a combination of all the other inducements , and the accidents and success consequent thereto . xcvii . as it is a servile act for any man to be a slave to his affections ; so , to subdue anger , the great disturber of counsel ; to be moderate in victory , which , of its own nature , is insolent and haughty ; to be absolute master of ones self , which is the devoir of a well temper'd and generous soul ; to exercise humanity , meekness , and liberality towards an enemy , is a thing truly royal , divine , and worthy of eternal memory . xcviii . there is not any thing more becoming or more necessary to a prince , than to be just , liberal , and benevolent ; inasmuch as it is the inseparable ; attribute of grandeur and power to relieve the oppressed , and to alleviate the calamities of others ; and this especially in kings , who , by such acts , approach so much the nearer the divinity , whose living images they are , upon the score of their supereminent rank . xcix . persons of lewd inclinations have always some opportunity of doing evil , and though they do it not , yet is it not so great a satisfaction to others , to see that they do not commit those enormities which they might , as it is an affliction , to think that it is in their power to commit them . c. that commonwealth wherein there is justice duly administred for the poor , chastisement for such as are insolent and tyrannically inclin'd , an exact observance of weights and measures , as to those things which concern the sustentation of humane life , discipline and exercise for the younger sort , and as little avarice as may be in those that are advanc'd in age , must needs be an excellent constitution of government . ci. let not any prince think that the choice of a tutor for his son is a thing of small importance . for in that case , his diligence and circumspection ought to be the greater , in that he is not to do in this , as in other offices which are bestow'd either upon the mediation of others , or by corruption , or importunity or friendship , or for a reward of some services already done : in regard that though some one of his courtiers has manag'd an embassy with good success , or been general of an army , or some great officer about the prince's person , or relating to his houshold , yet does it not follow that such a person is fit to teach his son. the reason is , that for a man to be an ambassador , or general , it requires only in the former a good stock of dexterity and dissimulation , and in the latter , that he have valour and good fortune ; but to be governour to a prince , it is requisite , that he have all the accomplishments , and qualifications , suitable to the education of a person of that transcendent dignity . cii . in the disastrous accidents of our life , wherein our own industry and strength are of little account , the only remedy we have , is to look on the worst of misfortunes as things not incompatible with the condition of humanity , and to be so far prudent , as to smother our resentments thereof . ciii . between two princes , the one addicted to the exercises of vertue , the other complying with the suggestions of vice , there is this difference , that the latter is only obey'd , but the former is both obey'd and belov'd . besides , the good and vertuous prince makes the most difficult enterprises seem light , and on the contrary , the tyrant makes the lightest seem most heavy . happy therefore is he who is obey'd , but much more happy he who is both obey'd and belov'd ; for the body grows weary of obeying , but the mind is never wearied nor cloy'd with loving . civ . there is one thing which a wise prince will always be mindful of , to wit , that , in the management of the publick affairs , his governours and judges never permit the abrogation of ancient customes , nor the introduction of new ones ; in regard the populace is commonly so humorous and extravagant , that they would every day have new princes , and new laws . cv . it is an easy matter to design what a man would have done by another person , and by what means it is most likely to be brought to effect ; but to command the execution thereof is no slight thing , inasmuch as between those two there are many things which obstruct , retard , and disturb such executions . cvi. 't is a thing out of all dispute , as aristotle affirms in his rhetorick , that riches do often render those persons , that are possess'd thereof , proud and insolent : but he who shall wisely consider it , will say with seneca , that none is more worthy , none makes greater approaches to the divinity , than he who makes no account of riches ; which , saies he , i am far from affirming that thou shouldst not be possess'd of , but i would have thee possess'd thereof without any fear , distraction , or disturbance . which happiness thou art not to acquire , but by this only expedient , to wit , by a firm persuasion , that thou canst live happily without them , and that thou shouldst always look on them , as if they were taking their flight away from thee . cvii . what presumption soever a man may have of his own abilities , yet ought he not so to rely on his own counsel , as that sometimes it may not be more safe for him to submit to that of others ; in regard that he who is asham'd of consulting , and defies the conduct and directions of another , may assure himself , for the most part , that he has a fool to his guide , and consequently that he must needs be guilty of many miscarriages . cviii . it is not prudence to judge of counsels by the event of things , in regard that many times good counsels have not an issue answerable thereto , and on the contrary , evil counsels may prove fortunate . but when evil counsels are applauded , upon the score of their being successful , it is a secret encouragement for men to do those things that are unjust , which may prove highly prejudicial to the commonwealth , inasmuch as evil counsels are not always fortunate ; and there is also another fault in blaming and censuring the more prudent party , whose advertisements have not had the success which was expected , in regard that such a procedure disheartens the citizens from giving their opinions freely , when the publick concerns of their city requires it . cix . when it happens that there is a necessity of denying some person his request , it is but requisite , to keep the said person from being disgusted , and to assure him of the good will they bear him , and to make some other overture to him , so that he may thereby perceive that they have a respect for him , and would gladly oblige him . upon this demeanour , the other , if he have any sentiment of humanity , will be as much , if not more , satisfi'd , than if his request had been granted : so great an influence have kind words and an obliging carriage over the minds of good natur'd persons . cx . in publick affairs it is requisite that men be extreamly careful and considerate at the beginning of what they design ; in regard it will not be afterwards in their power without dishonour and danger , to receed from the deliberation once fixt upon , and in which they have for some time persisted . cxi . what is wish'd by the greater number does not often succeed in regard that for the most part the events of humane actions depend on the wills of few ; and the intentions of these latter being in a manner always different from those of the greater number , things seldome happen otherwise than according to the intention of those from whose directions they derive their first motion . cxii . neutrality is most commendable in the wars wherein other parties are engag'd , in regard that many inconveniences and great charges are thereby avoided ; and it may be time enough to be concern'd for either party , when success seems to intimate which side is most likely to prevail . cxiii . the clemency of princes hath always gain'd them good-will and reputation ; and , on the contrary , rigour , ( if there be not some extraordinary necessity for it ) has always produc'd the contrary effects , and instead of removing the obstacles and difficulties , which lay in their way , it has made some additionals thereto . cxiv . it is more wisely done for a man to court his friendship who is unwilling to become his enemy , than to curry favour with him , who one time or other cannot be his friend . cxv . there are three principal considerations to be minded in the carrying on of all enterprises , to wit , the justice of the cause , the facility of the victory to be obtain'd , and the conveniences and advantages accruing thereby . cxvi . there is not any thing so short-liv'd as the remembrance of a benefit , and many times , the greater it is , the more likely it is to be repay'd with ingratitude . for , he who is not willing to take off the obligation , by retaliation or remuneration , often endeavours to do the same thing in another sense , perswading himself , that the good turn was not so great ; and they who are asham'd of their having been reduc'd to the necessity of desiring a kindness , are vext and tormented in their minds that they have receiv'd it . so that the remembrance of the necessity into which they were fallen makes a greater impression upon them , than that of the obligation which had been layd upon them . cxvii . many are the inconveniences that happen in the armies of confederated parties ; while they are concerting their designes , the opportunity of entring into action slips away , their preparatives are delay'd , interrupted , and diverted , according to the forces , aimes , and counsels of the princes concern'd , so that it must needs prove a hard matter to make a firm union , where there is so much disorder and distrust , and withal so great a diversity of inclinations , and courages , and varieties of conditions . cxviii . 't is the natural humour of the populace to be always desirous of novelties , and to be easily fill'd with false and vain persuasions , lightly hurry'd away with the insinuations of those who have once set them on work , as the waves of the sea are stir'd by the blowing of the wind . cxix . so extravagant is the nature of mankind , that when they are forc'd out of one extreme , wherein they have been violently detain'd , they ride in full speed to the other extreme , without ever making the least halt in the mean. cxx . there is one thing highly considerable in military concerns , and that is the reputation of the chief commanders . assoon as this begins once to decline , the souldiery is immediately discourag'd ; the loyalty of the nations concern'd is shaken ; there follow distraction and distrust in counsels , and want of a hearty and cheerful concurrence in action ; the provision for the army's subsistence is interrupted ; and on the contrary the enemy is heartned , those who were content to observe a neutrality , are apt to incline to the successful party , and all difficulties grow greater and greater . cxxi . in human actions men ought for the most part to make their counsels complyant with the present necessity , and not , out of an over-earnestness to overcome that which is too difficult , and as it were impossible , to expose the generality to a manifest danger and inconvenience . cxxii . we find many times by experience , that those things which at the first prospect present themselves as highly dreadful , appear by degrees so much the less considerable , that , if the former errour be not renew'd by some additional accident , all the terrour in process of time vanishes , and we are induc'd to laugh and wonder at our former astonishment . cxxiii . he who finds that there is no account made of him , gives way to disgust , and that inspires him with thoughts of revenge , and inclines him to attempt dangerous things , which sometimes meet with their design'd effect ; especially when the person who is become so daring is of any authority , or remarkable for some extraordinary qualification . cxxiv . all subjection is burthensome , all restriction is insupportable to him who would live as he pleases himself . a person of that humour can find but little quiet under a regular government , in regard that there is a necessity either of his complyance which the prince , or of his ruin by him . cxxv . it is commonly observ'd , that a resolution taken either too hastily , or with too much affection comes off with a slur . for the much celerity of the resolver does not allow him the leisure to reflect on those things which ought to be consider'd , before the resolution be taken ; and the excessive affection so prepossesses the mind , that it does not take notice of any thing but what is most pressing in such or such a point . to these two examples may be added two others , to wit , in these cases , when there is time enough to deliberate , and the person deliberating is unprepossess'd with any particular affection , yet out of a certain natural incapacity , or through an insuperable kind of remisness or debility of spirit , remarkable through all their actions , they never do any thing that holds water . cxxvi . when affairs are reduc'd to the extremity , as that there remains nothing for hope to rely upon but the pure providence of god , the prosecution of the adventure in such a case must be look'd on as the result of reason and prudence , insomuch that we ought to attempt the danger , not minding how little ground there presents it self to humane prudence . for god many times takes a certain delight in sending a spirit of infatuation upon the counsels and designs of some people , and making those calamities which they intended to bring on others to recoyle upon themselves . cxxvii . the greater a man's credit and reputation is amongst the generality of the people , the more dangerous it is to support and advance him . as therefore it is an easy matter at the beginning to oppose the disorders which may ensue thereupon , so when they are come to any growth , it will be so much the more difficult to remedy them . cxxviii . the exercise of arms , the observance of the lawes , and the frequent celebration of divine service , in a well regulated city cannot ordinarily be separated , without the destruction of them all . so that there is a correspondence between them and the state of the soul , wherein there are the vegetative part , the sensitive , and the intellectual ; which parts yet do not make three souls , but one only distinguish'd by the operations of the three faculties : so the establishment of the state requires a reciprocal aid and correspondence . cxxix . where ever there is servitude , there is also fear ; and the greater the former is , the greater also is the latter . but though servitude implies tyranny , yet has the tyrant as great a share of the fear , as they over whom he tyrannizes , inasmuch as he who commands slaves , is not himself free ; now the tyrant being such , it follows that he himself is servile as well as his people , and so as there is force and indignity on both sides , so is there a continual augmentation of fear . cxxx . in matter of war , valour and artifice are highly recommended ; but the perfection of arms consists in knowing the true use of the moral vertues , a right understanding of political affairs , and treading in the steps of ancient and eminent commanders . cxxxi . in military affairs , when there is some great designe in hand , the absolute authority of ordering all is to be conferr'd on one single person who transcends all the rest in point of merit ; yet so as that he be oblig'd to have always about him such as are well skill'd in counsel , with whom he may confer , and to whom he may communicate all concerns of importance . cxxxii . men are glad of advertisements and directions in things that are doubtful , not in the certain ; in things subject to hazard , and not to prudence : it were therefore but requisite to consider what is the principal concern in the matter whereof we are to deliberate . for in deliberations , when any one is not constrain'd by necessity , he sets himself on work according to the unconfined plenitude of his own will , which is in all things and every where free , and then his thoughts are wholly taken up with the success of the enterprize , to wit , whether his fears or hopes outweigh one the other ; and thereupon he resolves to forbear attempting any thing when hazard has the principal part , and is most likely to carry it ; or on the contrary he will attempt the execution of his designe , when prudence tells him that it will prove advantageous . cxxxiii . when commonwealths are well govern'd , the prosecutions of envious persons turn to the advantage of those against whom they are intended , for innocency being clear'd by truth , their endeavours prove like the stroaks given to the ball , which the harder it is struck , the higher it rebounds ; so the calumniations of the envious instead of eclipsing , add more lustre to those against whom they are directed . cxxxiv . continual severity must needs exasperate those over whom it is exercis'd . but as the excessive indulgence of parents makes their children apt to lead an irregular and disobedient course of life ; so the remisness of a prince , who suffers his authority to be slighted , renders the citizen dissolute , and the soldier undisciplin'd and licentious , and proves withal the occasion of greater mischief , when persons of quality are concern'd . for the insolence of these last is more dangerous than that of a multitude , it being not so difficult to discover the designes wherein many are engag'd , as it is to pump out the secret plottings of one particular person . cxxxv . when the prince is sollicited by a grandee in some concern of great importance , and that he is unwilling to grant his request , he ought to consider two points , one relating to the necessary circumstances , as the cause from whence the discontent proceeds , the person disgusted , and the present conjuncture of time ; the other , how requisite it may be , to counterballance the refusal , by conferring some other boon on the petitioner . cxxxvi . the good soldier may be likened to polish'd steel , which while it is handled preserves its lustre and brightness , and on the contrary , for want of being us'd , growes rusty , and that rust consumes it , and in time makes it contagious ; so the good souldier , who is good only while he is handling his arms , in the time of war , is prejudic'd in himself , and may prove dangerous to others , when he is out of his proper element and employment . cxxxvii . in the competitions that happen between two several parties , that which is excluded will be rather inclin'd to close with a third party , than comply with that , between whom and it the precedent competition was . cxxxviii . there is not any thing so prejudicial to mankind as a transcendent prosperity ; for the effects of it , are , licentiousness , luxury , confidence to do mischief , an irreclaimable inclination to disturb the publick by some novelty , and all the inconveniencies consequent to satiety . cxxxix . the infamy of being temerarious is more prejudicial to a military commander , than the honour of a victory is advantageous to him ; inasmuch as when he is chargeable with temerity , the blame is wholly attributed to him alone , but the honour of the victory , and the prosperous management of affairs ( at least according to the opinion of many ) is communicable also to others . cxl . since there is frequent necessity of changing orders and deliberations , in the time of war , according to the variety of accidents , it should be the principal consideration of a chief commander , so to accommodate all things at the beginning , as if he had , as much as may be , foreseen all events , and all counsels ; in regard that , as the prosperous successes engage the respects and affections of the army towards their general , so the contrary makes a proportionable abatement of the same respects and affections , and consequently there is not that sympathetical correspondence which ought to be between them . cxli . the prudent person ought not to entertain any suspicion that men distrust his integrity , and if he does suspect it , he should demean himself so as that the wicked may not be sensible of his having any suspicion of them , lest that upon that occasion fear may augment their licentiousness , and that , as to others , there may not be an abatement of their diligence and promptitude . cxlii . 't is prudence in a man to make as if he knew nothing of uncertain newes , or at least to keep it so secret , as not to betray any confirmation thereof ; in regard that many times , either it is absolutely false , or the credit to be given thereto admits of a considerable diminution . cxliii . they who are induc'd to commit some act in the night time proceed commonly upon some sinful motive , presuming that the night covers in them what the day would discover , to wit , their fear and shame . cxliv . for this reason has god entrusted princes with the government of their dominions , that their subjects may , in order to the obtaining of their right , appeale from that law which is dumb , and as it were dead , and without force in it self , to the living law which ought to be the magistrate . cxlv . the principal commendation of military discipline consists in not opposing danger without necessity , by industry , patience and policy to defeat and elude the enterprises of the enemy , rather than by destroying them in a cruel and bloody engagement . cxlvi . a benefit conferr'd upon one who is persuaded that he has receiv'd an injury counterballanceable thereto , is not sufficient to remove out of his disaffected mind the memory of the offence ; especially when the benefit comes at such a time , as that it seems rather occasion'd by necessity , than to proceed from good will. cxlvii . the counsels and secret designs of princes are most commonly divulg'd after a manner much different from that which is true in effect ; and this they do purposely to amuse the generality , that they may busy themselves in discoursing of one thing , while another of different nature is in agitation . cxlviii . peace is desirable and holy , when it smothers all distrusts and jealousies , when it gives a check to all dangers , and when men are exonerated from all charges , and may repose themselves without the least fear of disturbance . but when it hatches the contrary effects , it is a pernicious war , under the counterfeit title of peace , and a pestilent poison under the name of a good medicine . cxlix . ambassadors are the eies and ears of states , and the other publick ministers are the spectacles of the respective princes by whom they are employed . cl. mens favours are to be measur'd by the real effects , and not by the external demonstrations thereof ▪ and yet it can hardly be imagin'd how great a satisfaction it is to a man , to be treated with the ceremonious part of courtesy and humanity ▪ the reason of it may possibly be this , that every one is apt to think , that he deserves more than he receives , and consequently is disgusted when he perceives there is not that account made of him which he thinks due to him . cli . subjects cannot be well govern'd without the exercise of some severity at certain times , yet is there a necessity that it should be season'd with a dextrous insinuation of its being not so much the inclination of the prince to be severe , as that it is requisite for the publick good , that the reformation of some should be occasion'd by the punishments inflicted upon others . clii. a man should endeavor to refrain from whatever may cause the least dissatisfaction or prejudice to another . it is consequent therefore , that he should never say any thing either in a mans presence , or his absence , which may displease him , unless there be some necessity of his so doing ; in regard it is the greatest extravagance in the world , for a man to make a needless creation of enemies to himself . cliii . he who runs himself into a danger without ever considering , of what concern it is likely to be , may be accounted a person of a bestial humour . but he who knows the importance of it , and yet freely exposes himself thereto , either upon the necessity there is of so doing , or upon some honourable account , must a person of great courage , and truely magnanimous . cliv. it is a vulgar errour to affirm , that learning and study are prejudicial to the brain ; though peradventure it might be truly said of some one , who has a weak brain , and is of an infirm constitution ; but where there is a conjunction of a good constitution , and the accidental good of learning , it makes a most accomplish'd person , and of an excellent temperament . clv . that glory is to be accounted vain which is purchas'd with any injury done to another ; but the true , solid , and immortal glory is that which consists not in the ruining of nations , and destruction of cities , but rather in the consolidation of kingdoms , the association of provinces , the settlement of publick tranquillity , the establishment of commerce , and the deliverance of people out of the miseries and calamities attending humane nature . clvi . all the fruit and advantage of having obtain'd a victory consists in knowing how to use it , and it is a greater infamy not to know how to use it , than not to have gain'd it ; in regard it is more ignominious for us to be deceiv'd in those things that are within our power , than in those that are not . clvii . inconsiderate and doubtful deliberations are not excusable in any but those whose concerns are in a distracted and unfortunate posture , or in a person whose thoughts are wholly bent upon ambition , and one who being desirous by all the ways imaginable to get himself a greater name , is afraid he has not time enough to do it in . clviii . all humane actions are subject to many dangers ; but this is the advantage of wise men , that they know that what ever may happen does not always come to pass , but that upon some occasion or other many dangers become none at all , many are stav'd off by prudence and industry ; and many are weather'd out by patience and equanimity . clix. he who is more apprehensive of the future than he ought to be , must not expect to be accounted a wise man , nor yet they who presuppose for certain the dangers that are but doubtful , and accordingly regulate all their deliberations , as if the danger were inevitable . but it argues a certain magnanimity in that person , who knowing and throughly considering the dangers , yet discovers how that many times , either by some unexpected chance , or by the assistance of vertue , men extricate themselves out of great difficulties and inconveniences . clx . it happens sometimes , that when a prince assumes thoughts of aggrandizing himself , or growes jealous of losing his dominions , he takes occasion to forget what obligations may ly upon him for benefits receiv'd . a remarkable instance of this kind of demeanor we find in lewis sforza , who instead of expressing his gratitude to charles viii . of france , for the kindnesses he had receiv'd from him , contributed his assistance for the driving of him out of italy , and sided with his enemies , and all only to preserve his own concerns , and out of the apprehension he had of the greatness of charles . clxi . in the giving and receiving of advice there are many things to be considered , but principally two , to wit , prudence in him who is to receive the advice , and fidelity in him who is to give it . for counsel being nothing else but a discourse consider'd and weigh'd by reason , in order to a discovery whether a thing ought to be done or not , if the person who is to receive the advice be not prudent , he will not accept of that which is given him for the best , but will follow that , which , according to his apprehension , seems most convenient ; in as much as not being prudent , he will be apt to fancy those things that are most inconvenient , and so will never set himself seriously to work as he should do . on the other side , he who gives the advice , it he be not faithful , will find so many ways to disguise the truth , that many times that is put in execution , which is more beneficial to the consultee , than to the consultor . clxii . he who intends to engage in a war ought to be alwaies prepar'd , and to have his mind fortify'd against whatever event may happen , and to be ready to entertain all occurrences ; and he should principally bethink himself not to enter into a war unjustly , and consider well against what potentate he is to be concern'd , what allyances and combinations may be made against him , and lastly examine his own forces and those of his adversary , and what confederates either party may have . clxiii . the ambition of a general often proves pernicious to the state by which he is employ'd . for it is the ordinary humour of such persons to be backward in putting a period to the war , even when they may do it with honour and advantage , that they may continue longer in their charges , and by that continuance they gain the affections of the soldiery , and so are in a fair way to their assumption of soveraignty . he who has a powerful army at his devotion has the command of all as far as that can extend its quarters . clxiv . are men desirous of coming into great repute and esteem ? let them be always careful of doing those things which are commendable and of good report ; inasmuch as vertuous actions are not the effects of honour , but honour is the effect and recompence of vertuous actions . clxv . it is generally acknowledg'd by all , that the government of a country by one single person , when he is but tolerably good , is better than that of a greater number , though it be granted that they also are good . and it may be withal rationally concluded , that in a greater number of govenours there may be a greater likelihood of degeneration from the principles of government , and a greater combination of tyranny , than there can be in one individual person . clxvi . to frame instructions for the particular benefit of every one , is a very difficult task ; but it is much more difficult to put such a project in execution ; in regard that men know well enough what they ought to do , but they are extreamly backward in applying themselves to the performance thereof . let him therefore who thinks that application incumbent upon him , endeavour to offer a certain violence to his own disposition , and make that habitual which yet admits of no greater perfection than that of desire ; by which means , he will easily attain whatever shall be taught him , and will voluntarily do any thing , according as reason shall command him , or experience direct him . clxvii . the acquisition of a great estate or honour is a thing commendable , provided it be done without fraud or any indirect means ; yet so great is the corruption of mankind , that men commonly are ambitious of high titles , and magistracy , as if they were illustious and magnificent of themselves , and did not derive their true value and esteem , from the vertue of those who are deservedly advanc'd thereto . clxviii . a military commander ought so to mind all things as if he had not charg'd any person with the care thereof ; and this , not only out of the distrust he should have that his commands may not be punctually executed , but also out of this consideration , that his soldiers will be more forward to execute his orders , when they shall find him so laborious and vigilant himself . clxix . he who would prognosticate what will be the effects of another mans deliberation , ought , to avoid being deceiv'd , to consider seriously , not only what a prudent person would be inclin'd to do upon the like emergency , but also to measure the abilities and disposition of the deliberator . clxx . a physician who undertakes to cure the infirmity of some particular member , is very careful that the medicine he applies does not prejudice any other member : so ought that privy councellor , who is to advise his prince , to be so his remembrancer of the concerns of the commonwealth , as that he is withal mindful of the honour and preservation of the prince . clxxi. there is not any man of so weak abilities , but that he may manifestly perceive the difference there is between actions proceeding from fear and errour , and those which proceed from fraud and an evil intention . clxxii . he who knows in himself what is advantageous , and for the good of the commonwealth , and yet forbears communicating it to others , is an insignificant member of that body . clxxiii . a commander may make a retreat upon two occasions , either out of timorousness , or prudence ; the former whereof is reproachable , the other deserves commendation , in regard it seems to wave the hazarding of what is not sufficiently secur'd . that victory is the most advantageous and most glorious , which is gain'd with the least loss and effusion of the souldiers blood . clxxiv . as the soul , which ordinarily ought to be the governess of the body , becomes a tyrant , when , regarding only her own excellency , in comparison of the body , she so thinks of her self , as not to allow any part of time for the service of the body , whereby the latter is weakned , and rendered uncapable of performing its offices : so , on the contrary , they who make the body lord over the soul , and employ their whole time in satisfying the appetites thereof , without reserving some part for the other , can never become vertuous , nor have any valour in themselves . clxxv . avarice is , no doubt , much more blameable in a prince , than in a private person ; not only upon this score , that the prince having more to distribute , frustrates men of the benefits they expect from him , but also in regard , that whatever the private person hath , he may dispose thereof without any others being much concern'd in it . but whatever the prince has , he has chiefly for the benefit of others ; what therefore he retains to himself is so much deducted out of what men should receive from him . clxxvi . princes have cause to be more distrustful than other persons , not only in regard they are many times flatter'd , but also that many doubtful advertisements are propos'd to them , and that it is a difficult matter for them to follow those that are most advantageous to their concerns . clxxvii . that prince who has the most obliging way to gain the affections of his people , makes a great discovery of an excellent good nature , and withal gives a certain demonstration of his being unchargeable with the vice of pride , which brings an odium upon the vertues themselves . clxxviii . when any of the enemies forces fall off from him , and come into thy service , it is no small happiness if they prove faithful to thee ; inasmuch as the forces of the enemy are much more weakned , by the defection of those who desert him , than by the loss of those who are kill'd , though the name of turn-coat , or fugitive be suspicious in new-rais'd men , and odious in old souldiers . clxxix . in military concerns ; the prosperous success of the victorious prince proceeds for the most part from the want of counsel and conduct in the enemy . and thence it comes , that it is a difficult task to subdue him who knows the extent of his own forces and those of his enemy . besides , the performances of the souldiery are to be attributed more to their gallantry than to their multitude , and sometimes the advancement they make depends more on the advantages of the place , where the engagement happens , than upon their personal valour . clxxx . men , armes , mony , and provisions are the sinews of war ; but of these four , the two former are the most necessary , in regard that resolute men , well arm'd , will make a shift to find mony and provisions ; but those two last will not so easily find men and arms. clxxxi . when the prince is surrounded by his familiar friends in a time that requires nothing of action , he communicates his favours to those who are most acceptable to him , and most complyant with his humour . but when he has some great design to carry on , he knows how to make a distinction between those who are purely favourites , and such as may be more serviceable to him . clxxxii . a person reputed to be of great conduct and well experienc'd in the management of affairs , who can maintain ten thousand men , is more to be fear'd and esteem'd than ten others confederated together with each of them five thousand men ; in regard they are tedious and dilatory in the concerting of their designes , and much time is commonly lost ere they can be unanimously brought to resolve upon the same end . clxxxiii . that person who is desirous to be entertain'd into the service of some grandee , should rather pitch upon one of some repute for his prudence , than one notorious for his ignorance : in regard that if his dependence be on a wise man , he will find means to ingratiate himself into his favour ; but with an ignorant man , his applications will in all likelihood prove ineffectual , by reason of the want of apprehension in the person to whom they are made . clxxxiv . the affairs of this world are in a perpetual fluxe of uncertainty and instability ; yet are they always in a progressive course towards the end to which they ought to tend according to their nature . but this progress meets with greater obstructions than we imagine , in regard that we measure their motion according to our life , which is of no great duration , and not according to their continuance , which seems long to us in respect of our selves . and thence it comes , that the judgements which we make of them are commonly false and defective . clxxxv . in things of importance , he who does not take into his consideration all the particulars relating thereto , cannot frame a right judgement of them ; in regard that any single circumstance , how inconsiderable soever it be , may change the whole face of the thing which is to be judg'd . yet true it is , that many times , a man may frame a good judgement thereof , though he have the knowledge but of the affair , only in general ; and on the contrary , he who knows the particulars may be guilty of a greater miscarriage ; in regard that if his head be not clear , and disengag'd from passion , his attention to the particular part will confound and disturb his apprehension of the whole matter under consideration . clxxxvi . it is a great felicity for a man to see his enemy cast down and lying at his mercy ; but the greater his happiness is , to whom that happens , the greater reason he has to make a commendable use of that victory , by expressing his clemency and readiness to forgive , it being the particular mark and property of a great and generous soul . clxxxvii . an inferiour prince ought not to hazard all he has in one fight ; for if he get the better , he only gains the more glory ; if he miscarries , he is ruin'd to all intents and purposes . clxxxviii . we find that in the ordinary differences which happen between men upon the civil account , and in the diseases whereto men are subject , the judges and physicians have recourse to the judgements of those who have been anciently eminent in those several professions ; the same may be said of affairs of state and policy , that it were expedient the present statesmen consulted the directions of the ancients , who have been eminent for the good government and civilization of such as were subject to them . clxxxix . there are many who seem to be highly diligent in the reading of ancient histories , and to take a particular divertisement therein , by reason of the remarkable variety of accidents which occur ; but few apply themselves to the imitation thereof ; and that with the greater reproach to themselves , in that they think it a thing not only difficult , but also indeed impossible ; as if the heavens , the sun , and the elements had chang'd their motions , order and influences , in comparison of what they were heretofore . cxc . the friendship there is between persons of quality , of a private condition , proceeds from the mutual correspondence of their minds , and the consonancy of their humours and dispositions . but among princes , this correspondence of humours does not always beget amity , but sometimes , out of a certain judgement which they frame to themselves , of the advantages accrueing by the contraction of such friendships , and sometimes their confederations are the effects of the present exigences forcing them thereto . cxci. adversity is the touch stone which distinguishes between those who are friends out of design , and those who are really such . it makes a full discovery of the fidelity and constancy of some , and how slight and superfluous others may be . so that a man has this benefit by adversity , that there are driven from him , without the help of a staff , all that throng of persons whose souls are mercenary and of no value , full of avarice and ingratitude , and there remain behind only those minds which are fortune proof , and such as cannot be surmounted by adversity . cxcii . he who founds a commonwealth , and establishes laws for the government thereof , ought to have presuppos'd that men are inclin'd to wickedness , and will make a discovery of that inclination , upon any occasion that shall offer it self . and when the malignity lies conceal'd for some time , it proceeds from some secret cause , which , for want of having seen the experience of the contrary , was not observ'd ; but it is afterwards discover'd by time , which brings all things to light . cxciii . neutrality , of its own nature , is full of danger , in as much as it gives offence , on the one side , to the stronger party , who expected to be sided withal upon the score of his grandeur , and on the other to the weaker , who takes it unkindly , and thinks it an injury that he is not assisted and reliev'd . so that the neutral party is neither secur'd against an enemy , on the one side , nor preserves a firiend , on the other . cxciv . as long as a prince continues in a neutral condition , every one endeavours to caress him , & to draw him to his party , and consequently he is honour'd , and not only enjoys his neutrality in quietness , but also makes an advantage of it by the presents he receives from those who would lure him into their allyance ; whereas if he has once declar'd himself , he has lost the satisfaction of being a spectator of the difference , and one of the contending parties must look upon him as an enemy , though the reasons and motives he had to appear against him be never so plausible . cxcv. it is a hard question to decide , whether be the more ambitious person , he who is desirous to keep what he is possess'd of , or he who endeavours to make new conquests . for many times great alterations are caus'd by him who is peaceably possess'd , in regard the fear of losing begets in such persons the same inclinations , which they have who would conquer . nay sometimes , he who is possess'd does not think himself secure , if he be not always in a readiness to make new acquests , and to do that , there is a necessity of having forces , and those must be in action , answerably to the ambitious desires of those by whom they are maintain'd . cxcvi. those who are entrusted with the administration of publick offices , or the government of provinces ought to have these three conditions ; to wit , that they have ● tenderness and affection for those who are under their jurisdiction ; that they be invested with sufficient authority to constrain , where it is requisite ; and that they be persons remarkable for their justice and valour . but with this precaution into the bargain , that they who are advanc'd to the government of others be such as have been in their younger days govern'd and directed by others . cxcvii . in all the resolutions of this world , there is an intermixture of good and evil ; god having so order'd it , that men might be the more sensible of the imperfection of their present state . but it is the part of a prudent person to counterballance the good and evil , and to embrace that resolution wherein he finds either less evil , or more good . cxcviii. since man is to look on his own good and preservation as his main concern , he ought not in reason to be tax'd with any inconstancy , when upon the vicissitude of human affairs , he also admits some change in his designs and procedure , yet continuing constant and resolute as to the end he had propos'd to himself . and this is but to follow the example of good pilots , who being bound for such a port , yet upon alteration of wind and weather seem to change their course , but still in the midst of the tempest they mind the prosecution of their voyage , and the preservation of the vessel . cxcix . good souldiers require a good captain , he being the guide of all , and the success or miscarriage of a design depending on his action and conduct . thence came the greek proverb , that an army of deer having a lyon in the head of it , is more terrible than an army of lyons headed by a deer . but it is however requisite , that both commanders and souldiers should be good , that it may not happen as caesar said going against pompey , that he went against a captain without souldiers ; and afterwards going against afranius that he was to en●gage an army without a captain . cc. there are four sorts of men who are always mention'd with honour . first , they who have been highly successeful in the establishment and promotion of true religion . secondly , those who have been the founders of states and kingdoms , and setled the government thereof by good laws . thirdly , they who have been successors to the last mention'd , and have made great dilatations of the empires which they found so established . and lastly , persons who have been great promotors of literature , and patrons of learned men . on the contrary , the teachers of a false religion or destroyers of the true , the disturbers of government , and the enemies of learning and vertue , have been , through all ages , infamous and detestable . cci. a people which hath been accustomed to live in servitude , being left to their own liberty , may be likened to a beast that has been kept in a park , which having once got out of it , will be continually mischievous , till at last it be either destroy'd or brought into its former restraint . ccii. we ought to be very moderate and cautious in the commendations of persons . for as it is natural for any one , to resent his being disparag'd , so , on the contrary , excessive , commendation ( besides the hazard it implies of his judgement who commends , and the greatness of his merit who is commended ) is many times offensive to him who hears it . that portion of self love , which every one has , even though he is not sensible of it , makes us immediately apply to our selves the commendations and discommendations which we hear given to others , and confequently we imagine our selves concerned therein , though they are not purposely directed to us . cciii . when the prince has fortify'd himself with the allyances of excellent captains , valiant souldiers , arms , mony , and strong places , his next work must be to weaken the forces , and to defeat the designes of the enemy ; and that is done more slowly or with greater expedition , according as occasion offers it self , which is the source of every great and transcendent action . cciv. it seldom happens , that a vertuous man will be ambitious of soveraignty by indirect ways , though his aim therein may be good ; and that a wicked person being once become great , will ever use that authority well , which he has attain'd by evil courses . ccv . though a successor in government be not fully so remarkable for his vertue as the person whom he succeds , yet may he maintain the state in the same grandeur he found it , by the vertue of his predecessor , and make his advantage of the others labours . but if it happen that he does not live long , and that he be again succeeded by one that does not follow the footsteps of the former , such a state must needs degenerate . so , on the contrary , if two persons , both eminent for the greatness of their vertue , happen to be immediate governours of the same province , they commonly do great things , and give a smart stroke to the firm establishment of their government . ccvi. ii is a thing out of all controversy , that if there be not souldiers where there are men enough , it proceeds from some defect in the prince , and not from that of nature , or the situation of the country , or genius of the inhabitants . and thence it comes , that wise princes keep up the exercise of war even in the times of peace . ccvii. in a well-regulated common-wealth , the good services and merits of citizens shall make no plea for their crimes , if they be of any importance . for rewards being appointed for well doing , and punishment for miscarriages , it is an aggravation of their lapses who have done well , that they have done so , and therefore if they do amiss , there is no account made of their former vertuous demeanour . ccviii . he who would reform . a city , to the general satisfaction of all its inhabitants , should endeavour what he can to retain the ancient customs , and that course of life which the people was traditionally inclin'd to , that it may not seem to the generality , that there is any alteration in the government , though really there be , and that the constitution thereof is a quite different thing from what it was before . for it is the humour of the populace , to be contented and layd asleep with that which seems , as much as with that which really is ; and many times there are greater disturbances occasion'd by that which seems to be , than there are by that which really is . ccix. the vice of ingratitude proceeds either from avarice , or distrust . when therefore a prince or state sends out a general upon some important expedition , and the other growes highly into repute thereby ; such a prince or state is oblig'd to acknowledge and recompence the service done them . but if , on the contrary , they dishonour or affront him , avatice prompts him to commit some inexcusable fault , and so he brings himself into perpetual infamy . ccx . ambition has so great an influence over the heart of man , that it keeps a perpetual possession thereof . the reason of it is , that mans disposition being naturally inclin'd to desire all things , and his desires always excessively surmounting the means of obtaining them , proves a continual occasion of discontent and repining . thence proceeds the variety of mens conditions , inasmuch as their labouring to augment , and the fear of losing what they are possess'd of , occasions quarrels , animosities , and wars , and those are the fore-runners of the ruine of one province , and the aggrandization of another . ccxi. that prince who would keep up his estate in a flourishing condition , will not only be careful in the removing of present scandals , but also use his utmost industry in providing against such as may happen . in regard that if he make timely provision against them , they are easily reform'd ; whereas if the evil be grown up to a head , the remedy comes too late . ccxii. it is not to be admir'd , that those princes who are very powerful and have a numerous issue should have their thoughts much bent upon war ; and that , either out of a motive of honour , or to make provision for their progeny , by military employments , or forreign governments , if they have colonies in remote parts of the world ; or lastly to prevent the disturbances which may be occasion'd by the different pretensions of younger brothers . ccxiii. the wise servant ought to imitate the excellent physician , and foresee what he should hope or fear , neither hoping nor fearing more or less than is convenient , so that he may always know whether his hope be in its augmentation , or at its full height , or in its declining state , and accordingly prognosticate what he is to expect . being thus precaution'd , he will have his judgment as it were in his hand , not suffering it to be heightned by hope , or to be depress'd by fear : and so he will prudently manage the affairs of his master , whose advantage . he minds equally with his own repute , in the negotiation wherein he is employ'd . ccxiv. plato would have the devoir of a good citizen to consist in these four things ; to wit , that he should be prudent in diserning well what is most conducive to the common good , as well as to things present , as to come ; that he be just , in distributing to every one what is due to him ; that he be vertuous , in surmounting the fear which commonly obstructs he exercises of vertue ; and lastly , that he have an absolute soveraignty over his affections . ccxv . the shortest and surest way for princes to make a mutual discovery of their different designes , is that of ambassadors , especially if they be persons of great repute either upon the score of the grandeur of their masters , or that of their own vertue . for it being their business to treat always with great persons , and diligently to weigh the actions , deportment , words , and advices of those with whom they negotiate , and also those of the prince himself , they from the present conjuncture of affairs infer what is most likely to come to pass afterwards . ccxvi . when men propose to themselves the doing of some thing of great importance , they ought , with all the industry they can , prepare themselves for it , that when opportunity offers it self , they may be ready to put their design in execution . when therefore all the preparatives are cautiouslly made , there should be no discovery made thereof till the opportunity of action does it ; and then if there be a neglect in the execution , it argues that the persons concern'd therein were not sufficiently prepar'd , or wanted courage to carry it on . ccxvii . distributive justice in a political government ought to be regulated according to geometrical proportion , to wit , according to the quality of persons : otherwise , it is not justice : as we see , that infamy to a person of mean extraction amounts to little , but to one nobly descended , it is the most indigestible punishment . that magistrate therefore who proceeds to the cognizance of merits and miscarriages , favours and disgraces , by the same measure , not considering the diversity there may be between some persons and others , according to their several qualifications , is defective in the understanding of his duty ; in regard , that persons of noble birth are discourag'd by the ignominy of being reduc'd to an equal rank with their inferiours , and those , of the meaner sort , finding themselves treated as persons of better extraction , grow thereby the more insolent and insupportable . ccxviii . when the forces of a prince are regulated by prudence and conduct , they do admirable things , securing his own concerns , and those of his friends , causing confusion and astonishment to his enemies . ccxix. it may easily be observ'd by a person who shall examine things present with a reflection on the past , how that in all cities , and among all nations , there are now the same inclinations , and the same humours , as were heretofore . so that it is no hard matter , for such an examiner , from the things past , to foresee what may happen in any commonwealth , and consequently that prudence advises the practising of the same remedies which were used by the ancients . but in regard those considerations have either been neglected , or not fully comprehended by such as read , or if they have been read , they have not been understood by those who govern , it follows , that the same scandals and misgovernments happen at all times . ccxx . the only way to make a city flourish is to use all possible endeavours to supply it with inhabitants ; and that is done either by love or force . 't is done by the former , when the ways to it are free and secure to strangers who are desirous to make their habitations there ; by the latter , when the neighbouring places are destroy'd , and the inhabitants thereof obliged to transplant themselves thither . ccxxi . a small republick cannot safely be possess'd of a city that is stronger and greater than it self . for otherwise its case would be like that of a tree , whose branches being too weighty for its boal , weaken it so that the first blast of wind lays it on the ground . ccxxii . a prince or republick should submit to any terms rather than have recourse to that nation from which it hath assistance . for there cannot be a more plausible occasion for a prince or republick to possess themselves of a city or province , than when they send their forces for the defence thereof . ccxxiii. of all estates that is the most miserable , whether it be the case of a prince or republick , when they are reduc'd to such extremities , that they can neither accept of a peace , nor carry on a war. such is the condition of those who on the one side are over-crush'd by the conditions that are proffer'd them of a peace , and on the other being oblig'd to continue the war , are forc'd to become a prey either to those who are their auxiliaries , or to their enemies . ccxxiv. the welfare of a government consists in this that the subjects be so kept in , as that they have not the power , nor any reason to make a disturbance . and this is done , either by making all secure in depriving them of the means of doing evil , or gratifying them so well , as that they may not have any plausible reason to desire a change of government . ccxxv. the prince who is set upon by another greater than himself , can hardly commit a greater errour than to refuse all overtures of accommodation , especially when they are offer'd him ; in regard that what is proffer'd cannot be so inconsiderable but that some advantage accrewes to him who accepts of it , and is consider'd as part of a victory obtain'd by him . ccxxvi . among the marks whereby it may be known what condition a state is in , we are to consider the correspondence there is between it and its neighbours . for when it is so govern'd , as that its neighbours to gain its friendship become its pensionaries , it is a certain argument that such a state is in a flourishing condition : but when the neighbours that are inferiour to it , are as so many suckers thereto , perpetually draining its exchequer , it is a great sign of weakness or want of conduct , or corruption in the government . ccxxvii . men in their actions , especially those of importance , ought to consider , what is most convenient to be done , and to accommodate themselves to the present conjuncture ; for they who either through an unfortunate election , or out of a mutinous humour can admit of no acquiescence with the present time , live for the most part in a wretched condition , ever repining , and vainly expecting a change of affairs . ccxxviii . that some men are successful in their undertakings , and others not , it is to be attributed to their complyance or discomplyance with the time proper for the execution thereof . thence is it that we say some men proceed in their actions inconsiderately , and as if they were surprized , while others do nothing without a previous circumspection and scrutiny into all the particulars that may occur in their deportment . ccxxix . that commander who would have a city obstinately defend it self , or an army once engag'd to fight it out to the last man , ought above all things to insinuate into them a persuasion of the necessity there is of fighting . ccxxx . the wise chieftain who proposes to himself the conquest of a country or province , ought to measure the difficulties he may meet withal , by considering the necessity , which may force the inhabitants of the country to defend themselves , answerably to the greatness of the necessity in those who are to defend themselves against him , to make account that his expedition will be more or less difficult . ccxxxi . among other points of military discipline , a wise captain ought to be especially careful , what persons they are who take the word from him ; and to take order that his souldiers believe not any but their own officers , who are not likely to say any thing to them but what they are entrusted withal . for want of a punctual observance of this point , incredible disorders have many times happen'd . ccxxxii . in a military expedition , it is much better to send one single person , though endu'd but with ordinary prudence , than two together , though very valiant persons , invested with equal authority . cxxxiii . some cities and provinces , which have held out against all extremities of war , have been reduc'd by some extraordinay example of generosity , humanity , or chastity . of this there are many examples in the roman histories . ccxxxiv . he who is over-earnestly desirous of being lov'd , if he exceed ever so little in the artifices of insinuating himself , becomes contemptible ; and , on the contrary , he who is over desirous to be fear'd , if he exceeds the true measure , becomes odious . he who can observe a mean in these procedures must be a person of a great and exemplary vertue . ccxxxv . the only way to avoid the infamy or danger which is consequent to the giving of counsel , is , to take things moderately , to give advice without passion , and to defend it with modesty ; so that the prince or city , who receives and follows the advice may do it voluntarily , and not seem to be over-sway'd by the importunity of him who is consulted . ccxxxvi . the wise captain who has to do with a new enemy , whose reputation is great , should make a previous tryal of his souldiers , by small engagements with the enemy , before he comes to the hazard of a pitch'd battel , to the end that by such prelusory skirmishes there may be an abatement made of that terrour , which the noise and reputation of such an enemy might have rais'd in them . ccxxxvii . to use stratagems and circumventions upon all other occasions , raises a dislike of the person using it ; but in military concerns it is otherwise , in so much , that he who subdues his enemy by a stratagem , is as highly commended , as he that does it by force . ccxxxviii . a resolution taken up with too much precipitancy , or an over earnest affection , proves for the most part unfortunate . the former allowes not the time to ruminate on the things which are to be considered ; the latter takes up the mind so , that it heeds not any thing but what immediately press upon it . ccxxxix . a man is much more concern'd at a pleasure or dipleasure newly done him , than he is at a signal kindness , which he had receiv'd some considerable time before . thus a mans immediate exigences make a much greater impression upon him , than either the remembrance of that which is past , or the foresight of that which is to come . ccxl . besides many other misfortunes which must attend a prince who is neligent in the affairs of war , these two are most obvious , to wit , that he cannot be respected by the souldiery , nor repose any trust in them . to remedy this , there are two expedients ; one relating to the body , the other to the mind . the former requires the following of the noblest and most generous sort of exercises , such as hunting , whereby his person is enur'd to the supporting of all inconveniencies , and he is enabled to observe the advantages and situation of places . the latter consists in the reading of histories , and , in them , reflecting on the actions of excellent men , and how they demean'd themselves in their wars , examining the occasions of their victories , or losses , and above all , in imitating those whose great characters time has transmitted to us . ccxli. it is greater wisdom for a man to be accounted poor , though some shame be consequent thereto , provided he do not incurhatred or contempt , than to gain the title of a liberal person by rapine and injustice , which are ever attended by infamy and aversion . ccxlii. he who thinks to advance himself by his dependence on a great person , and is desirous to be employ'd by him , ought to keep as much as he can possibly in his presence . for ever and anon , there happen occasions , wherein he recommends some affair to him who is next at hand , which he would not do , if the other were to seek : and he who misses the beginning of his advancement does many times forfeit his access to great things . ccxliii . in the particular accidents of war , chance ( which is commonly known by the name of fortune ) has a greater influence than in other humane actions . for the different situation of places , the advantages of encamping , the diversity of the air , diseases , want of mony , scarcity of provisions , spies , guides , false intelligence , the contrivances of publick ministers , and divers other things occasion an infinite variety in the occurrences of war. ccxliv . it is more probable , that an experienc'd sea commander , who has ben accustom'd to fight against winds , waves , and men , should make a good captain at land , where he has only men to deal withal , than that a land-captain should make a good commander at sea. ccxlv . those very persons , who attribute most to vertue or prudence , only that they might exclude what is attributed to fortune , cannot deny but that it is an extraordinary chance , for any man to live and flourish at such time , when those vertues are in esteem for which he is most recommendable , or to be concern'd in such an occasion , as where they are most necessarily to be practis'd . ccxlvi . the ministers and favourites of princes , if they are wise , ought to procure all the fair correspondence that may be between them and their neighbouring princes , and withal to raise in them a tenderness and affection for their subjects . ccxlvii. it being every mans case at some time or other to stand in need of anothers assistance , where there is no precedent obligation upon the score of benefits receiv'd , nor any consideration of intimate friendship , or allyance , the person solliciting ought , for this reason , to make it appear , that such his request is of great advantage , or at least not any way prejudicial to him whom he expects liberally to grant his desire ; then he is to make him sensible , how transcendently he will be oblig'd to him . and where he cannot urge any thing of this nature , he ought not to be disgusted , if he does not obtain what he desires . ccxlviii . in all affaires , it is requisite first to use reason , and afterwards force . in military designes therefore , it is of greater concern to set ambushes for the enemy , than only to avoid his . the more a man governs himself by reason in any affair , the more he advantages himself . ccxlix . a man makes a greater complaint when an injury is done him contrary to reason , than when a violence is done him by force : for an injury has place between those who are otherwise equal in condition ; but force is a mark , that he who uses it is more powerful , than he on whom it is used . ccl . when we prepare our selves to go against our enemies , we should make account , that the preparatives on their side are as great as those on ours , not promising our selves any more success for the faults which we imagin they have committed , but rather presuposing , that having their senses , and judgment about them , they have provided for their affairs , as well as we have done for ours . ccli . a wise man ought not to conceal the advantageous advice which he has to give his country , meerly out of the uncertainty there is of its being put in execution ; for time will discover the integrity and prudence of him that gave the advice , and withal the temerity and extravagance of those who rejected it . cclii . though the act of clemency should prove beneficial to the person by whom it is exercis'd , yet does it sometimes tend to his prejudice . but this happens according to the subject on which it is exercis'd . for when it is done to a multitude , it proves so much the more beneficial , the more the obligation conferr'd thereby is multiply'd , it being in a manner impossible , that a numerous party having receiv'd a benefit , should conspire together to be ungrateful to so great a benefactor ; whereas one or few particular persons may be of so malignant a disposition , as to fall , immediatly after the reception of a great kindness , into that horrid vice of ingratitude . ccliii . the best way for a captain to inspire his souldiers with an obstinate resolution of fighting , is , to put them out of all hopes of safety , otherwise than by fighting . and that resolution is augmented in them by the confidence they have of their comanders experience , and the love they bear their country . divers other inducements may concur , but the most pressing consideration is that which forces them either to conquer , or dy . ccliv . the accomplishment of every enterprize is much more difficult than the beginning of it ; since the latter may be the effect of some lucky accident , but the former requires resolution , experience , and conduct . thus a vessel may weather out a tempest at sea , but when it comes near the port , the pilot shews the utmost of his skill by reason of the narrow passage into it . cclv. it is a great presumption , in any person , how much so ever he may imagine himself in favour with his prince , to be over-forward in giving him advice . for the reflectons of soveraigns being many times fixt upon things of a nature transcending the capacities of such as are about them , it happens , that they are secretly dissatisfy'd when they seem in some measure pleas'd . it is therefore the prudence of a courtier , to be alwaies so cautious , in offering his advice , as that there may be a presumptive probability , of it s not becoming prejudicial to the offerer . cclvi. when a person , who thinks himself in savour , is of a sudden discountenanc'd , he should not give the least admission to murmuring , disgust , or animosity ; but , reflecting on what might be applicable to him , upon the score of miscarriage , endeavour , by the arts of insinuation , and complaisance , to recover himself into his former station , in the princes affections . cclvii . there are two eminent requisites , in those , who are concern'd abroad , as publick ministers . for , if they do not give evident proofs of their vigilance , sedulity , and sufficiency , in managing the negotiations wherein they are entrusted , as also of their perspicacity , in foreseeing what influence they may have on posterity , there is a great deficiency in the discharge of the trust reposed in them . cclviii. the main design of government is prudentiallity carried on , and advanc'd , when there is an unanimity of counsels amongst those who have the administration of publick affairs . but when they are divided amongst themselves , and promote different interests , it argues a dangerous crisis . cclix . great are the calamities consequent to war. the treasury of the prince is exhausted : commerce is obstructed : and the devastations , committed in a short time , are not repair'd , without a subsequent peace , of many years continuance . and such must needs be the condition of the many countries , now the seat of the present war. finis . an epitome of the whole art of war in two parts. the first of military discipline, containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet, &c. with plain directions for the various postures. also the drawing up of battalions, and way of forming them; with the art of doubling, wheeling, forming and drawing up an army into any figure. the way of conducting armies in hilly, woody or plain countries: of encampings, besiegings, giving of battle, &c. the second of fortification and gunnery, which shews the principles and practices of fortification, as now used, as well by the english, as several other european nations, (especially by their majesties army) at the late siege of athlone, galoway, limerick, &c. ... of casements, cittadels, crownworks, ravelins, &c. of gunnery, ... morters, demy-cannon, &c. with the manner of batteries, &c. all illustrated and further explained by 18 copper-plates, curiously designed and engraven. moxon, joseph, 1627-1691. 1692 approx. 149 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51540 wing m3002 estc r217907 99829550 99829550 33990 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51540) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33990) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1920:15) an epitome of the whole art of war in two parts. the first of military discipline, containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet, &c. with plain directions for the various postures. also the drawing up of battalions, and way of forming them; with the art of doubling, wheeling, forming and drawing up an army into any figure. the way of conducting armies in hilly, woody or plain countries: of encampings, besiegings, giving of battle, &c. the second of fortification and gunnery, which shews the principles and practices of fortification, as now used, as well by the english, as several other european nations, (especially by their majesties army) at the late siege of athlone, galoway, limerick, &c. ... of casements, cittadels, crownworks, ravelins, &c. of gunnery, ... morters, demy-cannon, &c. with the manner of batteries, &c. all illustrated and further explained by 18 copper-plates, curiously designed and engraven. moxon, joseph, 1627-1691. j. s., capt. military discipline. j. s., capt. fortification and military discipline. [16], 66, 51-70 p., [18] leaves of plates : port., tables printed for j. moxon, at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane, london : 1692. by joseph moxon, who has signed the dedication: j.m. "the epitome shares some of its plates .. and some of its text with" captain john stevens' military discipline, 1685, and his fortification and military discipline, 1688. cf. ms. note following p. 70 of british library copy c 175.ff.23. some of the plates are numbered. text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. military art and science -england -early works to 1800. fortification -early works to 1800. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-04 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gulielmus d : gratiae , angliae , scotioa ▪ franciae , et hiberniae rex fidei defensor etc , f. h. van. hove . sculp : an epitome of the whole art of war. in two parts . the first of military discipline , containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet , &c. with plain directions for the various postures . also the drawing up of battalions , and way of forming them ; with the art of doubling , wheeling , forming and drawing up an army into any figure . the way of conducting armies in hilly , woody or plain countries : of encampings , besiegings , giving of battle , &c. the second of fortification and gunnery , which shews the principles and practice of fortification , as now used , as well by the english , as several other european nations , ( especially by their majesties army ) at the late sieges of athlene , galoway , limerick , &c. the measures and dimensions of rampires , parapets , moats , &c. of casements , cittadels , crownworks , ravelins , &c. of gunnery , the qualifications of a gunner . of ordnance , morters , demy-cannon , &c. with the manner of batteries , &c. all illustrated and further explained by 18 copper-plates , curiously designed and engraven . london , printed for j. moxon , at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane , 1692. to the honourable christopher seaton , brother to the right honourable george earl of winton , &c. and my worthy friend . honoured sir ! i here present you this epitome of the whole art of warr , and recommend it to your serious inspection and approbation ; depending more upon the worth of the subject , than my own deserts : 't was chiefly design'd for the vse and benefit of young gentlemen and others that delight therein : and though 't is but small in bulk , yet great in matter ; and at this time of as good use , when the greatest part of europe are engag'd in warr. what can be more acceptable in a time of such eminent action , than plain and practical instructions in the military arts , here comprehended under these two heads , viz. military discipline , and fortification . sir , i need not endeavour to inform you of its most excellent use , under the fortitude of whose favourable aspect , this small piece craves a shelter from the malevolent rays of detractions . these are the arts mathematical ( or branches thereof , ) and in the mathematicks the two main pillars are well known to be arithmetick and geometry ; and these also have the preheminence above all other arts , because they leave no hole to creep out at , or any querk for descent , but an everlasting addition of new inventions to what has been happily demonstrated before . this last age doth enjoy the benefit of more admirable inventions , than many former ages ; and we see daily that new ones are still added , both in the art of warr , as well as divers other arts and sciences . have we not in our age seen the spots in the sun first discovered by the famous galareus , with his most excellent telescope observations ; also his conversion upon his own axis , the lateral guardians or satillites of saturn and jupiter , the various phases of mars , the horns of venus and mercury , the mountains and seas of the moon , the generation of comets , cum multis aliis ? but i fear i have run out too far for this small treatise . sir ! 't is the censure of you alone which i value , the popular voice , like other agents , never acting beyond their proper sphere of activity . thus craving the continuance of your favour and respect , i shall ever remain , honourable sir ! your devoted and very humble servant , j. m. a catalogue of globes , celestial and terrestrial spheres , maps , sea-plates , mathematical instruments and books , made and sold by j. moxon , at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane . globes 26 inches the diameter . the price 20 l. the pair . globes near 15 inches diameter . the price 4 l. globes 8 inches diamer . the price 2 l. globes 6 inches diameter . the price 1 l. 10 s. the english globe , invented by the right hononrable the earl of castlemain , 12 inches diameter . the price ordinary made up 40 s. and with the projection at bottom 50 s. best made up 5 l. concave hemispheres of the starry orb ; which serves for a case to a terrestrial globe 3 inches diameter , made portable for the pocket . price 15 s. spheres , according to the copernican hypothesis , both general and particular , 20 inches diameter . price of the general 5 l. of the particular 6 l. of both together 10 l. spheres , according to the ptolomaick system 14 inches diameter . price 3 l. spheres , according to the ptolomaick system , 8 inches diameter . price 1 l. 10 s. gunter's quadrant , 12 inches radius , printed on paper , and pasted on a board , with a nocturnal on the back-side . price 5 s. gunter's quadrant , 4 inches radius , printed on paper , and pasted on brass , with a nocturnal on the back-side , and a wooden case covered with leather fit for it . a new invention contrived for the pocket . price 6 s. a large map of the world , 10 foot long , and 7 foot deep , pasted on cloth and coloured . price 2 l. a map of all the world , 4 foot long , and 3 foot deep , pasted on cloth and coloured . price 10 s. in sheets 2 s. 6 d. a map of the english empire in america , describing all places inhabited here by the english nation , as well on the islands as on the continent . price 15 s. six scriptural maps , 1. of all the earth , and how after the flood it was divided among the sons of noah . 2. of paradise or the garden of eden , with the countries circumjacent inhabited by the patriarchs . 3. the 40 years travel of the children of israel through the wilderness . 4. of canaan , or the holy land , and how it was divided among the twelve tribes of israel , and travelled through by our saviour and his apostles . 5. the travels of 〈◊〉 , and others of the apostles , in their propagating the gospel . 6. jerusalem , as it stood in our saviour's time ; with a book of explanations to these maps , entituled , sacred geography . price 6 s. useful to be bound up with bibles . a sea-plate , or map of all the world , according to mercator , in two large royal sheets of paper ; set forth by mr. edward wright , and newly corrected by joseph moxon , &c. price 2 s. sea-plats for sailing to all parts of the world. price 6 d. the sheet . the famous city of batavia in the east-indies , built and inhabited by the dutch , curiously engraved , and printed on four large sheets of royal-paper . price 2 s. 6 d. a small map of the world , with descriptions , on one sheet . price 6 d. a new map of the kingdom of ireland , in one royal sheet of paper . price 1 s. by j. moxon . a new map of england , shewing the roads from edinburgh to london , in two sheets . price 1 s. by j. moxon . a new map of scotland , in one royal sheet . price 1 s. by j. moxon . north and south hemespheres 16 inches diameter , projected on the poles of the world ; the south , according to mr haley's observation , with a horizon . price , in sheets , 2 s. 6 d. made up 6 s. books . a tutor to astronomy and geography , or the use of both the globes , celestial and terrestial ; by joseph moxon , a member of the royal society , and hydrographer to the kings most excellent majesty . price 5 s. the use of the copernican spheres , teaching to solve the phoenomena by them , as easily as by the ptolomaick spheres ; by joseph moxon , &c. price 4 s. wright's correction of errors in the art of navigation . price 8 s. new and rare inventions of water-works , teaching how to raise water higher than the spring . by which invention , the perpetual motion is proposed , many hard labours performed , and varieties of motion and sounds produced . by isaac de caus , engineer to king charles the first . price 8 s. practical perspective , or perspective made easie . teaching by the opticks how to delineate all bodies , buildings , and landskips , &c. by the catoptricks , how to delineate confused appearances , so as when seen in a mirrour or polish'd body of any intended shape , the reflection shall shew a design . by the dioptricks , how to draw part of many figures into one , when seen through a glass or crystal cut into many faces . by joseph moxon , &c. price 7 s. an exact survay of the microcosm , being an anatomy of the bodies of man and woman , wherein the skin , veins , nerves , muscles , bones , sinews , and ligaments are acurately delineated . engraven on large copper-plates , printed and curiously pasted together , so as at first sight you may behold all the parts of man and woman ; and by turning up of several dissections of the papers , take a view of all their inwards ; with alphabetical references to the names of every member and part of the body . set forth in latin by remelinus and michael sapher of tyrol ; and englished by john ireton , chyrurgion ; and lastly , perused and corrected by several anatomists . price 14 s. vignola , or the compleat architect ; shewing a plain and easie way the rules of the five orders in architecture , viz. tuscan , dorick , ionick , corinthian , and composite ; whereby any that can but read and understand english , may readily learn the proportions that all members in a building have to one another : set forth by mr. james barrozzio of vignola , and translated into english by joseph moxon , &c. price 3 s. 6 d. christiologio , or a brief but true account of the certain year , month , day , and minute of the birth of jesus christ. by john butler , b. d. and chaplain to his grace james duke of ormond , &c. and rector of lichborough in the diocess of peterborough . price 3 s. 6 d. a tutor to astrology , or astrology made easie : being a plain introduction to the whole art of astrology ; whereby the meanest apprehension may learn to erect a figure , and by the same to give a determined judgment upon any question or nativity whatsoever . also new tables of houses , calculated for the latitude of 51 degr . 32 minutes ; also tables of right and oblique ascentions to 6 degr . of latitude . whereunto is added an ephemeris for three years , with all other necessary tables that belong to the art of astrology . also to erect a figure the rational way , by the tables of triangles , more methodically than hath yet been published , digested into a small pocket volume , for the conveniency of those that erect figures abroad . by w. eland . price ● s. mathematicks made easie , or a mathematical dictionary , explaining the terms of art , and difficult phrases used in arithmetick , geometry , astronomy , astrology , and other mathematical sciences . by joseph moxon , &c. the 2d . edit . corrected and much enlarged . price bound 3 s. the use of a mathematical instrument called a quadrant ; shewing very plainly and easily to know the exact height and distance of any steeple , tree , or house , &c. also to know the hour of the day by it ; the height of the sun , moon , or stars ; and to know the time of the sun-rising , and the length of every day in the year ; the place of the sun in the ecliptick , the azimuth , right ascension , and declination of the sun ; with many other necessary and delightful conclusions : performed very readily . also the use of the nocturnal , whereby you may learn to know the stars in heaven and the hour of the night by them ; with many other delightful operations . price 6 d. a brief discourse of a passage of the north-pole to japan , china , &c. pleaded by three experiments , and answers to all objections that can be urged against a passage that way . as , 1. by a navigation into the north-pole , and two degrees beyond it . 2. by a navigation from japan towards the north-pole . 3. by an experiment made by the czar of muscovy , whereby it appears , that to the northward of nova zembla is a free and open sea as far as japan , china , &c. with a map of all the discovered land nearest to the pole. by joseph moxon , &c. price 6 d. regulae trium ordinum literarum typographicarum ; or the rules of the three orders of print-letters , viz. the roman , italick , and english , capitals and small ; shewing how they are compounded of geometrick figures , and mostly made by rule and compass : useful for writing-masters , painters , carvers , masons , and others that are lovers of curiosity . by joseph moxon , &c. price 5 s the use of the astronomical playing-cards , teaching an ordinary capacity by them to be acquainted with all the stars in heaven , to know their places , colours , natures and bignesses . also the poetical reasons for every constellation . very useful , pleasant , and delightful for all lovers of ingenuity . by joseph moxon , &c. price 6 d. the astronomical cards , by joseph moxon , &c. price plain 1 s. coloured 2 s. best coloured , and the stars guilt 5 s. geographical playing-cards , wherein is exactly described all the kingdoms of the earth , curiously engraved . price plain 1 s. coloured 2 s best coloured and gilt 5 s. the pack . the genteel house-keepers pastime ; or , the mode of carving at the table , represented in a pack of playing-cards . by which , together with the instructions in the book , any ordinary capacity may learn how to cut up , or carve in mode , all the most usual dishes of flesh , fish , fowl , and baked meats : and how to make the several services of the same at the table ; with the several sawces and garnishes proper to each dish of meat . set forth by several of the best masters in the faculty of carving , and published for publick use . price 6 d. carving cards , by the best carvers at the lords mayors table . price 1 s. compendium euclidis curiosi : or , geometrical operations , shewing with one single opening of the compasses , and a straight ruler , all the proportions of euclid's first five books are performed . translated out of dutch into english , by joseph moxon , &c. price 1 s. an introduction to the art of species ; by sir jonas moor. price 6 d. two tables of ranges , according to the degrees of mounture ; by henry bo●d , senior . price 6 d. mechanick exercises : or , the doctrine of handy-works , in 9 monthly exercises . the first three , viz. numb . i. numb . ii. numb . iii. teaching the art of smithing . the second three , viz. numb . iv. numb . v. numb . vi. teaching the art of joynery . the third three , viz. numb . vii . numb . viii . numb . ix . teaching the art of house-carpentery . accommodated with suitable engraved figures : by joseph moxon , &c. price of each monthly exercise 6 d. mechanick dialling ; teaching any man , though of an ordinary capacity , and unlearned in the mathematicks , to draw a true sun-dial on any given plain , however situated ; only with the help of a streight rule and a pair of compasses , and without any arithmetical calculation : by joseph moxon , &c. price 1 s. 6 d. at the place aforesaid , you may have also all manner of maps , sea-plats , drafts , mathematical books , instruments , &c. at the lowest prizes . there is invented by the right honourable the earl of castlemain , a new kind of globe , call'd ( for distinction sake ) the english globe ; being a fix'd and immovable one , performing what the ordinary ones do , and much more , even without their usual appendancies ; as wooden horizons , brazen meridians , vertical circles , &c. for it composes it self to the site and position of the world without the mariner's compass , or the like forreign help ; and besides other useful and surprising operations , ( relating both to the sun and moon , and perform'd by the shade alone ) we have by it not only the constant proportion of perpendiculars to their shade , with several corollaries thence arising , but also an easie , new , and most compendious way of describing dials on all plains , as well geometrically as mechanically : most of which may be taught any one in few hours , though never so unacquainted with mathematicks . to this is added , on the pedestal , a projection of all the appearing constellations in this horizon , with their figures and shapes . and besides , several new things in it differing from the common astrolabe , ( tending to a clearer and quicker way of operating ) the very principles of all steriographical projections are laid down and mathematically demonstrated ; as is of every thing else of moment throughout the whole treatise . an epitome of the whole art of war , &c. in two parts . the extraordinary benefit of the noble science called military discipline , with that mathematical art called fortification , or military architecture , is so well known , that it stands not in need of my commendation : and therefore to speak any thing thereto were but to light a candle before the sun. in the managing of these subjects i shall endeavour to be very plain and easie ; calculating them so as to be understood even by the meanest capacities ; and first . of exercising . as soon as the regiment is drawn into battalia , the commander in chief is to place himself before the centre of the pikes , about six paces from them , that he may be more easily understood by the whole body ; and that he may the better observe what is done , he is to be on horse-back . the serjeants are to be placed two on each rank , the right and left ; the remainder always to be in the rere , making a rank parallel to the souldiers at three paces distant from the last rank . the drums are to be disposed of , one half on the right , and the other on the left , ranging directly with the first rank of the soldiers . the h●boys to be on the right of the drums . the commission-officers ▪ are to take their posts at the head of the battalions as the colours are drawn . the words of command ought to be given very leisurely and distinctly ; and silence is to be kept very strictly : and in order thereunto the first word of command before you begin the exercise is silence . the next word of command is files open to the right ( or to the left ) to your order , march. at which word every man turns to the hand named , and the serjeants on the flank lead the ranks , which are then files , directly forward with their halberts advanced . in this order no man is to stir till his leader be at least four foot from him , and then to move keeping at that distance ; when the officer sees the files are opened enough the next word of command is halt , as you were , or to your leader . the captains and lieutenants always carry their pikes comported when they move to the right or left , and the colours are advanced . the serjeants are to be very mindful to keep the ranks even , and at 12 large feet distance , and the files at three . the next thing is the chief officer gives this word of command , to the officers at the head of the battalion ( have a care of the exercise ; ) at which word of command the musquetiers are to pull off their right-hand gloves , and put them under their girdles ; and the pike-men are to joyn their lest hands to their pikes even with their shoulders . then ( officers take your post of exercise in the rear , march. ) the officers facing to the right about , the captains marching in one rank , and the lieutenants and ensigns in another , till they come into the rear , and place themselves in ranks , the first thirteen , and the other eleven paces from the souldiers . and at the same time six of the serjeants at the rear , march through the intervals of the files into the front , and post themselves six paces advanced before the chief officer , where they are to range themselves into a parallel line with the battalion to keep the front clear . the musquetiers being shouldred , the pikes advanced , and silence commanded , the officer in chief proceeds as followeth . viz. order your pikes , to the right , to the right , to the right , to the right , to the right about ; as you were . to the left , to the left , to the left , to the left : to the left about ; as you were . rules for the exercise of the fire-lock . the soldiers must take care of the carrying their arms ; and be sure that they make no motion until the word of command be given and ended . musquetiers have a care of the exercise ; carry your arms well . here you must note that if it be a single exercise , the command is : 1. soulder your musquets . 2. lay your right-hand to your musquets . 3. poise your musquets . 4. rest your musquets . 5. cock your musquets . 6. guard your musquets . 7. present . 8. fire . 9. recover your musquets . 10. half bend , or half cock your musquets . 11. clean your pans . 12. handle your primers . 13. prime . 14. shut your pans . 15. blow of your loose corns . 16. cast about to charge . 17. handle your chargers . 18. open them with your teeth . 19. charge with powder . 20. draw forth your scowrers . 21. shorten them to an inch . 22. charge with bullet . 23. ram down powder and ball. 24. withdraw your scowrers . 25. shorten them to a handful . 26. return your scowrers . 27. poise your musquets . 28. shoulder your musquets . 29. poise your musquets . 30. order your musquets . rules for the exercise of the pike . pike-men take heed . advance your pikes . to the front , charge . to the right ( 4 times . ) charge . to the right-about . charge . as you were . to the left ( 4 times ) charge . to the left about . charge . as you were . charge . advance your pikes . shoulder your pikes . charge to the front. as you were . charge to the right . as you were . charge to the right about . as you were . charge to the left. as you were . charge to the left about , as you were . port , comport . charge to the front. traile . charge . as you were . advance your pikes . musquetiers take heed . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . musquetiers make ready . the manner of the exercise of the pike and musquet together . mvsquetiers make ready . at the pronouncing these words of command ( the pikes being advanced , and the musquets shouldred ) the musquetiers are to perform distinctly every posture of the musquet together , and being ready ( which is understood to be cock't ) they are to guard them with their thumbs on their cocks , and bring up their musquets streight before them , their left hands the height of their mouths . both pike-men and musquetiers always observing when ever they recover their arms before them , to bring their right heels to their left insteeps ; and when the pikes charge , and the musquets rest , to fall back with their right feet in a direct line . then to the right ( 4 times ) charge . to the right about , charge . as you were , charge . to the left ( 4 times ) charge . to the left about . charge . as you were . charge . recover your arms. half bend your musquets . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . here the pike-men are to bring their pikes from their recover to their advance . poise your musquets . here the piekmen are to joyn their left hands to their pikes even to their shoulders . then , order your arms is the next word of command . in ordering their arms they must be sure to make a little stop before the but-end comes to the ground , that they may come down altogether at once . pikes to your inside order . lay down your arms. quit your arms. after laying down their arms and quitting them , they are all to stand up together . to the right about . march. when the soldiers have laid down their arms and quitting them , upon beat of drum , they are all to draw their swords , and run to their arms observing always to keep the points of their swords upright for fear of mischief . when they lay their right hands on their swords , they must take hold of their scabbards with their left hand . then , the next word is . return you swords . when they return their swords , they must do it all at one motion . handle your arms : pikes to your outside order . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . advance your pikes . officers take your posts at the head of the battalion ▪ march. here all the officers are to march back in the same method to the front of the batalion as they went from it . directions for the several postures in exercising of the musquet and pike ; and , first , of the musquet . he that designs to be a soldier , or become an artist in arms , ought , in the first place , to learn and practise the postures of his arms , a posture being a mode or garb that we are used unto in the well-handling of our arms. 1. silence is an excellent virtue , and observe for all , that in the exercise both of pike and musquet , the feet are to be at a moderate distance ; for if they are too wide asunder , or too near together , it weakens ▪ and be sure to keep your left heel fast , and to set your feet exactly , or else you can never handle your arms as you ought . lay your right hand on your musquet . turn the barrel toward you , the lock uppermost , and lay your right hand , ( the fingers extended ) just behind the lock , close the but-end of your musquet to your shoulder , that the muzzels may be all of a height . poise your musquet . grasp your musquet hard , facing to the right with a quick motion upon your left heel , keeping your musquet directly before you the height of your cravat , your right elbow on your side , your feet neither too near nor at too great a distance , but so , that by turning the point of the left toe to the front , and that of your right as you face , your left heel being exactly against the middle of your right foot , you are in the posture for resting ; which is the reason of facing to the right , that you may be in a readier posture to rest . rest your musquet . let your musquet sink down to your left hand , and receive the musquet into it , just where the scowrer enters into the stock , not touching the barrel , keeping your right hand upon your musquet , behind the lock , let your musquet be held a little sloping , about half a foot from your side , as low as you can without stooping . cock your musquet . place your right thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , and with the help of closing it to your thigh , you cock it , keeping it still rested with your thumb upon the cock. guard your musquet ; keeping your thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , you bring up your musquet with a very quick motion streight before you to the recover , your left hand as high as your mouth , about half a foot from it , without stooping , bringing your right heel to your left in step . present . fall back with your right foot , so that the left heel be against the middle of it , raising the but-end of your musquet to your shoulder , your right elbow not higher than your piece , bending your left knee , and keeping the right very stiff , and your musquet being level'd breast-high , with your fingers upon the trigger . fire . then be sure to draw the trigger at one motion , keeping your body steddy , taking good aim , and keeping your musquet fast to your shoulder , until you have the word of command . recover your arms. sink the but-end of your musquet , till you hold it upright in both hands , the left hand alwaies as high as your mouth , and the right under the lock , bring up your musquet with a very quick motion , and your right heel to your left instep . half bend your musquet , falling back with your right leg , bring your musquet to the rest , laying your right thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , half bend it , by putting it close to your thigh , and then keeping your musquet rested . clean your pan ; pressing the ball of your thumb into the pan , you wipe it : having done that , hold your musquet in your right hand behind the lock . handle your primer : take hold of the great end of it , between the thumb and fore-finger of your right hand , your arm backward . prime . at which time you must level your musquet , to be exactly upon a line , and then put powder into your pan . shut your pan with your two first fingers , and casting back your primer , bring your musquet to the recover , as there directed , keeping your thumb on the top of the steel blow off your loose corns . be sure to blow all together : bring your pan up to your mouth , standing upright , blow off the loofe corns , then let your musquet sink into the posture it was in before . cast about to charge : you advance with your right leg , turning your musquet , the barrel downwards , bringing it to the left side a little backwards in your left hand , keeping your right-foot-toe directly to the front , and your right heel over against the middle of the left foot , ballancing your musquet in the left hand , the right hand joyned to the muzzle , which must be held directly to the front , a foot from your body . handle your charger . take it full in your hand , and place it underneath your musquet , about an inch from the muzzle . open it with your teeth . bring it up to your mouth , standing upright with your head , and not to bring your head down to it : assoon as you have done this , bring the charger within an inch of the muzzle underneath , as before , and cover the mouth of your charger with the ball of your thumb . charge with powder . put the charge of powder into the barrel , then hold your charger again underneath your musquet , as before . draw forth your scourer . now let fall your charger , and turn your hand , your little-finger next the muzzle , and draw it at three motions ; being drawn , dart it , that is , hold it level to the height of your eye , your arm extended . shorten it to an inch . turn the great end of your scowrer towards you , and slip your hand till within an inch of the end , letting it rest against your body , a little below your right breast , sloped all of a height . charge with bullet . take the bullet out of your mouth , putting it into the barrel , and then put the great end of the scourer after it , just into the muzzle of the piece , and so stand till the next word of command . ram down powder and ball. which is done by holding a handful of the scowrer in your hand , and your thumb on the top of it . withdraw your scowrer . turn your hand , your thumb and fore-finger towards the muzzle , and when your scowrer is clear , which is to be done at three motions , dart again as before . shorten it to an handful . turn the small end of the scowrer to your breast , and slip your hand till within an handful of the end of it , holding it to your body , as before directed . return your scowrer . re-place it in the stock of your musquet , pressing it down with your thumb ; then alwaies remember to grasp the muzzle of your musquet with your right hand , your thumb streight out upon the scowrer , keeping your musquet clear from your side some half a foot , the muzzels all of a height , directly to the front . poise your musquet . with your left hand bring up your musquet before you , and falling with your right leg even with your left , grasp your musquet under the lock with your right hand , and poise as before . shoulder your musquet as formerly : poise as before . order . sink your right hand a little ; take hold of the stock with your left hand upon the place where the scowrer goes into the stock , then sinking that hand , take hold of the muzzle with your right hand , and let the but-end sink to the ground , close to the right foot , the lock outwards . lay down your musquet . turn your musquet with the lock upwards , and step forwards with your left leg and right hand , and lay it upon the ground in a streight line . quit your musquet . fall back with your left leg even to the right , and stand up . handle your musquet . step forwards with your left leg , and lay your right hand near the muzzle of your musquet . order your musquet . lift up the muzzle of your musquet , and fall back with your left leg even to the right , turning the lock of your musquet outwards , by the middle of your foot . directions for the several postures in exercising of the pike . advance your pikes . with your right hand lift upright your pike as high as you can well reach , and take it with your left hand as low as you can , and raise it till the but-end comes into the right hand , then bring it between your breast and shoulder upright close to your thigh . to the front. lay your left hand on your pike even with the top of your shoulder , and bring the pike streight upright before you with a quick motion ▪ drawing in your right heel to your left instep . charge fall back with your right leg , so that the heel of your left foot may be directly against the middle of your right foot : bring down your pike extream quick , with a jerk , and charge breast high ; your left elbow under your pike to support it , yielding your body forwards , and bending your left knee , with your feet at a convenient distance , that you may stand strong , always holding the but-end of your pike in the palm of your right hand , and your left foot pointing in a strait line with your pike . to the right four times . turn your left toe to the right ; bring up your right heel to your left insteps and your pike recovered straight before you with as quick a motion as in charging : then having turned , fall back with your right leg as before . charge as before . to the right about . turn your left toe to the right about ; bringing your right heel as before , and your pike recovered charge before . as you were . you turn your left toe to the left about , bringing up your pike recovered , your left hand never to be higher than your mouth , and your right heel as before ; and being turned , you fall back with your right leg and charge . you must be sure always to bring your pike streight up , and not to swing it about , for then 't will clatter against the other pikes . to the left , four times . to the left about . as you were . advance your pikes . bringing up your right heel to your left instep , and your pike first before you , you fall out with your right foot even with your left , and bring your pike to your shoulder . shoulder . lay your left hand on your pike even with your shoulder ; fall back with your right leg , and put back your right arm as far as you well can , holding your pike half a foot from your side , then taking off your left hand , bring up your right leg , and lay your pike on your right shoulder , your elbow close to your body , the butt-end half a foot from the ground . charge to the front. fall back with your right leg , and put back your right arm as far as you can , be sure to keep the spear directly to the reer , and your pike sloaped at the same heighth with the spear as when it was shouldered , neither higher not lower . vide charge . shoulder , as you were . you must now raise your pike with both your hands , then leaving it with the right hand , and turning the head backwards with the left , take hold again with the right , as high as you can reach with ease , bringing up your right leg , taking off your left hand from your pike , shoulder as before . charge to the right . bring your pike up , and turn the butt-end backwards by your right side , taking it in the palm of your right hand , turning your body to the right upon your left foot , with your right leg behind your left , and charge as before . shoulder , as you were . raise your pike with both hands , then turn about to the left , bringing your feet as formerly directed , then with your left hand turn your head of the pike to the right : then taking hold of it with your right hand , hold it in both hands , at a little distance from your body as before , sloped at the same height as when shouldered , then bringing up your right leg , lay it on your shoulder . charge to the right about . fall back with your leg and hand as before , and stand with your pike in the same posture , then upon your left foot , turn to the right about , bring the butt-end of your pike to the right side , falling back with your right leg , level your pike breast high , and charge . as you were . turn to the left about , and with your left hand , bring the butt-end of your pike by your left side , keeping the speer-point exactly to the reer , the same height as before , then laying your right hand as high as you can well reach , hold it from your body as before , then bring up your right leg and shoulder . charge to the left. fall back with your leg and arm as in the rest , and turn to the lest , and with your left hand turn the butt-end of the pike to the right , and bring up your right leg. charge . as you were . bring your pike over your head with your left hand ; falling back with your right leg , and puting back your right arm as before , bring up the right leg , and shoulder . port. as charging to the front , but that you sink not the spear of your pike so low , and instead of letting the pike rest upon your left elbow , 't is to rest between the thumb and fore-finger , and your elbow close to your side . comport . you bring your left hand as far back as you can , and stretching out the right at the same time , step forwards with your right foot , grasp your pike with your right hand , then leaving it with your left hand , fall back with the right leg even with your left , close the pike to your side , the spear of your pike about the height of your head. charge to the front. extend your right arm as much as you can , advancing your right leg at the same motion , and putting your left hand as far back as you can , bring forward your pike ; then stepping back with your right leg , take hold of the butt-end of it with your right hand , when you charge , charge always breast high . trail . face to the right about , and let the spear of your pike fall behind you ; quit your right hand from the butt-end of it , without stirring your left. charge as you were . turn to the left about , and taking the butt-end of the pike on the palm of your right hand . charge . advance your pikes . bring up your right heel to your left instep , and your pike before you to the recover , you fall out with your right foot even with your left , and bring your pike to your right thigh . order your pikes . lay your left hand on your pike , even with the top of your shoulder , then sinking your left hand , take hold of it with your right hand so , as when the butt-end of it is upon the ground , your right hand may be against your eye , keeping your pike near your head , and the butt-end near the latchet of your shooe. pikes to your inside order . move the butt-end of your pike on the inside of the middle of your right foot. lay down your pike . step forward quick with your left leg , lay it down strait with your right hand . quit your pikes . bring back your left leg even to your right , and stand up altogether . handle your pikes . step forward with your left leg quick , placing the middle of your right foot against the but-end of your pike , lay your right hand on your pike as far as you can reach . order your pikes . raise the pike with your right hand only , and fall back with your left leg. pikes to your outside order . place the butt-end of your pike at the middle , on the outside of your foot. advance , as before . plate i. the way and method , how to form and order battalions of foot. this excellent art of forming the foot , instructs how to draw up a body of them in such excellent order , and with so much precaution beforehand , that it may be able to withstand 〈…〉 another body of infantry , though of a 〈◊〉 greater number ; or a body of cavalry alone ; or else a body compos'd both of cavalry and infantry , when attacked in a plain , down , or in an open field , where there are neither defiles as hedges nor ditches , nor any rising grounds to defend them from the enemy . now the pike and partisan , being the only arms proper to stop 〈◊〉 fury of the cavalry , and to prevent their breaking in upon the battalion , the first thing that is to be done in drawing up this battalion , must be to form a body of all pikes , and it must be the chief care of the officer that commands the party , to dispose his men in such a form , that they may be able not only to defend the musqueteers , but the colours also , and the baggage , if there should be occasion . plate i 1. the men must be so ordered , as to stand with their arms presented every way , and to make a front on every side , to the end , that whatever of their fronts be assailed , or attacked , they may be able to defend themselves . 2. the soldiers must be so ordered , that the angles of the battalion may be very obtuse ; in such a manner , that the two sides that form the angle , joyn together , but with one right line only . for the angle is the weakest part of the battalion , as being least strengthened by the pikes . for the soldiers which are next the angle , present their pikes in front , and not being able therefore to present , lie open to the enemy . so that our fore-fathers , with whom squ 〈…〉 battalions were in great use , flanked their angles with little bodies of musqueteers marked abcd , which are small bodies posted in the middle of the fronts of the battalion , and with which sometimes they secur'd the angles . true it is , that these little bodies being easily cut off by the horse , and beaten off from the body of the battalion , the farther use of them has been laid aside . 3. you ought to leave void a space of ground in the center of the battalion , or middle of the pikes , sufficient to receive and secure the musqueteers , the colours , and baggage . the manner of ordering any number of soldiers into any square form of battel . 1. these are to be considered either in respect of the form of the ground , or of the number of the men. a square battel of ground is that which hath the rank as long as the file , notwithstanding the men in rank be more than in file . a square battle of men , is that which hath an equal number of men both in rank and file , though the ground on which they stand be longer on the file than on the rank . 2. in respect of the number of the men , it is called either a square battel or a double battel , or a battel of the grand front , which is quadruple , or a battel of any proportion of the number in rank to the number in file . 3. so that if you are to form a square battle of men , extract the square root out of the whole number of men , and the same shall be the number of soldiers to beset in a rank . as for example , 570 are to be formed into a square battel , that there may be as many in rank as in the file . take the square root of 576 ; which 〈◊〉 ●4 , the number that are to be in rank , and also in a file . to order any number of men into a battel of the grand front. suppose 16900 soldiers were to be marshalled into a battel of the grand front. first divide 16900 by 4 , which gives me 〈…〉 out of which i extract the square root , which is 65 , the quadruple whereof is 260 , so that i have 6 for a file , and 260 in rank . any number of men , with their distance in rank and file , how to order them into a square battel of ground . suppose 2500 soldiers , were to be 〈…〉 square battle of ground , so that their distance in file should be 7 feet , and in rank 3 feet ; how many men must be placed in rank and in file . say , by the rule of three , as 7 to 3 , 〈◊〉 2500● to ●●71 , the square root whereof is 32 , which is the number of men in a file , and 3 over . how to find the number of men that are to be in rank , divide 2500 by 32 , the quotient is 78 , which is the number of men to be placed in a rank , and 4 over . the manner how to order the square in time of battel . the square being formed as aforesaid , the officers are to take care , that every front of soldiers do their duty ; and the captains that are in the center of each front , are to retire into the first rank , when the musqueteers make ready , and are to kneel when the soldiers kneel , and to perform the same with their pikes as the pikemen do : then command ; granadiers take your posts in the angles . here your granadiers are to be divided in 4 equal parts , and are to be placed without at the 4 angles ; but if there be not room enough , you may place some of them within the angles with their daggers in their firelocks : those without the angles are to be 3 deep . the 2 last ranks of which are to fire with the musqueteers . and the front rank are to make ready their granadoes . and as soon as the two last ranks have fired , they are to put their daggers into their firelocks , and stand charged ; and when the first rank of musqueteers present , the first rank of granadiers are to deliver their granado's ; which done , they are to unsling their firelocks , and put in their daggers , and stand charged as the rest . 2. face square . here the musqueteers on the right and left are to face outwards , and those to the rear , to face to the right about . the 3 outwardmost files of pikes on the right and left , are to face outwards , and the rear half files of the rest of the pikes are to face to the right about . those in the angles are to face to the points of the angles . 3. musqueteers make ready . here the pikes are to port very low , and to continue so , and not to charge when the musqueteers present . 4. first rank kneel . which they must do , holding their musquets , so that the two last ranks may fire over them . 5. the two last ranks present . fire . as soon as ever the second and third rank have fired and recovered their arms ; the first rank is to stand up without any other word of command , with their musquets cocked and guarded , ready to present . 6. recover your arms. here the first rank stands up with their musquets recovered strait before them , ready cocked and guarded , and the two ranks that have fired load . 7. front rank present . 8. fire . recover your arms. at which word of command , the pikemen are to recover their pikes from their port. to your leader , march , halt , face , square , &c. according to this method , they may be made to march and to fire to every front. plate ii. the general rule for the blunting or filling up the angles of the battalion . every body , whether lesser or greater , that requires the blunting of its angles , ought to be compos'd of a square number of men , as of 4 , 9 , 16 , 25 , 36 , 49 , &c. therefore you must place the men in rank according to the arithmetical progression , or proportion , of which the interval , excess , or difference of the terms must always be two : thus , having placed the first man at the angular point a of the figure 1. the second rank shall be of three men , as being a number of which , the excess , interval , and difference is two in respect of one . the third rank shall be of five men ▪ which is a number that exceeds three by two . the fourth shall be of seven ; the fifth of nine , and so forward , still encreasing every rank by two men , more than the rank which is before , according to the same arithmetical progression , which has always two for the interval , and difference of the terms . now to place these men in due order , you must imagine that the square little body acbd ; moves off the ground t , upon the left of the plate ii fig 1 battalion q ; and when its last rank ad , is advanced one pace beyond the wing ad of the same battalion q , it turns to the right , and then the soldier a of the second figure comes upon the ground a of the first figure . the sides ad , ac , of the small body meet together upon the sides that answer one another , ad , ac of the angle . then you command the men of the little battalion to make a front toward the angle , and when they are drawn up according to this arithmetical progression , you cause them to make an outward front. plate iii. the manner of framing an octogon battalion with eight fronts . suppose it a battalion of 40 pikemen , drawn up four deep , and 10 in front. you may , according to the same method , draw up like an octogon , any number of pikemen that shall observe the same proportion of 4 to 10 , between front and depth , as 8 in depth , and 20 in front , 16 in depth , and 40 in front , or 32 in depth , and 80 in front. for in this example i have chosen this little number of pikemen , to give the more light to the ordering and disposing of a far greater number . the words of command . 1. the two right hand files , and the two left hand files stand fast . ab , il. 2. the half file of the two right hand files , face to the right , b. 3. the half file of the two left hand files , face to the left l. 4. files of the wings , march. plate iii fig iii fig i fig iv fig ii there remains afterwards upon the ground of the battalion , the six files cd , gh , which must be opened by half ranks , and half files , to form the cross of the third figure , and to clear the ground of the center , by a quarter wheeling . 5. the half file of the right hand half rank c , half turn to the right . order your pikes . c makes a front towards the rear , and keeps his ground . 6. file-leader of the right hand half rank to the right , g. march. stand. the three files g , make a front toward a , upon the right wing , and advance on that side , two or three paces beyond their ground ; and so thar which was a file is become a rank . 7. they that marched stand fast ; g to the right , a quarter wheeling . the three files g , make a quarter turn to the right , and wheel about the soldier r , in like manner as the right wing ty of the first , and became placed , as you see the 2d figure ; where the three files g , are marked with the same letters as they are in the body of the first figure . and because ▪ that after the wheeling , they make a front toward vr , to the end they may make the front outward on the side of vxy . ( the next word of command is : ) 8. to the left . — order your pikes . 9. file-leader of the left hand half rank , stand upon your guard , h. march. take notice in the 2d figure of the three files h , marked with little points . these you cause to march forward along the line marked pm , qf , to gain the ground h , marked with three great dots in the same figure . but to gain this ground , they march beyond the ground of the battalion , till the second rank pointed pn , have advanced three paces farther than the flank yt , of the three files g , which then make a wheeling , which will happen when the soldier p , shall be upon the ground q , and that the soldier m , shall come upon the ground f , at what time the word of command . 10. to the right . — march. to make a front toward the three files g , and when they shall come to be three paces from the rear of the three files g , then command them . 11. to the left. rest your pikes . then they will make a front outward , and so shall keep their ground . 12. the half file of the left hand half rank , stand fast , d. march. stand. the half file d , advances two paces beyond its ground . 13. to the right . — a quarter wheeling . the half file d , makes a quarter wheel about the soldier z , and because that after the wheeling , they make a front inward toward the center , therefore to change the front outward , the word of command is : 14. they that made the quarter wheeling , wheel by half conversion to the right . the cross being thus made , you bring the four files upon the ground , 4 , 5 , 7 , 8 , and blunt the angles according to the foregoing general rule . plate iv. the manner of drawing up a battalion in a hexagonal figure , with a void space in the center , and the front of the battalion five times exceeding the depth . we suppose the battalion to consist of 720 pikemen , 12 deep , and 60 in front , which is to be drawn up into an octogonal figure like that marked ♂ . the battalion being drawn up in the large black draught of the first figure , to bring it to the square marked with points in thē same figure , the following words of command are to be made use of . 1. the twelve files of the right wing , of the twelve files of the left wing , stand fast , c. d. q. p. a. b. 2. the six right-hand files of the right-wing , and the six left hand files of the left-wing , c. d. a. b. 3. they that have advanced double their files inward to the front and reer . a , takes the ground v. b. takes the ground t. g. takes the ▪ ground g o , and d. possesses r. 4. they that had the word of command , and they that have doubled , stand fast , vpt , oqr . 5. middle files stand fast me. 6. advance you pikes , middle files em . 7. the half file of those that advanced their pikes , wheel by half conversion to the right m. 8. march those that advanced their pikes , till the first rank be advanced one pace further than the first of the files that doubled front and reer . m and e move and change into the ground marked with the points m and e , and from the square represented by the same points , which is afterwards to be considered in the figure k. 9. the six right-hand files and the six left-hand files that marched wheel , by half conversion , into if , hh , which done , face towards the center of the battalion . 10. they that have wheeled by half conversion to the right , march toward the center till the last rank be all entred . i and f come upon the ground y , and hh upon the ground gg where as they stand , they are caused to turn to the right and left , to advance forward , that is , y fronting y. and g. fronting g , by which means yy . gg . possess the ground of nnnn . the ground iy . and fy becomes void . then the word of command is to be given to the two particular battalions , oqr , vpt , which in regard they make a front inward , you must order the battalion oqr , to make a half wheel to the right , and the battalion vpt , to make a half wheeling to the left , and by that means they will make a front inwards , and you shall cause them to march to the center , and the o and v shall possess the ground y , y , and r and t shall possess the ground gg . then you must cut off eight fourths of the ranks orvtllll , and reduce them into triangles , to blunt the four angles that are next them , and the battalion shall be formed after an octogonal figure , as in the figure marked ♂ , where you see the same letter made use of here , they answer to the same letters in the two other figures . you have 532 musquetiers at 12 in depth , and 44 in front , there will remain 4. the 532 musquetiers shall serve for the flanks of the battalion of pikes , and to that purpose you shall take 12 files of the right wing , which will make 144 musquetiers , and as they will be equal in front to the body of the pikes marked e , you shall march them to the head of the said body , and cause them to enter into the center through the intervals of the pikes . when they are advanced towards the center , divide the ranks into half , so that one half rank shall march towards the body of pikes marked q , and the other half ranks towards the body of pikes marked p. after this take from the left wing of the musquetiers 12 files more , which make 144 men ; and cause them to advance towards the center through the intervals of the pikes e , and then divide them by half files . one half file shall advance toward m , and the other half file shall stand their ground behind the pikes e. for the 304 musquetiers that remain , they shall make the two files that surround the whole body . plate v. the way and manner of reducing a battalion with a void space in the center . you begin with the musquetiers which you command from the center through the several fronts mpeq , which together with those that surrounded the body , you cause to rank and file themselves as they were . as for the pikes that form the octogonal body , you give them the following words of command : 1. they that stand in the angles to your places , o , and r. resume their distances , and make the same front at q. the files v and i do the same in respect of p , and the files ll observe the same order ; in regard of the pikes me. 2. the twelve files of the right wing , and the twelve files of the left wing , that doubled front and reer , stand fast oqr , vpt . 3. march files of the wings that have received the word of command ; oqr and vpt , move off and march forward . plate iv : fig 1. 5. the files that marched toward the center , to their places ; the four small squares nnnn , return to the front of m. and e. 6. the middle files stand upon your guard e. m. 7. the half file , of the middle files , half a turn to the right , m makes a front towards the same center . 8. file-leader of the middle files , half a turn to the right , e makes a front towards the same center . 9. march middle files e and m , move forward till they come upon the front cdq , and pab of the first figure . 10. file-leader of those that marched , half a turn to the right , e returns to its first front , and the battalion is reduced . directions for firing . 1. in keeping of ground : this way of firing may be performed either by two ranks at a time , or three ranks ; the first kneeling , and the second stooping , or the two first stooping ; or else thus , musketeers make ready all , at which time the musketeers are to be cocked and guarded ▪ and their arms strait before them , the pikes ported , and when the musketeers present , the pikes are to be charged . then the five first ranks kneel , the reer rank present , fire ; fifth rank stand up , present , fire ; fourth rank stand up , present , fire . and so of the rest . and as they have fired , they are to charge again , and to be in a readiness against the next word of command . 2. for fire gaining ground , the command is , first rank and musketeers make ready , halt : then present and fire . here they are to recover their arms without any command , and to file off to the right and left into the reer . when the first rank presents , the next rank is to make ready without any command , and as the first rank files off , the next make good the front , and so the battalion is to march again , and every rank to fire in this order ; and when every rank presents , the pikes are to charge without any command . 3. of firing to the front retreating . the best way is to fire by single ranks , in the same method as in gaining ground , only after every rank has fired and filed off to the right and left into the rear , instead of the next rank advancing to make good the front of pikes , the pikes are to retreat to the musketeers , who stand still till the pikes make an even front with them . plate vi. the best way and method of marching an army in a flat and plain country . plate v. a regiment of 12 companies encamped officer in cheif captains saba●terns souldiers serjeants muskets & pikes profile for trenches profile for redoubts all the companies being drawn up , they shall begin to march , and must range themselves in squadrons and battalions , to be afterwards embattel'd in the ground marked out by the marshal of the camp , or his assistants . the marshal of the camp ought in the first place to be exactly informed of the condition of the country through which the army is to march ; taking his instructions from the general and particular maps of the country , or from the information of the country people . he shall draw up his men in battel-array , according as he thinks most convenient , or as the general shall have given him order . if it be through a plain and open country , which is convenient for the cavalry , the artillery and waggons , then let him extend the wings of the army , and observe the following order . he shall divide his army into three bodies , that in the middle must consist of three thirds of the whole infantry , drawn up in great bodies and battalions , each consisting of two or three regiments . upon the wings or flank of this infantry , must be placed the great artillery , guarded by some battalion of the infantry . upon the right and left wing of this middle line shall the cavalry march , in little squadrons , each consisting of two cornets . the rest of the infantry marching in little bodies , shall enclose between it and the cavalry , the baggage and ammunition of the army , with some field . pieces ; as may be observed by the march represented in the figure . plate vii . of the march of an army through an enemies country . if there be a necessity to carry the war into the enemies country , either to besiege some place therein ; or else for the relief of some place already besieged , whether the enemy be beaten in the field , or whether he still keep the field to put new supplies of men and provision into the garrison , or hinder provision from being brought to the enemies camp. upon all these occasions whether he encamp in the field , or quarter in villages , the general must take care that the commissary general of the victuals , and the treasurers at war be diligent and faithful in their charge , in providing and furnishing the army with victuals . if the enemy has been routed , and be not in a condition to recruit , then you may march as in the preceeding pages , whether the country be open or streighter . plate vi. plate viii the cavalry must be placed upon the wings , in front and in the reer of the bodies . the infantry must march in the middle , and in a gross battalion . the artillery upon one side , guarded by some old regiments , as you see in the plate . plate viii . general directions for encamping an army . when the camp-master general , or major-general hath read the number of the horse and foot that are in the army , he must proportion and cast up what space of ground will suffice to encamp them with all their provision , carriages , and so that neither for due room the soldiers be pestered , nor by over large spaces the camp not sufficiently fortified . this being of great importance , it will be requisite for him to understand well arithmetick and geometry , and to have in readiness sundry plats and models , and forms of camps whereby he may suddenly resolve for any number or situation , what form and quality is most convenient , and presently stake it out ; assigning due place for every regiment of horse and foot. before encamping he ought to consider , if the army consist much of horse , that there be good store of forrage nigh the camp , and that the camp be not subject to any hill from whence the enemy may with his great artillery incommode it : nor that it be so separated from water , that the enemy may easily cut you from it ; nor that it be so low , as that the enemy by cutting the banks of any river , may drown the camp. and if there be no great rivers , but only fountains or wells of water , then must good watch be kept that they be not poysoned nor infected by the enemy . in a running or moveable camp , the readiest fortification is to impale it round with the carriages chained together , bending the artillery that way where most suspicion is the enemy will approach ; and if time permit , to cast some trench also without the carriages . plate ix . the manner of ranging a battel in order to a present engagement . plate ix . sometimes he engages himself voluntarily , designing to relieve some place that is besieged . but what way soever it be , that he is forced to come to a battel , he must endeavour to order his men after the following manner . he shall range his infantry in battalions , every one consisting of five or six hundred men , or a thousand men , which are the most convenient numbers , with the numbers between , to form a just body . for those bodies that exceed the number of a thousand , can never be drawn up conveniently upon all sorts of ground ; and such as are under 500 will never be strong enough to resist at the same time the fury of the enemies horse . his cavalry which should be always drawn up upon the wings of the infantry , must be drawn up in squadrons , consisting of an hundred and twenty or thereabouts . but the best and those that are most serviceable to break the battalions of the enemy , are those that consist of 150 or 200 at most ; for if they exceed the number of 200 , they are not easily , nor conveniently drawn up by reason of the length of their ranks , and the number of horses . and thus it was that the late duke de schonberg embattled his forces at the battel of montesclar , which he won from the marquess of caracene . an army which is embattelled in small divisions of horse and foot , is not so easily routed as that army which is embattelled in great divisions . and small divisions are much more ready than great : for besides seconding one another , and wheeling upon all occasions , they will likewise outfront an army which is embattled in great divisions : the which is one of the greatest advantages that can be taken in the embatteling of an army . small divisions of horse and foot are also much readier for service , where you cannot embattel them according to the rules of art by the nature of the place , or with inclosures , or where the brevity of time will not give you leave ; besides , small divisions are much more troublesome for an enemy to deal withal , than an army that is embatteled in great divisions . finis . of fortification . part ii. of general maxims or rules observed in fortifications . in the handling of this part i shall be plain , yet brief as possible . 1. general maxim is , that all the parts of the place , be of cannon proof flanked , i. e. defended from another place , which place is not further distant , than the reach of a musket-shot from the place to be flanked or defended . 2. that in all the place , there may be no part of the wall , or outside of the rampire , that is not seen from the top to the bottom of the mote or ditch . 3. that the bastions are large , and full of earth , and not empty ; the bigger they are , they are the more to be esteemed , there being the more room to intrench in case of necessity : whose gorge let be at least 35 fathoms , and their flank at least 18 fathoms . 4. that the angle of the bastion or flanked angle , be not much above 90 , nor much less than 60 degrees , for in the former it would be too very obtuse , and open , at the point , and in the latter it would be too slender , and so easily to be battered down by the enemies cannon . 5. that the angle of the flank may be somewhat obtuse ; neither is there any more virtue in a right-angle , than any other , for the defence of the fort. 6. that the length of an extended curtain be not above 135 fathoms , nor the single above 80 ▪ fathoms , nor be less than 40 fathoms , to be well defended from two flanks . 7. that the rampier be so wide , that so a parapet of earth cannon-proof may be erected thereon , and a teraplane left , full wide for the ordnance to be recoiled . 8. that the mote or ditch be at least 20 fathoms broad , and as deep as possible . now dry motes in great cities are to be preferred before others that are full of water , to facilitate the sallies , the relief and retreat of the besieged ; and in small fortifications the motes full of water are the most esteemable , because in such , sallies are not necessary , and supplies are very much to be feared . 9. that the parts that are most remote from the center , be commanded by those which are nearest to it . 10. that the defence of a face is much stronger , when the angle made by the face and exterior polygon is a great angle ; this maxim is so very essential , that it will try the goodness of any fortification whatsoever . thus i have described the ten chiefest maxims , necessary for good fortifications . plate i. of cazemates . before i give you the measures of my cazemates , i shall explain all the parts of which they are compos'd . a is the winding pair of stairs to descend from the rampart into the first cazemate , which is six foot high above the bottom of the mote ; and this is that which i call the great cazemate . b is the great cazemate seen in part by the besiegers when they are lodged upon the level of their paropets and courtains . c. is the paropet of the cazemate , 3 or 4 fathom thick to cover the cannon and the cannoneers from the sight of the counter-batteries of the besiegers , when they have either raised or earthed them within the counterscarps . d. is a part of the great cazemate wrought farther in , always covered and defended by the great ear , and flanked angle of the opposite bastion . e. is its paropet or breastwork 3 or 4 fathoms thick . f. is the magazine for powder , bullets and other ammunition belonging to the cazemate , it must be cover'd and hollow'd inward , into the solid substance of the bastion . g. is the pair of stairs into the second cazemate . h. is the second cazemate that lies out of sight , as being about two thirds of it , not to be seen by the enemy , though they should come to be lodged upon the counterscarps themselves . i. is the paropet of the blind cazemate , 2 or 3 fathom thick . k. is its magazine , made like the magazine belonging to the former . l. is the third cazemate not seen , and raised even with the platform of the bastion . upon this may all sorts of artillery be planted , to shoot as well above the paropets , as through the holes that are cut through the thickness of the paropet , which is from 2 to 3 fathoms . m. the draught of a platform for the planting of cannon , called a cavalier with its peculiar magazine . the structure or manner of making the cazemates , according to m. mallet : i shall not here go about to entangle my self in a vain dispute with those that would have the word cazemate to be derived from the spanish words caze and mata , as if we should say , a house of murder ; and therefore without more ado , i come to shew you how my own are made . suppose the bastions to be drawn out in white lines , that the scale be made full the length of one of the sides of the polygon ; and that it be divided into as many equal parts as it contains fathoms , as has been explained . then extend the defence of the bastion ab , from 6 or 7 fathoms at most , from b to c , from the point c draw cd parallel to the flank be , then divide the flank be into two equal parts , at the point f to draw from the point g , which is the middle of the opposite front ah the line gf , to the inside of the bastion , observing where it cuts cd , as in i , purposely to carry on one fathom from i to l , afterwards draw the line mln parallel to fi , the length of which from m to n , must be 11 fathom : that done , make no parallel to the flank bf , the length of which from n to o must be 4 fathom . lastly , make op parallel to fi , and then all the void space bmnopc shall be the extent of the cazemates , as well of the large cazemates , as those which are more private . to make the shoulder or ear of the bastion , draw upon the line of defence ps 6 fathom from e to i , and upon fg 6 fathom ; also from f to v and then joining v and t together , you have the whole shoulder or ear fvte which must be all one solid piece . for the paropet of the first cazemate , you must allow within side one toise of heighth from 3 to 4 in thickness , with 8 firing places for the planting of so many great guns , observing that the paropets of the cazemates , more especially all that which is next to the gorge , and lies always hid from the besiegers , do not require a length and thickness so precise . a ravelin is a bulk of earth almost like a bulwark , cut off lying beyond the ditch for the covering of the courtain , bridge or gate , and is surrounded with water , and separated from the fortification by the breadth of the whole ditch ; it is raised but a little heighth above the level of the ground ; towards the enemy 't is built with a rampier and breast-work , but lies open towards the fortification . plate ii. the raising of cittadels with five bastions , which are built upon the walls of cities . when cities are well peopled , and that the nature of the ground will suffer it , 't is usual to lay the cittadels towards the open field , to prevent the ruining of the buildings of the place ; so then after you have agreed upon the number of bastions , as here for example upon five to make a pentagon . divide one courtain of the city ab , into 4 equal parts , of which ac comprehends three . this overture being designed at the point of the bastion d , draw the circumference efhgf that you may have the five sides of the polygon eiihhggf and fe putting the point e directly where the circumference cuts the center-line of the place , which passes through the point d. this will produce two bastions on the city side , and three towards the open field . plate ii. observation . remember that you are always to throw down the defences of the city of the city side , to the end that if the inhabitants should happen to revolt , or the enemy to become masters of it , they may not be able to make any advantage of their own fortifications , especially the flanks l and m , which must be ruin'd , continuing their faces in a right line , and sloping down the ramparts to the mote of the cittadel , to the end she may be able to command the whole city . observe moreover , that there may be a great space between the mote of the cittadel , and the houses of the city ; for this space is of great importance to prevent any designs which the citizens may have upon the citadel , as not able to approach undiscovered , or without entrenching themselves . plate iii. of irregular fortification . since most cities are of an irregular figure , 't is evident , what great use , or rather necessity , there is of this part . i shall comprehend all the matter briefly , but plainly in the following heads . first , such figures as have not their sides and angles equal to one another , are called irregular . now forasmuch as the forms of towns are so various and subject to so many cases , their fortification cannot be comprehended under certain rules , neither can the principles of regular fortification be exactly observed here ; it is therefore requisite that the engineer make a map or draught of the whole , with all the ways , passages , rivers , pools , enclosures , and all other matters fit to be known , and then consider what designs and works he shall think most fit and proper for the place . to this end let him know , 1. that the same laws and maxims for regular fortifications , stand and be in force , as for the irregular ; and that the nearer an irregular figure comes to a regular , the stronger and better it is . 2. that none of the inward angles of his figure be less than 90 degrees ; if less , then they must be changed , by making the point , the outward point of a bastion . 3. that the angles of the bastion be not less than 60 degrees . 4. that the line of defence , or side of an irregular figure , must not be more than musquet-shot . 5. the sides of an irregular figure , which is too long for two bastions , and too short for three , may be fortified with two great bulwarks . 6. when the side is above 70 rod , there may be a ravelin erected between the two bulwarks , or a flat bulwark built between . 7. when an angle of the figure is between 80 or 90 degrees , it ought to be fortified with a horn-work . 8. all the differences between regular and irregular fortifications , consists in the rectifying the sides that are too short or too long , and altering the angles that are too little , by cutting off from the length , what is too much , or adding to it , what is necessary , to make them in their just and true proportions , as in the regular . more rules might be given , but there being so much variety in this sort of fortifications , the engineer must practise by himself , by drawing several plats of irregular places , and fortifie them . and he should also peruse all the books he can get of this subject , as marolos , fritach , dogen , dilichius , travax de mars , &c. where he will find variety of examples which will help to inform his fancy , and rectifie his judgment . for the raising the ramparts , paropets and other works , you must observe the same rules , and proceed in the same method as in regular , and no otherwise . a. is a regular bastion , and here i shall give one rule to find the capital line in all irregular angles , viz. at the end of each courtain , as a● e d , cross an arch at c and f. and draw the line c a , which shall be the capital line , which may be about 243 feet , a little more or less , and the gorges may be one hundred forty five or 150 , feet , or thereabouts . b. is a double bastion , that is , upon the plane of the great bastion , another bastion is built upon it higher : this hath the use of a cavalier , and overlooks the campagne ; there may be about 12 or 18 feet left between the paropet of the lower bastion , and the foot of the higher bastion . c. is a bastion composed , that is , when the two interior polygons are much unequal , then the gorges will be unequal . d. is a bastion deformed , that is , if one of the interior polygons be so short that it can have no demigorge . e. is a plat bastion , that is , if the distance from the points of the interior polygon be double to the usual length . f. is a forked bastion , cut off with a tenaile , that is , if the angle of the figure be less than 90 degrees ; and because of water , or some other accident , it cannot be changed , then you may cut off the angle , and joyn it with a tenaile . g. is a bastion cut off , that is , separated from the rampire , so that its gorges are in a right line with the two points of the flanks hf. h. is a demi-bastion , that is , such as have their gorge and capital equal , and its flank half of the gorge . i. is a platform upon an inward angle , for the placing of great guns to scour the ditch . l. is a mount upon piles for a corps du guard , with a paropet , like that of the outworks , cannon-proof , necessary to hinder the vnder surprises when the mote is frozen . m. is an indented line , often used upon the bank af the counterscarp , or upon a river . n. is a counter-guard , or demi-bastion , built in some watry place before the main bastion . o. is a scillen , or a tenail with a breast-work placed in the mote , called also a counterguard . plate iv. for the constitution and ground-lines of a fortification , some things ought to be known or given ; the things here , said to be given , are those data's , which a skilful or experienced engenier knows to agree best with the rules or maxims before mentioned ; and from these data's , once ordered , the rest of the parts , in proportion , follow sure and determined , according to the reason of things given ; for which use the two following tables are made , by which may be laid down any fortification required : the proportion of the lines , serving for any form , the quantity only for the royal ; the numbers are rhynland rods , and centesmes of a rod of 12 feet . first table for the lines .   semidiameter . pol gon inter. gorge . capital flank . second flank . courtin face . iv 42 76 60 57 12 24 15 83 7 74 8 94 36 00 24 00 v 52 34 61 54 12 77 17 33 9 09 13 10 36 00 24 00 vi 62 39 62 39 13 19 18 71 10 07 14 02 36 00 24 00 vii 72 68 63 07 13 53 20 03 10 83 13 89 36 00 24 00 viii 83 15 63 64 13 82 21 29 11 44 13 27 36 00 24 00 ix 83 70 64 10 14 05 22 99 11 61 12 41 36 00 24 00 x 103 38 63 89 13 94 24 07 12 00 12 41 36 00 24 00 xi 114 14 64 33 14 16 24 49 12 00 14 02 36 00 24 00 xii 124 77 64 39 14 29 24 85 12 00 15 22 36 00 24 00 second table for the lines .   semediameter . polygon inter gorge . capital flank . second flank . courtin face . iv 38 4 53 94 8 97 20 01 8 00 06 14 36 00 24 00 v 48 8 56 53 10 26 21 03 9 00 10 58 36 00 24 00 vi 59 19 58 19 11 8 22 15 10 00 11 86 36 00 24 00 vii 68 47 59 4● 11 71 23 31 11 00 12 03 36 00 24 00 viii 78 60 60 31 12 16 24 48 12 00 11 67 36 00 24 00 ix 90 3● 61 77 12 89 24 64 12 00 12 95 36 00 24 00 x 101 84 62 94 13 47 24 66 12 00 13 90 36 00 24 00 xi 113 38 63 90 13 95 24 76 12 00 14 63 36 00 24 00 x●i 124 77 64 59 14 29 24 85 12 00 15 22 36 00 24 00 for the angles first table .   angle of the centre . angle of the figure . angle of the bulwark . angle c f a angle a c f iv 90     98     65     12   30 77   30 v 72     108     72     17   00 73     vi 60     120     80     20   00 70     vii 51 25 43 128 34 17 84 17 03 22 8 34 67 51 26 viii 45     135     87   30 23 45   66 15   ix 40     140     90   00 25     65     x 36     144     90   00 27     63     xi 32 13 38 147 16 22 90   00 28 18 11 61 12 11 xii 30     150     90   00 30     60     for the angles second table .   angle of the centre . angle of the figure . angle of the bulwark . angle c f a angle a c f iv 90   00 90     60     15     75   00 v 72   00 108     69     19   30 70   30 vi 60   00 120     75     22   30 67   30 vii 51 25 43 128 34 17 79 17 09 24 38 34 65 21 26 viii 45   00 135     82 30   26   15 63   45 ix 40   00 140     85     27   30 62   30 x 36   00 144     87     28   30 61   30 xi 32 43 38 147 16 22 88 38 11 29 19 05 60 40 55 xii 30     150     90     30 00 00 60 00 00 how to delineat any fort , according to the proportions in these tables . 1. to make a square figure , a pentagon , hexagon , heptagon , &c. having no scale or sector , then you may make a scale large or small , as you design to make your polygon ; dividing it into ten equal parts , and every 10 th . into ten , then the scale will be divided into 100 equal parts , then supposing each part subdivided into 10 , so the whole scale will be 1000. plate 4. fig. 1. 2. to delineat a great royal , according to the proportions in the first table , take out of that table the semidiameter , or radius , of that polygon , which you intend to draw ; ( for example , an hexagon ; ) which is in the table , 62. 39. that is , 62 rods , 3 foot , and 9 tentbs of a foot , or 62 rods , and 39 centesmes of a rod , which take off from the scale , and de●cribe a circle , as 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ▪ 5 , 6. as in fig. 2. plate the 4 th . 3. take off the scale the length of the interior polygon , 62. 39. or side of the figure , which the table shews that distance , apply it to the circumference , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 or 9 times , as the polygon is that you intend to draw , which is 6 times in the hexagon ; draw the blind lines from the centre , and through the several divisions 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , and lines from 1 to 2 , and from 2 to 3 , and from 3 to 4 , and from 4 to 5 , and from 5 to 6. 4 take off from the scale , the capital line , 18. 73. as in the table , and set it off at all the angles of the ground-plot , viz , from 1 to 2 , and from 2 to 3 , &c. 5. take the length of the gorge , 13. 79. from the table upon your scale , and set it off from 1 to 7 , and from 6 to 7 ; and on the two points 7 and 7 , raise perpendicular lines , as 7 , 8 , and 7 , 8. 6 take off from the table , the length of the flank , viz. 10. 07. upon your scale , and set it off from 7 to 8. 7. draw the face from the uppermost part of the capital line d. to the uttermost part of the flank 8. and so for the rest of the lines , they are easily set off , and transferree from these , and so the draught is finished . thus you may by these tables , with a scale of equal parts , delineate any regular figure , two several ways , according to the first or second table , and by the rule of three ; these tables may serve for any proportions . but these data's may be varied without prejudice to the maxims of fortification , and the constitution of the ground-lines will be various , according to the experience and opinions of several engeniers : therefore i shall shew the constitution , and making the principal ground lines of any fortification , in several ways , use by other more famous and modern authors . and first , of the dutch or german ways , who , although they have filled the world full of books , of several ways of fortification , yet maralois , fritach , goldman , and dogen , all agree , to make the courtain 36 perches , or 432 rhinland feet ; the face 24 perches , or 288 of the aforesaid feet , so that the proportion of the curtain , to the face , is as 3 to 2. the angle forming the flank , is always 40 degrees ; the angle of the bulwark is half the angle of the figure , increased with 15 degrees , goldman , marolois , and fritach , agree in the angle of the bulwark ; but dogen makes the angle of the bulwark , equal to 4 of the angle of the figure ; so that all the data's are very near the same , with those the author hath laid down before . for english authors , i shall only mention mr. norwood , who in his maxims differs very little from our author ; the duich fortification being then most used . and sir jonas moor , who was an able mathematician , and well experienc'd in this art ; after he had shewed the several ways of all modern engeniers , sayeth , that the interiour polygon is most agreeable to practice , being 1000. to take 333 feet , for the capital 200 , for the gorge and flank , and 600 for the courtaine , so that he agrees with manassen mallet , author of travax de mars ; and , for a general rule , take , saith he , 1 / ● of the interior polygon , for the capital 1 / ● of it , for the gorge and flank , where there is no second flank , and where the flank and capital stand at right angles . the emperor , ferdinand iii. sets down ( as schotus that learned jesuite sayth ) an universal way to lay down the lines of any fort , viz to divide the interiour polygon into 22 parts ; of these , take 5 for the gorge , 8 for the capital , and 4 for the flank ; or supposing the polygon to be divided into 1000 , the capital is 363 , the gorge 227 , the flank 181 , this proportion is good , and for such as are not well skilled in trigonometry , may very well be used . of the italian fortifications . first , of signior pietro sardi , who makes the interior polygon 800 venetian feet , his gorges and flanks 150 , and determines the face of the bastion , by the line of defence , razing which in a square , or pentagon , falls upon the 10 th . part of the courtain ; in a hexagon , on the 4 th . part ; in a heptagon ; octagon , ●enneagon , on the 3 d. part , in all above on the half , to lay this down : suppose an hexagon , whose interior polygon is 1000 , then 187 will be the proportion for the gorges and flanks , which prick off , from 4 to 7 , and from 5 to 7 , and raising a perpendicular at 7 , set off the same distance , from 7 to 8 , for the flanks ; then for the face a. d. divide the courtain 7 , 7 , into 4 parts , and set off 1 / ● from 7 to e. then lay a ruler from e , to b , and draw a , b , for the face ; but had it been square or pentagon , then 7 c. had been 1 / 10 of the courtain , if it had been an heptagon , octagon , enneagon , then 7 , e , had been 1 / ● of the courtain , if above 1 / ● from the opposite flank 2. tensini , in small forts above the pentagon makes the gorge and flank equal , and ●0th a 7 th . part of the interior polygon , and ●e face in all figures one 3 d. of the said ●olygon . to draw this : suppose a hexagon whose interior polygon 5 , 6. is divided into ●000 . the gorge and flank will be as in the ●able 143. the 7 th . part , which set off from ● to 7. and from 6 to 7. and raising 7 , 8. at right angles , set the same distance from 7 to 8. then take 1 / 3 part of p. p. and setting one ●oot of the compasses in 8. cross the capital line in d. and draw 8. d. which do to every bastion , till all be finished . of the french fortifications . the chief of these are m. de la mont , and manasson mallet , both these divide the interior polygon into 5 parts , and take one for the gorge , and also divide the interior polygon into 3 parts , and take one for the capital line ; only de la mont takes ●4 of the courtain for the flank , and m. mallet makes the angle of the flank and courtain to be 98 degrees , ( leaving no second flank , ) and so lays the courtain more open for use , and yet not so much as to subject it to ruine of the besiegers . i must not forget d. ville , and furneirs , who divide the interior polygon into 6 parts , one for the demigorge and flank , both being equal , and at right angles , if the inferior polygon be 1000 , the gorges and flanks will be 166. by this table following may be laid down any fortification , according to these authors .   capital gorge flank courtain fritach . 400 220 200 560 dogen . 351 167 200 666 emperor . 363 227 181 546 p. sardi .   187 187 626 tensini .   143 143 714 g. maria.   125 138 750 de la mont . 333 200 150 600 manesson . 333 200 200 600 fren. conquest .   200 240 600 furnoir , &c. 228 166 166 666 in this table you have the proportions for the capital , gorge , flank , and courtain , supposing the length of the interior polygon 1000 english feet , according to these several . authors but if the interior polygon be less than a 1000 , the proportion in this and the former tables may be reduced to any other polygon required , by multiplying the length given by any of those numbers , and cutting of the 3 last places . example . a polygon given is 750 , what shall be the length of the capital , gorge , flank , and courtain , according to any of the aforesaid authors . for example , to de la mont. multiply 750 by 333 , gives 249 feet for the capital , so for the gorge , then multiply 750 by 200. and there is 150 , for the gorge , then multiply 750 by 150 , and there will be 112 for the flank , and after the same manner 450 for the courtain . and thus you may proportion any of these authors to any interior polygon , which must not exceed 800 , nor be less than 500 , for if less , your fort will be fit only for cittadels , or field works , but if more than 800 foot , too big for a fort-royal , and must be well stored with great guns . i shall mention only count pagan's way which was once much approved of here in england ; he was indeed a great mathematician , and well experienced by many campagnes and seiges , he works by the exterior polygon , and his chief proportions are in the following table . exterior polygon . the half . 1200 1080 1000 960 820 720 600   600 540 500 480 410 360 300 length of the courtain . 425 364 334 304 375 234 164   212 1● 182 167 152 137 1● 117 82 length of the perpendicular . 180 180 180 180 150 144 138 length of ●he face . 364 336 308 288 242 222 200 complem . of the line of defence 222 192   162 162 162 90 to draw a fort after this way , draw the exterior polygon c. d. divide it into two equal parts at e. which suppose 600 each , and raise the perpendicular e. l. upon which set off the length of the perpendicular in the table , viz. 180. which will terminate in the point f. then from either point d. and c. draw lines to f. viz. c. f. and d. f. then look in the table for the length of the face , viz. 364. which set off from c. to i. and from d. to k. then ( measure out the length of the courtain , viz. 212 1● from l. to h. and g. or else ) take out the compl. of the line of defence , viz. 217. and set it off from f. to h. and from f. to i. then from h. and i. and from g. k. draw the flank . thus following the same method , from each base or exterior polygon , you may draw any fortification ; but to fortifie a square , the proportions must be altered thus . base or exterior polygon 600 550 640 520 perpendicular 161 146 173 137 face 364 326 384 296 compl 222 211 ½ 243 ½ 211 ½ and may be drawn by the forementioned directions . having now set down the several ways for laying down the fundamental ground-line , from the most considerable engeniers of this age. i shall here show how to draw out mechanically , in the field , any regular or irregular fortification , either from the exterior or interior polygon , according to count pagan . and first , from a pentagon to a straight line from the exterior polygon . the base , or exterior polygon a. c. given , divide as in plate the 4 th . into equal parts in the point b. from the point b. raise the perpendicular e. b. of a sufficient length , then divide a. b. the half base into 3. 6. or 9. equal parts , and take ⅓ thereof for the perpendicular b. d. so is d. a point , through which draw the line a. d. and d. c. which done , divide the perpendicular b. d. into 8 equal parts , and make d. h. and d. f. equal to 9 of those parts , then from the points h. and f. let fall the perpendiculars h. g. and f. p. till they cut the lines a. f. and c. h. in the points g. and p. then join the points a. g. h. and f. p. c. and so you have a. g. and c. p. for the two faces g. h. and f. p. for the two flanks , and h. f. for the courtain of the fortification , plate 4. fig. 3. from a square to a pentagon . the method of this is the same as the former , only instead of dividing the half base a. c. into 3. 6. or 9. and taking the ⅓ thereof for the perpendicular , you must here divide the half base a. c. into 15 or 30 lengths , and set off 4 or 8 for the perpendicular d. b. and instead of dividing the perpendicular d. b. into 8. you are to divide it into 5 , and of these parts , you are to set off 7 upon both the lines d. f. and d. h. and this is all the difference . or note , that having raised your perpendicular , take any measure whatsoever , be it pole , staff , line or stake , and mark out 3. 6 , 9. 12. 15. 18. 21. &c. upon the line a. c. to the point l. upon which point erect a perpendicular l. k. equal to ⅓ of a. l. so is k. a visual point , through which is to be drawn the line a. f. cutting the perpendicular c. e. in the point d. and e. a visial point , through which is to be drawn the line c. h. then proceed as before directed for the pentagon ; but for the square instead of marking out 3 lengths upon the half base , you must here mark out 15 for the line a. l. and instead of ⅓ you must allow 4 of those parts for the perpendicular k. l. to do this by the interior polygon , and that from the square and pentagon , to a right line , let the interior polygon given be a. b. which divide into 12 parts , and make d. e. 1 / 12 and a. i. 2 / 12 for a square , and a. k. ●●12 for a pentagon , p. k. l. and p. i. g. right angles , and proceed as directed before , plate the 4 th . fig. 4. note also that the exterior polygon should be about 1150 feet , never less than 1024 , nor more than 1280 , that so the line of defence , may not be too short , nor longer than musquet-shot , and that the angle of the bastion be not less than 60 degrees ; but where either the scituation of the place , or the old walls or rampiers of a town will not admit any such equality either of bases or angles , then the engenier may either open or sharpen his angles , or lengthen or shorten his lines as necessity shall require . plate the 5th . here note that the encampment is figured with paces , and the profiles with feet . of gunnery . plates iv. v. vi. vii . viii . of the names of the principal members of a piece of ordnance . 1. defin. a cannon is a long round body , either of brass or iron , formed and made hollow by art , and proportion , to offend afar off , with a ball of iron , stone , or any artificial substance , charged with gun-powder in its charged cylinder , which being fired , in an instant performs its desired effect . this machine was invented by an englishman , and first put in practice by the venetians against the genoueses at chiezza , anno 1376. 2. the superficies of the metal , is the outside , round about the piece . 3. the body is the substance of the whole mass of metal . 4. the chase is the concavity of the piece , in which they put the charge . 5. the muzzle is the extremity of the chase by which you load and unload the piece . 6. the calibre is the diameter of the muzzel or mouth . 7. the touch-hole is that little vent , which passeth from the convex superficies , to the very chamber of the piece , made to give fire to the powder within ; that which encloseth the extremity of the chase about the touch-hole , is called the breech or covl . 8. the cascabel is the pammel at the breech or coyl . the tunnions are pieces of mettal fixed unto the exterior superficies of the gun , on which he moves in the carriage . the body of the piece , is that which is comprehended betwixt the center of the tunnions and the cascable . the vacant cylinder is comprehended betwixt the center of the tunnions and the muzzel . the frees or muzzel-ring , is that thick cornish which incompasseth the convex superficies , or the piece . the dispart line of the piece , is the difference betwixt the semi-diameter of the muzzel and base ring . the vent of the piece is the difference betwixt the diameter of the shot , and the mouth of the piece . the chamber , or charged cylinder , is that part of the chase towards the touch-hole equally large , nor narrower in one place than in another , and doth contain the powder and ball. how to know the different fortification of a piece of ordnance . in fortifying any piece of ordnance , there are three degrees observed , as first , legitimate pieces , which are those that are ordinarily fortified ; secondly , bastard pieces , which are such whose fortification is lessened ; thirdly , double fortified pieces , or extraordinary pieces . the fortification of any piece of ordnance is accounted by the thickness of the metal at the touch-hole , trunnions , and at the muzzel , in proportion to the diameter of the bo●e . the legitimate pieces , or the ordinary fortified cannons have 7 / 8 at the touch-hole , 5 / 8 at the trunnions , and 3 / 8 at the muzzel , of the thickness of the bore , in thickness of the metal . bastard cannons or lessened cannons have ¾ at their touch-hole , or 12 / 105 and 9 / 16 at their trunnions , and at their muzzel : the double fortified cannons have full one diameter of the bore in thickness of the metal at the touch-hole , and 11 / 16 at the trunnions , and 7 / 16 at their muzzel . now all double fortified culverins , &c. are 1 1 / 8 at the touch-hole , 15 / 16 at the trunnions , and 9 / 16 at the muzzel , and the ordinary fortified culverins , are fortified every way as double fortified cannons , and lessened culverins as ordinary cannons in all respect . how to know how much powder is fit for proof , and what for service for any piece of ordnance . for cannon take ⅘ of the weight of their iron bullet of good corn powder for proof , and for service ½ the weight of the iron bullet is sufficient , especially for iron ordnance , which will not endure so much pow●●r , as brass ones will receive by ¼ in weight . for culverins allow the whole weight of the shot for proof , and ⅔ for service . for sakers and falcons take ⅘ of the weight of the shot , and for lesser pieces the whole weight may be used in service , until they grow hot ; but then there must be some abatement made at discretion , and take 113 of the weight of their iron bullet for proof . to know what bullet is fit to be used in any piece of ordnance . the bullet must be somewhat less than the bore of the gun , that so it may have vent in the discharge : so authors affirm , that ¼ of an inch less than the bore , will serve all ordnance ; but this vent is too much for a falcon , &c. and too little for a cannon ; therefore i approve them not , but commend mr. phillips's proportion ( set down in his mathematical manual , page 165 ) to your use , which is to divide the bore of the gun into 20 equal parts , and let the diameter of the bullet be 19 / 30 thereof . of the qualification of an able gunner , and necessary operations before shooting , and in shooting . a gunner ought to be a man of courage , experience , and vigilant ; he ought to have good skill in arithmetick , to know the extraction of the roots , &c. he ought to have skill in geometry , to take heights , distances , &c. to know the divisions and use of his circle , quadrant , and quadret ; to know how to level and to lay platforms , and to raise batteries . he must know the names of all sorts of ordnance , their weight , the height of the bore , the height and weight of their shot , the length and breadth of their ladles , how much powder to use for proof and action ; the shots level , and the shots random ; he must know the names of all the members of a piece of ordnance ; he must also know the length , thickness and breadth of all manner of carriages , and must know all the parts thereof , viz. the cheeks or sides , the axtree , spokes , nave , hoops , transomes , bolts , plates , drawing-hooks , the clout , the hole for the linspin , the shafts , the thill and thill-bolt , the forelock and forelock keys , cap-squares , the forelock pins and chain , the pintle and bolt-hole , fellows , nails , fellow-bars , stirrups , the ruts of the wheel , dowledges , bed , conies , leveres , handscrews , &c. he must also know how to make his ladles , spunges , cartridges , whether of paper , vellum , or canvass , and to have by him farmeres of all sorts , sheep-skins undrest to make spunges , powder , shot , needles , thread , paste and starch , marlin , twine , nails , handspikes , crows of iron , granado-shells , and materials for composition , fasces , budg-barrels , cannon-baskets , &c. these being general things he is to know , and at all times to have ready by him , and he is more particularly to know these following parts of his art , as , how to tertiate , quadrate , and to dispart a piece of ordnance . 1. to tertiate a piece , is to find whether it hath its due thickness at the trunnions , touch hole and neck , and if the trunnions , touch-hole and neck are in its due order , and the chase streight . 2. to quadrate a piece mounted , is to see whether it be directly placed , and equally poized in the carriage ; which is known by finding in the convex superficies of the base and muzzel-ring , the point which is perpendicular , over the soul of the piece , which may be found by the gunners instrument , called a level ; an instrument whose use is so vulgarly known , that it needeth not my explanation . 3. to dispart a piece , is to fix , or elevate on the convex-point of the muzzel-ring , a mark as far distant from the cylinder , or soul of the piece , as is the point of the base-ring ; to the end , that the visail-ray which passeth by these marks , may be parallel to the chase , soul or cylinder of the piece . now the dispart , i. e. the difference of the semidiameters of the cornishes , may be by a pair of calliper compasses attained , which found , place on the top of the cornish ring , near the muzzel , over the middle of the inferior cylinder . to know how far any piece of ordnance will shoot , &c. as to the several shootings in artillery , authors differ much in their judgments and opinions , but they all unanimously agree , that the ball being shot forth , flies through the air , with a violent , mixt and natural motion ; describing a parabolical line , in whose beginning and ending , are lines sensibly streight , and in the middle curved ; in the beginuing the imprest force driving forward by the fire , the natural gravity of the ball doth describe a right line , called the direct line , or ranges of the balls circuit . in the middle that force diminisheth , and the natural gravity prevaileth , so that it describeth a curved line , called the balls middle helical or conical arch ; in the end , the natural gravity overcoming the imprest violence , ( which becomes altogether weak and faint ) describes a new right line , called the balls declining line , in which the ball tends towards the center of the earth , as towards a place natural unto all heavy bodies . see figure 92. these motions are somewhat longer , according as the piece is mounted from the level unto the angle of 45 deg . which is called the vtmost random . the elevation of which , is regulated by the gunner's quadrant , the use of which instrument is so generally known , and by so many authors , fully explained , that i here crave leave to omit it . but take these for general rules . 1. that a shot at right angle , strikes more violent and furiously than at oblique angles ; therefore gunners use when they are to batter down a tower , wall , or earth-work , to shoot point blank at the object , tire by tire ; by discharging all the pieces in battery against the self same object , in the same instant , holding it for a maxim , that ten cannons discharged together , do far more execution , than discharged one after another . now at oblique angles they shoot either cross-ways , or by rebounding . 2. that the speediest way to make a breach in a wall , &c. is by shooting at the object from two batteries , which ruins far more speedily than by striking the object with one battery at right angles , although that one battery hath as many cannon as the other two hath . 3. that if you were to batter a flank covered with an orillion , ( which because you cannot possibly batter it right forward ) you must therefore of necessity batter it obliquely , by way of rebounding , thus : chuse a fit place in the courtain to be your object , on which you may play with your battery obliquely , so that by a rebound the shot may leap into the flanks , holding for a maxim , in this operation , that the angles of incidence and reflection are equal . of shooting in mortar-pieces . a mortar-piece is a short piece , with which they shoot bombs , granado-shells , stone-balls &c. not by a right line , but from a curved , from on high , so that it may fall where it should , be desired : now this mortar is placed in the carriage , 〈…〉 bombs are great hollow balls of iron or brass , in which are put fine sifted gunpowder , which by a fuse , they proportion to them a due fire , that so they may break assoon as they fall amongst the enemies . these fusees are small trunks of wood , tin or iron , filled with a prepared composition for that purpose . granadoes are of the same form with bombs , only smaller , and are many times cast by hand , and are made of iron , brass , glass or earth . now in order to the well shooting in those kind of machines called mortars , 't is requisite to observe these following rules : as 1. that before you make a shot at any place , you find the distance thereof from your mortar . 2. that the bombs or other bodies that are to be shot , be of equal weight , otherwise the shots will fail . 3. that the carriage in breadth be always on a level , and without any descent , that so it may not leap in discharging fail . 4. that the powder with which the mortar is loaded be always of the same force and weight . 5. that the charge of the mortar , as well in powder , as in wadding , be always rammed in with blows equally heavy , and of equal number . 6. that the wadds be always either of wood or tompeons , or else of oakam , for the strongest drives it farthest . 7. that the fusees be newly made , in those days that they are to be used , and that they be made of a composition proportionable to the range that the shot shall make in the air , so that the bomb may break in the very moment it falls ; which composition must be such , that though it fall in the water , yet not to extinguish , but the bomb there to break . now before we proceed any farther , i think it necessary , to shew how to compose your ingredients for your fusee . to make fuses for bombs , &c. the composition for . bombs must be of a slow motion , that so time enough may be given to throw either bombs , granadoes , fire-balls , thundring barrels , &c. they are compounded of these ingredients , thus : take a pound of gunpowder , 416 of sulphur , 416 of saltpeter , well beaten , dry and sifted separately , then mix it and make up your fuse hereof . or , take powder of benjamin and small-coles , all well beaten and mixed together with some oil of piter , and so fill the fusee therewith . now the use of mortar-pieces , being for the most part to shoot up at random , therefore the randoms of these pieces is very necessary to be known . therefore i have hereunto annexed a table of randoms for the twelve points of the quadrant , calculated by diego vffano zutphen , and to be found in his works , printed 1621. a table of randoms for mortar-pieces , to the twelve points of the gunners quadrant , calculated by diego uffano zutphen . 583 570 534 468 377 248 100 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 . . . . . . . ☉ 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 583 570 534 468 377 248 000 now suppose the mortar to be placed at ☉ , the pricks in the middle line representeth the several randoms , numbred with the degrees of the quadrant , forward and backward , unto which the several randoms , are set ; so you see that the mortar being levelled point blank , throweth the bomb 100 paces , if the mortar be mounted one point , it throws the bomb 248 paces , &c. until 't is monnted to the 6 th . point , 583 paces , which is the utmost random . now if the mortar be mounted higher to 7 , 8 , 9. &c. points , the randoms decrease again , as before they did increase , as you see in the table . but in th●se latter randoms there lieth a great mistake , as shall be made appear . for if as they are distant from the sixth point , you make them equal unto one another , then the random of the 0 point , or the level random , which is 100 paces from the mortar . now it is contrary to all art and reason to think that if the mortar be elevated to the 12 th . point , i. e. bolt upright , it should shoot the bomb 100 paces from the mortar ; no , it cannot be , but according to all reason , the bomb must fall down either on . or near the mortar , and not 100 paces distant , as is most erroniously conceived . the foregoing rules and precepts are necessary to be known by every gunner , who intends to be serviceable to his prince and country . the exercise of the foot-granadeer's , and explanation , beginning with the fire-lock . observation . observe that granadeers standing in a body with musketeers , must make only the same motions as they do , because they meddle not with their granades , or bayonets . the facings are here omitted , being the same with the musketeers . granadeers take heed to exercise your fire-locks . 1. joyn your right hand to your fire-locks : as in the exercise of the musket . 2. poise your fire-locks : as in the musket . 3. rest your fire locks : as in the musket . 4. cock your fire-locks , guarding at the same time : as in the musket . 5. present : as in the musket . 6. fire : as in the musket . 7. recover your arms : as in the musket . 8. handle your slings : with both hands turn the fire-lock , the lock outwards , holding it with your right hand before your body , the thumb upwards , draw with your left hand your sling quickly in an equal line , with your fire-lock to the left side , the thumb upwards , standing thus till the next command . 9. sling your fire-locks : bring your sling with your left hand just above your right shoulder , at the same time bring your fire-lock with your right hand under your left elbow , bring the sling over your head , draw the sling with your left hand in letting loose the right , that the fire-lock hang upon your right shoulder , with the muzzel up , and the butt end downwards ; then let loose your left , and let it hang down as the right hand . 10. handle your matches : bring both hands readily with half outstretched arms before your body , about the height of your shoulder , at the same time , take with your right hand , the lowest end of the march , your thumb under , and the two foremost fingers above , then bring it over the back of your hand between your thumb and your two fore-fingers , then thrust out the left hand with the match quickly forwards , letting at the same time the right hand hang down upon the bag . 11. handle your granades : keep your left hand as before , nimbly facing on the left foot to the right , at the same time lifting up the cover of the granade pouch with your right hand , take the granade and bring it with an out stretched arm , in a straight line with your left hand , your thumb against the fuse , standing in the same posture . 12. open your fuse : hold your left hand still , bringing the granade to your mouth with your right , open the fuse with your teeth , and thrust it nimbly from you to its former place . 13. guard the fuse with your thumb . 14. blow your matches : bring up the match before your mouth , blow it off hard and quick , and thrust it at the same time to its former place . 15. fire and deliver your granades : with the left hand meet the granade a little downwards towards the right side , unconstrained , to which side your face and body must be a little turned , fire the fuse , bringing back the right hand a little , with the granade , deliver it with a stiff arm , stepping forward with the right foot equal with the left , bringing down the left hand with the match to the former place , letting the right hand hang down by the pouch , so continuing till the next command . 16. return your matches : bring both your hands before your body , as in explanation 10. take the match , put it in its place , then let both hands hang down by your body . 17. handle your slings : take hold of the midst of the sling with your right hand , and with the left about a hands breadth , from the fire lock below , lift up the fire-lock with the left , so that the elbow comes through under the fire-lock , lying on the arm and shoulder ; let go the left from the sling , and take hold of your fire-lock about a hands breadth above the lock , let the stock come to lie between the thumb and the two foremost fingers , your arms stretched with the butt ▪ end before you . 18. poise your fire-locks : with the right hand bring the sling over your head , and with the left your fire-lock , and with half stretched arms mount it , the barrel turned forwards , let go your right hand from the sling , turn your fire-lock with your left hand , that the lock come outwards , and at the same time put your right hand under the cock , the thumb upwards , then thrust the fire-lock quickly from you , let go your left hand , and observe that your right hand be equal with your shoulder . 19. cast about to charge : take the fire lock with your left hand , a hands breadth from the lock , the thumb upwards , turn it about that the barrel come outwards and proceed , as in the musket . 20. draw forth your bayonets ? take your bayonet with your right hand , draw it , and with an out stretched arm bring it before you in a right line with your shoulder , holding the bayonet , the thumb upwards , and the flat of the blade toward your body . 21. screw your bayonets in the muzzels : put your bayonet in the barrel , turning about the guard towards you , that it may lie fast , and flat , take hold of the muzzel of your fire-lock with your right hand , the thumb upwards , thrusting it with both arms nimbly from your body . 22. rest your bayonets : mount your bayonets with both hands , turning at the same time , without resting upon the left heel , to the right ; as you face let go your right hand , and bring it under the cock , turning the barrel towards your body , then fall back hand and foot , and keep the posture shewn in resting your musket . 23. charge your bayonets : bring your bayonet nimbly up with both hands ; and bringing up of your right foot , in which bringing up , you bring your right hand under , so that the butt rest on your fingers , the the thumb outwards upon the but end , fall back with your right foot , charge your bayonet breast high , in which charging the butt end lies in a full right hand , and the thumb upon it . 24. cast about your bayonets to the left side : bring up your fire-lock straight before you , with the bringing up your right foot ; letting loose at the same time your right hand from the butt , and bring it under the cock , turn your fire-lock with both hands , so that the barrel comes outwards , then do as in casting about the musket . 25. recover your bayonets : bring your bayonet with both hands to your body , draw it out of the barrel , hold it out with a stretched arm as before 26. put up your bayonets : put your bayonet into the scabbard , then take hold of your fire-lock with your right hand by the muzzel , thrusting it from you , as hath been shewn . 27. half cock your fire-locks : bring your fire-lock with both hands mounted before your body , facing to the right upon the left heel , in which turning you let go your right hand , take hold of the cock with your right thumb and proceed , as in the musket . 28. blow your pans : as with the musket . 29. handle your prime●s : as in the musket , only the muzzle held a little lower . 30. prime : as with the musket . 31. shut your pan : as with the musket . 32. cast about to charge : as with the musket . 33. handle your cartridges : as with the musket 34. open your cartridges : bringing the cartridge to your mouth bite of the top and bring it again to its place , holding the cartridge with the thumb upwards . 35. charge with your cartridges : put it into the barrel , keeping your two foremost fingers on the barrel , till the next command . 36. draw forth your scourer : as with the musket . 37. shorten them to an inch : as with the musket . 38. ram down powder and ball : as with the musket 39. withdraw your scourers : as with the musket 40. shorten them to a handful : as in the musket . 41. return your scouerers : as with the musket 42. poise your fire-locks : as with the musket . 43. shoulder your fire-locks : as with the musket 44. rest your fire-locks : as with the musket . 45. order your fire-locks : as with the musket . 46. laydown your fire lock : as with the mus●et . 47. quit your fire lock : as with the mus●et . 48. handle your fire lock : as with the musket 49. order your fire-lock : as with the musket 50 rest your fire lock : as with the mus●et . 51. club your fire locks : keep your fire-lock f●rm in your left hand , bring up the right foot at the same time that the butt-end is upwards , and the muzzel downwards ; at once ta●ing hold of it with the right hand about a foot from the muzzel , that the right thumb come upwards , and the left downwards , then let loose the left hand , and ta●e hold again at the same time with a full left hand an inch from the muzzel , hold it with outstretched arms against the left shoulder , and bring it upon your shoulder , with the lock upwards , quit your right hand nimbly and let it hang down by your side . 52. rest your firelock : turn the ●ire-l●c● with your left hand inwards , and at the same time take hold with the right above the left , the thumb upwards , and the elbows in a streight line , bring the same nimbly with both hands before your body , then let loose your left hand , sin●ing the right hand and fire-lock a little , and ta●ing it at the same time with the left hand turned , both the thumbs turned one against another , then loose your right hand , and turning the fire-lock , bring the butt end down , and rest your fire-loc● . 53. shoulder your fire-lock : first poise your fire lock bringing up your right foot at the same time , then meeting it with your left , lay it on your shoulder . take heed to make ready to give fire at three words of command . 1. make ready : this is done as in the three first explanations is shewn at large . 2. present : this is done as in explanation 4 and 5. 3. fire : this is done as in explanation 6. and 7. take heed to make ready to fire , and deliver your granades at three words of command . 1. make ready : this is done as is shewn from explanation 8. to 13. inclusive . 2. blow your matches : this is done as in explanation 14. 3. fire , and deliver your granades : this is done as in explanation 15. take heed to make ready to use your bayonets . 1. make ready : this is shewn as from explanation 16. to 22. inclusive . 2. charge your bayonets : this is done in explanation 23. take heed to make ready your fire-locks again . make ready your fire-locks : this is done at large in this exercise , from explanation 24. to explanation 27. inclusive . finis . the third part of the principles of the art military practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange : treating of severall peeces of ordnance ... : together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie ... / written and composed by henry hexham. hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? 1643 approx. 205 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43484 wing h1655 estc r26057 09339885 ocm 09339885 42771 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43484) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42771) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1309:16) the third part of the principles of the art military practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange : treating of severall peeces of ordnance ... : together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie ... / written and composed by henry hexham. hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? the second edition corrected and amended. [1], 84 [i.e. 60] p., [3] p. of plates : ill. printed by james moxon, rotterdam : 1643. irregular pagination, slightly different british library copy spliced at end. includes index. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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sampled and proofread 2004-07 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the third part of the principles of the art military . practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange . treating of severall peeces of ordnance , carriages , engines , quadrants , morters , petards , as also instructions for master-gunners , and canoniers , with divers instruments and materials belonging to a warre with their severall uses and practises , most briefly and lively demonstrated by letter and figure . together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie , with a quarter for the generall of the ordnance , and of all officers belonging to his traine . written and composed by captaine henry hexham , quarter-master to the truly honourable , colonell goring his regiment , for the lovers of the noble art militarie . the second edition corrected and amended . rotterdam printed by james moxon . 1643. to his highnes charles lodowick : prince electovr covnt palatine of the rhene , and dvke of bavaria . sir , after i had travelled through the world in speculation , by translating and augmenting of atlas majour in english , dedicated to his most excellent majesty your vncle , & my dread soveraign : i could give no rest unto my thoughts till i had undertaken some thing of my owne profession , which might give light , understanding , and instruction , unto some young gentlemen , souldiers and others , who desire to follow the warres , and to studie this art military , for their princes service , and the good of their country . and where could i find a fitter place , and a better subject to worke upon , then in these vnited provinces , under the command of the lords , the states generall , and his highnesse the prince of orange , which now in regard of their long warres may truly be called a nurcery , and sedes belli , for the breeding and trayning up of souldiers , and verily how could i do better then to begin ad principium , with the very first principles , and rudiments of the art military , practised in these warres , under the command , first of prince maurice , of blessed memory , and now under the able conduct of that great and victorious captain generall of our age , his highnesse the prince of orange his brother . now besides what experience my long service hath gayned vnder their commaund , for the space of fortie yeeres , as an addition thereunto , i have got some translations and extracts out of the best and choisest authors of our modern times , who have writ upon this subject , to give lustre unto it , and having before by the assistance of god , run through the first two parts : i have now also finished my third part , concerning all preparations and necessaries appertaining to an army , and so to put an end unto this laborious work , for in my first part i promised the right honourable the earle of holland , and in my second part my noble colonel , that i would go through the three whole parts , for the arming of a souldier , de cap en pied , that is at all points , which now thanks be to god i have done , to the end , that such as may go into , his majesties service , your highnesses , or any other forrain state or princes , may gaine some experience , and reape some benefit by my labours , which is , and was the principall thing i aymed at , for i hope , as old as i am , when these unhappy differences at home are reconciled , appeased and composed , that god , vvho leads the hearts of all kings in his hand , as the water of brooks , will so direct his majesties heart for your right , that his majesty will assist your highnesse , and turne his powerfull armes another way , and make your highnesse generall of a brave brittish armie , for the vindicating of your injuries , and the recovery of your lawfull and antient rights and inheritances , against the usurpers thereof . i will not trouble your highnesse any longer with a tedious discourse , seeing my selfe , and thousands of true hearted brittaines besides my self , ( whensoever his sacred majesty and our dread soveraign shall lay his commands upon us ) shall be all willing to fight in so just a quarrell , for your highnesse , and lay our lives down at your feet , and your queen mothers , for the regaining of your highnesses rights and countries . this third part then of the principles of the art military , comes in all humility to present it selfe unto your highnesses gracious pratronage , that though it be mean in itself , yet it craves to comeforth to the view of the world , under your illustrious name , which if it may be acceptable unto your highnesse , then i shall think my weak indevours happily sacrificed , and acknowledge my selfe much obliged to your highnesse , and shall not onely be bound to pray unto the lord of hoasts , to honour and blesse your proceedings here in this world with happy successe , but also to crown you , your royall mother the queen of vertues , and her princely progenie with eternall felicity hereafter , beseeching your highnesse to beleeve , that no creature living shall more heartily fight , nor more willingly die in your service , then sir , your highnesses ever most humble , obedient , and devoted servant , henry hexham . a briefe treatise of eight seuerall peeces of ordnance , as they are founded vnder the commaund of the lords the states generall of the vnited provinces , with their appurtenances , carriages , engines , together with morters and petards , quadrants , and instruction for master gunners , and canoniers with diverse other instruments & materials , belonging to the warres , with their severall vses , and practizes demonstrated . the first chapter . treating of the leagues , alligations , and commixture of mettals , wherewith ordnance are cast , and made inthese countries , and else where . the alloye wherewith our ordnance is made here in these countries , is commonly old cast brasse peeces , ill proportioned , burst , or made vnseruiceable with too much shooting , and therefore , must be refounded into some better , and more seruiceable formes , or are such perhaps , as are too great for ordinarie carriages and bullets . if these old brasse peeces be of too fine a mettall ( wich yet is seldome found ) the mr. founder maye mingle some slighter copper amongst it ; yea so much as he in his iudgment shall think sitting : so that the ordnance , which he makes be answerable to their proofe . our newe ordnance then being founded with these new alligations , and alloyes are commixted with three fourth parts of red copper , made vp in sowes one fourth part of bell mettal cast also in sowes , and one ninth part of the finest cornish tinne you can gett . these bricks are peeces of red copper weighing , about 50 lb. weight , cast after the fashion of a square footed pauement , and your great sowes , are peeces of other copper , melted one timelesse , then your brick copper , where of some of them weighes 200 , 300. yea the greatest 600 lb. a peece , the is tinne mix ed amongst the copper , and bell-mettal , that they maye run ne the better in melting , which makes your peece more solid and firme . but in italy s. nor . alexander bianco ( as master norton oneof his ma tias , master gunoners , and enginier citeth in his practize of artilerie ) saith , that the best alligations of these mettals for ordnance is for every 200. lb. of copper 20 lb. of tinne , and 5 lb. of brasse , or latton is to be mixted therewith . and digeo vffano a spainyard , captaine of the ordnance in the castle of antwerpe , in his instruction of artilerie affirmeth , that the best ligature for ordnance is 100 lb. of copper , 8 lb. of tinne and 5 lb. of latton , and 10 lb. of sow-lead , affirming that lead being tough & cold , maketh the peece-become hard . but le sieur de brissac , a french man in his militatie discourses saith , that the french , founders vnto every 100 lb. of copper doe either ad 20 lb. of bell-mettal , which is 25 pound of tinne & lead for 100 lb. of copper , orbrasse , or else 10 lb. of soft tinne to every 100 lb. of copper . the lords the states have in the hagh avery brave founderie , and a work-house ioyning to it , in which they doe all their massive workes , and behinde that aspacious roome , where they settand place all their carriages , which is kept faire and dry , and besides the master founder hath a house to dwell in , all which belongs to the land. the master founder must be very carefull in makeing choise of his powders , & earths wherewith he is to make his mouldes for the casting of brasse ordnance in , that they be able to resist the fire , and receiue the melted mettals : so that they maye render them to be east , and founded neately , without being subject , either to be diminished , crackt , or peeld , when they shal be nealed , which is such a matter , as without experience cannot be done well . wherefore , i wil conclude with master norton in his practize of artillerie , that good earths are neither fatt , nor leane , but betweene both , and of a fine and subtill graine or mould , which soone dryeth , and remayneth firme , without breaking , being able to resist the vehemencie of the fire , and such earths are most commonly of a yellow , or a red colour . now to finde such earths , as are fitt for your worke , it behoueth you to sinke diversse pits , or caues vnder ground , which have not bin much stirred . and after you have begun your worke , and compounded your earths in a bouke , or heape , and wett , and moistned them like paste , beginn then to heate them with a rod of yron , as the potters vse to doe their claye . then take two third parts of the whole lumpe , and mixe it with lint of linnen cloath , and then beate the same together , vntill they be well incorporated , that they maye appeare all one substance , and if any small stones should chance to fall amongst it , then pick thene out , or bruise them , as small as maye be , that the powders being well tempred , maye serue for your moulds and formes . of makeing of moulds for the founding of ordnance . the master founder having prepared , and resolued of what kind , and what sort of that kinde the ordnance is , which he intends to cast , he is then first to make a perfect modell there of , either of timber , or of earth , orboth , with all the mouldures , ornaments , & compartiments , euen as you would have the peece to be , which you must thinnely annoint with soft hogt-grease , and then cover it over uith a colume of the afore said tempered earthp , made and dryed by little and litle , augmenting it , vntill it be of a competent strength , and thicknesse . this colume must be made so , as it may be taken into two or more parts , to the end , to take the said modell , or patterne out of yt , and it is to befortifyed on the outside , with plates of yron , at long as the chase of the peece is , and with yron wyres an inch each from an other , and lastly with y-ron hoopes a foote , or two assunder , to knock off , and on , as occasion shall require . their must elso be a smooth , and equall cillender , whose dyamitre must be iust the beigth of the bore , and made of the same earth , moulded vpon a stronge iron square barre , and vpon a cord woulded about the same , to make therewith the soule , concaue or hollow cillinder of the peece , by placing yt ( by helpe of the base , and muzzle ring ) exactly in the midst of the vacuity of the outermost colume , which whenthe patterne , or modell shal be taken out , will remaine hollow , to receiue the metrall , that must make the bodie of the peece . all these must be well ioynted together , polished smooth , dryed nealed , that the mettall maye runne fine , and come off smooth and neate . lastly , the patterne of the breech , with all the mouldures , and cascabell , is in like manner to be couvered ouer , by litle and litle with the same tempered earth , which must afterwards be luted neatly , and strongly to the breech end of the outter colume : all which mouldures , rings , armes , devises , flowers , trunions , dolphins , and circles , maye be at pleasure added there vnto , vpon the patterne , either with waxe , earth , or playster , and so the perfect impression thereof wil be receiued by the concavity of the outward colume , keeping still the due prescribed proportion of the peeces ( yow intend to cast ) accordingto the kind & sort thereof , for the rest se master norton in his 21 , & 22 chapters of the practize of artillerie . having thus digressed , i will returne againe to my former matter , and giue the gentle reader to vnder stand , shat the states have conditioned with their master founder , that he shal be at the charge of makeing all mouldures , formes , castings , borings , and finding of firing , for which he hath from the states six gildens , or 12 hillings starling , for the founding , of 100 lb. weight ; so that for a whole canon , which weighs 7000 lb. weight , he hath 840 gilders for him and his men , the rest proportionally . now when any old brasse peeces are to be cast , they are deliuered to him by weight , and he is allowed him ten pounds in every 100 lb. weight for drosse and wast : for you must vnderstand , that copper & brasse have much more drosse in them , then gould or silver , because the finer the alloye is , the lesser it will consume by fire . the greatest number of new peeces cast in the states founderie at the hagh , euery yeare by the helpe of some , 20 men are sixe whole canons , twelve half canons , and sixe long feild peeces , or demy culvering , makeing in all the number of 24 peeces of ordnance . but of late yeares they cast diverse sorts of french short demy canon , and smaller drakes , as now the occasion of fervice requires . these ordnance being founded and made , the master feunder is to deliuer them to the states vpon proofe in the presence of some commissioners , and the controuleur of the ordnance , who are to ouersee them , and to take care , that the peece , which is to be tryed , be well loaded with her due weight of powder , and bullet , and rammed well home . the proofe of a whole canon which weights 7000 lb. weight , and carries an yron bullet of 48 lb. weight must be charged with 32 lb. of fine powder , and with the bullet aboue said well rammed home ; but the ordinary charge then of it wil be noe more then 20 , 19 , or 18 lb. of sine pouder at the least : a halfe canon which weighs 4500 lb. weight and shootes a bullet of 24 lb. weight , the proofe shott must be 16 pounds of fine powder & the ordinarie charge 12 lb. a feild peece , which weighs 3200 pound weight , carrying a bullet , of 12 lb. must be loaded with nine pounds of fine powder , but the ordinarie charge is noe more but sixe pounds . the faulconet , that weighs 2100 lb. which carries a bullet of sixe pound weight , must be loaded with 4 and a halfe lb. of fine powder for it proofs shotr , and with 3 lb. for its ordinarie charge . note also , that a canon , which shoots a bullet of 48 lb. must be bored for a bullet of 52 lb. weight , a demy canon , which carries a bullet of 24 lb. must be bored for a bullet of 28 pound . weight , a quarter canon , which carries a bullet of 12 lb. must le bored for a bullet of 16 lib. a faulconet which carries a bullet of 6 lb. weight , must be bored for a bullet of 8 lb. your whole canon , and demy canon , are commonly peeces for batterie , vsed at seiges for to make a breach , but your feild peeces , and drakes are to be drawne to some suddaine peece of seruice , as in the day of battle , vpon a passage , or vppon plate formes , & batteries made vpon the line of circumvalatione , or for the defence of a campe , when an ennemy is at hand , and the rest of the short chambred drakes likewise . a canon or a smaller peece of ordnance , maye shoote in 12 howres some 80 shoot , yea 100 , if it be not ouer heated , but after yow have made with it some 10 or 12 shott at the most , it must have a cooling time , by casting ouer the breech of it a danck hair cloath a pretie while , and that will coole it enough . for a whole canon mounted vpon a block waggon , or vpon its owne catriage , it is commonly drawne in these hollow , and marshie countries , with a teeme of 15 couple of bustie horses , besides the thiller horse , making account , that euery couple of horses , must drawe for their shares 600 , yea 650 pound weight if they be well putt to it . a demy canon with eleuen couple and a thiller horse , a quarter canon with eight coupple and a thiller horse , & a faulconet with foure couple & a thiller horse , and your smaller drakes with a number proportionable to the weight abouesaid , yea euen to a small drake carrying a bullet but of one pound weight , is drawne but with a thiller horse . the length of the chase of euery peece both reinforced & chambred is noted aboue its figure . the demonstration of the eight peeces of ordnance , which are in most vse , vnder the lords the states service . and first of foure peeces of ordnance reinforced plate a. nvm . 1. is a faulconet weighing in mettal 2100 lb. weight , being 10 and three quart of a foot long ' which shootes an yron bullet of 6 lb. weight , which being layd leuell by the mettall , otherwise called the horiozontall levell 800 , by the levelaxis , or dispart , commonly called point blanck 400 , & at the bighest range 4090 paces at 2 and a halfe foote to the pace . number 2 is a feild peece , or a quarter canon , weighing 3200 lb. being 8 foote and three quart of a foote long , wch shootes an iron bullet of 12 lb. weight , & carries by the mettall 600 , by the axis or point blanck 300 , and at the highest range 3800 paces . number 3 , is a demy canon , weighing 4500 pound weight being 10 and a halfe foote longe , carrying an yron bullet of 24 lb. weight , which will shoote levell by the metall , or horiozontall levell 800 , by the axis or point blanck 400 , and at the highest range 6000 paces . number 4 , is a whole canon , weighing in mettall 7000 lb. weight , carrying a bullet of 48 lb. weight , which shoots by the mettall , or horiozontall levell 1000 , by the axis , or point blanck 500 , and at the highest range 7000 paces at two foote and a halfe to the pace . i referre the reader to the other ranges specifyed in the quadrant and table fallowing . of the other foure peeces of ordnance , called drakes chambred plate b. nvmber 5. is a small drake , weighing 280 lb. weight in mettall , and is 4 foote long , carrying a bullet of 3 lb. weight , charged with one lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall 176 , by the axis , or point blanck 40 and at the highest range 800 pace . number 6. is a drake weighing 580 pounds , is 5 foot long corring a bullett of 6 lb. weight loaded with 2 lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall 196 , by the axis or point blanck , 100 , and at the highest range 2500 paces . number 7. is a quarter canon drake weighing 1130 lb. weight in mettall , is 6 foote long carrying a bullet of 12 lb. weight , charged with 4 lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall 264 , by the axis , or point blanck 140 and at the highest range 2500 paces . number 8. is a short demy canon drake , weighing 2250 lb. weight in mettall , is 7 foote long , carrying a bullet of 24 lb. weight , with 6 lb. of powder which , will shoote by the mettall , or horiozontall levell 340 , by the axis , despart , or point blanck 180 and at the best , or highest elevation 2770 paces . note by the waye , that the longer the chase of a peece is , being reinforced & well charged , the further it will carrie its bullet , and the stroak the more violent , as you maye see by long culverings , and slinghs of some 24 or 25 foote long in chase , whereof the experience hath bin tryed at arnham in gelderland , where a long sling lay vpon a bulwarke , which shott from arnham to nemegen being 6 english miles distant one from an other . againe , the shorter the chase of a peeces is , as in these drakes , the shorter it carries the bullet , as you maye see by their seuerall ranges . yet this doth not alwaies hold true for count maurice prince of orange of blessed memorie , tryed ance a half canon vpon the strand at scheveling , giving it the due charge of powder , and caused the canonier to levell in vpon its highest range , at 6000 paces , to trye this conclusion , to see how farre it would carry , when it was shorter , caussed some two foote and a half of yt to besawne off , made it be loaded againe , shoot it off , and found that it carried it bullet as farre as it had done before . to conclude , with touch-holes , i have seene in ostend vpon the west bulwark , that some touch holes of canon , were blowne so great with often and continuall shooting , that i have putt my fist into them . now such a touch hole being blowne some three or foure incles , maye easely be remedied . for if yow bore the hole round , and driue in a screw of yron into it , as thick as your finger , and in the midst of the screw aboue said , bore a small touch hole in yt , yow shall finde this to last longer vnblowne , then any other way , which hath bin invented , for now when ordnance are cast a new at this day , for the preventing of this two much blowing , they yse now to make such a touch hole with a screw , as is here mentioned which will not so soone be blowne great , and as your brasse or copper touch holes will. the second chapter . treating of a ladle , a rammer , of a sponge , and a feild carriage for a peece of ordnance as shall be demonstrated vnder the carriage . the figures of a ladle , a rammer , and a sponge is represented vnto yow vnder the faulconet , and feild peece , with their iust lenght , and thicknesse , after which forme yow maye make all others for what sorts of peeces yow please , and with all obserue , that the bignesse of them must be according to the dyamitre of the bullet which your peece carries . the lengh of the ladle vnder the feild peece with the staff and rammer is 11 foote , and 9 inches & a halfe long . the opening of the ladle is a foote and a fourth part of an inch . the brasse plate rounded to the staff , and to the height of the shoot , and due vent allowed is fiue inches . the staff of the ladle 3 ynches thick made of soft fast wood as aspe beech or willow . the rammer b is 4 inches , turned with hard wood , and the length of the copper ladle a foote and ten ynches , the staff to the neck on both sides is 3 inches thick . the dyamiter of the bullet is traced out with bricks coming downe from the ladle marked 1 , 2 , & 3. the spunge c. is couvered with rough sheeps skinns wool , and nailed to the staff with copper nailles so that it maye fill vp the soule or concavity of the peece when it is to be scowred and cleared . note also that the copper ladle for a peece of ordnance must be threetimes the length of the dyamitre of the bullet . such a ladle costs the states 6 gl . 10 stivers , vidz . the staff 2 gl . and 14 stivers for a whole canon , for a halfe canon 5 gilders , for a feild peece foure gilders 10 stivers . and the rammer , the staff , and the sponge or sheeps skinne will cost two gilders 14 stivers . yow have also in the plate b figure , 9 represented vnto yow the figure of a carriage for a feild peece with all the dimensions , ioynts , and parts belonging to yt . the naues , the cheeke , called limbres , and the wheeles are made of elme , but the transoms , the axeltrees , the spoakes of oaken timber , and the fore carriage of the wheeles are made of the same wood , as the former are , but the transoms are elme and the crosse beames of oake as the ichnographie of the carriage figure 9 showes . the lords the states have agreed with their master carpentes , to make them a carriage for a whole canon for 134 gilders 10 stivers , namely the two side peeces 15 , or 16 foote long , 17 inches broad , and six and a half inches thick , for 59 gilders , and to every carriage foure transoms for 6 gilders . an axeltree for 4. gilders 10 stivers , the two wheeles 37 gilders 16 stivers , for the framing and makeing of the carriage for a whole canon 27 gilders 10 stivers , for an axekree 1 gl . 10 stivers . for the makeing , of the wheeles 10 gl . which comes to in all , as aboue said to 134 gilders 10 stivers , and so the rest of all carriages proportionally . the demonstration , or terciating of the whole canon , num. 4. and also of the demy-canon drake chambred , num. 8. with their seuerall names and parts discribed . note first that a peece of ordnance is diuided into three parts . 1. the breech , or chamber 2 , the trunions , & 3 the muzzle , or neck , and the length of the whole peece is called the chase , or colume . a. is the cornish , brow , or base ring of the peece . b. is thee peeces neck . c. the peeces boutill , or astragall called the mussel ringe . d. the reinforced ring , e the tronion-ring , & these a tronions are two spyndles , vpon which the peece lieth in its carriage . e h. is that part of the peece , betweene the breech , the tronions , & the eares . f i. is the calibre , mould , or the bore of the peece . g. is the touch-hole , and all the metall behinde the touh-hole , is called the breech . f h. is the coile of the peece . h. the casacabel , or the out most pommel or button of the peece . f l , is the mettaline substance , & thicknesse of the coile , about the breech of the peece about the concave cillender , otherwise , called the sowle of the peece . m. is the mettaline substance at her eares , and stayes of gravitie , by which shee is hoised vp into her carriage . so much of her bore , as contayneth the powder , and shoot , is called the chamber , or charge cillender ; the rest the vacant cillender , & all the rings circles , andeminences at her mouth & breech are called the friezes . to conclude , the ordinarie canons of batterie is seuen eights of substance in their chambers fiue eights at their . trunions , & three eights at the muzzle , or necks of the dyamitre of their calibres , or boores in thicknesse of mettall . and thus much briefly for the demonstrating of anyother peece of ordnance whatfoeuer . the demomstration of the next figures following , and first of a block , or a long waggon : the third chapter the first figure underneath number 10. sheweth you of what singular use and accommodation your block , or lisng waggon o for the carriage , and drawing of a peece of ordnance , or for the carrying of small punts , or boats to clapp on a sunden over a river , or a brooke , when occasion may serue : therefore there is no one instrument more usefull for the traine of ordnance then this is , and are excellent good also to stopan avenue or a passage croswise , where an enemies horse may breake in upon an armie unawares , especially , when one hath no time to cast vp a trench , or a traverse vpon it . besides , a peece of canon will be easilyer drawne , through moorish , foule , and sandie wayes vpon this , because the peece lieth more steddie , and is not subject to so much wrenching afide in durtie and ruttie waies , then vpon its proper carriage . now whensoever an enemie should draw neere unto an armie by the helpe of the fearne , you may quickly hoize it vp , and laye it vpon its own carriage . the forme and moddle whereof is represented unto you in the figure following , noted number 10. the second figure number 11. demonstrates to your eye a halfe canon mounted vpon its carriage , drawne with seven couple of horse , and a thiller horse , and this to be understood in a good way : but if the way be foule , morish , and durty , then for a whole canon , weighing 7000. li. weight , you must spanne in 15. couple of horse and a thiller ; for a halfe cannon eleuen couple and a thiller ; for a feild peece or a quarter canon six couple and a thiller ; for a falconet two couple and a thiller ; and for a small drake weighing 250. pound weight . one horse . you must obserue also that the mettle of one of the states half canons weigheth ( as is said before ) 4500 pound weight , the carriage and yron worke thereunto belonging about 900. pound , so that these horses are to draw in all the weight of 5400. pound , and the other peeces proportionably . the third figure , number 12. represents unto you this , that when you want or cannot use canon horses and athrals , how you may then by the helpe and strength of men , drawe a peece of ordnance to the topp of a hill , and there to make a platforme for the battering of a castle : now presuppose you are to batter it with 16. peeces of ordnance ; to wit , eight demy canon , and 8 quarter canon , the first carrying a bullet of 24. li. and the second of 12. li. and are to carry along with you all necessaries , as powder , bullets , match , bedding , traces and diverse other materials . the question is how many souldiers , pyonniers , and workemen are able to doe this ? which diego vffano in his 22. dialogue resolveth in this manner following . of a block waggon , and drawing of ordnance . first for 600. halfe canon bullets , each bullet weighing 24. pound , the whole weight of them will come to 144000. pound . now if you lay three of these bullets , in a wheele-barrow , they will make 72. pound for every souldier to wheele , and will require 200. men to doe it . and for 600. quarter canon bullets , weighing 12. pound a peece , the weight of the whole will be 7200. li : now putting 7. of these into a wheele-barrow , for every mans share to driue , you must haue 86. men in all , and every man as before 72. pound weight . item for 168. weight of powder , for to charge these 16. peeces of ordnance withall , each halfe canon requiring 12 pound of good powder for its charge , and for your quarter canon , or field peece 7. pound ; you must have 240. small firkins , or so many leather powder baggs to carry it in , and giving to euery souldier 70. pound weight of powder , it will require the like number of 240. men to carry it , as is represented vnto you in the fourth plate and 12. figure following . now for the attelage or drawing ropes for these 16 peeces of ordnance , represented vnto you also in this fourth plate and 13. figure , is shown you the manner of it , by dividing your men into three drawing files or teames , according to the greatnesse of the peece which your men are to draw up , for a demy-canon , carriage , attelage , and all will weigh a matter of 6000. pound weight , now giving to every man 60. pound weight to draw such a halfe canon will require a 100. men to draw it , and proportionably the 8. half canons 800. men . for a quarter canon , carriage , attelage and all , will weigh 3000. pound weight , now allowing to every 60. pound weight to draw , every of these 8. peeces will require 43. men , so that for these 8. quarter canons you must have in all 344. men , which being ( as is said ) divided into three equall files and distances , each drawing rope must have 14. men and one odde man over to go by . and because it may sometimes happen , that by reason of the steepinesse , badnesse , and unevennesse of the way , you may be driven to dismount and remount your peece ere you get up to the top of the hill , you must carry along with you a fearne , a winch , or a scalet , with all appurtenances thereunto belonging , as winding roaps , an iron goats foot , with a crow , pinns , truckles , pullies to help you withall at a dead lift . all these engines and materials may conveniently be carryed on the shoulders of 30. men , insomuch that if you make your calculation you shall find that you must have for the drawing of these 16. peeces of ordnance , and for all things above specified , the number of a 1703. men without any difficulty will do the deed and draw these ordnance whithersoever you please . the fearn the figure and its necessaries shall be described unto you in the next chapter following . now for your attirals or drawing harnesse , to the end that every man may draw alike share you must fasten a crossebeame or barre to the end of the fore waggon marked as you see with a. b. through which you put your drawing roaps into an equall distance , that your men may not hinder one another drawing , having behind it three men to steer the peece aright , when you come to any winding or turning in the way . again , if it be a whole canon or a peece of ordnance , which you are to draw through a trench to a battery , or some other place , where you would plant it , and find these drawing ropes to short for the men that are to draw it , then you must lengthen the ropes and fasten an other crosse barre just in the very midst , and this will guide your peece from wrenching aside for certain , the shorter your drawing ropes be , the more steddier and easier your peece will be drawn , to every drawing rope also you must have as many necklines to cast about your mens shoulders as you have men , to the end they may draw with more ease , strength , and take firmer footing . neverthelesse if you draw your peece after this manner up to some steepy hill least the peece should fall downward and overturn them , for the avoiding of this danger , they must in an instant whip these lines over their heads to loosen themselves from them , or else cut them on a suddain , but then it is safer to draw with their hands . this manner of drawing of ordnance is no new thing , but hath been practised by the first conquerours of the west indies , as pizarre , ferdinand cortes , and diverse others , who with the strength of men drew their ordnance over hils and mountains to the city of mexico . likewise henry 4. king of france , of immortall memory , used this manner of drawing of his ordnance over the alphes in his last warres of burgundie , and instead of pyoniers used lusty swissers to do it the 5. rings called in dutch , mailles , number 14. is to try whether the bullets which you are to choose in the arsenall will fall through them , which if they do , then they will fit your peece to a hair , the severall bores and calibres of your 8. peece of ordnance described before . the rvle calibre , teaching acanonier how by the helpe of these fiue mailes or yron ringed hanels , numbred a. b. c. d. e. he may fit the calibres , or boores of these 8. seuerall peeces of ordnance , figured out aboue , as also by the middle figure of a canon bullet marked h. and decifered also by letter . the decyfering of a cannon bullet , or any other peece by letters , as followeth . besides this manner abouesaid , by fitting your bullets out of the magazin , for the calibres and bores of any peece of ordnance , by the helpe of the mailes , the caeron bullet marked h. shewes you also another way to fitt the calibre of a peece of ordnance , with a right bullet , by giuing it the requisite vent . as for example , take the iust diamiter of the mouth of your peece with a paire of straight compasses , and then devide the ouertur thereof into two equall parts , and draw from the center the circle marked b. a. and e. whose center also is noted to be d. which is the forme and circumference of your peeces mouth orbore , then set the two points of your compasse vpon the points a. and b. in drawing one after another , the crossoe lines vnder c. from whence you shall draw a line parpendicular to d. downe to the bottome of the circle marked e. and from thence another line to the point a. then set one of the points of your compasse vpon the point e. and the other vpon the line which you haue drawne from thence towards a. and marke well the point which the circle makes thereof from f. where letting rest the point of your compasse , you shall raise the other which was in the point e. vpon the first line perpendicular , which you haue made from the crosse-line at c. by the center to d. where the point c. will shew you how much lesse the bullet must be . then the dyamiter or calibre of the mouth of your peece , for giuing it the necessary vent , so that putting the one point of your compasse upon the center d. and draw in the other which is sett vpon the edge of the circumference and largenesse of the peeces mouth o. to the point g. and so in making an other circle the dyamiter thereof will be the iust and requisite calibre and circumference of your bullet , and which will fit thebore of a whole canon , or any other peece which you shall desire . there is a third way found out byskillfull canoniers , by abating the twentieth part of the calibre of your peece in the circumference thereof , to the bullet which with a sufficient abatement and vent for your peece , which rule is easily found out by takeing the iust dyamiter of the mouth of your peece . of a fearne , a scalet , and a winch . the description of a fearne , called in french a guindall , in netherdutch a bock , from a goate , with a scallet and a winch , being of excellent use about the traine of ordnance , represented unto you in the fift plate , and 14. 15. and 16. figures following . the carriage being placed in a readinesse , you are then to hoise up your peece into it , which in regard of the weight of it , be it a canon or any other great peece of ordnance , cannot be well done without the ingenious help of the fearne or ghynne , ropes , a goats foot or an yron crow , leavers to wind up the rouler , &c. especially when a wheel is graveled , and sticks fast in some deepe rutt , or rotten ground , then you must use the helpe of the scallet or winch , demonstrated unto you in the figures following . first then you must make and frame your fearn , according to this model used in the states service , which is accounted the best , number 14. and for the goodnesse of it ought to be preferred before all others , and for the lightnesse of it may upon a march be laid upon a waggon to be carried along in the train of the ordnance with the scallet , winch , and all appurtenances thereunto belonging . it is made upon three feet , beames or supporters , triangular-wise , upon which it stands . the demonstration is this a. a. a. are the three feet , which at the top or head of it are industriously joyned together , from b. to c. is the length of it some 13. or 14. foot long : it is framed a foot broad , and half a foot thick , d. and e. showes a great iron bolt with a round head , and at the other end a crosse wedge to clench and joyne it close together , f. g. is the copper hook and ring , upon which the uppermost pullie or truckle hangeth , h. the uppermost truckle itself , through which the ropes are let down and woundup , i. i. the cable or winding roap , k. the lower truckle above the rouler , l. l. the plate-work within which the rowler turns in its bed and sockets , m. is the rowler it self , n. n are the ends of the two roaps well pleated and bound about , which are to be put through the eares of your peece which is to be hoised up , o. o. the two oblique yron plated feet , upon which it stands and rests upon the ground , and by reason they are so made , cannot so easily slip away , or sinck into the earth , but makes the fearn to stand stedfast and firm , p. p. are the holes into which the two wooden leavers are put into the rowler and wound up by two men , the one taking out his leaver to put it into an other hole , while the other with all his strength holds the rouler fast , q. are the two winding leavers , r. the goats foot or yron crow , necessary both for the fearne , scallet , and winch. one of the winding roaps must be at least 25. foot long , and in circumference a geometricall inch , and one fift part , the ends whereof must be so wreathed and bound fast together , that they must not loosen . the main roap must be 73. foot long , and 1. and three foure parts of a foot about , the slip must be well wrought and bound about with packthred , which is put through the two holes of the rowler . of a scallet . the other engine is called in french a scalet or a ladderet , in netherdutch a knape , which must have likewise a strong iron crow belonging to it , a thicke oaken board upon which the pillars or supporters of the weight stands , which are well nigh two foot long and a foot broad and about halfe a foot in thicknesse . the two pillars of the scalet must be enchased a quarter of a foot in the thick board , to give it the more firmnesse whereupon they stand , and must be a matter of 2. geometricall foote high about the said board , and ⅗ and ¼ part of a foot thick each pillar as you see having 8. holes boored through them at an equall distance one from another , through which you are to put your great yron bolt , which with the iron crow must sustain and beare up the ponderosity : unto this bolt there is an iron chain fastned to it , and nailed to the right hand pillar as you may mark : the bolt it self ought to be one and one fifth part of a geometricall inch round , and one an a half of a foot long , each pillar must stand at least half a foot one from an other . vpon this yron bolt , which may be put into any of the holes as you raise vp the peece , and as occasion serues , resteth your yron crow and leavers , and receiveth strength from it to lift vp your wheel peece , and all at a dead lift out of any rutt , moorish ground , or place when it sticks fast in it , and as you raise it , by this engine , you may clap thick fagots , or boards vnder the wheele , till you advance it higher to an other hole . the winch or windlace represented here unto you in the 14. figure , is called in netherdutch a windaes , or a dumcracht ; and is a differing engine from the former , but of singular use also for the heaving vp of a peece of ordnance , carriage , and all , let it be never so great , or any ponderous weight , as blocks loggs &c. yea it is of such great strength and force that it is able to overturne a house , and hath no neede but of one man to put it a worke . now to make it stronge and sufficient , it must be two foote long at the least , 1 foot and a half broad , and half a foot thick , with avice , and a teethed scrue comming out of the midst of the woodworke of it , and winding up its teeth by the force of two secret wheeles turning within the midst of the woodworke . this engine may also be used ( as the former ) for the lifting up of a peece of ordnance out of adeep rutt , morish ground , or any durt or mire into which it is sunck ; by laying of thick boards , and faggots vnder the wheele , as is said ; and this will be done quickly , so that you need not loose much time vpon a march : and thus much in brief for the making and use of these three instruments . the figures whereof follow in the next page . how one is to movnt a peece vpon its carriage , by the helpe of a fearne , or a ghynne . the fifth chapter . before you are to mount your peece , above all things you must have a singular care that the fearn be so firmly set , that it doth not recoil or slip away in any manner , and so that the rope , and pullie , or truckle , comming downe from the head fall just vpon the eares of the peece : whereof to be assured , you may let fall downeward from the pullie aboue , a whipcoard with a plummet , or some small stone hanging downe : and turning the said fearn , till the plummet falls just in the very midst , as is said . if it be in a plaine , even , and fast ground , you may have the lesse care in setting firme and steadfast the feete of your fearn vpon it , but if it be a sandie and a soft earth into which the feete may sinke , or give back , according to the greatnesse of the weight , then you must put plancks , blocks , or some solid thing vnder the feete , setting tent pinnes about it , according as necessity shall require , and as opportunity will permit you . your fearn then being thus firmly placed and setled , the gunner shall get vp by a ladder , or some stepps to the head or top of it , having the rope in his hand , shall put it through the vppermost truckle of the head , and let it fall downe to the other , that he which catches it may put it through the left side of the peece in his hand , to fasten it , ( as wee shall shew hereafter ) into the eares of the peece , and so having put it through them , he drawes it vp till he can give it to him that is aboue him , and then he puts it againe through the hole of the right hand truckle , and gives it downe to him that is vnder him , who reaches it againe to him that is above : and so he fastens it to the head of the fearn , giving it some turnes , till it comes under the vppermost truckle , as you see . this done , he must fasten it ( with great discretion ) to the lower truckle , by puting the rope through the eares of the peece , putting the end of it thorow three times , as well through the eares , as through the ring which is under the said truckle : after this , you shall begin to hoise your peece , putting a great , and a long peece of timber into the mouth of the peece to guide it aright , that it doth not swagg from one side to an other ; a dangerous thing , which stricking against one of the feete of the fearn or against the rouler , may break it , and so hinder the whole worke . those which mounts it , must have a care to keepe the peece steddie and right , untill the weight of the peece is well setled . the generall or his lieutenant generall , in the meane while having a watchfull eye , as well vpon the ropes , as vpon the feete of the fearne ; that the feet do not slip away , or the rope be cadgeld one among an other , or drawing not alike , may breake . therefore , when they begin to hoise the peece vp , they must give a blow or two with a staff vpon the ropes , to part them a sunder , one from an other , that each may beare an equall weight . if you perceive that your fearne beginnes to give back , then you must presently let your peece sinke , and underlaye , and settle well the feete of it , and that as gently as may be , to the end the crosse beame , or rouler may not be disjoynted , or broken . finally , giving two or three turnes to the maine rope , vpon the rouler or winder of the fearn , you must wind it vp carefully , and very gently with the help of two men only : in such sort , that when one of the levers or handles hath gone about , the other must be held fast till that the other man hath put this in its place to make likewise its turne about : or else the other man shall stay his hand , till that his fellow drawing out his , hath put it also in its hole ; which must be done so often till the peece be hoised so high , that you may put your carriage vnder it . also you must take heede that your peece knocketh not against any part of your fearne , which might cause any disaster , or that the fearne might breake , and letting the peece fall , a mischiefe may happen , and put all into disorder : wherefore you must put the carriage under it very gently , that the tronions may fall just into the holes or clasping sockets of the carriage and so guide your peece by the beame which it hath in its mouth , that it falls softly to rest upon its carriage , and then locking it well in , and fastning it with the wedges , you may then loosen your ropes , and taking away the fearne , your peece being thus mounted you may draw it whithersoever you please . how a canonier ought to charge a peece . chapter vi. a peece being brought to a batterie , and planted upon a platforme , having powder , bullets , his linstock , scowrers , rammers , and all things else in a readinesse , after he hath stuck down his linstockin some place under the winde , and first carefully cleared his peece with his scowrer and sheepe-skin within , and sees that the touch-hole be not stopped , or any dust or filth cleaving to it , then one of his companions , which is to assist him , ( for commonly there must bee two canoniers to every canon , or great peece of ordnance ) brings him the pouch barrell , with powder iust before the mouth of the peeee , and putting his ladle or charger into it , fils it , and least it might be overfull , giues it a little iogg , that the surplus may fall down againe into the barrell , after this he puts it gently into the mouth of his peece , even till the end of his ladle comes up to the very brich and touch-hole of his peece , and then turnes his ladle softly , and lets it lye within the chamber of the peece , and drawing out his ladle almost to the mouth of his peece , puts it back againe to take up the loose cornes which were spilt by the way , and to bring them up to the charge of powder : this done he drawes out his ladle , and takes out of the pouch-barrell a second ladle full ( for by triall before , he knowes the weight and charge of powder , which his ladle will hold , and which his peece well require ) and so putting in his second ladle full up to the former , drawes it out , and doth as he did before , that no loose cornes may lie in the bottome of the mould of his peece , and in drawing out of his ladle , he must haue a care , that he let fall any powder upon the ground , for it is a thing unseemely for a cannonier , to trample it under his feete . then he takes a wispe of straw , hay , or any other thing : and puts it so hard into the mouth of the peece ( turning his ladle to come to the end of his rammer ) hee driues up the wispe and carries up with it the loose cornes , which happily may be by the way in the mould of the peece , even up to the charge of powder , and then giving the stopper and powder , two or three shoues , to make it lie close together in the chamber of his peece , he drawes out his rammer , puts in his bullet , which roules gently into his peece up to the wispe or stopper which keepes up the powder ( all this while his companion stopping the touch-hole with his finger , that no powder flies out of it , but that it be also well fild and stopt with powder which hee may do out of his touch-horne afterwards ) and then puts in his second wispe after his bullet . and the canonier is to be forwarned , that he stands not iust before the mouth of his peece , while this is a doing , but aside of it , least a danger or mischelfe might happen to him , and thus the peece having its due charge both of powder and bullet , he shall cover his touch-hole with a dry sheepskin , after he hath levelled his peece , and setting away his pouch barrell of powder with the rest , in some concaue , or hollow hutt into the ground covered over with sodds or earth , he shall attend the gentleman 's of the ordnance his command before he giues fire . an other observation for a canonier . touching the charging of a peece frons-berghen maintaineth , that one ought to take in powder one half of the weight of the bullet . rivius and some others are of the opinion , that the more powder one puts in , the swifter and further the bullet wil fly shewing many reasons to proue it . but experience the mistris of this art teacheth us otherwise : for a peece being loaded with two third parts of the bullets weight in powder , sends the bullet going more swiftly , and will carry it further , which hath bin so often tryed , that it is without all contradiction , giving this reason , that the exhencia is so swift and violent , that it bursteth out of the mould before the two third parts of the powder be fired , and this hath beene found irrefutable . again others maintain , that if one should forcibly ramme in the bullet then the powder might take fire , ere it could cast out the bullet , and then would cause the bullet to fly further then otherwise it would do , but you must consider in so doing , you either indanger the break ing of your peece , or else make it crooked and unserviceable , because your ordinary peeces will not bear so great a charg of powder , this hath bin tryed upon the sea strand at scheveling by the hagh in holland , before his excellency prince maurice of famous memory , where first one and the same peece was loaded with ten pound of fine powder to see how far she would carry her bullet . the place being marked where the bullet rested , shee was loaden again with 9. pounds , which shot as far as the ten pound did , but last of all shee was charged but with 7. pounds of the same powder , which carried her bullet further then the two former shots : whence one may obserue , that a peece of ordnance may be overcharged , and therefore a good gunner ought to haue a singular care to giue his peece her due measure and charge . of the gunners service in generall . now forasmuch as ordnance are engins of force , reason , waight , and measure : and the gunners men exercised and experienced in them and their apurtenances , in making platforms with defences , troniers , gabbions , loopes , parapets of earth , and faggots about 23. or 24. foot high , of faggots of 2. foot high of earth , bed upon bed vnto eleven foot high , and after 3. foot of terraplene , to raise the troniers and loopes , so that for the canon it be 3. foot wide in the barb and within 12. foot wide without the lower part therof to descend scarpwise the better to discover the enemies avenews , and offend them the more freely , for avoyding the blast and smoake , and ruine , it would else make : for the culverings 2 foot and a halfe within , and 9 foot without will suffice , and for lesse peeces , lesse measures . if the battery be to be made with gabbions , they being filled with earth without stones , moistned , and rammed 7. foot a peece in dyametre , 3. rankes betwen 2. peeces , if the place will permit or 2. at the least , and 3. rowes also one before another , setting one betwen two , so if the 1. ranke haue 3. the second will haue two , and the third one , but it will be hard to make a safe battery with gabbions , canon , or culvering proofe : and each platforme is to haue 30. foot for the reverse of the canon , and 27. foot for the demy canon , he ought to see that it be levelled , or rising 1. foot for 20. backwards the better to stay the reverse and facility , the bringing the peece being loaded to the loop : he ought to search and examine , the goodnesse of the peeces , their ladels , rammers spunges and tampion , fitnesse and roundnesse of the shot , force and goodnesse of the powder and match ; and to see all fitted accordingly , and to place the powder covertly , hid safe from the fire of his owne as also of the enemies ordnance , to see the gunners take their markes toward the under part , giving each under gunner his charge . how a cannonier ovght to lay and levell his peece and to amend a bad shott , chapter vii . having time and command to lay and levell a peece , according to the ordinary ayme , to try how farr it will carry , the canonier shall take a long ruler , and laying it vpon the midst of the frizes , aswell of the brich , as of the muzzle of the peece , and a levell upon it , he shall raise or sinke it , untill the plummet of the levell be iust in the midst : then taking away both the ruler and the levell , he shall see even with the frizes , the point or marke which this ayme discovers , which without doubt will be the place it wil carry to ; with which according to the levell of the mettell , whereof wee will speake hereafter , it will make but the half . but if he hath no leisure so to use the ruler and levell , he may take his ayme , or lay his peece , as he finds good , according to the charge and proportion of his peece . if he strickes his marke , he may then be assured , that his ayme is right , and using the like weight of powder , will alwaies make the same shot . but if his bullet carries over , he shall level his peece againe as he did before , and having got the first marke in his sight , he shall neither stirre nor mooue his peece : but shall take away asmuch of the frizes of the brich , till he sees the blow which the bullet gaue , and which will bee the true , and right sight , which he presently may trie by laying his peece upon his first marke , which without any doubt he will strike . now if his first shot fals short , then he must doe as he did before , levelling his peece again and then without mooving it , he shall goe and take away the frizes from the muzzle till hee discovers the blow of the bullet , and then he shall haue the true sight ; according to which , laying his peece upon the first marke , hee will surely strike it , if that there bee no fault in the powder . there is an other way of levelling of a peece , and amending of a bad shott , in adding or diminishing the elevation , according to discretion . to witt , when he shootes short of his mark , the peece is remooved and layd as before , afterward he raises up the muzzle as he shall judg , and as need shall require , that he may strike his desired mark , observing well alwaies how much this elevation is made higher then his first ayme taken , which he shall perceiue if looking even with the mettell , he shall see what marke it will show him . how a canonier ought to levell his peece . then giving fire , and striking the marke before aymed at , he may be assured , that his peece carries right , to which henceforward hee shall giue as much height aboue the naturall levell : if it failes , that is , if he over shootes his marke , let him dispart that which his firstshot fell too short , with the length of the same , for the lessening of the elevation proportionably ; in doing whereof , without all question hee shall see his shott remedied , and a right shott made . and this is your common and ordinary way in which gunners do most exercise themselues in , with assurance that he which knowes not by this meanes to giue the right elevation and range to his peece , is not worthy of the name of a canonier . now for his better understanding i will giue him this example . suppose a canon be mounted upon his carriage , and planted upon a plateforme , and is to mark a shot at some white-stone or marke in a wall. to doe this , your gunner must take his ayme as curiously as possibly he can levell with the mettell of his peece , but if his shot fals to short , to helpe it he shall take his ayme againe , and shall lay his peece as hath beene taught before : afterward he shall raise it a point higher , so that whereas he had but 6. before , now he hath 7. points of the elevation , and afterward giues fire . if he striks his mark let him alwaies take the same ayme and levell , but if he over shootes his marke , let him levell his peece as is taught before : by disparting the difference of the first , from 6. with that of seven points , as discretion shall guide him , according to the carriage of the first shot , and giving fire , ( without all doubt ) he shall hit his desired marke . and his peece being thus raised he must keep in his sight the point or marke which is showne him , and obserue wel the height which is aboue his marke , with assurance that when he is to make more shot by keeping this elevation he wil never faile . but if the first shot lying upon the 6. points be to high , then he shall helpe that by the same rule in laying his peece lower , and so shall strike his marke whereby he shall get credit and commendations for it . a new devise by any staffe , to levell , mount , and imbase any peece . also any peece may with a field linstock , rammer , or spunge , or other staffe be mounted to any degree of the quadrant , being thus prepared , first mark from one end of that staffe a distance equal unto the height of the pomel or caskabel of the peece , placed levell upon her platform , & then take the distance between the centre of the tronions , and the pomell or caskabell , which make or imagine a semidiametre of a circle , and divide it by diagonals or paralels , or otherwise into a 1000. equal parts . lastly out of the table of sines , take the number answering to every degree out of the said 1000. parts , and set that distance from the said mark downwards , and if the totall syne of the table be 100000. omit the two last figures of each number thereof toward the right hand , and if it be 10000000. then omit 4. figures of each number you find in that table , and the remaining number will shew how many of those 1000. equall parts are to be set downwards from the mark beneath the said levell for each severall degree : then drawing also 10. paralels or diagonals from the first degree to the second , and from the second to the third , &c. successively continued from each to his next , noting every degree with arithmeticall characters , so you may from six minutes to six minutes by those right signes mount the peece , so set forth for any peece which it shal be prepared for . this may also be described upon such a staffe without the table of synes in a mechanical manner thus , if you describe a quadrant or quarter of a circle with a semidiametre , equall to the distance from the centre of the trunions , to the centre of the pomel or caskabel , & devide the arch of that quadrant into 90. equall parts or degrees , and then from each degree letting a line fall perpendicularly upon the base side of the said quadrant , and lastly , each of those right lines being thence transferred from the said first marke downwards upon the said staffe , and marking them with arithmeticall figures for each degree , thereupon making also paralels and diagonals as aforesaid , you may thereby geometrically and mechanically marke the same from 6. to 6. minutes as before . the use of them is plain and easie , for if you bring downe the centre of the caskabel or pomel of the peece to any number of the degrees thereon so marked , for that peece , you setting the lower end of the staffe to the platform being even , although it be rising or descending backwards , i say then the axis of the bore of that peece wil be found to be elevated to the degree assigned : if you be to imbase the peece , those lines and number also set above the first named mark , will perform the like office there , in the thing required . of a qvadrant levell , and other instruments for ordnance , and the use of them the forme , proportion , and making of aquadrant and a levell , with an instrument to shew the use of it , is very necessary for master-gunners ; and canoniers , for the levelling and ayming of canon , other ordnance , and morters demonstrated in the fift plate , and 15. 16. and 17 figures following . chapter viii . to make a quadrant , as is fitting , one must first make the whole circle marked 1. which is devided by lines , running from its center into 48 equall parts ; at the end of each is noted the number thereof , inclosed in a space between two little lines within an other circle , and between two vergets or small rings , where you see there is a space also , by which the said line is devided equally in the midst . with a quarter of this circle is made your quadrant marked ( 2 ) being from l devided into twelue points , making seven degrees and a halfe , so that in all they make 90 , which is iust the fourth part of the 360 degrees of the whole circumference of the world . it may also be devided , as you see upon the white , each one the outside , into 45 points , wherof every of them make 8 degrees : so that the whole 360 degres are comprehended within them , according to this form and devision is made your other quadrant , noted ( 3 ) and is marked with , a. b. and c. devided into 9 equall parts , each of them making 10 degrees . now by these two quadrant , the plummet hanging in the midst from the point of the 45 degree , which are also devided into two equall parts , is showne to you the highest elevation and range of a peece , yea as ever the peece is able to carry at length , as you may see in the figrues following of a canon and a culvering . the like is also showne you by the levell marked ( 4 ) for the ayming , and levelling of peeces , when you are to take your marke aright , which also is usefull for the making of your platformes , and beddings for ordnance , all which are necessarie for the art of gunnerie . this may also be made by a quart of the former circle , if you devide it into 12 equall points , and so noted and ordered , that you must beginn to count from the midst of it , towards the ends or sides to the 6 point , so that your plummet , being upon the 6 point iust as the others , you shall , finde that your peece is layd at its highest elevation and range . the cartabon ( or your fouresquare levell ) marked 5 , comprehends also all the circle abouesaid , and is devided into 48 pointes , according to the foure quarters of the world , that is , east , south , north , and west , making also foure particular quadrants , whereof the forked dart comming from the center or midst ; showes all the lines , not onely of the circle , but also of the quadrant , or your foure square levell , and running in a line from the midst , marked with o and n or with o and s , it will make a levell , and is in the first degree of the right quadrant , but comming from the midst , and betweene the said lines , it will shew you your highest elevation , as the other quadrants haue done . the handle noted e. f. ( if it be possible ) must be 2 foote and a halfe long , whereof each foote must be 16 ynches , to the end it may make iust 40 inches , that in 3 foote and foure inches of our ordinary foote , which is an ordinary pace , or halfe a geometricall one . of a quadrant levell , and the use of them . each of these ought to haue in the midst , and at the end a little hole going from the one side of the handle to the other , which serue for this use , that this instrument being set upon the brich of your peece , looking through one of them aboue the highest frizes : you may giue a shreud gesse how farre your peece will carry the bullet , according to the length , condition , and proportion thereof . the two pins which you see on the sides of it , marked c f serue to this end , that thereby you may discerne the quality of the place , which you would measure , the point dessigning by its fall from the east towards the north , the length , bredth depth , and height of the same . finally this instrument contayneth many misteries of great consequence , and is of excellent use both for an inginer , and a canonier . the common rule , whereby a canonier may know how farre his peece will carrie , and how farre from one degree to an other , according to the elevation thereof , let him first see how many paces it will carry being laid even with the mettle , which afterward he shall devide by 50. and multiply the quotient by 11. and that will bring out the number of the further digression or range , which if he devides again by 44. he shall then find the quotient to be the just number of paces which the bullet will loose in the other ranges , degree by degree , as for example a battering canon will shoot its bullet being laid even with the mettle a thousand ordinarie paces , at two foot and a half the pace , which being devided by 50. your quotient will give 20 which being multiplyed again by 11. it will give 220. paces , which is the number of the next digression , made in the second degree of the quadrant , or the first after the levell abovesaid . but all the other digressions or ranges , do alwaies diminish even unto the 45. degree . to know then what this diminishing is from degree to degree , even unto the 45. which is the highest elevation , you must take the just number of the digressions from the first to the 45. which will be 44. now deviding them by the former number of 220. paces , you shall find your quotient to be 5. which is the number which goes alwaies , decreasing from the first to the last digression , so that your canon being laid upon its naturall mark , in which it is raised a degree above the levell , even with the mettle , making a 1000. paces as is said , being laid upon the second degree , adding 220. paces to it as an advantage , then it will carry the bullet 1220. paces before it stops . again , you may add the same to the third degree , but the former being the greatest digression , as we have taught , this then , and all the others will alwaies diminish 5. paces , and will make but 215. above the 1220. of the second degree , so that you shal have in your third degree 1435. paces . in the fourth degree 1645. in the fift degree 1850 paces , in the sixt 2050. paces , in the seventh , 2245. paces , in the eighth , 2435. in the ninth 2620. paces , in the tenth degree which is the first of the quadrant of 9. points , it will be 2800. paces , in the eleventh , 2975. in the twelft , 3145. in the thirteenth , 3310. in the fourteenth , 3470. paces , in the fifteenth , 3657. in the sixteenth , 3775. in the seventeenth , 3920. in the eighteenth 4060. in the nineteenth 4595. in the twentieth degree , which is the first of the second point , 4325. paces , in the one and twentieth , 4450. in the two and twentieth , 4570. in the three and twentieth , 4685. in the twenty fourth , 4795. in the twenty fift , 4900. in the twenty sixt , 5000. in the twenty seventh , 5095. in the twenty eight , 5185. in the twenty ninth 5270. paces , in the thirtieth which is the beginning of the third point , 5350. paces , in the thirty one , 5425. paces , in the two and thirty , 5595. in the three and thirty , 5560. in the four and thirty , 5620. in the five and thirty , 5675. in the six and thirty , 5725. in the seven and thirty 5770. in the eight and thirty , 5810. and in the nine and thirty degree , 5945. paces , in the forty point which is the beginning of the fourth point , 5875. in the 41. 5900. in the 42. 5920. in the 43. 5935. in 44. 5945. lastly in the 45. when you reckon but foure halfe points of the quadrant , you have the highest elevation or range , as you shall see in the figure following , which maketh 5950 paces . to conclude , a skilfull canonier exercising himself herein , will easily conceive and know certainly how to levell his peece upon any one of these degrees and points , and how farre it will carry , be it great or little : for this calculation will never fail him , by observing this , that in giving the chase or elevation of his peece , in what point soever it be of this rule or degree reaches from 1. inch to 16. which is a geometricall foot . the next chapter following shall shew you the use of it in levelling of ordnance after three manner of wayes , to wit , even or levell with the mettle , point-blanke , or upon a higher elevation at a range . showing how a cannonier shall shoot levell by the mettle of his peece , otherwise called the horiozontall levell . secondly , or by the levell axis vulgarly called by some gunners the levell point blanck . and lastly at the highest elevation and range , as the figure following shall demonstrate . the ninth chapter . to do this , he must first take a crooked compasse , therewith take the highest frizes to or base ring of the brich , and marking well the distance of the two points which make the diamiter of the circumference upon a right line , then he must do the like upon the frizes of the peeces muzzle or mouth , and set the points of his compasse upon the said line in such sort , that setting the one upon the first point which he had taken before , extending the other to the second , he shall divide the distance between the two points towards the lower part of the line , into the two equall parts , of which each will show him how much the frizes of the brich doth differ , or are higher then those of the mouth . therefore to lay his peece right , so that it may be levelled even with the mouth , he must trace out this height upon a peece of wood or some such thing , and put it to the highest frizes of the mouth , and upon that a rule , which is so long that it will lye upon the frize of the brich , upon which , hanging a levell with a line and a plummet , he shall raise the peece or sinck it , till that the plummet comes to fall just in the midst , and then he shall have the boore thereof , right in the levell . then taking away the rule , and taking his aim upon the highest frize of the brich , and the height which is upon the frize of the mouth , he shal mark well the point which it showes him and surely in giving fire to his peece he shall without fail hit his mark . but it is needlesse alwaies to set the said height upon the frize of the mouth , therefore the canonier shall hold it in his hand , whensoever he would shoot upon this point ( which he is to do upon batteries , which have the mark neer enough ) and shall take his aime levell by the mettle of his peece , as usually he doth , till he hath in his sight the mark he meanes to hitt , but because the distance being too near , and that the bullet may carry over , letting his peece stand without stirring it , he shall set the heigth which he hath in his hand upon the frize of the brich and observe well the point which it showes above the said height , and after he hath it , he shall lay his peece again levell by the mettle upon the said point , and he shal without fail hit his desired mark . but this being something obscure , i will explain it by an example , suppose there be three points , as d. a. c. and that you would shoot even by the boore of the levell upon the point a. you must lay your peece levell by the mettle , but questionlesse you shall shoot over it , the distance being too near at hand for his aime , so that in giving fire to your peece the bullet will come to strike the point c. to hit then just upon the point a. you must set the said height upon the brich and taking from thence your aim ( without moving your peece downwards ) you shal have in your sight the point d. from which having taken away the said height you shall lay your peece again levell by the mettle as before , and giving fire , the bullet will fly over d. and strike just upon your desired mark a. if occasion were that you would shoot at a mark which is too far for the aime , levell by the boore , and notwithstanding is so neer for the ordnance levell , a canonier must use this discretion , to wit , the distance being a third part further , he must then take away a third part of the height , and if it exceeds the carriage of the levell two parts , then he must also take away two parts , and he shall snoot so right , that if it were for a wager he would hit a shilling or at least a hat without fayling . this is your ordnance pointeries against batteries , which according to the instruction given before , one ought to approach as neere an enemie as one can , so that if you do not take heed to lay alwaies this heigth upon the brich of your peece , you will alwaies overshoot your mark , contrary to the desire of a good canonier , which is alwaies to beat upon the foot or foundation of a wall , that it may tumble down , and be battered the sooner , for the easier entrance of a breach , observing that it is one of the principallest considerations in all shoots , that in making a good shot one levels his peece at the foot of his mark , especially in shooting at a troup of horse , or a company of foot . but in a stony place , a canonier doth willingly shoot short , because in striking upon the stones or bricks , in razing them , he makes a hole much greater then the bullet which goeth through them . but in a plaine place one must lay his peece so , as the bullet may take them iust in the middle , or about the girdle , and so may kill a whole file , or a rank at a shot , yea though they should all fall flat down upon the ground , yet they cannot all escape , otherwise if you levell too high , it may be accounted but as a lost shot . to amend then a shot too high for this mark , you must levell your peece upon the white or marke you shoot at , then going to the mouth of your peece with a levell line and a plummer , and take there the height of the highest frize or ring to the bottome of the boore , which you shall set to the frize of the brich , and from thence , and aboue the frize of the mouth , you shall take ( without stirring the peece ) your aime , marking well the place it will shew you , then taking away the said heigth , you shall lay your peece againe upon the point it showed you , and so without fayling , you shall hitt the mark you desired . but if you peece carries to short , it must be amended in this manner , lay the peece as before , then going to the mouth with your line and plummet , take all the heigth of the frize from the top to the bottome , in such sort , that your line may take the whole dyamiter of all the circumference thereof , and by this dyamiter , you shall take the thicknesse of the ●ettle from the bottome of the boore , even to the lowest part of the said frize , and laying this heigth upon the brich of the peece , and levelling it upon the mark dessigned , which you would shoot at , you shall see the good effect it will take : now for a shot that is made on either side of your mark , it is to be helpt in this manner following , if the bullet fals on the right side of it , then you must lay or mooue your peece , and take your aime so much on the left hand , and that you may not faile a hairesbreadth , now to make the distance of the other side alike , you shall level your peece as before , right upon your white , then take a long ruler , which you shall lay upon the frizes , aswell of the brich , as of the muzzle , and leaving it upon the mouth , you shal take your aime removing it at the brich so long , till you haue got in your sight the place of the side shot which your bullet made , and without taking away your eye , or your hand from this fight , removing the brich of your carriage , till the brich of your peece , comes to be right in the midst under the said ruler , which being done , take away the ruler , and take your aime level by the mettle of the peece , and you shall find your peece to be turned iust as much towards your left hand , as it shot before on your right hand . moreouer , there are many occasions , which may cause a bullet to straggle either on the one side or on the other . the first is , when the boore is boored more on the one then vpon the other side , or by reason of the inequallity of the mettle , or that the mould is not right : this cannot be imputed a fault in the canonier but in the founder : neuerthelesse , if he be ingenious , he may helpe this fault by his discretion trying his peece by his creuset in , or scaling primer , and so help it as the fault may require . a peece also will carry sidelings , if the tronions be not iust right the one ouer against the other . also if the platforme be not layd even , but that the one part is higher then the other . item if a canonier it taking of his aime stirs his eye from the iust middle of the frizes of the peece , and though he hath it , yet he may faile in not taking his aime iust in the middle of his mark . item if one wheele be higher then the other , the shot will fly alwaies toward the lower side . item if one of the wheeles should stay upon a naile , and the other not , as likewise when the one turns more easily then the other , and if one wheel should stand upon dirty ground and the other on hard , or when one of the cubes or heads of the wheele is longer then he other . item when the bullet is not driven home alike , or lies more upon the one side of the boore then upon the other : and finally , the straying of the bullet upon the one side may be caused by the vehemency of the wind , when it cannot be holpen . likewise a short or an overshot may be occasioned either by the force or the weakenesse of the powder , or by reason of the unskilfullnesse of the gunner which knowes not to lay and levell his peece aright , neither knowes the true distance of the mark whereat he shootes . all which i have marked at large , not as a matter to excuse an unexpert canonier but to give advice to the wise to have a vigilant eye upon all things , and to follow the rules abovesaid ; and so to prevent all inconveniences , for to faile the first time may passe , the second may be pardoned , but the third time is too much , and cannot be excused , because it is a certain signe of indiscretion and want of iudgement ; and indeed there is no fault which we have shown , but by discretion it may be remedied , whereof we have seen many examples at the famous siege of ostend , wherein a sound iudgement was shown in this kind , whereof i will relate two examples . a ship running into the haven to get into the town , which brought the enemy some provision , a woman sat at the helm to make us ashamed , order was given to a canonier that he should make a shot at this steeresse , who thinking it was too cruell a thing to shoot at so weak a sexe , offered to take away the helme from between her hands , and to make the boat come floating towards us with the floud , if she were not provided with an other , which he presently put in practice , levelling his peece so right and discreetly , that indeed shooting of the helme it fell in the water , and the boat came floating towards our quarter , where it was pillaged and burnt in sight of our enemies . an other ship lying at anckor , staying for a high water to come into the towne , our men to sinck it made many canon shot at it in vaine , judging that the distance was too far to do it any harme , whereupon they were forbidden to shoot any more at it , and not to spend their powder to no purpose : but at last there came a canonier who promised not onely to strike the ship , but also to shoot the cable in sunder , so that by favour of the water the boat should come floating to our mercy , and indeed , levelling and giving fire to his peece , he shot the cable in peeces , and to the great admiration of all our army , the boat came swimming to our quarter . these examples i have related and will do others in the following chapters , to shew the skill of a good canonier that hath discretion and judgement in such occurrences , and to give encouragement to all canoniers and gunners to do the like when occasion shall serve . the first dialogue . betweene the master , or generall of the ordnance , and a captaine , to know whether a demy canon or a culvering will carry furthest at the highest range , and how a canonier must levell , and raise his canon , and culvering to try it , as the two next figures following shall demonstrate . generallo . senor captaine , i haue often heard that in trying of a canon with a culvering , at randome , it hath bin found that the canon will carry its bullet further then a culvering , and indeede i should be of the same opinion , if your discourse perswade mee not to the contrary . capt. my lord there are many reasons , which one must yeeld vnto , that a culvering will carry its bullet further then a canon . gen. it may be so , yet i haue heard many men say , who haue tryed it , that a canon will carry further , then the culvering . capt. it may well be , but i would fain see the tryall thereof , to the end it might be certainly known . gen. how ought then a due tryall to be made thereof . capt. sure it is , that a culvering is mounted vpon a higher and a longer carriage , then a canon is , and that the crosse-beames vpon which the brich of the canon resteth , being higher then that of a canon , and the peece being longer cannot stoope so much as to elevate its mouth so high as a canon can , that hath its carriage shorter , then the crossebeames lower , for the shorter a peece is , the easier it may be elevated even to 45 degrees of the quadrant aboue said , whence will follow , that a canon being raised to a higher elevation , must needs carry its bullet further then a culvering , not that the fault is in it , but that it wants its due elevation , for if it could be raised to the same elevation and degree the canon is , then you should see the culvering , would ouer shoot the canon by far . generall . how so ? then there must bee some fault in the inginier , that made the mettall of it , or else in the carpenter in the makeing or frameing of the carriage . capt it may be in both of them , though they have done their best endeavour , because they haue not attained vnto the heigth of this perfection : for as in the art of gunnerie , so in the fabricking and framing of the other engines and instruments , there are many secrets in them , which a common capacity cannot so easely find out . gen. how shall we then discouer this mistery , and to haue a sure tryall therof , that the one peece may haue no more advantage then the other . capt. to haue a true tryall thereof , first the carriages of the one and of the other must be so rightly fitted , and locked with crosse-beames low enough , to giue both the peece one and the same elevation , as you may see in the figures following . secondly . they must be planted upon two plaine and euen plate formes . thirdly , if the culvering cannot be laid vpon the same height as the canon is , then you must take away so much of the crosse beame of the carriage , that the brich of it may sinck , and the muzzle lie vpon the same elevation as the canon doth . generall . what need is it then to take away so much of the crosse-beames , and so to weaken the carriage , which may easelie bee remedyed by digging a hole in the ground , to make the brich of the carriage sink into it , till the muzzle of the peece be raised high enough . capt. it may well be done , when there is no strife nor dispute about it , to which the contrary parties will never agree , because of giuing an advantage . gen. what advantage can there be in this , to haue a peece to lye vpon a plat-forme , and to haue the brich of the carriage sunke a little into the ground . capt. i am of that mind , that a peece , which hath the brich of the carriage stept from trary part is will never agree , because of giuing an advantage . gen. what advantage can there be in this , to haue a peece to ly vpon a plate-forme , and to haue the brich of the carriage sunke a little into the ground . capt. i am of that mind , that a peece , which hath the brich of the carriage stept from recoyling , will shoot its bullet with a greater force and violence , then that which lies freer upon an explanado , or a plat-form , and therefore to giue no advantage to a culvering , it is better to shaue of some of the crossebeames , to cause it to sinke lower , then to ly in such a ditch by raiseing the muzzell to the required height as you may see in the figures following . gen. i haue heard diverse disputes among good canoniers touching this point , who thought that a culvering , could not carry so farre as a canon , because this peece being long , the bullet must go a longer way from out the chamber to the mouth , and that before the bullet comes out , the powder in that while may loose some of the strength thereof , whereas a canon being shorter , and the flying of a bullet out of the canon shorter , the powder will send it going with a greater strength . capt. i beleeue well that there is some reason for what you alledge for the length of a culvering , and the shortnesse of a canon , when they are charged with that quantity of powder as their bullets require : but for your culvering , in regard of the length of it , you giue it a greater charge , whereas for the charging of your canon , you giue it in powder but halfe the weight of his bullet , and to an ordinary culvering , you give it , in powder , or the weight of the bullet , but being a culvering renforced , you may giue it as many pound of powder as the weight of your bullet . gen i will demaund of you sir one question more , and therewith conclude this discourse , if you were to shoot at ships upon the sea , what peeces would you choose to be best either your canon or your whole culvering ? capt. of this you may be assured from one that hath found it by experience , that there is no better peeces to do this then your canon . gen. giue me your reason ? capt. your canon being shorter , may be laid lower , and better levelled , considering also that their bullets are weightier then the others , and fly more certain , because neither the wind , nor the humidity of the water , can haue any such great power to dead or hinder their sight . gen. how so ? seeing your culvering taketh a greater charge of powder , then your canon , as you even now confessed is better , and will ding away the bullet with a more violent force . capt. my reason is that the wind and the moistnesse of the water haue more power over a lighter , then of canon bullet , which is heavier then a culvering , now if you were to shoot at a ship of a like distance , you must raise your culvering to your thinking two pikes length higher then the ship is , whereas your canon will require but one pikes length of elevation aboue it . therefore i haue made many a tryall of it at the siege of ostend , both of a canon and of a culvering . gen. well sir you haue satisfied mee , and given mee good reasons for what you say : but i pray you tell me whether a peece will carrie furthest , which is shot out of the sea to the landward , or that which is shot from the shoare side , along the superfices of the water capt. this were a hard question to resolue , if one had not made experience of it , neverthelesse i will tell you what i haue seen , that wee shooting into the sea from our batteries in dunkirke at the enemies shipping , which rid before the town , we could scarce reach them , but i haue seen with admiration , that the enemy shooting from their shipping to us ward , their bullets flew from that place , fiue hundred paces further , then ours did , where wee stood , yea some of them into the very towne of dunkirke . gen. surely i was of a contrary opinion , thinking that a peece planted upon the firme ground , the bullet would flie further , and with a more violent force , then that which is shot from a floating ship , because the peece in recoyling shakes the ship , and by the shaking therof , the bullet may loose some of its strength , but these are secrets in nature , more admirable then apprehensible . capt. true it is , that there are many hidden and secret misteries in nature , but for this one may alledg some naturall causes : for a bullet shot from a ship to the land-ward , seeketh its naturall resting place : but that which is shot from the land along the surface of the water , the bullet is forced to striue against two elements , that is first against the aire , which retaineth it with all might , and secondly against the moistnesse of the water , which also deads the bullet , causing it to stoope , for this hath bin found by experience to be true , that a bullet will shoot further into the sea at a low water , then it will doe at a high sea. gen. if a peece were so planted , that one could shoot both into the land , and also into the sea , by turning the said peece , the question is , whether the bullet would flye furthest over the land , or upon the sea. capt. a canon will carry its bullet a thousand paces further over the land , then it will do upon the superficies of the water , and though we haue had no certain tryall of it : yet the siege of ostend hath taught us this experience , that we may be assured of it : for in the channell by newport , when the battle in flaunders was fought anno. 1600. we shot at the enemyes shipping and men of warre , to make them giue back , that our men might come up along the strand with more safety , and lesse danger to fight , we found that our bullets , which were shot at them from the land , could not reach them to doe them any harme , but the enemies bullets , which were shot from their men of warre , shot amongst us , and flew fiue or sixe hundred paces over our heads . gen. that might well be , for perhaps the enemies peeces were either greater or longer then ours , or else that they had finer , and stronger powder then ours had . capt. the calibres and boores of the one and of the other were alike , for their bullets fitted our peeces , but indeed in the goodnesse of the powder there might be some difference , and for our parts to charge them well , we put a ladle full of powder more then ordinary into ours , but this would not help . this question i haue asked many times , both of gunners , and marriners , who haue given me alwaies this reason , that it was for some secret cause in nature , that a shot being made into the land , should fly further , then that which was made from the land into the water . gen. though this troubled me a little yet i am glad to heare your reasons , and the experience you have had . but i had almost forgotten to haue asked you one question more , which now i call to mind how comes it to passe , that all the charge of the powder takes not fire , and is not consumed in a canon , aswell as in a culvering . capt. this is not any fault or advantage in the peeces , for one would thinke that a canon being shorter , and of a larger bore then a culvering a small part of the powder might bee expulsed or driuen out before it be all fired , and that a culvering being longe and straight , might keept in the powder till it takes all fire , but this is done at a venture , and yet notwithstanding it happens oftner in a canon , by reason of the biggnesse of the boore , then in a culvering , for after you haue giuen your peece its due charge of powder to ramme it vp some what close into the chamber of your peece , you give it two or 3 shoues with the end of your rammer , the powder being well corned ; there lies ordinarily some loose cornes and dust by the way in the bottome of the mould , which the wispe or stopping hath not driven home , so that if a canonier , doth not take very good heed , there will alwaies be some part of the powder shed in the peece , which will ly before the bullet , and when the rest of powder takes fire those loose cornes flyes out , and cannot take fire , like as you see also that some shreds and peeces of the stopping after the shot is made , and smoaks without being consumed by fire . so that your lo. may be assured that any peece of ordnance be it either short or long , if the charge of the powder be well stopped and rammed home and some loose cornes which will fly back gathered well up by the wisp , there will not be so much as one corn , but will all take fire . this is seen also in the tryall of bombards and morters , which though they be short , and large mouthed , fire and consume , all their powder , without loosing so much as a graine . gen. now i vnderstand well , and confesse that hitherto i haue bin of the vulgar opinion attributing the cause to the shortnesse of the peece and herewith we will conclude . here follows the figure of a canon and a culvering elevated by levell vpon one and the same degree of the quadrant to try which will carry furthest at range . contayning the demonstration of morters , and the vse of them . the tenth chapter . your great and small morters , are not onely serviceable in a warre offensiue , by shooting and casting of great granadoes , as of a 100 , 150 , 170 pound weight , and smaller of 40 and 50 pound , but also by casting of fire-balles , stones , old rubbidge , and peeces of yron into cities , townes , and fortresses , and may be used also defensiuely , to be shot from townes , and forts besieged , into any enemies workes , and approaches , especially they are of singular use , when an enemy hath covertly approached , and lodged himselfe under some bulwark , tower , or turret , and is a beginning to undermine them , which if they do , you may plant one of these morters at a reasonable distance , on the inside of your wall , and shooting your granado , as it were bolt upright into the aire , by its naturall fall , it may light iust into the enemies workes , and there with great violence , breaking among them , it w ●ll make them cry , flye , and forsake the place , you may also fire them out of a place , by casting good store of hand-granadoes down among them , and so annoy them , that the work will be too hot for them . two of these morters are represented unto you , in the plate and figurs following number . now for the shooting away of your great granadoes or firebals , you must ever remember , but to take ⅕ or 1 / 7 part of fine powder of the weight of your grandoe or thing which you shoot , but if you are to shoot away a bullet without any fire workes in it , or some massie stone , or such like solid thing , then you must take but halfe the weight of it in fine powder , which having given fire to the morter , will send it going merrily . the use of them is not to shoot in a right line , as other ordance doe , but in an oblique line , as you may see by the two figures following , unlesse your morter be mounted to 90 degrees , mounting them usually aboue 45 degrees , namely to 60 70 80. and sometimes more or lesse , as the distance , and fall of your granadoe or shot shall require . having before shown you the making and use of the quadrant , it remaines now , that i come to the charging and use of a morter , now before you put in your powder , it must be well sponged and cleared , whether you charge it with loose powder , or cartouch , turning the mouth almost bolt upright , the powder being put into the chamber , you must stop it with a wade , either of hay or okam , and after a tamkin of some soft wood , and this with the powder that was put in first , it must fill up the whole chamber thereof , that there may be no vacuity , between the powder , and the wadd , or betweene the wadd , and the shot , this done the shot shall be put in at the mouth , with another wadd after it , but you must haue a care that your morter be not much mounted , least your shot flies out too soon , and the wadd between the tampkin , and the shot will not onely saue the shot from the tampkins breaking of it , but also is to avoid vacuities , which may endanger the breaking of the peece by second expansions . now then having resolved of the premisses , touching your peece , shot , and powder , as aboue said , and upon the distance and monture of your mark , as the rules and tables following shall direct you , then for the bending and disposing of it to the assigned mark , lay first a straight ruler upon the mouth of your morter , and upon it place a quadrant ( as you may see by the figures , or some other instrument crosse-wise , to set the morter vpright for shuning of wide shooting , and then placeing them fore ●ight to elevate it into the resolved degree of monture , to avoid short or overshooting accordingly , as the tables following will teach you , for having made one shot , you may thereby , proportion the rest considering whether you are to shoot with or against the wind , or whether it blowes towards the right or the left hand , whether weakely , or strongly , and so accordingly to giue or abate the advantage , or disadvantage , which iudgment and discretion will induce you thereunto , and the helpe of the rules following . now wee will come to the use of a morter , and that in this example following , suppose an enemy be approached to the basis , or foot of a wall , or a bulwark , and there is a rooting , and begins to make a mine , and having chambred his powder , intends to blow it up , and that there is no other meanes left you , to repulse , and hinder their egresse and regresse into it : but by shooting out of your morters some granadoes firebals , stones and rubish among them , or at least by casting many hand-granadoes down uponthem . to do this either by force or policy , it behoveth a good canonier , or fire-worker , to know first ( as hath bin taught ) how far his morter will carry a granado , or any solid thing else , which shal be shot out of it , being set upon such and such a degree & elevation as the morter figure will show you . as for example , takey our aime levell with the mould or mouth of your morter , noted a upon the quadrant , and it will carry 200 paces , where you see the granado fals upon the letter a. but your morter being elevated to the mark b it then will carry its bullet 487 paces , if to the second c , then 755 paces , if to the third d , it will carry 937 paces , if to the fourth e , then 1065 paces , if to the fifth elevation f , then 1132 paces , if to the sixth g , which is in the midst of the quadrant , and lies then upon its highest elevation it will carry 1170 paces , as you may see by the severall fals of the bullets upon every letter ▪ the second figure showes you a morter casting a granado upon a castle , as you may see by the example . another table of diego vffane ●s for morter peeces , with their randoms , made for every degree , betweene the levell , and 90 degrees , as followeth . degr. pac. deg , 0 100 89 1 122 88 2 143 87 3 364 86 4 285 85 5 204 84 6 224 83 7 243 82 8 262 81 9 280 80 10 297 79 11 314 78 12 331 77 13 347 76 14 363 75 15 377 74 16 392 73 17 406 72 18 419 71 19 432 70 20 445 69 21 457 68 22 468 67 23 479 66 24 490 65 25 500 64 26 510 63 27 518 62 28 524 61 29 526 60 30 534 59 31 539 58 33 543 57 34 549 56 34 552 55 35 5 ●8 54 36 562 53 37 568 52 38 573 51 39 477 50 40 580 49 41 582 48 42 583 47 43 584 46 44 582   45 582   treating of compositions , mixtures and ingrediences for the making of yovr concaue , or hollow granadoes , both great and small , to be shot , or cast out of a morter , and also of your hand-granadoes , to be cast into a trench , a sapp , or the worke of an enemy . the eleventh chapter . first , take three parts of canon powder well pounded , and sifted , one third part of greekish pitch , & halfe the weight thereof in brimstone , mingle these two lightly together , and then add to them a half part of ordinary salt , and afterwards knead them well together , with oyle of linseed . this done , fill the pipe of a cain , with some of this paste , and commixture for a tryall of it : if it carryes the flame cleare and faire , and blowes out of the pipe , with an offensiue force , without cleaving to the pipe , into which it was put , then without all question it is a signe and token of the goodnesse and perfection thereof . now to charge a granado for your morter or bombard with this mixture , and ingredience : first you must take a round stick , to turn them about withall , of the bignes that it may go iust into the touch-hole of your granado , which you are to charge by reaching down to the very bottome of it , and giue it a stamp or two with the said stick , continuing so , filling and stamping it , untill you haue filled up the concaue of your granado up to the touch-hole of it within three or foure fingers breadth , then put into the pipe , or hole of your granado , an artificiall match , and fill it up round about the match , with the aforesaid ingrediences even up to the very top of it , which you may do with your finger , without the help of the stick , because the match will stand bolt upright in the hole , and in the verymidst of it . lastly take a peece of course linnen cloath and smeare it over with pitch and waxe well melted together , and lay it over the mouth of your touch-hole , in such sort , that the upper end of your match may peepe up a little through a small hole , made in your cloth , and then you must bind it hard about , by making your cloth fast to the mouth of the morter . there are divers other receits , both for the making of your compositions , for great and small granadoes , much differing one from the other , but of all others , this aboue is of excellent vse , and therefore it is needlesse for me to spend more time in the further search and discription of them : onely remember this for a generall rule , that in all compositions , mixtures , and ingrediences , they must all be well dryed , pounsed , and pulverized , but for your great morters , it will suffice if they be lightly broken , the fall , breaking , and operation of them , are able to teare , rend , and breake downe houses in peeces . the figures of the granadoes are marked abc vnder , the morter figure . the same ingrediences will serue also for your hand-granadoes if they be finely dryed , pounced and pulverized as is aboue-said , and thus much for your bombards morters and granadoes both great and small . treating of a pettard , which is a kind of a short peece of ordnance , devised of late yeares , for the blowing open of gates , ports and breaking down of draw-bridges , their making , use , and manner of charging are here discribed . the eleventh chapter . the modell or forme of a pettard , represented unto you in the next plate and figure , is not much unlike to a grocers , or an apothecaries spice-morter , and some are tapred much like a coopers payle , little deeper then the dyamiter of their mouthes but being not aboue ¾ in dyamitre at their bottome , or breech of their mouthes calibre , and in thicknesse of mettell ● of the dyamitre at their breech , and lessening by degrees in thick nes towards their mouthes , their magnitudes are some to hold but one pound of i owder , or lesse , and others to hold 50 pound or more , and they vsually allow foure pound of brasse , or fiue pound of yron , to cast a pettard for one pound of powder , and two hundred 50 pound of brasse , or 3 hundred pound for a pettard that shall hold fifty pound of powder , using those proportions diminished for lesser , and augmented for greater , as mr norton in his practize of artillery describeth . the demonstration thereof out of diego vffano . being massie and heavie ( whereof the figure a is the mouth , b the breech neere the touch-hole ) it must be carried upon a thick-board or planck , marked e e , and then layd upon a karr noted c d , which serues not only for the use of it , but also to raise it , when you are to hang and fasten it upon a port. this planchier in the midst , hath a round hole in it marked h , through which the nose , or mouth of your pettard is enchased . aboue it there are two yron rings to hang it on to two crochets marked g screwed fast into the port marked a with a match to giue fire unto it . a a are the bungs , or tampkins wherewith the mouth of the pettard is bunged up or stopped . the outside on which the planchier is enchased being three inches thicke is even and plaine , armed with strong plates of yron to defend it from splitting : it is also to be underpropped with the forked rest , and stayed in the ground at the hirder end to keepe it from recoyling . when you charge your pettard , you put a round stick into the very midst of the mouth of it down to the bottome , about the length of halfe a cube and some two fingers in circumference , & put no more into it at a time , then the better part of a pound of fine come powder , and so fill it litle and litle , stamping it well in , round about the said stick , with yron drifts or wodden stampers within the concaue of the pettard , vntill it be filled within one fingers breadth of the top and haue its due charge , then tume your stick in the midst about draw it out gently and fill up the hole out of which you draw the sticke with fine powder that when you are to giue fire at the touch-hole , the whole charge within may be fired in the twinckling of an eye , and having thus giuen it the full charge , then stop the mouth of it closse with the bung or tampkin noted a , which must be of the thicknesse of your litle finger , and lastly couer the mouth thereof with a thick waxed cloath , and power melted waxe vpon it some two fingers thick aboue the tampkin , & thus much for the charg ing of a pettard . now we come to the fastning and hanging it on a gate , to do this well , you must first scrue in fast into the gate the crochets marked g. and make choice as neere as you can of the weakest place of the gate or port , where it may easiliest be broken open , upon this hang your planchier and put the mouth of your pettard through the hole of the planchier aboue mentioned , then fasten it firmly to the port. there is also a third ring or a crochet , and the eare of your pettard through which you put a roap to bind your pettard fast to the port. and being thus fastened , and hung vpon a port , nothing remaines then , but to give fire to it , but your pettardier must haue a singular care , that he orders his match so , within the touch-hole , that is giues not fire too soon , but that he and the men which help him may haue leasure and time to come of with safety , before the pettard burst open the gate , least any be mischeived with the violence of the breaking of this diabolicall engine , which hauing taken its operation , and the gate flying open , your men must presently enter , but one caviat i must giue you by the way , that while they are a fastning and hanging on your pettard , to the gate , you must haue a speciall care , to look to the percullies , that it be well vnderpropped to keep it from falling , for i my selfe was onee vpon a peece of service at venlo , that yeere as the marquis spinola took in rhyn-berg , and having burst open one gate of the town , the petardier hanging his pettard vpon a second gate , a woman throwing a great stone down from the top of the wall fel'd the pettardier while he was a doing his businesse , which gaue the enemy so much time that they knocked down their percullis , and so catched some 30 of mounseur chastilons company between the last gate and the percullies , who first should haue entred the town , and being massacred and taken pirsoners , the surprising of that town by this accident failed . the figures following doth demonstrate all things vnto you that it may be the better vnderstood . a question propounded to the batavian inginiers , by master john baptista mathematician of antwerp , for the battering of a horne-worke . according to the proverb . let skill appeare by good demonstration . and dissolved and resolved by that famous mathematitian , master john stampion of the hagh in holland . the report ( ingenious batavians ) of some of your unskilfullnesse , hath spread it selfe farre abroad , and flown i know not into what country , and yet no speciall thing is come to the view of the world , whether out of your own selfe conceit , or from some blast of superbitie : it is so that i my selfe have thought good to propose this question unto your ingenuity , as a touchstone , that it may be dissolved , according to the true touchstone of that noble science of the mathematicks by which it may be known . the proposition is this . suppose a generall having approached to a certain hornwork which is here decyfered by the letter h. and hath come with his line or fapp near unto the moat of this horne-work , and there desires to cast up a royall battery in the place noted a. for to flanck upon e. d. and d. c. in such sort , that the force of the canon may beat aswell upon the face as upon the i lanck , to wit , proportio equalis , by an equall proportion . together that the two wings c. d. and g. i. and the distance g. d. which are all alike to each other , may be flancked with the lines and blowes , yet so , as the distance of the battery a. to the point c. be no more then sixty rodd or six hundred foot , and the breadth of the hom-work to be as m. n. or o. p. and being measured , is found to be 34. rodd , 7. foot , and 4. inches . the question is how this must be wrought . moreover of the same hom-work the face is as much as the two greatest valuation of 1. a. there a. 1. aaaaaaaa . 875. aaaaa . 3470. aaaa . 20640. aa . 104040. a. are alike to 5. aa aaaaa . 1147. aaaaaa . 28182. aaa . 118800. and the distance a. c. no surther then 900. foot . o. a. and the rest of the conditions as abovesaid . the question is to find out the breadth of the horne-work , and also the other parts as is abovesaid . the mathematicall dessolvtion vpon this antwerpian question : dedicated to all the lovers of that noble science , by master john stampion de john , mathematician . sirs . the wing of fame hath of late fluttered out that now our ingenuity is brought to the tryall of the touchstone , by proposing of a certain question under the name of senior john baptista of antwerp , whose pate is swoln with selfe conceitednesse and pride , which being not worth the answering , i will come to the solution of it , ra ●her to give satisfact on to our batavians , then to fulfill the desire of the propounder : and this may serve as an introduction unto it , to the end , that the honour which he doth assume unto himself , may not wholy be appropriated to him . the dessolvtion . let this figure above of a horn-work ( as hee saith ) be decyfered by h. whose breadth m. n. is known to be 34. rodds , 7. foot , and 7. inches , and the required battered noted a. whose place is likewise found out by the known conditions . the first co ●dition is , that the violence of the canon planted upon the battery a. beates with as much force upon the flanck e. d. as it doth upon the face c. d. whence it is manifest , that the angle of the espaule or shoulder edc . being devided into two equall parts with the right line t. v. d. a. that then this battery of necessity must come to be in the right line t. d a. secondly , that the face d. c. and i. g. and the distance d. g. may with the like canon shot be flancked and beaten upon by the battery a. that is , when as the angles i. a. g. g. a d. d. a. c. are alike one to the other , whence will follow , that through the five points , c. d. g. i and a. a circular circumference will passe . now for that which concernes the third known part , namely , as that the batterie a. must be no further from c. then sixty rodd , or six hundred foot , a. being the greatest distance in the circumference as is in the third booke and fifteenth proposition which is taken from of the middle-line of euclids propositions , we have found out according to this preparation , the middle line as c. y. to be sixty rodds , the right line c. i. to be nine 34. rodds , 7. foot , and 7. inches , or 34. 77 / 00 and the lines i. g. g. d. and d. c. to be answerable one to another . let g. now be the center , then substract i. g. and q. d. cutting through c. i. in a. and f. then will i. a. or i. c. be alike to one of the lines , i. g. &c. because now q. i. stands alike to i. g. as i. g. is alike to g. a. and by the fourth proposition of the sixt book , as q. a. is alike to a. f. so also q. g. is to g. d. or as i. g. is to g. a. the cube upon i. g. with the corps which is made upon the quadrate i. q. as superficies , and the depth i. c. are together alike to the corps upon the quadrate i. q. as superficies , and the depth to be three times the length of i. g. whence will follow , aswell by the corporall cutting of a dye , as we have shown in our new algebra which shall shortly god willing come out in english , as by sectione com. by which i. g. is found to make 28. ½ — v 263. ¼ so doth e. f. or d. c. likewise , and lastly the angle e. d. c. being devided into two equall parts by the precedent t. d. then you have the cutting of a. in the circumference out of q. where your battery is to be cast up . now whereas mr stampion hath not expressed the finding out of the face g. i. by reason of the little space contained therein , the more because he hath fully shown the dissolution thereof in his new algebra , we will here demonstrate the whole working thereof , how the face g. j. by his new algebra annexed hereunto is to be found out . the operation . setting down for g. i. x. so comes xxx + 31293 alike to 2700. x. or xxx — 2700. x like to — 31293. which is an equality in the third case of the algebra of mr. john stampion , which being changed by the second case comes to be xxx — 2700 x. as 3129. is alike , out of this vacant number 31293. is extracted a cubice-root , 2700. times , the side as mr. stampion teacheth in his new algebra , pag. 112. and 113. comes the valuation of x 57. whereof the whole working shall here be set down as followeth . the finding out of the first letter . the finding out of the second letter . this 57. is now the valuation of x as xxx 2700. x is like to 31293. for the same value the signe — set down commeth 57 , for the least valuation of the equality then in xxx — 2700 x is alike to 31293. now to find out by this 57. the length of the face , g. i. as followeth in the rule fol. 138. of his new algebra , that is , taking the half of 57. which is 28. ½ and multiply the same quadrate , and the product will be 812¼ . whose tripple is 2436 ¾ . and being substracted out of 2700. the number x. remaines 26 ; ¼ whose square root is v. 263. and being deducted from the half of 57. as being 28½ there remaines 28½ . — v263 . for the length of the face g. i. and e. f. and d. c. doth as much also . observe the manner of the operation . a dialogue . chapter ix . generall . having brought your approches neere unto a towne or a forttesse , whether would you choose a bulwarke or a curtaine to be battered with your ordnance ? captaine a. towne may be assaulted in divers places , sometimes you assault one side , when as you make your batterie on an other , sometimes you choose a bulwarke , otherwhiles a curtaine to be battered , with this intention , to take in the towne , assoone as possible may bee . as for mee , if i were to take in a great towne which is populous , i had rather choose to batter a curtaine , then a bulwarke , which hath a high catt , or mount upon it : especially , seeing that in great townes the bulwarkes lying one far from an other , they doe show the skirt of the curtaine very open . gen. why would you rather choose a curtain then a bulwark ? capt. because your bulwarks are alwaies stronger and better fortified then your curtain , and being as it is the principall strength of a place , and better furnished with platformes , flancks , &c. will require more time , labour , and charge to batter then your curtaine . gen. but what generall is so ill experienced , as to labour to batter a curtaine , having two strong bulwarkes on both sides of him , to flanker him when hee is to put over his gallerie , and to giue an assault upon the curtaine : peradventure for his labour and paines , hee may bee well beaten . capt. soft ( good sir , ) suppose that after a great deale of labour and paines you haue battered a bulwarke , and falling up to the breach to assault it , you finde it cut off , and an enemy lodged in it , must you not then beginne to sap forward againe , to make a new batterie , whereas on a curtaine there is not that meanes of cutting it off , as upon a large bulwarke . gen. haue you ever seene the experience of it ? capt. yes sir , the prince of orange tooke in the bosch by a bulwark , and also breda , but mastricht was taken in by making a breach , and springing of a mine , upon the curtain between jonger port and a bulwark , howsoever the town of cortes upon the frontiers of france , was first battered by the arch-duke of austria upon the point of a bulwark , neer unto the very ioynt of the curtain , where a high , and a strong turret stood , which did annoy us much , so that we could not advance forward , but were constrayned to leaue off our approach on that side , and began to make a new batterie for a breach in a curtain on the field-side , where there lay a strong bulwark to defend it , which did our men a great deal of harm , but wohsoever with great difficulty and much adoe , we took in the town that way , by lodging our selues in the curtain : likewise the city of cambray was battered , and taken in upon a curtain , for all there were two strong bulwarks that flanked it , which if we had run our line upon a bulwark , we should not haue forced it so soon , yea such an occasion might present it self , that a generall may be forced to batter both the one and the other , or to find out some secret way by undermining a wall , and blowing it up with powder . gen. this is for your great townes , but what say you to a castle , a cattadel , or some narrow fortresse , how will you goe to worke to take in those with the best advantage . capt. as for your forts , and castles , it is much better to batter them upon a mount or a bulwark , then upon a curtain : my reason is this , that in these your bulwarks lying close one by an other , will flank one an other with the greater force , and hide the curtain much better to defend it , so that one cannot so easily force it , if the said defences be not taken away . gen. go to then ; a town then being to be battered , either upon a curtain or a bulwark how many peeces of ordnance would you haue to do it , and how , and in what manner would you place , and plant your ordnance upon your batteries to make a good breach ? capt to effect this , i would haue 18. peeces of canon and halfe canon , ( for lesser peeces for batterie are novv grovvne out of use ) . gen. whether would you choose more whole canon or halfe canon ? capt. to batter a place well either upon an stony or a earthy wall , you may assure your self , the more whole canon you haue , the greater and the moresufficient your breach will be : for your great battering peeces doe spoile , and beate downe any thing , which doth meete with their great force and violence : howsoever of late yeares , experience hath taught at divers seiges that your halfe canon vvhich are more portable , having good store of them , vvill doe the businesse asvvell as your vvhole canon . gen. but at what distance would you make your batteries , for these 18. peece . of canons and how neere unto the place , which you intend to batter . capt. i would counsell a generall to approach as neere unto that place as possible may bee , and make his batteries some two or three hundred paces one from an other , and that if it were possible to advance covertly the approch and sap , even up to the counter-scharfe , and very brinke of the moate , to prepare a way for his gallerie : not onely to batter that place being at hand with the greater force , but also to keepe in , and hinder an enemie from sallying out upon the beseigers , to discover and dismount their ordnance in casemates , or if they haue sunke any in their walles or false-bray , and so to terrifie them , that they dare not stirre out . gen. i am also of your opinion , and hold it for good , yet i feare this will not be so soon done , and is sooner spoken , then executed , and that before you can bring your approach and sapp so far it will cost you warme blood , and a great many mens liues , if you haue a stout enemie within to deale withall , and one that is very vigilant , and carefull to stand upon his guard , and his defence . capt. t' is true , this cannot bee done without danger , and the losse of men , but hee that is fearefull must stay at home , and not come into the warres where there is neither place nor time , which doth free or exempt him from danger : yet the danger is not alwaies so great , especially in such places , where you haue earth enough to worke with , to cast up your sapps , and to heighthen and deepen your approaches , which will show you the more higher you finde the ground in approching to the edge of the moate , the deeper trenches you may make and cover your selfe by casting up of blinds continually , to keepe you from the sight of the besieged , and it is better when you haue brought your approach as it were under them , then if you were 200. or 300. paces distant from them . gene. i pray you good sir , how would you plant , and devide these 18. peeces of canon ? capt. i would make a great batterie with 8. of them to beate upon a right line , either upon a curtaine or the point of a bulwarke ( which the generall shall finde fittest ) two batteries with each 3. canon to play slope-wise from the great batterie as the ninth plate and 28. and 29. figures showes , and two batteries , with two halfe canon a peece to play as it were cross-wise upon the breach , and thus you see your 18. peeees planted upon 5. bateries , as you may obserue in the ninth plate and the two figures of a curtaine and of a bulwarke following . gen. good sir tell mee i pray you how many shot will these 18. peeces of canon make in 10. howers , and how much powder will they require . capt. in 10. howres they may make some 1500. shott , and will require a matter of 25000. pound weight of powder , that is 150. barrels full , each barrell contayning 160. pound weight in it . gen. you make your account then that every peece in the space of 10. howers is to shoot 80. shot , that is 8. shot an hower for every peece . capt. you may make 10 shot in an howre if you please , if your peeces be renforced , but as for your ordinary peeces , they haue not mettailline substance enough to beare it : considering also that after you haue made 40. shot out of a peece , it will be so heated , that it must haue a cooling time , which must bee at least an hower , for otherwise your peece being growne over hot , it may cause danger . gen. me thinkes that 80. shot for a peece in so long a time were too little , having often heard , that in that while , a peece may wellbe shot of 130. times , can you giue me your resolution upon this ? capt. i will tell you sir what hapned once in the iland of bomble anno 1599. we planted a peece by a mill , by which we did annoy the enemy very much , so that they were forced to make a battery , and planted a whole canon and a demy-canon upon it , seeking to dismount ours . now shooting with this peece from foure of the clock in the morning , till eleven toward noone , this peece had a cooling time the space of two howers , and about one of the clock , wee began to play with it againe , and continued shooting with it till 4. a clock in the afternoon : but this peece being not able to endure the force and heating of so many shot , we were constrain'd to leaue off with it and yet ceased not shooting with our other peeces from an other batterie by command from don lewes de valasco generall of our ordnance , and shooting croswise with some other of our peeces , wee put the enemies two peeces to silence in the space of an hower , a souldier of ours standing by , was curious to keepe a taily of the number of all the shot we made from the morning till foure a clock in the afternoone , and showed mee 80. notches , which deducting the two howers cooling , our peece planted at the mill made 8 shot in an hower , which was as much as could be required of it . senior diego vffano giue your translatour leaue to interrupt you a little , and so to conclude this discourse . if you remember at the seige of ostend which you mention often in your chapters and dialogues you were without , and i was within the towne , that on the seventh of january anno 1602. stilo novo , after sir francis vere of famous memory ( who defended and kept the towne against you ) had deluded you with a parley , onely to gaine time , and to make up our canon and sea-beaten workes , along the skirt of the old towne , his highnesse the archduke resolved to assault us , and that morning began to batter sand-hill and schotenburgh , to make a breach for you against that night , with intent to assault us ( as you did ) and to haue entred the towne , and haue put us all to the sword , the relation whereof you shall heare in the end of this booke . now you had placed and planted your 20. peeces of canon to batter them in this manner , 8. from your batterie at the foote of the downes , 8. from a batterie on the right hand of the downes , 6. more which you had made upon the sand , and as it were raised out of the sea : the first shot upon the breach in a right line , and the other 2. slopewise , as your two figures following doe demonstrate . these 20. peeces of canon towards noone had a cooling time , for a matter of some 2. howers , just as you haue said , and afterward you began to batter the breach and old towne againe , till it was almost twilight , and then they cooled againe , till you were readie to giue us an assault , and before you fell on as i doe well remember , you shot of one of your canons with a hollow bullet which flew over the towne and made a great humming noise as a warning peece to the count of bucquoy , who lay on the east side , that you were then ready to fall on , and that he should doe the like , this was your signall : now generall vere knowing well your intent , gaue order to the gentleman of our ordnance who had the guard upon sandhill , that hee should keepe a true taily , and an account of all the shot you made that day with your 20. peeces of canon upon the breach and the old towne which being cast up , there were found to be made that day from morning till night 2200. shot , which was found to be an 110. shotfor every peece , and 11 shot an houre for every peece , which is more then 8. but i verely beleeue your peeces were renforced . this by the way , and so i returne againe to your owne dialogue . gen. ( good sir ) i pray you show mee how you would batter the point of a bulwarke ( as the figure 28. following demonstrates , ) and giue mee some reasons aswell defensiue as offensiue . capt. i am willing to giue your lordship content , and say , if i were to batter the point of a bulwarke or a bastion , i would haue the same number of battering canon , and planted in the same for me and manner as they were for the curtaine and to shoot sloope and crosswise also , and if your approaches were advanced so farre they should be planted upon the very brinke of the moate and upon the counterscharfe , i would plant 4. of them so , that they should dismount the enemies canon in their casemates , or any if they had sunk them in their falsebray which should waite vpon that occasion . gen. i am of your mind and preferre such a battery before all others who are of the opinion that they had rather choose a curtaine then a bulwarke to be battered . capt. you haue heard my reasons for that , and see the figures following traced out to you . but as for your bulwark the besieged may cut it off ( as you may mark in the figurs of retrenchments and cuttings off in the second part of this booke ) for indeed it will be a hard matter to force an enemy out of a bulwark , who is resolved to loose it by peecemeale and degrees and there is not so much danger in assaulting of a curtaine , which being once well battered and beaten down with your ordnance , you have an easier way and entrance to fall on with your troupes of men , to enter the towne or fortresse , but for the defence which is made from your flanking bulwarks , or your casemates , you must make batteries upon the brinke of the moate against them , ( as is said ) to dismount the enemies peeces , and to flanker with your ordnance the parapets of the bulwarkes to beate them about their eares , that the bulwarks may lie the more open to you , and i think this way is the least danger . gen. but the besieged their cuttings off , may they not be made aswell upon a curtaine as upon a bulwark ? cap. no , for the rampier being thinner , you have neither so much ground , nor the like accommodation in a curtain as in a bulwark , and indeed , a governour of a town or of a fortresse if he were put to his choise , had rather to be assaulted on a bulwark ( then on a curtain ) by cutting it off into the form of a halfe moone , that he might make a new resistance , and defend it with a lesse number of men : besides , in a bulwark the besieged have this advantage over the assailants , which is very dangerous for them , that they may make a mine within the bowels of their bulwark , when an enemy shall attempt to assault it , and thinking to enter the breach , and take the town , they may be blown up into the aire by a countermine , the like also may happen to the besieged , the assaillants springing their mine also in a bulwark , when they think they stand upon their best defence . gen. may not the like be done also in a curtain ? cap. no , it will not take the like effect as in a bulwark , for a breach being once made in a curtaine , for as an enemy may assault it at large , so they may bring a greater number of men to fight to help to defend it , whereas in a bulwark they are pend up and straighted in a narrow place , which may be cut off , and will require a fewer number of men to defend it , whereas those which are to force it , must be constrayned to bring up a great many men to assault , who in an instant may be in danger of blowing up . gen. your reasons ( good captain ) are not to be slighted , but as for me , i hold it safer to batter and assault the breach of a bulwark then of a curtaine . for though the besieged may cut it off , and defend it with a fewer number of men , yet the assaulters have this advantage over the besieged defendants , that they have more place and elbow room , and may find a lesse resistance then in a curtain , seeing that one may make as great a breach in a bulwarke , as in a curtain , because your ordnance may beat it flat and levell with the ground , and choosing rather a bulwark : i will here with conclude this discourse , and now shew you the figures both of the one and of the other in this plate following . how a canonier ovght to governe himselfe in makeing of a good shott . chap. x. an occasion may happen sometimes , that a peece must be curiously , and iustly levelled , especially , when one is to dismount an enemies peece , which lies in some secret port hole or casemate , which may hinder and annoy the besiegers of a towne , or fortresse . it behooves then a good gunner , to know well the condition and quality of his peece , having had the triall of it many times . for it is impossible , that a canonier can , let him be never so expert , know what his peece will do before he hath practize and experience of it . he must not shoote at all adventures , neither must he in charging of it , ramme and stopp the powder too hard , but that it may take fire in the twinkling of an eye , and that his peece may not recoyle to much , for it is most certaine , the lesse the powder is rammed in , the lesse will be the recoyling of the peece , and the easier is the shott . the like consideration must he also obserue in his bullet , that it be not driven in too hard , but that it lies gently in the mould , and have such vent as is requisite . finally , hee must lay his peece by the quadrant aboue taught , and levell as they ordinarily use to do , taking his aime iust in the midst of the frizes , having marked wel with a small file the point or button of the sight , and this may be done very easily , if he hath a care to prevent all the accidents reckoned up in the 9 chapter especially , those which makes a peece shoot aside , considering that a good shot makes a canonier to be beloved and respected . the fittest peeces for this effect are your ordinary cannons , demy and quarter canon , your culverings , demy and quarter . such a good shot the generall ought to take notice of , and to recompence such a canonier liberallie , not onely to encourage him that made it , but also the other canoniers to do the like lewes collade in his manuell practize writeth , that at the seige of sienna there was a peece planted upon the lead , or walking place of the great church which overlooked the besiegers approches and did them much harme , and though many shot were made at it , yet they could not dismount it , till at last there was a germaine canonier found , which at the very first shot , did not onely dismount it , but also shot the canonier , and some that stood by him , making their leggs and armes fly vp into the aire . which the marquesse of martinia , generall of that army seeing , it pleased him so much , that he tooke a chaine of gold from off his neck , and gave it to this canonier , which had made so brave a shot , which did not onely encourage this canonier , but also stirred up others thereby to gaine the like recompence and reputation , when as occasion might present it selfe . the like was done also ( though not of that account ) at the fiege of ostend , there was a boat , which would come through the chanell into the towne , and running in , the rudder was shot off by one of our canon bullets , whereat the shippers were much affrighted , and withall let their anker fall , and were glad to save themselves by swimming into the towne , leaving so their boate riding at an ankor between the dike and the towne , which marques spinola perceiving , enquired among his captaines if there were ever a souldier so venturous as to swim to the boat and cut the cable of it , for which he should not onely be advanced but also he should be liberally rewarded . vpon this there were many brave souldiers offred to do it : but when it came to the push , and had stript themselues to go into the water , the enemy within powred so volley of shot upon them , that they began to flinch and grow faint-harted , the marquis being loath to venter his men , and to employ so great a courage for so small a matter , called them back againe . but at last there came an excellent canonier considering aswell the service that he might do to his marie , as the pleasure which the marquesse might take in it : offred himselfe , and intreated me being then generall of the ordnance , that i would be pleased to give him leave , that he might make some shot at it , with promise , that within two or three shot he would shoot the cable asunder , and make the boat come floating to us to the downes side . vpon this i gave him leave , though i feared , both powder , and bullets would be mispent : with the first shot he missed , but with the second he strake the cable in peeces : so that the boat indeed came floating to us . this brave shot pleased the marquesse exceedingly , and commending this canonier greatly , gave him a good peece of gold , or two & besides promised to advance him . it is true senior diego vffano , your translator being then page unto generall francis vere , who then commanded within this towne , was then a spectatour of it , and sir francis vere and divers officers which looked on , commended also your canonier highly , for making so brave a shot , but i will put you in mind of two or three other , more famous then that . if you remember , there lay a whole canon of ours upon the west bulwarke , which carried a bullet of 48. or 49 pound weight , and as it was a brave peece , so had it an excellent canonier , one francis nelson an englishman , who served queen elizabeth , of ever blessed memory , in the brill , he shooting so sure with it , that he dismounted 2. or 3. of your peeces which were planted vpon your high catt upon the downes , for a revenge you did make a battery of 2. or 3. canon to dismount our peece , and one of your canoniers made so good a shot , that he shot his bullet just into the very bore or month of our canon , ours being charged , your bullet and ours striking together in our canon , from that violent blow flew sparkes which gave fire to some loose cornes of powder which were not well driven home , and so our peece giving fire to it selfe , sent you backe your owne bullet , and ours to accompany it , without breaking or doing any harme to our peece , and this is most true , for there are some officers yet living that saw it . the second was this , you had a halfe canon that indevoured to dismount one of ours , which also sought to dismount yours , both canoniers having levelled their peeces as right as possibly they could , and giving fire at an instant together , your bullet and ours meeting one another in the aire , with the violence of that encounter , both bullets breaking , the peeces of them flew up as high into the aire as pauls steeple , if vandermyle the controuler of the states ordnance were alive , he could tell you that this strange shot is true , aswell as i. and now you are a discoursing , i will truly relate two or three more unto you which came from your catt , some of our run-awaies could tell and show you almost in what house generall vere lay in ostend , and you had a shrewd spight at him , for some dayes you have shot eight or nine canon shot through the upper part of his lodging , and one night amongst the rest , having bin the round , for he was very vigilant and careful to look to your proceedings , and by all means possible to hinder your approaches , comming home after sun rising , when he knew there was no danger , he went to take his rest for 3. or 4. houres , and lay downe and slept upon his bed in an upper chamber , awaking he called for a clean shirt , and while his footman was ayring of it before a charcoale fire in the chimney , while one that was then his page was a pulling a silke quilted was-coate over his eares , and calling for the shirt to put it over his head , his footman comming with it , just came a canon bullet of nine and forty pound weight , through a winescot bedstead just by sir francis vere and his page , the lacquey comming with the shirt , shot both his bowels and the shirt to pash , which bloud light and sprang on him and his page : was not this a narrow escape ? after this sir francis vere would lye no more in this upper chamber , but removed his owne lodging to another lower roome , howsoever from your high catt or mount you could finde us out againe . for a while after , sir francis vere going every night the round , and visiting the guards without the town , to discover how you did advance your approaches , and to make you buy that ground full dearly , the sunne being up came home to take his wonted rest , till ten a clock before noone , making our nights the dayes , and part of the day our night , for a resting time the same page after sir francis vere had called for him , came into his chamber , and having a little firkin standing by the hearth , in taking up a few charcoale ashes into it , comes an other bullet of some 48 pound weight from your catt , shootes through the utmost part of the chimney , a little above the mantle tree , and the bullet having come through a good part of the forehouse , and being somewhat deaded , fals just by the pages eares , into the very firkin , which the page was a putting the ashes into , brake it , and made a dint upon the hearth , all the ashes flying out , the page giving a leape towards his masters bed , for we could scarce see one another , because the ashes made such a dust , and presently fell downe above twenty great brick-bats , which the bullet had loosened in the chimney ( had he not leapt away ) upon his head , this was an other escape , but for a revenge the page got one of sir francis veres centinels , that stood in the streete before his dore , to crue up this bullet in a wheel-barrow up to the west bulwarke , to the english canonier before mentioned , and because you write in your former dialogue , that one bullet may fitt the calibre or bore of another peece , this bullet fitted so justly our canon above mentioned to a a haire , which was sent going to you again , piping hot out of our canon to your catt : and he made so good a shot , that i verily beleeve , he sent some of you to purgatory , for we could discover some armes and legges which flew up into the aire , and so you were paid with your owne coine . one or two more , and then i have done , you may remember the seventh of ianuary , that day which you did batter sandhill , and the skirt of the old town afore mentioned , for all your often shooting , yet there was one halfe canon lay upon it , not farre from your breach undismounted . the same page , after he had taken his levell , gave fire upon two horses and a waggon which came riding along the strand from albertus sconce , towards your pile battery , it seemes laden with powder or bullets , he made so direct a shot , that he strook his mark , killed one of your horses , and the waggon shot a peeces . the page being overjoyed with this shot , he would needes make an other , and whiles he was a levelling his peece at an other marke , one of your canoniers turnes a peece aside from the pile batterie , and shoots just in at the very port-hole of our halfe canon , and came so right , that it licked off a pound or two of the mettle of the muzzle upon the upper frizes of our halfe canon , some peeces of this mettle killed a gentleman that stood by as a spectatour , and shot sir john ogles cooke into his belly , which was there likewise , but the page which stood behind the brich , a levelling the peece with his thumbe , escaped , and had no harme , but your bullet flying by his eare made such a humming noise in his head , that he thought there had been a swarme of bees in it . this i have written , not for any ostentation , but onely to shew you how miraculously ( yea even in the greatest dangers ) god can preserve his servants , according to his promise : psal. 90. verse 7. a thousand shall fall at thy side , and ten thousand at thy right hand , yet it shall not come nigh thee . one more , and then i will end my digression : at the last seige of the bosch the yeere we took it in , anno 1629. we having advanced our approaches close under your little skonce , a musketteir of ours , putting the nose of his musket through the musket baskets to give fire , one of your firelocks lying upon the snap for him , gave fire upon him iust at the very same instant , and shot his firelock bullet right into the very mouth or boore of his musket , so that the bullet striking against the scrue of his brich , brust open the touch-hole of his musket , and a peece of the bullet came out of the said touch-hole , while the prince of orange , sir horace vere , colonell generall of the english , and diverse other officers stood by , and thus you see how wonderfully it pleased god sometimes to preserue his creature . now i come to you againe , where you exhort all master-gunners , and canoniers , that will studie this art , that they with great care and diligence practise these rules abouesaid , for the levelling , ayming , and taking their markes right , remembring , that there is more dexterity , and cunning to be showne in shooting at a ship , sayling away swiftly before the winde then at a troupe of horse , or men marching softly upon the land , or to dismount a peece planted upon a tower or a bulwarke , where you haue an immoveable marke , especially when as you are to shoot upward . this art must be learned and practised , when you haue not much to doe , that when necessity cals for your employment , you may then not onely be able to doe your prince and countrey service against their enemies , but also gain your selfe fame and reputarion . now hauing treated at large in the former chapter , how you shall levell your peece point blanck , levell with the mettle or at a range ; according to the elavation you giue it , to shut vp all , take this observation along with you , that if the muzzle of your peece , or the button of it be higher then those of the brich , then it will carry ouer , againe , if you take your aime from the button resting onely vpon the thicknesse of the mettaline-substance , your bullet will alwaies fall short . but if your frizes , be alike , aswell at the muzzle as at your brich , then you shall be sure to shoot levell with the mettell of your peece , & shall not faile to strike the marke you shoote at if it lies within the termes of the pointes aboue esaid . now and in what manner a generall of the ordnance ought to plant his canon in a day of battell , whereby hee may most annoy an enemy . lutracted out of the second treatise of don diego vffano his fift dialogue between the generall of the ordnance , and a captain , as followeth . generall , sir , i would fain know of you , how ordnance ought to be placed in a day of battell , for to gaule the enemie most ? captain , i make no question but your lordship having had experience in the wars of savoy and hungarie , can tell better then i am able to speak , and if i should use a tedious discourse , it might then seem that the scholler might presume to teach his master . gen. howsoever , in such a case i would willingly take the advice of an old experienced souldier , and especially of such a one , who hath served in these parts . as for me , i dare not boast of any great experience , having had enough to do to look unto my owne affaires , neither have i had much leasure to inform my self well about artillerie . but now seeing i am to receive that charge upon me , i pray you tell me , as a man who hath been beaten thereunto , and hath had long experience in the warres , how they do use to plant ordnance in these quarters . capt. sir , there hath been but a few battel 's fought in these parts , and to speak truly i am not able to satisfie you touching this point . neverthelesse , i will tell you what i have seen in two , wherein i was present . in the one the ordnance was planted in the head of the battalions , and in the other between them , two by two , and three by three , upon the flanks and wings of the muskettiers , and blinded with the wings of the cavallerie . but as for me , i am of the opinion that it is best to plant some peeces in the front of the armie , which may play upon the enemies troopes on all sides : seeking out alwaies for this effect , some places of advantage to place them in , that you may not be in danger of loosing your peeces . and though you cannot get such an advantage , yet your peeces being in the head of your battell , will be of lesse service , because when you are to come to the chock and ioyning of battels , they may in some wise annoy your own men , which i saw in one of these battels abovesaid . gen. therefore i think it were fitter they should be placed upon both the flanks , and in the reere of the battaillions , by leaving a free place of armes , which may give no offence to our own men . capt. i can hardly beleeve ( illustrious sir ) that that would be so expedient , for an enemie perceiving that the front is left bare without ordnance , he will take the more courage to fall on , and come up to the charge : therefore , i hold it more fitting , that the artillerie may be devided some here some there , both before the front , and upon the flanks , placed some fifty or an hundred paces one from another , and then there will be no danger when the enemie shall come up to chock , to encounter you , or offend our own men , especially when they are fastened to them by drawing-ropes and yron rings , that upon an instant they may be remooved and turned for the advantage of our own troops , and give fire as fast as they can charge and discharge among the enemies troops , which is a matter of great moment for the obtaining of a victorie . but it happens very seldome that such convenient places can be found for the planting of ordnance in a battell , as were to be wished , for oftentimes one shall be driven of necessity to make choice of such places as the ground will afford , by reason of woods , hills , marish grounds , and such like disadvantagious places as you may meet withall , and for which one can give no certain rule , but that the generall by his wisedome and discretion may make choice of the best advantages , which may annoy the enemy most , and give the least offence to his owne men , either by dazling them by the sun , the raising of dust , and which way the wind drives the smoak , both of ordnance and small shot , which though little in themselves , yet may prove to his men great impediments and disadvantagious . but leaving these things , we will now return again to our former discourse , because your lordship is of the opinion that the ordnance ought rather to be planted upon the wings and flanks of the battailions then otherwise , which i dare not approve of , in regard that when the troops are to encounter with the enemy , and come up to the charge , our own men may be more annoyed by our own ordnance ( which may breed a confusion ) then the enemies ; when as the wings of our horse which are upon the flanks shall come up to charge the enemie , so that our own peeces might puzzle them greatly , when as they are to play from the flanks , besides the mischief which might happen among our own men . therefore one ought to be very carefull and circumspect in planting them , and this is that which out of my own experience i am able to say upon this question . wherefore i do advise every captain of the ordnance , and master-gunners , to use some light field peeces , and small drakes , which upon every occasion may be remooved from one place to another , and couragiously advanced to the places of most advantage , which might offend the enemie . gen. sir , the reasons you use have given me good satisfaction , but i pray you resolve me of one thing more , that is , how a generall of the ordnance ought to carrie himself in the day of battell . capt. in such a time the generall is to show most his wisedom , discretion and experience , which chiefly consists herein , that he and his lieutenant keep their train together in good order , to have a vigilant eye upon all accidents that may fall out , and to make choice of such ground for the planting of his ordnance as the generall of the army and he shall think best , to see that all things be in a readinesse , the ordnance well placed , and that the master-gunners , gentlemen of the ordnance , and canoniers do their best endevour , and acquit themselves like men . it is partly also his charge to see that the whole army be well provided with munition , as powder , bullets , and match , because the ammunition marches under his train , he is to be near the generall of the armie upon all occasions , to receive his directions and commands , and to see them executed speedily , and to know of him after what forr ● he will make his battell , that he may plant his ordnance accordingly , and so to find out hils and heights , to play over his own men , and offend the enemie most . and when an enemy shall present himself , and come up to the charge , to draw and plant his ordnance as neer their horse as possible may be , to hinder them from breaking in upon the divisions of foot , taking along with him saylors and pioniers to help to draw up the ordnance , and sufficient guards to defend them , and this is that which in so great a businesse is the charge and duty of the generall of the ordnance , and which may be required of him . gen. captain , this discourse hath pleased me well , and given me good contentment , and i am glad that i met with you upon this occasion . adieu . the tenth chapter . treating of the divers sorts of bridges used in the service of the lords the states of the vnited provinces . many a brave occasion in the warres hath bin lost for want of bridges to passe over a river a brook , or a moate , therefore the states for any peece of service , have alwaies diverse bridges in a readinesse , both small and great . the smaller sort for any suddain enterprise , or for putting over the moat of a town , a hom-work , or a half moon are 3. as first a corke bridge now not in use , secondly a bulrush bridge , the peeces whereof are ten foot long , and six or seven foot broad , that foure men may go over them in front , described unto you in my second part in the chapter of approches , figure 159. whereof many peeces being joyned fast together with ropes and ankors , will lay a bridge over a moate , a brook , or a ditch for men to passe over , the third sort is a wicker , or a basket bridge , as shall be hereafter described . moreover they have three sorts of other bridges , namely , a small boat bridge , with beames , plancks , roaps and ankors , which are carried upon long waggons in the army , whereof you may see one of them in this treatise , chapter the third , figure ten , of these we have commonly twelve , that goes along with our army upon a long waggon , drawne with 15. couple of horses , and a thillet horse . besides those above mentioned , there are two great bridges , the one called a punt bridge , which is laid longwaies , end to end over the rhine , or any other great river , and the other a maze schip bridge , as you shall see in the figure following . command then being given to the captain of the bridges and his men , for the first they lade ordnance , and all manner of equipage in those great punts , as beames , plancks , cordage , cables , anckors , windlasses , winches , and all other necessaries , to bring them up to the rendevous . now when the captain of the bridge is to lay a great punt bridge over the rhyne , or the whale , as at nemegen , schencksconce , wesell , or at rhenebergh , taking first the breadth , and distance of the river from the one side to the other , they can easily give a gesse , how many of these punts being 50 foot long , and 10. foot broad , will serve to reach over the river . the first punt then being laid longwise from the edge of the one side of the river being fastened to two great stakes ( and anckers ) driven into the ground , they then lay at the furthest end of the first punt . and other punt laying brush at both ends of the punts , which rises and falls , that horse and waggons may passe over them , and alwaies fasten and bind them together with ropes and cables which stayes the punts , by casting out ankors and cables into the streame , to hold them fast together , and thus they do till they have laid over 15. or 16. of these long punts which will reach over from the one to the other side of the river , at the end whereof there are cast up two halfe moones , ( if it be not neare a town , and a steckado or two gats made , that none may passe over it without leave , having alwaies a guard to defend it and keep it from burning . number 37 is the figure of a peece of a basket bridge , such a one as was used at our last enterprise upon hulst , made of wicket , about the bignesse of ones middle finger , with supporters of wickers within it , as hedges , a foot distant one from another , to strengthen it , and helpe it from bending , when one goes over it , being also matted in the bottom , and covered round about with waxed canvas , being carried between two men , with two coole staves some 13 foot long , as two men carries a hand barrow , being laid crossewise peece to peece , and fastened together with ropes , and at both ends anckors , the length whereof from a to b is 6. foot , and the breadth from c to d two foot and a half , and is a foot in heigth , so that 2 men in front may go over a moat upon any surprisall of a towne . number 38 is a maze bridge laid crossewaies , such a one as our army passed over the maze at the grave , venlo , and mastricht , having beames some 15 or 16 foot long , and crosse beames over the maze schips , with plancks from the one side of the river to the other , and is held fast together by cables and anckors , as the figure following of such a bridge doth demonstrate . number 39 is the figure of a mathematicall horse watermill , first invented by vitrivius , and is of singular use for the drayning out of water in marrish groundes and places , being drawne but with one horse , as the figure demonstrates , and by relieving it with fresh horses and a driver may go night and day : the experience whereof we saw at the seige of the bosch , what abundance of water twenty of them drayned out of the overflowne meddowes and the river of the dummell , which did helpe and further our approaches greatly . number 40. is the figure of a water scoupe , made after this manner following , first you take three long pooles or sparrs , and at the top bind them together with a match or a cord , from the top whereof discends an other cord , which is bound fast to the hast of the scoupe , as you may see , and the feet of the sparrs put into the ground triangular wise , with which you see the figure of a man casting water out of a moate or a ditch . this plate p following will shew you the figures of all that is said above . the demonstration of a copper oven , a kneading trough , and a bread chest , with the appurtenances thereunt o belonging . nvmber 41. is the figure of a new invented copper oven , set upon three iron chimnies for the baking of bread for an armie , having at both ends two mouths or doores , which opens and shuts , whereof the length of one of them from a to b is nine foot long , the breadth from c to d is three foot , the heigth from e to f to the top is a foot and a halfe , and the bottome upon which the bread bakes marked g h is two foot and a halfe . this oven ( as is said ) stands upon three iron chimnies , noted 1. into which fuel and turf is put to heat this oven , how many loafes , and pounds of bread it will bake in three houres , the list following will show you . number 42. is the figure of a kneading trough , which from k to i is seven foot long , and from m to n is two foot broad , the ledge or cover o is three foot high , and the bottome p is almost two foot broad , to this kneading trough , you must have water pailes , dow knives , peeles , to draw out the batches of bread , and all other necessaries belonging to a baker . number 43. is the figure of a bread chest very usefull in the warres for the carrying of bread and bisket upon a march , whereof the length from q to r is eight foot long , the bredth from s to t is foure foot long , the height from u to w is three foot to the cover , and the roofe or cover from w to x is likewise three foot high . this bread-chest being set up a waggon , and drawne with three lustie horses , will carry a thousand , yea twelve hundred pounds of bread or bisket , if need require the figures follow . the demonstration of materials vsed in ovr warres for the making of trenches , approches , saps , and works of fortification , as followeth . number 44. is a short plated shovell to work in a sapp or in a gallery . number 45. is a long plated shovell . number 46. is an iron crow , or a goats foot . number 47. is a hatchet to cut wood with . number 48. is a mattock . number 49. is a spade with plated iron . number 50. is a sod-spitter . number 51. is a pickaxe . number 52. is a two handed rammer to drive palizadoes into the ground . number 53. is a wheele-barrow to carry earth and sodds in , for the making up of workes palizadoes of two sorts you shall find in my second part in the chapter of approaches . figure 166. and frize ruyters or turne-pikes in the same chapter , figure 165. and foot angles or foot tanternailes in the same chapter figure 147. all other warrlike preparations , and neceessaries you shall find in the list following . the office , and charge of the generall , or master of the ordnance , and all other officers subordinate vnder his traine of artillerie munition , and victuals , as the particular lists of all preparations , and necessaries belonging to an armie shall be here demonstrated . the generall or master of the artillerie ( as is showne in my second part of the chiefe officers of the feild pag. 9. ) is a very honorable charge and hath command and super intendencie ouer all the ordnance , armes , munitions , engines , materials & instruments for worke , yea , of all things belonging to the ordnance , and hath also absolute commaund ouer all inferiour officers appartayning to the traine of the ordnance , as ouer the lieutenant of the ordnance , the controuler , the clarke , of the amunition , and materials , the gentlemen , of the ordnance , and master gunners , canoniers , armores , inginiers , the captaines of the pyonters , and mineurs , ouer all smiths . carpenthers , and wheel wrights , ouer all artificers , and handie-crafts-men , and all such as doe attend vpon the tràine of the artillerie , munition , and materials . and when the armie is to goe into the feild , he sends his wartants and patents out to all officers vnder his charge , to meete him at the rendevous . now for the better helpe , and discharging of his office , he hath a lieutenant of the ordnance allowed him , who in his absence hath absolute commaund also ouer this traine , and is giuen him as an assistant , to helpe him in the execution of his commands . and because the generall , or master of the ordnance , is commaunded in his commission , and perticular instruction , to keepe a perfect account of all great , and small peeces of ordnance , equipages , munitions , materials , &c. he hath allowed him a controuler of the ordnance , which controuler is obliged , and bound to keepe a pertinent list of all the peeces of ordnance great & small in the arsenals , and magazines , belonging to the land , registring the weight of them , the armes , and other things , that stand vpon them , as likewile what weight euery bullet is , which euery peece of ordnance doth shoote , who cast them , how they came to belong vnto the land , moreouer , to keepe notice of all carriages , wheeles , plated , or vnplated , yea off all thingselfe belonging to the traine of the artillerie , as maye appeare more at large in his instruction . vnto this traine of the ordnance there are allowed two commisses , or clarkes , one for all things appertaining to the ordnance , the other ouer the munition , armes , materials , tooles , and ouer all other necessaris , belonging to the armie , as shall appeare in the list following . the councill of state , having resolued for the feild , they send for the controuler of the ordnance , and giues him a list of all necessaries belonging to the canon , where of the controuler deliuers a coppie of yt to the clarke of the ordnance , who receiues charge to take on certaine conductours to the number of some 40 , that by their helpe and care , all things contayned in the list , maye be in good order taken out of the arsenals and magazins of the land , and to see them well embarked , or put vpon wagons to be brought with all expedition to the rendevous appointed , and because the ordnance , munitions , and materials maye be taken out of seuerall townes and magazins , he gives to euery conductour his charge in writting , to lade such ordnance , munition , & meterials , in those places as he is appointed which they are to shipp , and bring them vp to the place designed , as they will enswere to the contrarie , if any thing should be lost . a list , or supposition . what ordnance , munition , matterials , and other necessaries , are vsefull to be carried into the feild with an arime , as followeth . imprimes for batterie 6. whole canons reinforced , 14 demy canons reinforced , 6 long feild peeces , carrying a bullet of ó lb. weight , 16 short demy drakes , of 24 lb. bullet , 12 quatre canon drakes of 12 lb. bullet , 12 short drakes , or sakers of 6 lb. bullet , & 14 small drakes of 3 lb. bullet making in all 80. for ó whole canon spare cariages , 6 for the 14 demy canon drakes 8 for the quarter canon drakes , 6. for the faulconets , and saker drakes 12 , facit in all 29. spare ship carriages for these severall peeces of ordnance 20. spare wheeles proportionally for the ordnance aboue speecifyed of all sorts . 20. fore-waggons , or carriages 80. spare wheeles for the fore sayd carriages 22. block waggons & long waggons to lay , ordnance on , 25. spare fore and after wheeles 12. spare thillers for the block wagone 3. spare long waggons for the block waggons 2. spare axeltrees , and draughts 3. sledges , to draw ordnance on 8. fearnes , or windlaces compleat 8. eshellets , ormartinets . 6. yron crowes , or goats feete , handspikes , and levers of all soorts . 20. brasse pullies , or truckles 20. winches , or the endless screwes 12. yron bolts . 10. spare kanns of salett oyle , for the engines abouesaid 6. tarr , or grease boxses , 25. spare hoggs-grease for the carriages . 1300. for every peece of these ordnauce abouesaid , three ladies , three rammers , and 3 sponges a peece facit 240. spunge copper nailes 1200. sheepe skinnes , to make spunges off 400. wooden levers for the ordnance 50. yron crowes 20. for 6 whole canons bullets of 48 lb. 2000. for 14 demy canons , bullets of 24 lb. 3000. for 6 feild peeces , o ● demy culvering of 12 lb. 1500. for 16 faulconets of 6 lb. bullet 1000. for the demy canon drakes of 24 lb. 2500. for the quarter canon drakes of 22 lb. 2100. for the sakers of 6 ib. bullet 2100. for the small drakes of 3 lb. bullet 2200. the gabinen and canon bassketts , are made in the feild , some 6. or 6. and a halfe foote high , and 3. foote in dyamiter , and costs 18. sts . d'peece latton , boxses for the cartredge shoot for every peece 100. facit in all 4000. powder for these 80 peeces of ordnance 400000 lb. match in bundles 300000. pouch-barrils for the charging of ordnance with each a wodden hammer , and his dich 80. haire-cloaths 100. hurdles to plant ordnance on which are stiff 500. hand barrowes 50. musket baskets of all soorts . 1200. woodden hoockes 20. thiller harnase compleate 150. spare roapes & other harnase . 150. plated crosse staves for the drawing roapes after every couple of horses 189. whip cord to binde with all 1000 paire . horse collars . 800. drawing roapes of 40 fadome a peece 30. half drawing roapes 30. steering-roapes 60. windlasse roapes 8. strycking roapes 8. drawing lines ●0 . neck lines to drawe up shipping , or use full about ordnance 40. ramming blocks to drive in piles , in the ground 12. small rammers to drive in piles 10. spare roapes 12. great yron hammers 7. beames , and underlayers for plat-formes , and other vses . 10. foote longe 500. planckes for bedding & other vses 4000. sparres 6000. spades 1000. showells 2000. axses 500. hatches 500. hand billes 500. pick axses 300. mattocks 300. yron hammers for the greacers of ordnance 12. lanternes 30 lb. candlet 300. frie-lights to putt in pitcht roopes 20. leather pailes to quench frie with all 30. canvas peeces , to make blinds with 30. pack thred 20. saile yarne 4 lb. firkins of ronnd pitcht roopes 12. bolts , and clenchers for the axeltrees of carriages , and the block-waggons 60. bolts for the thiller carriages 60. bolts and clenchers for the long waggons 60. after hookes for the carriages 20. after nailes 50. spare clenchers and wedges for the ordnance 40. wedges for the block and long waggons 160. small sheires , with bolts and rings 100. shieres with chaines 30. nailes for the bolts 150. great yron nailes 150. yron staples 100. latton boxses with cartriedge shott 1000. towe of diverse sorts 100 lb. bundles of roapes and cordage 10. nailes 8 ynches long 600. nailes 7 ynches long 2000. nailes 6 ynches long 6000. nailes 5 ynches long 12000. double sizd nailes 20000. single sized nailes 20000. small nailes and lath nailes of all sorts 20000. bundles of barre yron 400 lb. plate yron , and small barres for smiths 3000 lb. of staue steele 1000 lb. item all smiths tooles , and vtensiles . all carpenrers tooles , as many as shal be need full . two great morters , mounted vpon their carriages . one small morter for each 100 granades of 160 lb. fore he great , and 100 granadoes of 20 lb. for the esser . hand granadoes to cast into saps , trenches , and workes . a list of some other materials , and necessaires , which the clarke of the materials vses to carrie with him to the feild , to make a magazine of in the army as followeth . pouder for muskettiers 500000 lb. match in bundles 80000. sow-lead to cast muskett bullets with 50000. moulds of 12 bullets a peece to cast in 50. haire-cloaths to cover the powder with 60. a great many of old peeces of sailes to make blinds with 1000. spare musketts 500. spare musket rests 1000. spare bandeliers 500. spare muskett stockes 300. pikes 16 foote long besides the head 2000. half-pikes with loops staue-feete 300. corslets , and head peeces 300. armors of proofe with caskets of proofe 100. iavelines double pointed , with yron to putt through the tres of turnepikes 1500. match-hornes to blinde light matches vpon an enterprize 3000. running waggons with two wheeles , and iavelins put through the axeltres 300. short palissadoes to driue into the ground with long tenter nailes 6000. yron hammers to strick the nailes in 50. wodden hammers to breck open the barrils of powder 200. great boorers to boore holes with 〈◊〉 . twelue firkins of foote angles , or foure square tenter nailes 12000. yce spurcs with lachets 6000. peeces of bulrush bridges for an enterprise to passe ouer a moate , or ditch 150 peeces . hand-barrowes to carry sodds 150. shippers hookes short and long 150. long yron rakes with 3 or foure teeth 150. great beetlets 1000. water scupps 200. mathematicall water horse miles , to drayne out water , se figure 37. 3. spiters to spit sodds with all 300. bagger netts to worke in a gallery 25. crooked yron showels , with long hafts to worke in a gallery 12. spades 10000. showells plated . 2000. mattocks 1000. pickaxses 600. great yron hammers to breake stone walles with 100. axses of all sorts 1200. hatchets and hand bills 100. great pincers 8. great and small hammers 38. tron crowes of all sorts 30. draggs 25. nailes both greate and small enenuto lath nailes of all sorts 200000. lanterns and blinde lanterns of all forts 40. candles 400 lb. torches 565. fire-lights 25 and pitch roapes 600 peeces . barrils of pitch 6. barrils of tarre 4. woll-sacks 200. howerglasses 50. vntempered chaulk in barrils a last . ship-katroles of all sorts 220 single . double ship katroles 70. drawing lines to draw shipping against the streame 60. baggs to fill earth withall vpon an approach 2000. ammanition chests to put them in 6. blinds of kanuas 150 foote long each peece 200. plancks , sparrs , heames of all forteg ood slore for ordnance , palissadoes , galleries , and other workes , some shorter , and some longer as occasion maye serve . great block pile-driuers , with al their roepes , and appurtenances 2. tow-handed rammers for two men to driue in pallissadoes with 20. 50 peeces of bulrush bridges , couvered ouer with kanvas , with their ropes , & coards to fasten them one to on other and ankors each peeces being 10 foote long , & of ●ote broad , corke bridges each bridg contayning 10 peeces ioyned to gether , & each 10 foote long 2. cordage of all soorts 400 lb. windlases or winches 2. leather pailes to quench fire with 300. handsawes , two handed sawes , and great timber sawes 250. anger 's of all sorts , wimbles , & adases 50. good slore of carpenters . all things necessarie for 100 karres , to carry earth in compleate wheele barrowes 2000. spare wheels and yron pinne for them 500. single sawne plāckes for the wheele barrowes 300. quarter staues , or great beacons to lay out the quarters with all with flaggs 200. haspels , and turne pikes , with their iavelins small and great 100. by this list abouesaid , one maye eassely vnderstand , what munitions , materials , and necessaries are need full to be carryed into an armie , of all which the clarks of the amu nition , and the materials shalldeliuer them out by the helpe of their conductors , as the occasion of the maye service require , and also receiues them into their custodie againe . the waggon master generall , his lieutenant , and conductours march vnder the traine of the ordnance . before the armie rises to the feild , the lord generall sends out writs for the waggon master generall , that he shall send for his conductours , to presse and take , vp so many waggons , as the greatnesse , or litleness of the army maye require , it maye be in every quarter 6 , 7 , 8. yea 1000. waggons , and each waggon to be furnished with three lusty horses , and a dryver , every weggon having 3 gilders a day , so long as the armie is in the feild , and the conductours 30. stivers per diem . a list of the waggons to beemployed as followed . first for the generall of the ordnance his traine 150. for the lord generall him self , as many as his traine shall require . for princes earles , and lords voluntiers as many as they shall have vse for . for the lords the deputed states for the armie as many as they have vse for . for the clarke of the munition , and his traine ineluding also the controuler , inginiers and conductour two compaines of pyoniers , and the carpenters 120. for the sariant majour generall of the armie 2. for the commisse or klark of the victuals and his traine 320. for the quarter-master generall of the foote 2. for the provost marshall generall 3. for the three principall chiurgians of the army 3. for the treasurer of the armie 3. for the waggon-master generall , his lieutenant , conductours , wheele-makers , smiths , & tow-workers 7. for the quarter-master of the horse 1. for the lieutenant generall of the horse 6. for every colonell of the foote some 3 some 4 , according to the greatnesse of their traine , a lieutonant co ●onell 1. for every sariant majour 1. for every quarter-master of the foote 1. for the preachter of a regiment 1. for every foote companie in the armie 1. the bridgmaster hath vnder his charge all sorts of punt bridges & small boate bridges : the ordnance and all things else carried vp to the rendevous in punts . the commise generall or clarke of the shipping when the armie is to goe into feild is to send forth two conductours to presse so manye ships in every towne and quarter , as the generall shall give hrm order for , and as the greatnesse of the armie maye require . a list of the baggage shipps , and for all officers that followes the army . for every colonell and the chiefe officers of his regiment ships 3. for every troupes three of horsse 1. for the lord generall and his traine 21. for the lord marshall 5. forforrain lords and earles 28. the quartter-master & the provost goe in the ship appointed for the officers of the feild for each captaine of the pyoniers a ship 3. for the theasieier of the army 1. for the advocate fiscall & his recorder 1. for the chiefe master gunner 1. for the captaines of the carpenters 2. for the prevost marshall generall 1. for the generall of the ordnance 1. for the klarke of the ammunition 1. for the klark of the ordnance 1. for the klarke of the victuals 1. the waggon-master generall 1. the captaine of the kanon horses 1. the commise or klark of the shipping 2. the sariant majour generall of the amy 1. the quarter-master generall 1. the controuler of the artillerie & munition 1. the controuler of the fortifications 1. the inginiers , and their assistants 1. the prevost marshall ouer the shippers , and saylours 1. ships allowell for the transporting of sick and wounded souldiers 20. spare ships for forraine lords and voluntiers 10. for the prevost marshall generall of the cavaillerie 1. for the physician and apothecarye of the armie 1. besides all these every companie so long as they lye a ship board have three , foure , or fiue ships comming out of garrison till they march a land , where of some of these ships have three gilders , some a rixe dalder , others two gilders a day , according to their hurden . the commisse or klark generall ouer the victuals , hath superintendence and care ouer all manner of victuals , as also victuallers and sutlars , which followes the armie , and hath under his charge diverse conductours , and bakers as the service maye require . first if be a long expedition , so that noe bread , or victualls can come vp to the army from the shipping by convoy , or to any towne beseiged it wil be needfull for him to have meale barriled vp 156 lb. in a barrill 3000 barrils which 3000. barrils will require 600 waggons . for the keeping of it in shipping before it be loaded on waggons he must have 5. conductours , and ships 9 all necessaries must he have also belonging to bakers , and bakers . as also 40. kopper ovens such as yow see figure 47. each oven carryed vpon a waggon , troughs , dowknifs , pailes for these 40. kopper ovens sixe great kitchin tents , with two or three chimneies in them . now one oven being 9. foote longe , and 2½ in breath , wil bake in three howers a batch of 50. long loaves of bread each loafe a foote long , & 5. ynches broad , which bakes at a time , 300 lb of bread , and one oven will bake in 24. howers 300 loaues of bread , which makes 1800. lb. and 40 of these ovens being well heated , will backe 6. times in 24. howers , 12000. loaves , which at 4. lb. each loase , comes for one day to 48000. lb. and for two dayes if the armie rests 96000. lb. a reasonable proportion of bread 960000 lb. item chiefe for the army in store 500000 lb. the demonstration for the quartering of the generall , or master of the ordnance , and all subordinate officers marching vnder the traine of the artillerie . first this quarter is in breadth , or front from a. to b. 600. foote , and from b. to c. is 300. foote in depth , which never takes vp any more ground in depth , but onely the ordinary measure , for all the streets in yt , are but 20. foote broade , and are marked d. e , & is the parke or empalement of the generall of the ordnance is ground , with his attendants , men , and horses , as yon maye evidently see in the raized figure . num. 1. is here a parke or a square of 100. foote : in which parke his tents , and measures are sett vp as the first is as followeth , a hall or place of 12 foote in square , and a gallerie beyound that , and the great hall of 6 foote long , and 6 foote broade . the great hall or dyning roome is 24. foote broade , and 12 foote deepe . the two pavillions are 12 foote square . the gallerie reaching from the one pavillon to the other is 20 foote long , and 6 foote broade . the gallerie from the great hall to the gallerie of the two pavillions is 10 foote long , and 6 foote broade . the curtaines of the tents are all of them sixe foote deepe , and the two first pavillions are likewise 12 foote square , and the kitchin is 24 foote long , and 12 foote broade . f. is the parke , or quarter of the lieutenant generall of the artillerie , and for the master gunners , and gentlemen of the ordnance , their servants , & horses , which park is 100 foote broade , and 40 foote in depth . the tents of the lieut. generall , are of this measure following . the great hall is 16 foote in depth , & 10. foote broade . the gallerie 6 foote long , & 6 foote broade . the pavillions are 8 foote in square . g. is the parke for the matterials of amunition , as spades , showelles , hatches , billes , axes , pickaxses , mattocks . planckes , beddings for ordnances , beames , wheele barrowes , and diverse other things . this parke is 140 foote in depth & 130 foote broad . number 5. is the hutt , or a tent for the clarke of the matterials . number 6 , is a hutt , into which all things are layd , which must not take wett . as match , candles , and otherthings . number 7. is a common kitchin for all the conductours , to dresse their victualls in , and made there to keepe the quarter from fyring . number 8 are the conductours hutts , some 8 or 10 foote in square . h. is the parke into which are layd , all the materialls ; instruments , & tooles belonging to the ordnance , as also anckours , powder , and bullets , & diverse other things , which parke is 140 foote in depth , and 130 foote in bredth . number 1. is the tent or hutt of the clark of the ordnance . number 2. is a hutt with all manner of amunition , belonging to the ordnance , which ought not to receiue wett . number 3. is the common kitchin. number 4. is a cave , or sellar to laye in gun-powder . number 8 are hutts for the conductours of the traine . i. is the park or quarter for the master gunners , or gentlemen of the ordnance the ordinarie gunners , & canoniers whose depth is 70 foote , & 40 foote broade . k. is the parke or lodging of the master of the fire workes , with his conductours , & men , whose parke likewise is 70 foote in depth , & 40 foote in breath . l. is the parke , or quarter of the petardiers , and their men , which is also 70 foote in depth , & 40 foote in breath . m. is the parke of the master of the batteries , & his men of the same greatnesse . n. are three tents , or hutts for the captaines of the saylours , & marriners to attend vpon the ordnance , the attiralls , & drawing harnasses for the ordnance and for the mineurs . o. are all hutts 8 foote in square , each for two saylours , and two mineurs , the sreetes alsoo betweene every row of hutts is 8 foote broade . their quarter is 140 foote in depth & 90 foote in breath . p. is the parke , or quarter of the clarke of the fortifications , and his conductours , being 60 foote in square . q. is the parke and quarter of the inginiers , & their conductours , being 80 foote in depth , & 60 foote in breath . r. is the quarter-master of this traine his quarter , or lodging being 60 foote in square . s. is the parke or quarter of the captaine of the canon , or drawing horses , and his conductours , being also 80 foote in depth , & 60 foote in breath . t. is the quarter , or parke for the makers of gabions , or canon baskets , & musket baskets , being 40 foote in bredth & 60 foote in depth . v. is the armourers parke , & the quarter for the general of the ordnance , with their workemen . farriers , & smiths belonging to this traine , being 60 foote in depth , and 30 foote in bredth . w. is the chirurgians parke of this traine , 60 foote in depth , and 20 foote broad . x. is the provost marshall of this traine , 60 foote in depth , & 30 foote broade . y. is the farriers , or master smith his parke 80 foote in depth , & 25. foote in bredth . z. is the carters or waggon mens and labourers , 80 foote deepe , and 35 foote broade . a. is the coopers parke 80 foote in depth , & 25. foote in breath . b. is three hutts or tents for the three captaines of the pionniers , a. are the hutts of the pionniers with their lieutenants , whose hutts , are in the front of the rows , and each hutt is 8 foote in square , whose parke is 90 foote in breath , & 140 foote in depth . 6. is the parke , where in is sett the carriages of waggons , & drawing horses for the ordnance , which is to be vnderstood such as are to passe vpon the watch , and canon for any suddaine peece of service , & to thend , the horses maye not be then to seeke . the two hutts within the parke marked 9. are for the conductours & waggon men. this parke is 140. foote in depth , & 80. foote in breath . thus much for the geometricall modell of a quarter for the artillerie . an index , of the principle points handled in this third part . the first chapter , of the leagues alligations and commixtures of mettalls , wherewith ordance are made . pag. 1. of the mouldes , & founding of ordance . pag. 2. the demonstration of eight severall peeces of ordnance , founded in the states generall their service . pag. 3. the second chapter is of a ladle , a rammer a sponge and feild carriage for a peece of ordnance , and the demonstration and terciating of any peece of ordnance , and a carriage . pag 4. the third chapter of a block , or along waggon , and the sigures of a peece of ordnance drawne both with horse and men . pag. 5. the rule of calibre for these 8 peeces of ordnance . pag. 8. the fourth chapter of a fearne , or a ghynne , a scallet and a winch , otherwise called the endlesse screw . pag. 9. the fifth chapter how a peece of ordnance is to be mounted vpon it carriage . pag. 12. the sixth chapter is observations how a canonier ought to charge a peece , and of the gunners service in generall . pag. 13. 14. the seventh chapter how a canonier ought to levell his peece , & to amend abad shott . pag. 15. a new devise by any staff or ruler , how to leuell mount , or imbase a peece out of mr. nortons practize of artillerie . pag. 16. the eight chapter of seuerall quadrants , a levell , and other instruments for ordnance and the vses of them . pag. 17. 18. the ninth chapter , shewing how a canonier shall shoote levell by the mettall of his peece , or by the levell axis , otherwise called point blanck . pag. 20. 21. 22. the first dialogue betweene a generall of the artillerie and a captayne to know this question whether a culvering or a demy-canon wil carry furtherst . pag. 24. 25. 26. 27. the tenth chapter is of the demonstration of morters , and the vse of them . p. 28. 29. 30. the eleventh chapter of the compositions , mixtures , & ingredients for the makeing of great and small granades . pag 31. the 12th . chapter of a petard , the manner of charging of it , and the fasting of it to a gate or port . pag. 32. 33. 34 a question betweene two mathematicians for the battering of a horne-worke proued by the rule of algebra . pag. 35. 36. 37. 38. the second dialogue betweene a generall of the ordnance and a captaine whether it is better to batter a curtaine or a bulwarke . pag 39. 40. 41. 42. 43 the 13 th . chapter how a canonier ought to governe him self in makeing a good shott . pag. 44. 45. 46. the third dialogue how and in what manner a generall of the artillerie ought to plant his ordnance in a day of battle . pag 47. 48. 49. 50. the 14 th . chapter of diverse sorts of bridges vsed in the service of the states generall of a mathematiciall horse-water-mil , & a water-scoupe , of a copper-oven , a kneadingh-tsough a bread , or biscuit-chest , & of diverse sorts of matterials vsed in the warres . pag. 51. 52. 53 , 54. finally , the office , and charge of the generall and master of the ordnance , and all officers vnder his traine , wit a list , & supposition of what sorts of ordnance , munition matterials , and other necessarie , & preparations , are vsefull to be carryed into the field with an armie . pag. 55. 56. 57. 58. the demonstration of a modell and sigure of a quarter for the generall of the orduance with all subordinate officers , marching vnder his traine . pag. 59. 60 foure paradoxes, or politique discourses 2 concerning militarie discipline, written long since by thomas digges esquire. 2 of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by dudly digges, his sonne. all newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. digges, thomas, d. 1595. 1604 approx. 224 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 58 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20463 stc 6872 estc s109705 99845351 99845351 10245 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20463) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10245) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1135:07) foure paradoxes, or politique discourses 2 concerning militarie discipline, written long since by thomas digges esquire. 2 of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by dudly digges, his sonne. all newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. digges, thomas, d. 1595. digges, dudley, sir, 1583-1639. aut [4], 111, [1] p. by h. lownes, for clement knight, and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the holy lambe in saint paules churchyard, imprinted at london : 1604. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military discipline -early works to 1800. soldiers -early works to 1800. war -early works to 1800. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion foure paradoxes , or politique discourses . 2 concerning militarie discipline , written long since by thomas digges esquire . 2 of the worthinesse of warre and warriors , by dudly digges , his sonne . all newly published to keepe those that will read them , as they did them that wrote them , from idlenesse . horace . me castra iuuant & lituo tubae permistus sonitus , bellaque matribus detestata . imprinted at london by h. lownes , for clement knight , and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the holy lambe in saint paules churchyard . 1604. to the honourable theophilvs hovvard , lord hovvard of walden , sonne and heire apparent to the right honorable earle of suffolke , lord chamberlaine to his maiestie . a generall report ( worthy lord ) of your honourable disposition bred in mee euen at my first cōming into france , an earnest desire to see you , which through your courtesy & my good fortune was happily effected : but when i perceiued with what vertuous industrie you indeauored to make the best vse , of your wel spent time , in those parts ; i cōceiued great hope to receiue much greater contentment , in so truly honourable acquaintance , and the tast i had of your fauours assureth me i had beene happy in my hopes , had not my vntimely returne , such were my vnfortunate crosses , depriued mee of the comfort i tooke , in the company of your admired vertue . notwithstanding i haue hitherto fed my selfe with the hope of your returne &c. hoc equidem occasum troiae tristesque ruinas solabor , this shall bee my refuge . in the meane time as lewes of france did his country friends rape roote , or as the percian king did the poore mans apple , i intreat your lordship to accept these sleight discourses as a token of the dutifull respect i owe you : they are i know most vnworthy your maiden patronage , yet my first fruites they bee , and i earnestly desire , that my first borne should beare your honours name . your honors deuoted dudly digges . to the reader . that there are many faultes in these fewe leaues i doubt not , neither would i but you should finde fault , yet not maliciously with wrested and vnnaturall applications , yet not too peremptorily till you haue children of your owne : onely this , if you bee such a merchant as hateth a souldier , thinke it no victorie to picke matter of aduantage out of my weake handling of their good cause : if on the contrarie you loue the profession , take in good part these slight endeauors , till some one of better abilitie speak more effectually , and let this publike protestation assure you i am no dissembler , but one that heartily desireth to shew himselfe a louing countreyman to men that so well deserue the loue of their countrey . farewell . the first paradox . that no prince , or state doth gaine , or saue by giuing too small entertainement vnto souldiers , officers , or commaunders martiall : but doe thereby extreamely loose , and vnprofitably waste their treasure , besides the dishonour and foiles , that necessarily thereof ensue . i confesse sparing of treasure , and all due prouidence for the preseruation thereof , to bee a thing verie necessarie , especially in the warres of this our age , where treasure is indeed becom neruus belli ; and therefore by all reasonable prouisions to be regarded . but there are in all actions some sparings , or pretence of profit , that are vtterly vnprofitable , fond , and foolish , and woorking effects cleane contrary to that end , for the which such pinching is pretended . as , who seeth not , that , if a husbandman ( that hath first allotted a reasonable proportion of graine , for euerie acre of his arable ground ) shall ( of a couetous minde ) abate a quarter , or one third part of his due proportion of seede , thinking thereby to saue somuch ; who , ( i say ) seeth not , that by this foolish sauing in the seede , in the crop hee shall loose thrice as much , besides the hurtfull weeds , that , for want of seede sufficient , grow-vp , and spoile the rest ? or , if a merchant , setting forth his ship to the seas , fraught with marchandize , shall know that ( to rigge her well , and furnish her with all needfull tackle , furniture and prouision ) it will cost him full 500. pounds : yet , of a coueteous and greedie minde to saue thereof some 100. pounds , or two , hee shall scant his prouision , wanting perhaps some cables , ankers , or other-like necessaries , and after ( by a storme arising ) for fault thereof shall loose both ship and goods . who will not condemne this miserable foolish merchant , that ( peeuishly to saue one hundred pounds , or two ) hath lost both ship and goods , perhaps of 10. times greater value ? much more is the folly of this error in martial causes , where the tempests are as sodaine , and no lesse perrilous . and therefore such fond sparing , is farre more absurd in these actions , than in eyther of those , of the husbandman or merchant . for proofe whereof , if i should produce antique examples out of the romane and graecian chronicles of such kings and princes , as ( by such fond sparing of their treasure ) had lost both their treasure , and their kingdomes also , i could easily make of this subiect a great volume : but for breuitie sake ( leauing many antiquies ) i come to our present age and time , and to matters of our owne remembrance , and experience . for who knoweth not , what course the states of the vnited prouinces tooke , for payment of their souldiers , before the arriuall of her maiesties lord generall , the earle of leicester . who , for sparing , or to make ( as they pretended ) their treasour stretch , did pay their bands after 48. daies to the moneth , their pay being so scant and bare at 30. onely to the moneth , as it was verie hard for souldiers , or captaines , to liue honestly vpon it : and the same being now stretched to 48. daies , vtterly impossible for them to liue without frauds in musters , and pickories , besides on their countrey and friends . hereof it came to passe , that the honest , and valiantest men retired themselues from the warres , and the worst disposed free-booters were readiest to enter with these base conditions . for such a captaine ( as intendeth onely dishonestly , by fraud and robberie to enrich himselfe , to the ruine of his countrey ) will especially desire to serue on such base conditions , as honestly it is impossible for euerie man to liue vpon : and so hauing iust colour thereby to shift , hath all these meanes ensuing infinitely to enrich himselfe . first , ( in the choise of his officers ) to get , or accept such free-booters and theeues , as ( onely to haue the name and priuiledge of a souldier , to escape the paine due by martiall lawe to such vnsouldierlike persons ) will serue without pay , or with halfe pay . then , euerie of these his officers lieutenaunt , ensigne , serieants &c. ( being men of that crewe ) will draw in as many also as they can of the same moulde , to liue on pickorie without pay , and therefore very readie to serue in their loose manner with halfe pay . of such rakehels then the captaine hauing rayzed an ensigne , passeth his muster , and is sent to his garrison , or place of seruice . now , the prince or state that is serued with such as will accept these vnhonest base conditions , is much deceiued , if hee thinke to bee souldierly serued . viz. to haue their watches and wardes strong , vigilant , and carefull : for in steede of one thousand fiue hundreth souldiers past in muster , they shall neuer finde fiftie on guard , or sentinels , vpon any round : as all honest serieant-maiors , and other officers ( that haue past their rounds ) can testifie : the rest ( if he keepe any more ) being eyther abroad in the country at the picoree , or in the garrison more vnhonestly occupied , in abusing some honest burgh●r his wife or seruants : ( for , to drudge in watch or ward the gallantest of this crew disdaine . ) if any faults bee complained off , the excuse is readie : alas their pay is so small , as wee must winke at faults . but if at any time the commissarie of musters come with treasure to passe a muster , ye shall euer finde them strong 150. present and absent orderly set downe in muster rolles . and for their absents such formall testimonials , protestations , and oathes , as among christians were horrible to discredit , and their fraudes so artificially conueyed , as will bee hard to trie : but the treuth is , forgery & periury are the first lessons such freeboters learne , and then pallardize , murder , treachery , and treason are their attendants . heereof it came to passe ( for many yeares together ) that after the death of don iohn de austria , the states lost such a number of cities , townes , forts , castles and sconces , yea whole and entier prouinces reuolted from thē , by reason of the exextorsions , oppressions , & robberies insolently committed on the country people , and best subiects , by these insatiable cormorants , lyons to their friends , and hares in presence of their enemies , hauing not only , linguas sed animas venales , manus rapaces , pedes fugaces , & quae honestè nominari non possunt inhonestissima , verè galeati lepores et hyrudines aerarij . and this base beggerly pay the onely ground-plot of all these horrible villanies , odious to god and man , and not tollerable in any christian gouernment . for , if princes or states will giue such conuenient pay , as men of value , and honesty may sparingly liue-on without fraud and robbery , they may boldly execute martial discipline , & purge their army of these idle drones , and carowsing picking caterpillers : and in stead of these , they shall ( in short time ) haue their ensignes compleat with valiant , honest , sober , loyall souldiers , that shall carefully and painefully in watch and ward execute their martiall duties . the earle of leicester with his owne eyes beheld before zutphen campe nigh arnhem two or three regiments of scotts and dutch in the states pay , sent for by count hollock as the most choise bands that followed him , hauing sixteene or eighteene ensignes in their regiments , and paid for nigh three thousand souldiers : that ( marching in ranke , and after embattailed ) were found not full one thousand , besides their officers . now , if the states had paid truely but 10 ensignes after 30. daies to the moneth , ( as her maiestie did ) and by martiall discipline haue kept them strong , they should haue had 500. more heads and hands to fight at least in such 10. than in these 18 ensignes paid after 48. daies . and at the very same time , & the same place his excellency saw eight english ensignes embattailed in the same field , that for heads of men were more than 16. of the other ensignes , and for armes & weapon ful double so strong : and yet these eight ensignes stood not her maiesty ( paying honourably ) in somuch as the other 18. so dishonourably paid by the states , by many thousand gilders a moneth . most foolish therefore , and peeuish is such sauing in these martiall causes , being more absurd farre and fond than other of those my first examples of the paltering husbandman or miserable merchant that stumbleth at a straw , and swalloweth a blocke , and by greedie pinching for a penny , fondly looseth or wasteth pounds . but that dishonour that falleth out in these actions is much more to bee respected : for , if eight ensignes ( well and truely paid ) shall euer bee stronger in all martiall encounters than 18. of the other : how much more honour shall it bee with eight ensignes to haue performed any honourable action than to haue done the same with eighteene ? as contrariwise the foile , to loose eight ensignes is farre lesse than to loose eighteene . againe , if the states had rayzed a meane army ( not of such mercenarie vagabondes as would serue on any conditions , resoluing by pickorie and extortion to enrich themselues ) but of temperate , honest , painefull , valiant souldiers which full easily with sufficient and compleat pay they might haue done , and then haue kept a steddy hand on martiall discipline , seuerely to haue punished such cormorants as should any way haue spoyled or extorted on the countrey booer , or honest burgher . they had neuer tasted those horrible ruines of their townes and desolation of their countries , that afterwards for many yeares they did . for it was not the great subsidies or leuies made on brabant , and flaunders , and other vpland prouinces by the states vnited that made them all reuolt afterward to the prince of parma , but onely these abuses , spoiles and pickories . for in holland and zealand they haue euer since , and doe still leuie as great and farre greater contributions than euer they did on those malcontēted prouinces : but it was the wrongs , iniuries , insolencies and extorsions committed by this crew of degenerate bastardly souldiers or rather picke●s , the seruants or rather idolatrous slaues of their misbegotten mistresse madam picorea that alienated the harts vtterly of these prouinces . the people hauing reason to reuolt to the gouernment of papists or turks rather than to endure the outrages committed on them , their wiues and daughters by those their owne hirelings so deepely wounding them in wealth and honor . for what tribute , subsidie or taske had not beene farre more tollerable to any honest or christiā people than to haue such a crew of hell-hounds laid vpon them ? as , not content to haue the best chambers , beds , and fare that their host could yeeld them ; yea wine also bought and farre fet for them , but would enforce them to pay money also , and yet at their parting ( in recompence or their good entertainment ) rifle them of all that was portable of any value , besides other indignities not to bee spoken of by honest tongues , or heard by modest eares . the horror of these villaines hath made holland wisely and prouidently these douzen yeares and more yearely to giue ten folde greater contributions ( yearly i say respectiuely weighed ) than the greatest subsidie or beneuolence that euer our nation gaue during all these 34. yeares of her maiesties most gracious and happie reigne . the which they doe most frankly and willingly stil continue to maintaine the warres out of the bowels of their owne country , and to free themselues of those horrible oppressions which they sawe executed among their neighbours , which wise resolution of theirs god hath also so fauoured and blessed with extraordinarie aydes and fauors many waies , as these of holland are not the poorer , but rather much richer than they were before the warres began , notwithstanding their huge contributions are such , as in commō reason a man would thinke were able to begger any mightie kingdome : that little countrey of holland onely ( being for scope of ground and firme land not comparable with the least of any one of many shieres in england ) yealdeth to the warres yearely a greater contribution than halfe the fiftie shires of england euer yet did in any one yeare by any subsidie . it is not therefore the great charges or contributions that beggereth or spoyleth any countrey , but the ill disposing of the treasure leuied , and the ill gouernement of the souldierie therewith maintained , which becommeth indeed more odious and intollerable to any christian nation or people farre , than any tax or subsidie that is possible to bee cessed or imposed on them : neither is it the multitude of ensignes that terrifieth the enemy , but choise election of the souldiery , and the true execution of martiall discipline . herof it hath come to passe that so smal handfuls of spaniards ( while they were wel paid & discipline ) did at sondry times foile so many ensignes of these mercenary freeboters : and contrariwise after those spaniards fell to mutenies ( for want of pay ) and to committing of like extorsisions and insolencies on the country people , they caused a sodaine reuolt of all the prouinces . but for our owne nation i holde it a maxime most assured , and hardly by any one example , to be disprooued : that euer wee receiued any foile where our ensignes were compleat , but only in such places , and at such times , as our ensignes were maintained ( not like the eight ensignes before mentioned in the earle of leicesters time in her maiesties pay ) but rather as the other eight in the states pay , as will bee found too too true , if it bee deeply examined . the like i say in pay of officers and superiour commaunders , that to giue them honourable and conuenient entertainment is not onely not vnprofitable , but most profitable and gainefull to any king , prince , or state : and the contrary ( i meane by accepting or admitting such commaunders or officers as will offer themselues to serue for small or base entertainment ) is a thing vnto the king or state not onely dishonourable , and most hurtfull ( in respect of the seuice ) but also euen in regard of their treasure onely most vnprofitable , damageable , and discommodious , as i will prooue by manifest and true reasons . but because the discourse would be ouer-long & tedious , if i should particularly enter into the office or charge of euerie seuerall kinde of officer or commaunder , i will only choose two , of either sort one , which ( to coniecture and discerne of all the rest ) may aboundantly suffice to prooue my present proposition . among commaunders therefore i will onely entreate of the collonell or maestro del campo . and among chiefe officers of the comptroller , censor , or muster master generall . and first of collonels i say , if they take vpon them that charge to command any conuenient number of ensignes appropriat to their regiment , it is fit their entertainment bee proportionall to their reputation and charge : the which as it farre surmounteth a priuate captain , so ought his allowance to bee accordingly , as wel for maintenance of a conuenient table , to entertaine the chiefe officers of his regiment . as chiefely such gentlemen of value as many times ( without charge or office to see the warres vpon their owne priuate expences ) will follow him . for if this collonell , haue not such entertainment from his prince or state , hee must of necessitie eyther spoyle or vndoe himselfe to maintaine that port is fit , which fewe in these daies will , or sor remedie helpe himselfe by tollerating frauds in musters , and suffering the captaines of his regiment to keepe their bands halfe emptie : out of the which both captaines and coronell may pay themselues double and treble the greatest entertainment that euer any king yet gaue , but not without the very ruine and vtter dishonour of their nation . for what captaine is there so foolish miserable , ( if hee make no conscience to gaine by robbing of his prince or state ; ) that will not bee content to giue one halfe of these his foule and corrupt gaines , to enioy the other ? knowing otherwise hee shall not onely quite loose that base gaine , if hee bee called to account for it , but his reputation and life also , if iustice bee duely executed . but if by his chiefe collonels fauour , hee may bee paid for 150. and keepe scarce 60. to defend his ensigne , and so gaine a thousand pounds a yeare cleare , to giue the moytie yearely thereof to go scot-free with the rest , and escape the shame thereunto due , hee maketh a verie profitable bargaine if such dishonest lucre deserue the name of profit , which course of gaine is so much the more damnable and perrilous to bee suffered , because it vtterly discourageth the honest valiant captaines , and enricheth the contrary : and so tendeth to the verie ruine and ouertherthrow of all true vertue and value . for if the chiefe commaunder bee so affected as hee will bee by any such deuice to supply his wants : in very gratitude and pollicy hee must most countenance those that yeeld him most benefit : and those captaines may be most beneficiall to him , that ( by keeping their bands most feeble ) doe most rob their prince or state. and so the worst persons ( of such commaunders ) must of force bee most fauoured and countenanced . farther these fauorites if they commit any other extorsions on their countrimen , friends , or allies , being entered into such a league with their commaunders , it is likely they may finde the more fauour also , and thereby more boldly by all deuices and extortions rake-in wealth to maintaine themselues , their patrones , and followers in excessiue brauerie . whereas the right valiant captaine indeed , that ( keeping his band strong and compleat with armed souldiers , gaining nothing aboue his bare wages , nor will extort vnhonestly vpon any friend or allie , and his wages ( besides his meat and atmes ) scarcely sufficient twice in a yeare to buy him a sute of buffe ) remayneth as a man contemned and disgraced : where the other by his robberies and pickories can florish in monethly change of sutes of silke , dawbed with embroderies of golde and siluer lace , and iewels also : and so countenanced by such commaunders fauour , and by such other mightie friends as his spoiles may procure . that 〈…〉 road and at home also generally this picking , 〈…〉 rousing freebooter shall bee called a braue 〈…〉 ●●llant souldier , yea fit to bee a collonell or great ●●●●ander that can drinke , and dice &c , with the proudest : when the true , valiant , honest , and right martiall captaine indeed is not able in such riotous expences to keep port with the others waiting seruants . but whether these silken , golden , embroydered delicate captaines ( with their demy feeble ensignes ) or the other plaine leather , well armed , sober , painefull , valiant captaines ( with their compleat ensignes of armed souldiers maintained as their companions ) shall doo their prince or countrey more honour at a day of seruice ? if wee haue not yet learned , wee shall i doubt hereafter , if these abuses bee not reformed , with the dishonourable losse of many more english ensignes , than all the chronicles these 500. yeares before could tell vs of , to remaine for an vnhonorable monument of these our errors , to all posteritie . for i haue euer found it in my experience a rule almost infallible among priuate captaines : the more braue and gallant the captaine is in his apparrell , and wastfull in expences , the more poore , feeble , weake and miserable ye shall for the most part finde his souldiers full of lice many times , & stinking for want of a shirt to change thē , when such commaunders with some few fauorites are ouer sweete and fine . and then is it any meruaile if so braue and gallant a gentleman ( perfumed perhaps with muske and syuet ) disdain to haunt the filthy corps du gardes of ragged , lothsome , lowsie souldiers ? or is it any meruaile then , ( where captains giue this example : ) if lieutenants & ensignes also do take their ease , and liuing in like delicacy , disdaine to associate themselues with their poore flocks . if townes of great importance haue beene lost by the cowardize of some one corps du gard , that beastly haue abandoned without blowes , a ground of such aduantage as was defensible against any royall army : onely , because at the approach therof , there was neither captaine , lieutenant nor ensigne present on the guard , but a knot only of these poore ghosts : and thereby dishonorably a town of great importance lost , very experiēce ( me thinks ) should teach vs rather to choose such captains as would so apparrell themselues , and regard their fellow-souldiers , as they should not disdaine their company , or abhorre their stinke . i haue read , that a worthy generall of the graecians , after hee had with a small army of valiant , rude , plaine , sober , obedient souldiers conquered ten times as many of the rich , silken , golden , riotous perfumed persians , abounding with horses and chariots and armours of golde , because ( quoth hee ) the persians were so delicately and daintily bred , as they were not able to abide the sauor of my souldiers arme-holes . i would therefore wish no captaines chosen but such as should contemne vtterly such feminine delicacy in apparrell and wastfull riotous expences , and could be content to make himselfe a companion of his fellow souldiers , and think his honour consisted ( not in gay garments ) but in good armes , in the strength of his band , in his trauels , paines , watchings , and aduentures , and not in c●rowsing or perfuming , or any other delitious , idle , or rather effeminate vnmanly vanitie . for as marius the romane generall auerred : munditias mulieribus , viris laborem conuenire : so , if souldiers and captaines would contend one to excell another therein , ( i meane in military labours and carefull aduenterous endeauours , contemning all delitious pompes and idle ease , as effeminate and vnworthy their professions ) then should wee see a great alteration , both of the fortune and fame of our nation which heeretofore hath euer been comparable with the best and most renowned . but the onely or chiefe meanes to bring this to passe , is , first to allow vnto the generall and chiefe commaunders so honourable and conuenient entertainment , as may suffice to maintaine the port and honour of their place , without practising or consenting to any corruptions , especially such as vtterly disgrace the good , and enrich the bad , deface the painfull , carefull , sober , valiant captaine , and aduance the idle , negligent , riotous coward . but aboue all things to haue him detested more than a coward , that ( of a base corrupt minde ) shall seeke to make his gaine by keeping his band feeble and weake , and by deceipts , fraud and periuries at musters to contriue the same : for by this meanes hee doth not onely rob his princes treasure , but is also guiltie of the bloud of those souldiers that are slaine for want of hands to fight when the honour of their nation comes to triall . as all true martiall discipline therefore is not to be reuiued and put in execution among our nation : so especially that part which concerneth this mightie and grosse abuse ( aboue all other ) ought most seuerely to bee regarded . and to the end officers of musters may by the generall or chiefe gouernours be countenanced in their honest proceedings ( for discouerie and correction of such abhominable frauds and robberies as so vsually and shamelesly haue beene practized ) i would wish their owne particular bands ( where they haue any ) should alway bee allowed them without checke , for any default : presuming in honour they would bee the more carefull to bee an example to other , when they shall see themselues by their prince so trusted . and then hauing lesse cause ( in respect of their priuate profit ) to fauour any such deceipt in others , there is no doubt , but ( hauing also honorable entertainmēt ) they will ( as they are by a double duty bound ) honorably aduance that course of discipline which shall make their armies victorious , themselues famous , and their countrey felicious ; especially if due regard bee had in the choise of such chiefe and principall commaunders , who ought indeed to bee honorable and not base minded persons . and as good trees are not iudged by the blossomes , but by the fruits : so surely are men rather by their deedes than by shewes or partial fame to be discerned : for , as in all other vocations , so chiefly in the warres by common fame such commaunders euer shall be most extolled of their followers , as most content their humors . now if captaines humors in this age of corruption , be for the greater part infected or depraued , to make choise yet by common fame or opinion , should be an error exceeding great : for as in the pestilent feauers & like violent diseases , the patient many times doth farre better like that phisition which suffereth him to take colde liquors , & other pleasing phancies , agreeable to his appetite , which as very poysons doo cause his death , than such a phisition as prescribeth a seuere dyet , accompanied with such bitter medicines as only is able to saue his life , and restore his health and strength . and as the error therein were great to choose a phisition after such sick-mens appetites : so surely for reformation of these martiall diseases , the error were no lesse absurd at the beginning , to choose such generals or chiefe commaunders by common fame , or liking of most captaines . but after martiall discipline is againe in some good measure restored , & that captaines begin to detest riotous expences in meate , drinke , and apparell ( as effeminate delicacie ) and contend who may exceede other in labour , paines , watchings , diligence , and vertuous martiall actions , hauing a right taste and sence in deede of true honour and martiall valour , and wherein the same consisteth , and by some conuenient continuance of exercise and vse made the same not greeuous but familiar vnto them : then were there no more compotent iudges ( of the abilitie and sufficiencie of a generall , ) than such , as ( aduenturing their lyues with him ) haue greatest neede and vse thereof . but as that famous generall and censor cato at rome exclamed in his time , the publique had neede of a sharpe and mercilesse phisition , and a violent purgation : and that therefore they were to choose ( not such commaunders as should be gratefull and gracious , ) but resolute and seuere : so surely much more in this time and state of warres haue wee cause to proclaime such choise , or rather great princes and magistrates to haue especiall care and regard thereof . now therefore if the collonell or chiefe commaunder be chosen such an honourable person , as of himselfe abhorres deceipt , feare god , contemne gourmandize and quaffing , and other more base and beastly pleasures , or effeminate delicacies , by the example of many worthie romaine generals , as also of that famous victorious lacedemonian generall king agesilaus , it shall be easie for him ( hauing conuenient and honourable pay ) to banish these monsters out of his campe or gouernment , as vnworthie for souldiers professing armes , & fitter for the pompous rich slaues of persia. but if contrariwise any chiefe commaunders be persons that will winke at deceipts or fraudes in musters , and make their profit ( as infinitely they may thereby ) no wonder if all the inferiour captaines insolently put the same in execution , and keepe their counsels and ordinarie consultations how to exploite and execute those deceipts , and by all vnhonest practises , slaunders , and lybels , &c , to disgrace any officer that shall oppose himselfe dutifully against it : and so their bands continued euer feeble , weake , and miserable . or if this coronell or chiefe commaunder be a person that hath no compassion on the poore priuate souldiers , nor care to preserue and maintaine their lyues , but rather ( respecting how largely he may make his gaine by their deaths ( expose them to the butcherie , yee shall presently haue almost all the captaines regard thē lesse than dogges . or if the collonell or generall ( forgetting that right lacedemonian law , that whosoeuer did saue his life by flight in the field , was infamous euer after euen to his graue ) doo take so little shame ( of running away in the field ) as hee will haue for himselfe a horse of swift cariere alway in readinesse vpon any daunger to take his leaue : what meruaile if yee haue inferiour captaines prouided for the like ? yea many times liuetenants , and ensignes also ? and what is then to bee expected , but dishonourable flight , shame and confusion , whensoeuer they are roundly charged by any souldiers ? if the collonell or chiefe commaunder bee a man , that ( regarding wholy his profit ) will winke at the extorsions of his captaines , they haue reason to spare him halfe their pay , or all their imprestes , for that they can full easily ( from the booer or burgher vnder their crushing ) extort much more than the greatest pay any christian king yet gaue , and thereby so enrich themselues with golde and iewels , as they haue no reason any more to hazard their life , but to prouide themselues good horses to escape away with their wealth whēsoeuer they shal be charged : leauing their souldiers to the slaughter , by whose deaths also there may grow a good diuidend , to bee shared among such artificial fugitiues . if coronels or chiefe commaunders of their ease , pleasure or priuate respects holde it no disgrace or shame to bee absent from their regiments : no meruaile if any inferiour captains bee readie to follow such discipline also , and consequently all their fauorites and persons best appointed . and then what meruaile if the silly remnant of the feeble flocke ( hauing scarcely sheepeheard or sheepeheards dogge left to take the care and charge of them ) become a pray to the rauening wolfe , that will not let slip so good an opportunitie . but if the coronell or chiefe commaunder himselfe be such a one as takes no shame in field to saue his life by flight : it is not strange that captaines vnder his charge should imitate his discipline . and then much lesse reason haue priuate souldiers to stand so much vpon their honour , or rather to die than turne their face . but if such indeed bee the true profession of a souldier rather to die reasolutely in his ranke , than turne his face , or cowardly by flight to saue his life . if this bee the dutie of the meanest and most priuate souldier , then how much rather is the captaine , and much more the coronell bound to such an honorable resolution ? if in the most honorable and martiall nations of the world , such cowardize in a priuate souldier hath beene noted with perpetuall shame , how much more ought it to bee detested in captaines ? and then à fortiori in their superiors . but if by corrupt custome and education in licentious loose warres , such principall persons bee growne so farre past shame , as not onely to commit these base and vnsouldierlike errrors , but also ( that most miserable is ) in their ordinarie discourses and banquets amids their sacrifices to bacchus at open tables to vaunt of these their stratagems , recounting in how many encounters , the places where , and when they fled gallantly , and spurred their horses in their violent retreits , who might runne swiftest : what shall wee say but that such degenerate shamelesse persons might ( with much better reason ) vant how many bastinadoes they had receiued brauely ? for surely cowardize in a man ( especially professing armes ) hath euer beene accounted the foulest vice : as incontinency the greatest dishonestie in a woman . and as an honest woman may fortune by violence to bee abused , and yet all her life time after cannot but blush to haue it spoken of : so though an honest man ( i meane a valiant man in the field ) by violence and multitude of enemies vnhappily should be enforced to turne his face : yet ashamed should hee bee euer to heare it spoken of . but as that state were horribly wicked where women should aduant openly of their incontinency : so , desperate is their disease that are so farre past shame to aduant of their cowardize : and miserable that state must needs become , where such impudency should bee tollerable for men professing armes shamelesly to vaunt of their fearefull flights , or as they are termed in their new discipline , their violent retraitz . but ( that most lamentable is ) many times it may come to passe , that these impudent runawaies being escaped ( consorting themselues ) shal by rumors , letters , or printed pamphlets perhaps sometimes disgrace those valiant men that resolutely died in the place , rather than they would shame themselues , and dishonour their countrey with a cowardly flight . and then such fugitiues ( extolling one another with heroicall names , hauing also by their former pikories store of crowns to purchase friends , by such thrasonicall stratagems ) of the ignorant multitude bee counted gallant souldiers , and fit for newe imployments . an error of all other the most daungerous : that ( contrarie to all martiall discipline ) that fault that deserueth death or dishonourable disarming vnder a gallowes , should bee honoured with new imployments , or greater credit . but as the disgrace of a few ringleaders of runawaies and other corruptions would wonderfully repaire the honour of any nation : so the tolleration of them , and much more the imploying of them again in new charges by their example may breed effects most dangerous and fearefull , if in time ( by due execution of right martiall discipline ) such weeds bee not eradicate . the lacedemonians ( by due obedience to their martiall lawes ) were become the most mighty and puissant state of all the graecians , which then for heroical prowesse surmoūted all the world besides , as by the multitude of their victories on the orientall nations , and asiaticall mightie empires is apparant : whose huge armies and innumerable forces they vanquished in a number of battailes with a very few , but choise , painefull , sober , well trained and disciplined bands , being accustomed from their infancy to trauaile , paines , sobriety , and hardnes . and by the same custome and education learned also with all dutie to obey their superiors , reuerence the elders , and to feare nothing but shame and infamie : and of all infamies none so great to a man there as cowardize , being by their verie lawes noted with disgrace perpetuall to his death that ran away from his enemies in the field , or saued his life by flight : which fault was held so soule and base , as the very mothers abhorred and renounced them , yea and some with their owne hands haue killed such of their sons as by flight in the field haue saued their liues , as traitors to their countrey , and dishonorable to their parentes : yea they were disgraded from all honour and imployment , marked by shauing of halfe their heades and beards , derided and disdained of all their countrimen , and lawfull for all men to abuse and beat them as seruiceable slaues . these were the shames ordained for fugitiues in those warlike nations . whereupon a king of theirs being demanded how it came to passe that the lacedemonians so farre excelled all others in prowesse and armes ? because ( quoth he ) they are taught from their infancy not to feare death , but shame . as marius also that famous romane generall said of himselfe , hee had learned to feare nothing but infamy . they therefore that by education in lawlesse warres grow so impudent as to vant of their foiles and flights ( which by true martiall lawes , especially in leaders and commanders should bee noted and punished with perpetuall shame ) are so farre of frō true souldiery , and martial honor as they are fitter ( like most dangerous contagious sheep ) to be expelled & seuered in time , lest they infect with their leprosy the whole troup & military flock : howsoeuer the corruptiōs of this age & ignorāce of the dāgers that ensue by contēpt of true martial honor may excuse or delay their due punishmēt or shame for a time . for if a chief commander shal neither blush to saue himself by flight , nor corruptly to make his gain by the death of his poore souldiers through frauds , periury , and deceipt in musters : his readiest plot to grow rich and puissant is , presently so soone as hee can finger his souldiers pay , or princes treasure , to deuise some desperate vnfeasible seruice , where he may bring his fantery to haue their throats cut , and then hauing choise horses to saue himselfe by flight , and his confederate fauorites with the pay of the dead , they may banquet and riot their fill , and haue so great masses of treasure to make friends , as none of these tragedies can come to vnripping , if once it bee perswaded lawfull or intollerable for a generall or chiefe commaunders to saue themselues by flight . but the tollaration thereof and of these fraudes and abuses in musters , and the immeasurable sweete gaines that bad consciences see they may make thereby ( if they can also shake of shame , and extinguish true martiall discipline ) is the chiefest ●● use of all base and dishonorable corruptions , and will still encrease such impudency and insolency as corrupt persons by sufferance will grow vnto : which ought so much the more seuerely and speedily with the sword of iustice and true militarie lawes in time to bee corrected , as the continuance doth make the disease more desperate and perrilous to their state , and more hard to bee recured , when wealthie wickednes thereby getteth such authoritie and purchaseth such parties , as after by iustice shall hardly bee suppressed , vnlesse the souereigne maiestie or ephores of the state in time i say minister the bitter medicine , that onely must cure this pestilent and contagious sicknesse . for if demetria of sparta with her owne hands killed ( for cowardize ) her sonne demetrien as a degenerate monster not worthy to bee called a lacedemonian or to walk on the earth , being ( as she said ) a monument dishonourable to his countrey and parents , and the like done by diuers other ladies and worthy women of that state to their owne children , for abandoning onely of their ranke , to saue their liues when they were forced with violence and multitudes of their enemies : what could these woorthy women haue done to such sonnes as premeditately before hand prouided them horses of swift carrier to saue themselues , so soone as they shall finde any danger growing . or if this fault of flying or abandoning their rank only hath beene in a priuate souldier so abhorred , as his owne mother hath executed martiall iustice vpon him , with detestation of his cowardize as vnworthie to drinke of the riuer eurotas , or to beare the name of a lacedemonian : how much more is the same to bee detested in a commaunder , on whose error or cowardize the liues of so many as are vnder his charge dependeth , besides the dishonour of his nation ? or if that fault could receiue in that martiall nation no excuse , though they were enforced therto by the violence and multitude of their enemies : how much more abhominable is it in them that of purpose before hand are prouided of their meanes to runne away and abandon those for whose safetie it were their duty to sacrifice their liues ? and by leauing their souldiers to the butchery , to make their excessiue gaines by the payes of the dead and robberie of their prince and countrey . if so many woorthie generals both greekes and romanes ( that full easily at sundry battailes might haue escaped and saued their owne liues ) haue refused vtterly both horses and all other meanes offered them to saue themselues , and chosen rather ( when all hope was past ) to sacrifice their liues among their troupes , than to returne to yeeld a dishonorable account of the blood of their souldiers : how much more should wee abhorre such as not onely commit these base errors , but impudently also are not ashamed to make their vauntes thereof ? if manlius torquatus when his sonne was challenged by a chiefe commaunder on the contrary side , ( onely because without leaue he did accept the particular combate , although hee had the victorie , and strake of his enemies head in sight of both armies ) would neuerthelesse haue executed the martiall law vpon his valiant son ( onely ) because he brake one point of martial discipline : what reward doo wee thinke this generall would haue bestowed on one of our shamelesse fugitiues ? if this famous generall so highly respected the honor and safety of his countrey , as hee resolued to execute the lawes martiall of this his onely and most valiant sonne : not for any cowardize or corruption , but onely for want of due obedience ( in accepting without leaue the combate ) choosing rather to depriue himselfe of his onely sonne and incomparable iewell , than the martiall discipline of his countrey should in the least point bee corrupted . how much more hath the sacred maiestie of a prince and honourable ephores of any state cause with seueritie in time to see due execution of martiall iustice on such ( as not mooued by magnanimitie or hautie courage , but contrariwise of a corrupt custome and base minde , for lucre , pleasure , or ryot onely ) commit ( premeditately ) not one but many of those grosse and shamfull abuses and breaches of true martiall discipline : that in those daies and states the most inferiour souldier of an armie for feare of perpetuall shame would not : faults i say so farre surmounting this error of the worthy manlius sonne , as the foulest leprosie or pestilent feuer doth the ephimeris ague , tending indeed not onely to the robbing of their prince and publique treasure , and to the spoyle and betraying of their fellow souldiers ( men many times of better valour and woorth farre than such leaders or superiour commaunders ) but also to the vtter ouerthrowe of all true martiall valour , and dishonour perpetuall of their nation , and smally tending to the vtter ruine of their prince and countrey . but to passe ouer infinite honorable praecedents of antiquitie , to returne againe to our owne age , i say , that euen by experience of the warres , and nations of our owne time it is manifest , that these abuses and corruptions haue beene the verie ruine of the realmes and states where they haue beene practized , as in time they will be also of all other that shall admit the continuance of them . and first for france that woorthy souldier mounsier de la nôe in the military discourses plainely sheweth , how with these ciuill warres these corruptions there began , and by what vnlawful generation mistresse picorea was at boygenye first begotten , which bastard in short time had such a multitude of seruants both in france , and after in the low-countries , as they created their mistresse a ladie : and that mightie ladie madam picorea hath now so many braue seruants , ( not onely among the french and dutch , but of other nations also ) as it is to bee feared they will make her a queene , to the ruine of all kings , queenes and realmes that shall endure her , and not suppresse in time both her , and her shamelesse presumptuous , lewde , licentious seruants . what extreeme misery they haue within these thirtie yeares reduced all france vnto , wee see : what desolation in flaunders , brabant , and other base countrey prouinces , by the ruines remaining , is manifest . shal wee suffer her and her followers also in our nation , to see what they can likewise doo of england ? absit omen . but the french prouerbe saith most truly ; qui par son peril est sage celuy , est sage malhereux : and , foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . he telleth of an honorable executiō done by that worthy souldier the armirall of france in hanging vp a captaine & 5 or 6 other chief seruāts of this basterdly lady picorea adoring their gallows with their booties , which honorable souldier ( shattillion i meane ) he commendeth highly to haue beene a most fit and meete phisition to cure this maladie : for hee was ( saith la nòe ) seuere and violent , neither could any fauour or vaine friuolous excuses take place with him if the partie were faultie : which is indeed the onely way to cure it , for it is most fond and vaine to imagine that eyther by verball perswasions , or printed lawes or proclamations it is possible to cure this fore , but with armed iustice some of the ring-leaders must be seized and roughly chastized , to bring a terror vpon the rest . for if these mischiefes ( saith that woorthy souldier ) were like to other crimes , where men ( condemned by publique sentence ) are quietly content to bee led by the executioner to receiue their due , they might full soone bee banished . but they fare more like a rough and restife horse , that ( being touched with his riders spurre ) lasheth , yerketh , and biteth , and therefore such a iade must roughly and rigorously bee corrected and made to know his fault : for if ye spare him or seeme to feare him , hee will sure vnhorse you , for generally these militarie vices are presumptuous . and if they smel you feare them they will braue you : but giue them the terror of lawes , and their due punishments seuerely , and so shall you cure their maladie . for most mercifull is that rigour , that ( by dispatch of foure or fiue ) many saue the liues of so many hundreds , or rather thousands , and recure such a pestilent contagion as is able in time to subuert the most mightie realmes and monarchies . when yron is fouly kankored , it is not inough to annoint it with oyle , but it must bee roughly and forcibly scoured and polished , to make it returne to his perfect brightnes . and if in pleuresies and other like corrupt exulcerations wee haue no remedie but to open a veine , and content our selues to part with many drops of our blood to saue the whole bodie from destruction : so must we be content ( though it were with the losse of many such corrupt persons ) to recure our militarie bodie from vtter confusion : seeing thereupon dependeth the health or ruine also of the whole politique body of the realme : for the french haue a true prouerbe . le medicin piteux fait vne mortelle plaie and most wisely the poet. obsta principijs , serò medicinaparatur , cum mala per longas inualuêre moras . as france and flanders both our next neighbours by their calamities may teach vs , where no kinde of abuse or corruptions haue beene practized : their bands not 40. for 100. strong . which kinde of picoree mounsier de la nôe termeth desrober enfalquin non pas engentilz homes : but of gentlemen all piciories ought indeed to be detested , as fitter for base minded slaues , than honouable free minded souldiers . but for other extortions and robberies vpon the poore payzants , booers , or husbandmen , it were as hard to name any one kinde that hath beene omitted , as to recite particularly euery sort that hath bene executed by these insatiable cormorants , whose maw is neuer full though their gourmandize be infinite , besides the defacing of so many goodly churches and stately pallaces in the countrey , as by the remnants of their ruines is to bee seene , and the ransacking of villages , castles , townes and cities , and infinite outrages otherwise committed in all places where this misbegotten ladies seruants or filching followers could lay their gracelesse hands . but seeing the first pretext and colour they had in france to engender this monster , and since in the base countries to foster her , was by reason of want onely of conuenient pay : which enforced euen the most famous generals of our time ( i meane the prince of condee , and the prince of orange ) at the first to tollerate these cankers , which after wrought the very ruine , of those states . it is a singuler warning to king and princes that haue realmes to commaund , that not yet so farre corrupted , and able to yeelde maintenance for honest and right martiall souldiers , by no meanes ( for want of conuenient wages , stipend , and pay ) to giue any colour or excuse to this degenerate bastardly kinde of seruitors , or rather pickers , to excuse their corrupt artes , or diuellish craftes and abuses . and for their subiects of all degrees rather to giue double and treble subsidies yearely to continue an honourable pay , for maintenance of sober , valiant , painefull , honest , obedient souldiers in true martiall discipline , than to become a praye to these mercilesse carrowsing , degenerate insatiable monsters . and it is to bee hoped the present king of fraunce ( if god blesse him with any obedience of his subiects ( as were to bee wished , and his constancie in religion , and other heroicall vertues meriteth ) will no doubt by all due meanes in his territories endeuour to procure a reformation of these horrible disorders , which is yet vtterly impossible for him to redresse , being in that state , by long continuance growne to a most difficile and hard cure . but as the estates of the vnited prouinces ( by meanes of such bad pay and collections of corruptions in their martiall or rather mercenarie commaunders ) did also for many yeares together continually lose by peacemeale a number of strong fortes , towers , and prouinces in their possessions , being driuen almost on euery side downe into their marches where they were enforced to implore her maiesties present ayde to escape their impendent ruine : so , hauing of late ( by honourable example of her maiesties bands ) well reformed that their base kinde of pay , and in part thereby also their other abuses ( which of late yeares hath crept in among their enemies ) haue beene able to make head and recouer againe , many of those important places that before they lost : repayring thereby somewhat the fault of their former errors . yet when i perswade to giue vnto all colonels and such like chiefe commaunders such entertainment as may suffice them contentedly to liue , without seeking so much as ( by tolleration or suffering of frauds to enrich themselues , or to supply their wants . it is no part of my meaning to haue collonels so commune , or such multitude of needlesse officers , as in disorderly warres hath beene accustomed . for one collonell or maestro del campo may very well suffice for three or foure thousand men , and the contrarie is but an abuse and embasing of that name which should not bee bestowed but on olde souldiers of iudgement and experience , able to discharge a place of that importance . and this officer hauing ( for himselfe , his martiall , his serieant maior , and other necessary chiefe officers of his regiment ) conuenient allowance to maintaine on honourable table , the inferiour priuate captaines may and ought to content themselues with meaner port till ( by vertue and desert ) they bee aduaunced to higher place : and ( abhorring all vanitie in apparrell , and wastefull expences in baser appetites ) endeuour themselues by trauell , care , good armes , and trayning of their companies ( in right martiall exercises and exploits in the field vpon their enemies ) to make their value knowne , and by such aemulation one to excell another , whereby they may bee chosen and aduanced to higher offices : the priuate captaines place being indeede but the first steppe toward martiall honour : and therefore not to bee accompanied with such pompe , as now is too too vsuall . it may perhaps be replied . so long as men are content to accept these glorious names only ( without any charge to their princes purses , or crauing any encrease of pay ) it is a small matter to content phantasies with feathers . i answere , it it a matter of farre greater consequence than is conceiued : for , first it embaseth those degrees of honor which chiefly should allure right martiall mindes , and makes them seeme vile , when they are so common as they fall to the the lot of persons vnworthy such degree , and so grow in contempt ; and not affected after by the true honourable mindes : besides wanting maintenance for the due port of that place , they are enforced to bee patrons to all or many of those disorders and abuses before mentioned , vnlesse they would choose to vndoo themselues and friends to maintaine it otherwise , which fewe i thinke now a daies vse to doo . farther hauing once taken a greater name , they disdain euer after to serue in any inferiour calling , fitter indeede for their experience : and so become persons altogether vnprofitable , and to maintaine those glorious names enforced ( by shift of braine ) to trie conclusions : and so by all these meanes the cause of greater inconueniences . i conclude therefore by all these reasons before alleaged , and the successe of plaine experience also ( both of old time , and in our owne age ) that as it is more honourable for the prince , and most necessary for the aduancement of the seruice , to haue all chiefe needefull commaunders to haue such compleat entertainment , as they may ( without extortion or corruption in themselues , or alteration of abuses in others ) maintaine their place with reputation , and execute martiall discipline with seuerity . so discharging their duties honorably and honestly they shal saue at least one third part of the royal or publike treasure , and yet the forces ( though not in shew of ensignes to scare dawes ) yet in armed hands to conquer enemies farre more strong and puissant than those multitudes of colors farced with freebooters or other seely vnarmed ghosts or disordered mutinous persons , that by licentious education will scarcely endure the paines of watch and ward , or abide the due execution of any true martiall discipline . and as these superiour gouernours and commaunders ( doing their duties ) are worthie of all reputation , credite , aduauncement , and honour : so contrariwise , after they haue conuenient entertainment , if they shall be found the patrones or pandars to such corruptions and abuses as tend to the ruine of all true discipline militare , i would wish them disgraded , and with all shame disarmed as vncapable euer after to their graue , of any true martiall honour . and for proofe of this proposition in all the chiefe officers also of an armie , for a taste of the rest hauing chosen to treate of the martiall censor , or generall comptroler of musters . i say there are of this kinde of officers ( as likewise of all others ) two sorts : the one , honest , iust , fearing god , & respecting the honour , commoditie , and aduauncement of their princes seruice . the other , neither iust , nor honest , nor possessed with any feare or reuerence of god : but ( ayming onely at fauour , wealth , and aduauncement in this corrupt world ) care not what becomes of the seruice , so they may by any meanes enrich themselues , and purchase friends to backe them in all their vnhonest proceedings . but more briefely or plainly to set forth the different or repugnant pathes of these two sorts of officers , i cannot better than by these briefe conferences of the good and bad ensuing . a conference of a good and bad muster-maister , with his inferiour commissaries of musters , by the fruites to discerne the tree . the good. this officer will not willingly serue , but with such a competent & conuenient entertainment both for himselfe and for his inferiour commissaries , clerkes , and substitutes , as hee neede not take bribe or beneuolence , or depend on the fauour of any , but the generall alone . this officer will bee in his expences temperate , rather sparing than wasting : that hee bee not by want enforced to straine his conscience , and deceaue his prince . this officer seeketh by all meanes to cause the generall to establish lawes and ordinances , whereby orderly entrances and discharges of souldiers may bee registred , and thereby neither the prince , nor the souldier abused . this officer deliuereth these lawes to his inferiour commissaries with other strait particular instructions , and calleth them to account how they haue discharged their duties . this officer will not set down any penny check certaine vpon any captaine or band without apparant proofe : and for such as cannot bee decided , wil respite them to farther triall , that neither prince , captaine , nor souldier be defrauded or iniured . this officer if any such doubt arise in the checques as hee cannot determine by the lawes established , hee either desireth the resolution of the general , or that it may bee determined by a counsell at warre , or some commissioners , especiallie aucthorized to assist him . this officer ( if the captains shew any reasonable cause to be relieued out of the checques , either in respect of the losse of horse , or armour in seruice , or such like that deserueth consideration ) hee presenteth his proofes thereof , together with his checke to the lo : generall , desiring his lordship to haue honorable cōsideration thereof . this officer ( if hee see ouermuch familiaritie betweene anie of his commissaries and captaines ) is presently iealous of them , and calleth them to account : and if hee finde them conniuent or faultie , presently displaceth them , or if he finde no other proofe but vehement suspition , yet remoueth them to another garrison , and placeth such other in their roomes , as may sift and examine their former behauiour . this officer , as hee would not ( to gaine a million ) doo anie captaine apennie wrong , so wil he not for the fauour of the greatest persons in the armie , or his neerest kinne or friends staine his conscience to abuse his prince one pennie : and therfore presents the checque truly as he findes it , and leaues all fauour to be shewed by the lord generall onely . this officer procureth orders also to bee established for trayning of the souldiers , and himselfe requireth the captaines to performe them : and to encourage men to doo well , will not spare out of his owne purse to giue rewards to such shott as by proofe hee findes the best marke-men . this officer will not accept penny nor penni-worth of any captaine , or souldier , more , than the fee due to his office , and that not as a beneuolence secretly , but as his due openly . this officer reposing himselfe onely on god and his cleere conscience , laboreth not to make other friends but his prince and generall : and for the generall himselfe will not straine his conscience any way , though hee bee sure of many enemies and small backbiting and euen to his prince for faithfull seruice store of false backebitings : yea the swanne must bee made a crowe , and the faulcon a bussard . this officer as hee is thus precise himselfe as neyther to giue penny for such an office , nor to receiue bribe or beneuolence more than due fees : so maketh hee a matter of conscience whilest hee carrieth such office to giue to any of his honourable friendes any present , lest they or others should haue cause to suspect , hee did it to bee borne-out in any lewde action . the bad. this officer careth not howe little entertainment certaine hee haue for himselfe or his substitutes : presuming hee can make what gaine hee list of his office : & make such friends thereby also , as may beare him out of his lewdnes . &c. such an officer hauing so good meanes to get immeasurablie by playing the good-fellowe , wil spend infinitely , especially in keeping company with such as must ioyne with him in deceauing the prince . such an officer can no more abide lawes and ordinances in musters , than lucrous captaine , saying , it barreth the officer of his discretion , whereby the office ought to be directed , & braue men gratified . such an officer likes none of these strict courses , saying , among martiall men a man must play the good-fellowe , and not to be too pinching of a princes purse . such an officer calleth this examination nice curiositie , and sayeth , so there bee some checques for fashion sake it is no matter : make them little enough that the captaines be not angry , and all is well . one good-fellowe must pleasure another . such an officer saith , it is great folly to loose that prerogatiue of his office , to resolue these doubts as he sees cause ; and to subiect him selfe to commissioner that is maister of the musters himselfe . such an officer will bee chauncellor himselfe , & neuer trouble the lord generall with these matters , who hath matters of greater importance to thinke vpon : saying , princes purses may not be spared , & braue men must be rewarded , & officers must get loue & honor by dealing bountifully . such an officer likes none of these seuere iealousies , but liketh well such officers as be plausible and gratefull to the captaines , knowing the captaines bee liberall , and will not be vngratefull to him , seeing hee mindes and hath good meanes to requite their curtesie tenne folde out of the princes purse . such an officer , being of another molde , will none of these melancholie courses : hee will pleasure his friends , and crosse his enemies , and make them know he is an officer can please or displease thē : but displease he will not for all that , and for his excuse alledgeth that princes cookes may giue a good fellowe a piece of beefe , and the butlers or cellarers a cup of wine or beere , and that he wil shew his friends a cast of his office . such an officer will none of this , saying , it is but a turmoyling of captaines and souldiers , and intruding on the captaines offices to offend and discontent them , and that braue men should not be comptroled , or the imperfection of their souldiers discouered by such open exercises , and that such expences are foolish , and make more enemies than friends . such an officer wil accept any thing money or ware , so it come secretly : and like a good-fellow will ( on the princes purse ) requite it tenfolde , as easily he may doo , and none but his fellowetheeues able to accuse him . such an officer will not onely for the generall , but for any other person of authority strain his conscience any way , and to all other captaines also so kinde and liberall of his princesse her maiesties purse , as he is generally extolled for a braue man ; an honorable officer , an honorable minde , yea & his prince also whom he deceiues horribly shal be perswaded the daw is an eagle , & the cucko a nightingale . such an officer hath no melancholy conceipt , but as hee will take lastly , so will hee giue frankly to thē that cā beare him out : and such a one as captains , collonels , great officers and all shall extoll , how shall his prince but like of too , considering the more he robs , the more friends he maks , & the more he shal be praised : so as if there were no god , the honest were indeed to be begged for a right natural foole . but this conference of either kinde i hope it appeareth plainly both how many enemies the honest must of necessitie in this age of militarie corruptions drawe vpon him : and likewise how great a multitude of friends the vnhonest may make by their confederacy with others of that humor in robbing of the prince or publique treasure : and therefore how necessarie it is that aswell the honest bee honoured with entertainment and maintenance answerable to their reputation and credit of their place , as the contrarie well sifted and extraordinarily punished in terror of abuse . but as it is apparantly best for the honor of any prince or state to haue this honest office so backed with honourable entertainment & authority as he may boldly without feare or regard of any offence controll fraud , thereby to enforce all captains to keep their bands compleat , or dul to checke their defaults aswell for armes as men : so is it also asmmuch for the profit & benefit of the king prince , or state ( in respect of the sauing of their teasure , which no way in the world shall bee so extremely and vnprofitably wasted , as by the ignorance , confederacie or abuses of these officers , if they be vnskilful , base-minded or dishonest : as none can better testifie ( if they wil truly confesse their errors ) than the states of the low-countries , who i think haue had ful exeperiēce of the extreme mischief ensuing by imploymēt of base cōmissaries with poore wages , in place of so great trust & importāce . but somwhat to say of our own nation , omitting theirs , i thinks there is no indifferent person but will confesse , that in the earle of leycesters time of gouernment , the english bands generally in the queens pay ( a very few excepted ) were maintained euer farre stranger than eyther before or since , and great reason it should be so : for as neither her maiestie , nor any prince of europe euer paid more iustly and honorably than in his time , hauing euery foure or six moneths at farthest till the last , a full pay : so was there also so facile & easie meanes for all captains in her m. pay frō time to time thē stil to supply & reinforce their bands without the captains charges , as neuer was neither before nor since . for besids the 40 , footbdās & 10 cornets of horse ( by contract in her ma. pay ) there was euer at the charge of the countrey also many other english ensignes all the earle of leicesters time , somewhile 20 , somtime fortie , and sometime 70 , ensignes at a time , which being by the states as extreme badly paid then , as the queenes maiesties were honorably & well : any english souldier that could get out of their bands into the ensignes of her maiestie thought themselues aduanced from hel to heauen . hereof it came to passe that all the earle of leicesters time the captains in her maiesties pay needed not to send into england for souldiers at great charge , for their leuying , arming , & transporting to supply their bands as since they haue : but continually suite was made vnto thē by souldiers of this ill paid voluntary bands to be receiued into the queens maiesties pay : for those soldiers would rather frely forgiue their own pay to their captains , thā tary in the states pay , if they could obtain a place in any of her ma : bands : and so the captains of her maiesties bands ( without any charge at all ) had meanes then still to maintaine and keepe their ensignes compleat , which ( neither before nor since ) they euer could ( without their charges in sending for and transporting of new souldiers out of england ) for the which they can haue no allowance but vpon speciall petition to her maiestie . farther the earle in his time of gouernment tooke such courses to make the captaines keepe their bandes strong , as neuer were before nor since . for at the first , finding many bands of fooftemen left vnto him extream weake , not 60. souldiers in a band of 150. and halfe a doozen such bands at one muster and one place : his excellency gaue a generall day to all captaines in her maiesties list to haue their bands reinforced strong , or else to be checked according to to their weaknes at the next future muster : as they should likewlse for his time receiue the benefit for the time past , not to bee checked , if they were found compleat , and strong for seruice at that their appointed day . this generally made them all , or the greatest part contend , who might reinforce their bands strongest . againe his excellency ( being both gouernour for the states , and generall for her maiestie ) had the commaundement of both forces , and thereby caused musters generall in his time to bee alwaies made of all souldiers in euery garrison at one instant : whereby the souldiers in the states pay could not fraudulently bee lent or borrowed to fill the queenes bands at musters , as otherwise they might haue doone . there was also such ordinances for musters established by his excellency as neuer the like in those prouinces ( or better in any other ) can be shewed , to enforce the captaines that for feare of due checke ( if for their owne credit any reputation otherwise they would not ) to keep their bands compleat : by which precedents the states haue since much reformed their militia . and with all so honourable entertainment allowed the muster-master general at that time , as ( if he would haue but winked willingly at corruptions ) he had beene worthie of all shame and blame : who thereby ( hauing conuenient meanes , carrying a seuere hand ( according to his dutie ) to execute his office iustly , was so maligned of the licentious sort of captaines , as they would vow to keepe their bands more than compleat , rather than he should haue a penny checke out of their bands toward his entertainment , the honest therefore and honourable ( for their owne commendation ) and the licentious and malignant ( for feare of checke and enuie against the muster-master ) contend all , who might keepe their bands fairest . and yet i thinke there will bee found more checks certaine , notwithstanding in the earles gouernment fiuefolde for respectiue time , than other before or after ; when the bands were farre weaker , besides the checkes respited to farther examination , which would haue amounted vnto much more , if by conning practises they had not procured his disgrace . but as the bestowing some time of a thousand or two thousand pounds a yeare on the maintaining of sluces and milles for the drayning of marshes , may in some leuelles by clearing of the waters encrease their goodnesse & value of their grounds twentie thousand pounds a yeare to be bestowed on these necessarie engines may leaue them so insufficient as they shall not bee able to drayne the waters . and thereby the whole leuell of marshes improfitable , or many score thousand of pounds in their value yearely lost . so fareth it in the due maintenance of these important officers in causes militarie . the like i say of the marshall and serieant-generall , and many other , who if they haue wil and skil to execute their duties without regard of offence to the bad and licentious in matter of iustice , and vse their office as they ought , to aduance the profit and seruice of the prince ( which without compotent and honourable entertainment is not to bee expected ) they may not onely be able ten-folde in the aduancement of the seruice to deserue their wages , but euen ( in sauing of treasure ) requite it ten-folde also . and therefore soundly may conclude , that neither the sparing of seede by the fond husbandman , nor the pinching of pence before mentioned by the miserable merchant , in the rigging and furnishing of his ship , nor want of due allowance for drayning of marshes by conuenient engines is halfe so fond and absurd , as the omitting of such necessarie officers in martiall causes , or the sparing of such entertainment as should enable them to discharge their offices iustly and honourably , that by corrupt and lucrous pettie companions may be managed to the extreme robbing of the prince , and confusion of all true martiall discipline . for euen as in this office of censor or comptroller-generall of musters a corrupt person may with farre greater gaine giue his prince two thousand pounds a yeare to farme that office thā an honest officer can take two thousand pounds yearely entertainment for him and his substitutes faithfully to discharge it : so shall the 2000 , pounds giuen by the prince to such a one , bee ten-folde more gainfull and beneficiall to his seruice , than the 2000. pounds taken : which by due consideration of the frauds and deceipts practized , and by mee at large in a particular treatise thereof alreadie reuealed , and hy the very triall or experiences alreadie made ( duely weighed ) will euidently appeare . and therefore may truly say , that aswell for the profit of all princes and states , as for the honour and aduancement of the seruice , it is fit this officer ( as likewise all other officers or commaunders of like importance and necessitie ) should haue such conuenient entertainement for the reputation of their place , as they may ( without feare or regard of any ) syncerely censure and controll all deceipts and abuses , by whom soeuer they finde then boulstered or patronized . and hauing indeed such allowance as the reputation of their place requireth , if any such be found ( for any respect ) to become partie or pander of such corruptions and robberies , whereby the royall treasure should bee vnduly wasted , the forces enfeabled and martiall discipline corrupted tanquam reum lasae maiestatis , i would haue such a one exemplarly to bee corrected with all blame and shame . and for a finall conclusion of this true paradox may confidently confirme . that the most thriftie , and sparing course that any prince or state can take to continue a warre , ( without wasting of their treasure , or ouer-burdening of their subiects with intollerable taxes ) is still to allow all necessary commaunders , officers , captaines , and souldiers such conuenient , large , and sufficient entertainment , as men of true value and honestie may indeed rest therewith contented : and then to execute seuere martiall discipline on all frauds , robberies , and extorsions , without respect of persons . the second paradox . that the antique romane and graecian discipline martiall doth farre exceede in excellency our modern , notwithstanding all alterations by reason of that late inuention of artillerie , or fire-shott . and that ( vnlesse wee reforme such corruptions as are growne into our moderne militia , vtterly repugnant to the ancient ) wee shall in time loose vtterly the renowne and honour of our nation , as all other also that haue or shall commit or tollerate like errors . whereas among many captaines and commaunders of the newe moderne martiall discipline , it is maintained for a maxime : that all ancient romane or graecian militarie lawes and orders of the field ( aswell for gouernment , as trayning of their souldiers ) are for the warres of our age meere mockeries , and that the fury of the ordinance and other rare . inuentions of our time is such , as hath enforced a necessarie change of discipline and order in all those matters : i thinke it fit to open the error and absurditie of this opinion , held eyther of such as of ignorance discommend that they neuer vnderstood , or vnaduisedly are miscaried with the authoritie of others , or of malitious subtilty seeke to aduance such opinions , as may reduce all martiall actions to a turbulent confusion , whereby such corrupt , base minded persons ( as seeke the warres for gaine ) may excessiuely enrich themselues , euen with the ruine of their countrey . i therefore to the contrarie auerre : that neither the furie of ordinance , nor any other like inuentions of this our age , hath or can worke any such alteration : but that the auncient discipline of the romane and martiall graecian states , ( euen for our time ) are rare and singuler praecedents . and that many such customes as wee haue taken vp ( contrarie to those honorable and right martiall praecedents ) will worke our vtter shame and confusion , if we should encounter with such warlike troops and souldiers as their discipline then bred : and yet not impossible but facile for any king in his owne realme ( especially of our nation ) by those ancient praecedents to select and frame a militia as farre surmounting in value vulgar moderne as the lacedemonian , the macedonian , or any other graecian did the effeminate persian , who in sundrie battailes haue vanquished them when in number they were double , treble , yea manifold the greater , and in wealth and riches farre exceeding . and to enter into the opening of this truth ( so much repugnant to the conceipt generally receiued of the greater multitude professing armes ) first i say , that like as in all other artes and sciences it is a matter of verie great importance to haue sure grounds and true principles without abuse or error . so in this art military ( whereupon dependeth not onely the liues of so great multitudees , but also the defence or ruine of the greatest realmes & monarchies ) it were to be wished that men were not to be misled with such false and fraudulent opinions as may bring-forth fruits most poysonous and perrilous . seeing therefore by the ciuill warres which haue risen in this our age , diuers disorders haue spung vp , and for want of abilitie to make due pay to souldiers , the generals and chiefe commaunders to haue beene enforced to tollerate many abuses which in time haue growne vsuall , and by vse of some disciples ( bred in such lawlesse discentions ) not onely learned and practised , but peruersely maintained to bee not onely tollerable , but also laudable , yea farre excelling the auncint discipline of the romane and greeke armies . this error because it tendeth to the aduancing of vice : and defacing of vertue , to the extolling of many corrupt new practised abuses and licentious delicacies , and the reiecting or contemning of the sober painefull , strict , seuere , and sacred militarie discipline of the antiquitie . i thinke it fit to touch some principall points , wherein the moderne militia ( which i reprooue ) doth dissent from the antiquitie ( which i commend ) and propone as a praecedent for vs to imitate : that any souldier of iudgement ( not caried wilfully with corrupt affection ) may see , how farre awrie they are , that somuch extoll the one , or disdainefully contemne the other . but first ( lest i bee misconceiued ) i must explaine a little farther , my meaning not to bee precisely to binde our nation , or any other , to the same very rules or lawes which the romanes or any graecian state was ruled by , which most florished in martiall prowesse , i thinke the same as great an error as that of some diuines , who would haue all nations ruled by the verie same politique lawes and paynes that moyses praescribed to the iewes or people of israell . for albeit those diuine lawes were prescribed by the infinite wisedome of god himselfe , and for those people ( no doubt ) the most conuenient , yet , as times , and states , and dispositions of nations are variable and different , so may the paines or punishments bee made more seuere or remisse , as the magistrates and choise members of each state , ( assembling as physitions to cure the maladies growing in the bodie of their realmes ) shall finde conuenient : so as they make nothing lawfull that is by lawes diuine prohibited , for that were flat impietie . so say i also , there is in the discipline militarie of those martiall states-antique , many things , which ( according to the nature and disposition of our people ) wee may mitigate or encrease , alter or accommodate . but the dissent in the verie chiefe grounds and principall axiomes of the art martiall ( as such men of warre of the new discipline doo ) i holde it a daungerous error , and fit to bee effectually regarded , and speedily reformed . neyther is it any part of my meaning , and to taxe or reprooue all generals , commaunders , collonels or captaines that serue in these our moderne warres , as men corrupted or depraued with these erronious opinions . for my selfe in mine owne experience haue knowne many , that highly esteeme the auncient and true martiall discipline , and condemne as much the intollerable abuses that haue growne in by the late intestine & ciuill discentions . as in france , how much that worthie prince of condie and admirall shattilion abhorred those disorders which in their time began ( and are since growne to their ripenesse or rather full rottennesse ) may partly appeare by their campe-lawes , sauouring altogether of the antique true martiall discipline , as farre forth as the corruptions of this age , and their wantes to pay their troopes would permit . as by that i haue at-large set-downe in my stratioticos touching their militarie lawes , more manifestly will appeare . likewise in the militarie treatize of that famous generall , guillame de bellay seignior le langey of discipline military , more euidentlye dooth appeare : howe much hee disliked also of the corrupt customes in his time , growne into the warres of france , and how hee laboured to reduce it to the perfection of those auncient martiall states , that for many hundred yeares together ( hauing made that art and profession , and thereby mightily aduanced their realmes in fame , honour , and wealth , and also encreased their territories ) had indeed attained to the high perfection thereof . how much also that famous prince of orange disliked with these moderne abuses ( albeit for want of meanes to pay , and also authoritie sufficient to gouerne as hee would , hee were enforced to tollerate in his mercenary commaunders many of those corruptions ) my selfe know by that i haue diuerse time , heard , euen from his owne mouth , besides that appeareth otherwise by his remonstrances and military ordinances . the like i could say of many of our owne nation , men of honour , experience and value , that both know and acknowledge how necessarie it were to haue a reformation of moderne abuses , and restitution of true martiall discipline , but are loath to make themselues odious to such multitudes , as ( hauing beene bred-vp in those base , easie , corrupt lucrous customes ) would extremely hate such a gouernour , or commaunder as should crosse their profit , and in his owne regiment first with seueritie begin such reformation : which is indeed not to bee performed but by the authoritie and maiestie of a prince and royall state , that is able both to pay and punish . so farre am i therefore from condemning all commaunders of this age , eyther of our owne nation or theirs , for patrones of these moderne corruptions and basterdly degenerate souldierie , as cleane contrariwise in mine owne experience and knowledge i can cleare many : hauing my selfe knowne and conferred with diuers of our owne nation that asmuch abhorre them , as that famous souldier of france mounsier de la nôe , whom i haue my selfe also heard , aswel in his priuate speeches , as since in his military discourses discouer his extreme dislike of such our modern vnsouldierly corruptions , which neuerthelesse my selfe saw hee was in part inforced to tollerate , euen then , when hee was martiall of that mighty armie by the states leuied against don iohn de austria , and the prince of parma in brabant vtterly against his will and liking . i can therefore the lesse blame any such of our nation , as beare for a time with these errors , when they see ( by contending for redresse without sufficient authoritie ) they shall little preuaile , and yet make themselues extreme odious . but for such as will not onely tollerate , but ( of purpose to make profit by them ) will impudently maintain their moderne costomes good , and better for this age , than the auncient , as i know them most hurtfull members , so i cannot but wish such bad patriotts reformed by better reason , or in time reiected as infected sheepe , that are able with their leprosie and infection to corrupt great multitudes , to the excessiue danger of their prince and state. first therefore to shew some principall points , wherein the moderne militia i speake of , dissenteth from the ancient by mee commended , i say . 1 it was a very laudable custom of antiquity to haue in their states or realmes cōscriptos milites their chosen enrolled souldiers , not of the base , loose , abiect , vnhonest sort , by cornelius tacitus wel termed purgamenta vrbiū suarū , but of the honest , well-bred , and renowned burghers and other country inhabitants that had some liuing , art , or trade to liue vpon when the warres were finished , aswell to haue them practized and trained in all martial exercises before they came to deale with their enemies : as also that hauing somewhat to loose , they more dutifully and obedienly behaue themselues during the seruice . and hauing whereupon to liue when the warres were done , neede not commit such pickories , extorsions , and outrages , as the common crew of such caterpillers and vermine doo : as , ( hauing nothing at home to loose , or art to liue , ) seeke the warres onely ( like free-booters ) for rauine and spoile . 2 i say , it was also a commendable custome in those states and common-weales to choose captaines and commaunders of credit and account in their countries , cities , or townes , that might traine and exercise neighbours in all martiall and militarie exercises at home , before they led them to the warres : whereby the very children in those states ( only by looking on ) knew farre better both the vse of euerie sort of weapon , and how to march and raunge themselues into any forme of battell , yea , how to defend themselues ( like souldiers ) from euery kinde of charge or assault of their enemies , farre better i say than many of our braue men that haue haunted such licentious warres or pickories many a yeare . 3 i say also that it was a commendable course to make such choise of captaines in those antique warres ( as being men of reputation of the same countrey or citie from whence their souldiers were leuied , might haue the greater care to performe their duties towards their countrimen and neighbours , among whom they should liue at their returne from the warres , and thereby receiue euer after vnto their death from them and their friends , eyther conuenient praise and loue , or infamie and hatred as their gouernement had merited ) so in these daies that the captaines are become not onely the leaders , but also the pagadores or pay-masters of their bandes , there is greater cause to haue them chosen not onely of skill and reputation , but also of abilitie to aunswere an accompt of such treasure as shall come to their handes , for the payment of their souldiers : seeing otherwise ( if they bee base-minded corrupt persons ) they may full easily wrong , starue , and waste their souldiers many waies , to make their owne profit by their death and consumption of their band , especially where fraudes in musters by lewde custome shall also growe tollerable . for if any such captaines bee chosen as eyther haue nothing of their owne at home to liue vpon , or neuer meane to turne into the countrey , whereas the souldiers were leuied , to receiue from them and their friendes the honour or infamy , the loue or hatred that their behauiour hath merited what hope is there that such a one will leaue the excessiue sweete gaine hee may make by the fliecing or rather flaying of his flocke , and not ( according to the moderne discipline ) scrape and rake-in what hee may to liue afterward : hauing neither land liuing , nor art otherwise to maintaine himselfe when the warres are done . 4 likewise where captaines were rightly chosen of such reputation and credit as is before repeated , that they had a speciall care in health and sicknesse to prouide things necessarie to preserue the liues of their souldiers ( being their tenaunts or neighbours , that euer after to their death would honour and loue them for it , and the kindred and friends of those souldiers also , whensoeuer it came to any fight with the enemie , they were euer most assured and faithfull to such leaders , and they likewise to them . in such sort as it was almost impossible to breake such a knot ef vnited mindes : but being otherwise leuied ( as too too commonly in our moderne warres hath beene accustomed , where the captaine neither knowes his souldiers , nor the souldiers their captain before the seruice , nor euer meane to meete againe when the warres are ended ) as the loue is small betweene them , so is their fidelitye and confidence much lesse . and as the captaine taketh small care to prouide for them eyther in health or sicknesse for any necessaries to preserue liues , so haue as smal deuotion to aduenture their liues for him or his honour ( to whom indeed the chiefe reputation of their good seruice alwaies should redound ) but rather in all encounters with the enemie , how to make shift by flight to saue their liues . if then these kinde of captains also ( very prouidently foreseeing the worst which is likely to happen ) will not bee vnprouided of a beast , to run-away , trusting rather to the legs of his horse than to all the hands in his band : what can bee conceiued ? but that heereof chiefely it comes to passe , that in these moderne warres wee heare of so many violent retraits , ( for so in their new discipline they terme that which in the olde warres was called shamefull flight ) i meane when the captaine and some of his officers spur-away on horsebacke , and the rest throwe away both armour and weapons to leape ditches the more lightly , and are shamfully slaine without resistance : and many times by multitudes ( pressing to get boats ) do drowne themselues . now whether such accidents bee too vsuall or no , i referre it to their owne consciences that most boldly will commend this base moderne discipline . and if it be true whether there bee any more likely cause thereof than the diffidence before recited betweene the captaine and his souldiers , and the want of shame ( which in the antique souldiery was euer accounted the highest vertue ) but now by depraued custome in our licentious degenerate warres vtterly lost and abandoned : and such accounted brauest men that are become of all others the most impudent . 5 i say also it was a most honorable order to haue it punished with great shame in any souldier to lose or throw-away his armes , being held among the graecians a perpetuall disgrace for any priuate souldier so much as to loose his target . but if now both captaines and some chiefe commaunders also of the moderne new militia will bee much offended to haue any of their band so much as checked by the censor or muster-master for lacke of his curates or caske . and to encourage either to leaue their armes , wil seldome themselues euer weare any , but take it for a great brauerie and magnanimitie in seruice to bee seene vnarmed . what shall i say but that indeed ( for them that neuer meane to fight , but to escape by flight ) to bee the lighter for a swift carrier , it is a verie politique inuention and a gainfull discipline . 6 it was also an honourable course of antiquitie ( besides the choise of the captaines of such credit in their townes & countries at their entring also into seruice ) to binde them and their souldiers all with a sacred solemne militarie oath , being holden no better than a thiefe or free-booter that followed the warres , vnlesse hee were enrolled vnder some ensigne , and had receiued his militare oath , whereby hee vowed both obedience and fidelitie , and rather to die than dishonourably to abandon his leader and ensigne . but in such new discipline these ceremonies are scoffed at , and captaines chosen sutable to their loose depraued soulderie , 7 it was also a laudable custome to haue the captaine cary his own armes in his ensigne , besides the ensignes of the regiments which were among the romans alway eagles . and that hee that lost his ensigne should bee held a disgraced man , not fit to carrie armes till hee had wonne like honour againe . but now in our new militia in stead of ensignes we haue learned to carry colours , because many captaines perhaps are yet to winne their armes , and thereby make small account to loose their maisters colours , which may bee one cause ( among many other ) that the spaniard within these 20 or 30 yeares can make his vant of the taking of more english ensignes , than i thinke they could truly these 500 yeares before . 8 it was also a most laudable discipline , wherby men from their infancye were taught in those martiall schooles rather resolutely in the field to die , than to saue their liues by flight , the mothers detesting and abhorring their owne children that saued their liues by flying : yea and some with their owne hands doing execution on such children of their own as were fugitiues , rather than they would haue so dishonourable a monument ( as they said ) to their parents and country to walke vpon the earth . but if in our moderne militia this error bee thought so small , as many such braue men will among their cups vsually vaunt thereof , and recount at how many places they haue fled and runne away : taking as it were a glory to tell who had fled fastest , the chaunge is ouer great . as in the ancient martial states it was ( euen in a priuate souldier ) held a perpetuall shame to haue ronne away , or somuch as onely abandoned his ranke wherein hee was placed ( vnlesse it were to step forward into the place of his precedent fellow slaine ) so in a captaine or superiour commander it is much more dishonorable and shamefull : which hath caused many famous generals ( that ful easily might haue escaped & saued themselues ) vtterly to refuse horses offered , and all other meanes to flye , and haue voluntarily sacrifized themselues with their souldiers . but if in our new militia many braue souldiers ( as they are tearmed by their owne crewe ) will not shame to vaunt : in how many places they haue escaped by flight ( belike of zeale to fight againe for their countrey ) the change indeed is great . 10 in the antique militia it was a shame for a leader or commaander of footmen to bee seene mounted on any horse of seruice , but eyther a foote , or for his ease ( being wearied ) on some small nagge , which no man could suspect was any way reserued to escape by flight . but if in such moderne militia ye shal haue both captaines and collonels on horses of swift carrier mounted , and brauely leading their men euen to the place of butcherie , and then to take their leaue ( vnder pretence to fetch supplies ) the discipline is greatly altered . and yet these shamelesse fugitiues perhaps highly commending one another ( when the valiant men that resolutely died in the place , by slaunderous inuentions shall be lewdly defaced ) these fugitiues i say may bee aduanced , and the valiant disgraced , or at least buried in obliuion . 11 in these antique martiall commonweales they vsed to make statuas and epigrams in their honour that resolutely died in the field for the seruice of their countrey : and detested such base minded cowards as saued thēselues by flight . but if contrariwise wee burie their names in obliuion that valiantly died in the field , and extoll fugitiues , and thinke them not vnworthy of new charges : there is a great alteration indeed of martiall discipline . 12 in the auncient martiall states and monarchies , there were publike places of exercise , where the youth ( before they went to the warres ) vsed to inure thēselues to more heauie armes and weapons farre than the vsuall for seruice , making thereby their ordinarie armes seeme light and easie to them . but if such patrones of the new discipline scoffe at these painefull exercises ( because they neyther trouble thēselues nor the souldiers with the wearing of such armes ) it seemeth that as they of the antiquity prepared themselues to fight and conquer . so these moderne commaunders to escape and carowse with the dead paies of their slaine souldiers . 13 the antique martiall discipline was to range their souldiers into forme of battaile by due proportions of rankes , teaching the succeeding rankes ( where any of the former were slaine ) to reinforce their places maintaining their first ranks still full with armed handes of fighting men in martiall order . but if such ringleaders of the moderne pudled discipline , as would haue all brought into a confusion , scoffe at such order & ordinances , & say , there is no better way to make a battaile than aduance 4 pikes , & make their souldiers runne in and fil them : and that all other arithmeticall rules ( for speedie dispatch thereof ) are vnfeazible toyes , because their owne skills will not reach it as a matter they neuer set their wits vpon . whether they were fitter to fould sheepe , or embattell souldiers i leaue it to the censure of honourable & right martiall commaunders . 14 the discipline was to reduce their armies into sondrie battalions and sundry seuerall frounts whereby the general and his chiefe officers and collonels might orderly bring new succours to fight , and relieue such as were tired or weakned by slaughter , and so to renue many fights upon the enemy still with corragious fresh men till they had entier victorie . and for that cause had they so many fronts and seuerall kinde of commaunders , as turmarum praefectos , ouer their principes , hastatos & triarios : tribunos militum also drungarios or chiliarchas , turmarchas merarchas , celerum praefectos , and many others as in my stratioticos is set down more lagely for their fanterie onely : whereon those right martiall nations reposed their chiefest trust , and yet no idle leaders or officers , but euerie one to so necessarie a purpose as they might not conueniently bee spared . but if such men of warre of the new mould scoffe at all these ordinances and supplies , saying : a battell is woon and lost in the twinkling of an eye at the first ioyning , and therefore needlesse : wee may indeede confesse it too true , where they bring their braue men like flocks of sheepe hudle confused to fight , or rather to flight : the battaile is many times indeed gotten before the crossing of pikes . the terror onely of armes glistering is sufficient to scare such pilfering vnsouldierlike freebooters . 15 the auncient discipline was euer to encampe their souldiers close together strongly , and so orderly to deuide their quarters , and set downe their regiments : as their campe was like a well fortified towne , where ten-times so many enemies durst not assault them . but our new discipline , to lodge our armie in villages farre and wide a sunder , as euery captaine may be prouided most for his ease and commoditie like pettie princes , and thereby in no place more easily defeated than in their owne lodgings . 16 the auntient martiall men thought it not dishonourable with their owne hands to entrench their capms . and their great generals would take the shouell in hand themselues when occasion so required . but our braue men of the new discipline disdaine to bee pioners , and will rather lodge abroad in villages at their pleasure and ease like gallant fellowes , where they may take their pleasure , and carouse lustily . 17 the auncient discipline reposed their chiefe confidence in their fanterie , whom they so trained , armed and ordered : as twentie or thirtie thousand footemen forced not of fiue times so many horsemen . but as our footmen of the new discipline are armed and ordered , a thousand horse is able to defeat fiue times as many such footmen . and yet might the footmen of our time carry weapons of farre greater aduantage against horse being well ordered , than were knowne in those daies . so great is the error of the martial discipline of our age among such leaders , as haue beene trayned-vp in freebooter warres , and haue vowed their seruice to their ladie picorea , being carelesse of any thing appertaining to victory and honour , respecting rather their owne priuate profit and commoditie . 18 the auncient martiall discipline tended chiefely to this scope , to carry such an army to the field , as boldly durst march on all grounds , as well champion , as by straights . and in ordinance readie to fight with the enemie by their exercise , order , and assurance , not doubting of victorie . but the scope of such moderne discipline seemeth to bee rather to carrie men ( so lightly armed and loosely disciplined ) as they may bee nimble to stray abroad to picke and steale , and to escape by flight , when they are charged with any enemie of force . and as for losse of ensignes or shamefull flight , they make it a trifling matter , being readie to doe as much againe at any time . 19 the auncient discipline would neuer suffer any souldiers to go abroad to spoile , but with leaders and commaunders to direct and guide them : hauing intelligence before hand , which quarters was best replenished with commodities needfull for the army , and then sent such forces as might not faile to set it in , or honourably defend themselues if they were encountred . but this new discipline will send their souldiers to spoile by handfuls , without captaine , lieutenant or ensigne to guide them : if they get any pickorie , the captaine hath his share : but if their throats bee cut , the captaine will haue their pay , aswell due before their death as after , by mustering them absent , &c , til the muster-master discouer it . and whereas such a captaine should bee disarmed , and by the prouost hanged for such abuse : by this new discipline hee will raile at the muster-master lustely , if hee cheeke him onely the stollen pay . 20 the auncient true martiall discipline was , that all prayes ( so orderly in the warres takē ) should be brought to one place ; where magistrates and officers of purpose appointed should dispose thereof for the ransoming of prisoners , and the remounting of such as had their horses slaine in seruice , and for reward aswell of those that made the stand , as of those that fet in the pray . but in our new discipline it is catch who catch may , and no order in the world for distribution of the pray for any publique vses , nor for redemption of prisoners , or remounting of such as in seruice lost their horses . 21 the auncient discipline was that no armed man on paine of death should step out of his ranke in time of seruice , to catch or spoile , which they easily obeyed , because by their martiall discipline then , they had as good reward out of the pray ( that stood in battaile armed ) as the loose men that brought it in . but in our moderne warres ( where no such order is established , but catch who catch may ) there is nothing but confusion : which cannot be but to their vtter ruine and shame . whensoeuer such vnsouldierly freebooters shall encounter with any enemie of good gouernment . 22 by the auncient discipline ( besides the reward of the souldiers which was left to the discretion of the generall ) there were euer great masses of treasure brought home to the publique treasurie to maintaine the future warres , and thereby no cesses or subsidies on the people for many yeares together , by reason of the treasure so saued and gained by their well disciplined warres . but if by our moderne discipline of land seruices the prince or state hath no benefit by the spoiles , but is riotously wasted among such freebooters and their assotiates and the best souldiers least part of the pray , and by such disordered warre , no ceasing of taxes or subsidies , but continuāce or rather encrease of both , in al realmes and states serued by such spoilers : it is easie to discerne which were the better discipline for the prince and people . 23 by such auncient discipline kingdomes and states by their warres haue encreased their wealth , and their subiects haue growne more wealthie and mightie . but by our moderne warres both prince and subiects grow poore , & few of these vnruly vnsouldierlike free-booters ( how hugely soeuer they get by their corruptions or abuses ) grow wealthie by it , for , badly gotten is euer commonly worse spent . 24 the scope of the auncient martiall discipline was chiefly to preserue the publique treasure of the coūtry , and to maintaine the warres on the treasure gotten by conquests on their enemies . but the scope of our moderne discipline seemeth to bee to enrich priuate captaines and commaunders , and to conuert both the spoiles & the wages of the souldiers also to their particular benefits . and so new taxes and subsidies of necessitie still on the people to maintaine the warres . 25 the auncient generals and great commanders had their chiefest care how to preserue their own people which caused them so carefully to arme them , traine thē , and entrench them strongly , &c. saying the held it more honorable to saue one of their owne souldiers than to destroy ten enemies . as they likewise sought to make their souldiers and countrey wealthie , respecting nothing for themselues but the honour onely of well-doing . but in our moderne discipline it seemeth , the more of their souldiers are wasted and consumed , the richer grow such commanders as by deceipts in musters haue the conscience to conuert all the dead payes to their own profit : which wicked game of all other is most abhominable before god & perrilous to any state : the strength and glory of a prince onely consisting in the multitude and force of his people which are wasted and consumed by such moathes and caterpillers . 26 these auncient worthie generals and commaunders in the field bent their wits and inuentions onely for such exploits as might be honourable and profitable to their countrey . but if commaunders of the new discipline deuise onely exploits to waste and consume the treasure of their prince or state : and care not ( to supply their owne prodigall expences ) though they spoyle their friends thereby , not onely doing their best to breake amitie and make more enemies to their prince and countrey , but also commit such foolish spoiles as their prince or state shall bee sure to repay again double and treble any commoditie or aide they receiued thereby . this abuse surely ought to bee amended . 27 in those auncient right martiall states wee shall heare of generals and dictators ( after they had deposed kings conquered great princes , and brought home to the treasure of the countrey mightie masses of gold & siluer ) were neuerthelesse contēt to returne home to their poore houses , no whit enriched in wealth , but only in honour , liuing soberly and temperately as before on their priuate patrimony , and scarcely a peece of siluer-plate to be seene in their own houses , that haue brought in millions to their state and realme . but if in our moderne discipline wee shall see pettie commaunders ( that neuer brought into their princes realme or state the hundred part of any such masses of treasure , but rather haue had their share in wasting huge sums to little purpose ) to abound in brauery , wast infinitely in all kinde of vanities , that i say no worse , and more siluer dishes on their table than quintus dictator or scipio that conquered hanniball and razed carthage : it seemeth these men serue themselues , as the other did their countrey . 28 wee may read of romane generals that by conquering some prouinces brought so great a masse of wealth to the publique treasurie of rome , that it ceased taxes , tributes , or subsidies there for many yeares . but if our moderne militia ( cleane contrarie ) doo still waste and consume the publique treasure , and bee the cause not of ceasing , but rather of encreasing of tributes or subsidies on their countrey , the difference of discipline indeed is great : but which were the better for the honour and commodity of our prince and countrey , is easie by the wise , honest , and right honourable to bee discerned . by the auncient discipline little macedonie conquered all the large and spacious orientall empire of the proud , rich , & populous persians : and that smal realme of rome subdued so many nations vnder their obedience in europe africke , and asia , and made tributarie so many mightie kings , as their monarchie was of the whole world admired : and that their discipline militarie was the chiefe or onely cause thereof : that famous romane emperour alexander seuerus in his oration to his souldiers declareth , saying . disciplina maiorum rempub. tenet , quae si dilabatur , et nomen romanum , & imperium amittemus . if then not onely by the censure or prophesie of that famous emperour , concerning , that state , but by verie experience also in our owne age of many others our neighbours round about vs , wee may plainely beholde the successe of this corrupt degenerate moderne militia , so repugnant to the auncient : it were wilfull blindnesse not to discerne which were the better . and no lesse negligence to permit the continuance of so daungerous a disease . 30 wee shall also read of generals in those warlike common-weales , that so highly esteemed of the martial discipline of their nation , and were so zealous therein , as they would not haue it violated in the least point . as manlius torquatus that would haue executed his own sonne for encountring in particular combate with his enemie without leaue , and before the signall of battaile giuen ; albeit hee had the victorie and strake-of his enemies head in the sight of both armies , to the great encouragement of the romanes , and terrour of the contrarie side , that tooke that particular encounter as ominous for the successe of the battaile , as it fell indeed out , to the great honour of the romanes , and vtter ruine of their enemies . yet after the victorie this honourable and famous generall , considering the daunger that might haue fallen out if his sonne had not beene victorious , and that the discipline romane was broken by this attempt ( to fight without licence ) hee would not spare it in his owne sonne , but commaunded the serients to apprehend him , and ( after hee had beene whipped with rods ) to bee openly executed : wherein hee so constantly perseuered , as his whole victorious armie on their knees could scarcely obtaine his pardon . if then this breach of one point onely of militarie obedience ( committed of magnanimitie and noble courage , and aboundance of zeale to his countrey ) was in those daies so seuerely censured : as the father would not haue pardoned his owne sonne , notwithstanding by his happie successe also hee was the chiefest cause of that honourable victorie . what shall wee say of such ring-leaders of corruptions in the new discipline , as shall not of any such magnanimitie or haughtie courage or zeale to their countrey , but of a base , corrupt , and lucrous minde breake not one or two , but many points of martiall discipline , and therby not get victorie , but more than once or twice receiue those dishonourable foiles and disgraces , that for shame in those daies no priuate souldier would neuer returne home to abide the due shame and disgrace of . what can be said ? but that it is high time to haue these important errors looked into , least the same succeed heere , which in all other states haue done , where martiall discipline hath beene so neglected , and corruptions triumph vnpunished . it were infinite to recite all the disorders of our moderne warres , and would require a long treatise to lay-open all the commendable ordinances , customes , and prouisions of the famous graecian and romane armies , whereby they honoured and immortalized their generals , and amplified and enriched their states and countries . but these few notes may suffice to shew how great a difference there is betweene the one and the other . neither is it my meaning to call in question the doings of any particular persons , but onely to open the daungerous error of that opinion : that the loose customes of our time should be better than the auncient : or of such excellency as wee neede no reformation or amendement . for i doubt not by due consideration of these few by mee recited it is manifest how great a difference there is betweene that auncient discipline ( whereby meane and poore estates were aduāced to mighty monarchies ) and these moderne corruptions ( whereby flourishing states haue beene spoyled and defaced , and mightie realmes and empires brought to ruine . ) but because some patrones of these new corruptions ( for defence of their bad cause ) alleage : that the late famous inuention of great artillerie and fireshott , vnknowen to the antiquitie , and so farre surmounting all the auncient romane and graecian engines both in terror and effect ) hath necessarily enforced so great an alteration of armes , weapons , and militarie order , as the discipline also must cleane chaunge : i thinke it fit to set downe some of their chiefe and principall reasons . 1 first therefore ( say they ) it is now to small purpose to weare armes , seeing the furie of the fireshott is such , as no armour is able to holde it out . 2 it is vaine to make battailes or battalions in such order and forme ranked , as among the graecians or romanes were accustomed . because the furie of the great artillerie is such as it o●●●eth , breaketh and dissolueth all orders or ordinances that yee can imagine to make : and therefore experience hath taught us ( say they ) to leaue those massie bodies of armed battailes that serue but for buts for the great artillerie to play upon : and to seeke more nimble and light fanterie that may bee readie to take and leaue at their pleasure . 3 and for the seueritie of discipline in the warres ( they say ) it is like the phrensie of some diuines , that would haue men in this world passe an angelicall life , without any fault or errors : which being so farre aboue the nature of man to performe : in aspiring to it many times they commit more foule and grosse faults than the vulgar sort , that neuer reach at such perfection : and thereby become ridiculous to the world as they also will bee that shall attempt such praecise discipline militarie , as is vtterly impossible to put in execution , and vnnecessarie for this our age , where weapons and orders of the warres are so altered and changed . these are the most effectuall reasons that euer i could heare alleaged on that side to maintaine their hereticall opinion . but as there is no cause so bad , but may by finenesse of wit be cleered and made appeare probable . so is there no doctrine so false but by craft & subtilty of mans inuentions shall bee made plausible and to appeare matter of good truth . these reasons indeed at the first appearance seeme probable , but being duly weighed are no thing woorth . 1 and first for leauing armes in respect of the furie of the fireshot which no portable armor is able to resist , is both friuolous and false . for there are many reasons to vse conuenient armes , albeit that were true that they profited vs nothing against the fireshot . for they defend vs from the launco , from the pike , the halberd , the iauelin , the dart , the arrow , and the sword : yea and from the greater part of the fireshot also that any way endaunger vs in the field : i meane euen the portable and indifferent armor that is made ( n●t of musket or caleuer proofe ) but onely against the launce and pistoll . for the greatest part of the fireshot that touch the bodies of any man in the field , graze first and strike vpon the ground : and from all such shot , a meane armor verie portable and easily to bee worne by any souldier , sufficeth to saue a mans life , as ordinary experience in the field daily teacheth . for indeed to lade men with armes of musket proofe ( i am of their opinion ) were not possible to endure , and meere folly to put in vre for many respects : too long to commit to writing in this place . but this light and meane armour is still to bee continued in all battailes and battalions that shall encounter with pike or launce , because it assureth the life of man greatly from all other weapons , yea and from the most part of the fireshott also . 2 neyther is there any martiall commaunder of iudgment , that will obiect his battailes or battalions as a but for the great or small artillerie to play vpon : but will alway aduance forward their owne shot and lightest armed loose men to encounter their enemies shot , and surprize his ordinance before the battailes or battalions come within daunger of the artillerie great or small , to bee plaied on at poinct blanke . and thereby shall the enemie bee enforced eyther to put forward his light-horse or fanterie before his great ordinance to guard and defend them : or else they shall bee possessed or cloyed . if hee protect them with horse and foote of his owne from surprize , then may the squadrons march on safely , and so ( by good discretion ) the armed battailes are in no daunger at all of their enemies artillerie , but may aduenture forward in safety to backe their owne shott and light armed , which were sent to surprize or cloy their enemies artillery . and thē without any more annoyance of the great ordinaunce , the battailes come to ioyne with launce , sword , or pike , as in olde time in auncient warres hath beene accustomed . farther all men know ( that are of skill or experience ) that great artillerie verie seldome or neuer can hurt any footeman , that vpon giuing fire onely doo but abase themselues on their knee till the volew bee past , being much more terrible to vnskilfull and vnexpert new besoignes , than any way hurtfull to trayned souldiers . and therefore ( as is apparant ) no reason in respect eyther of the great or small artillerie or fireshott eyther to leaue conuenient armes , such as the antiquitie vsed , and were able to march withall many hundred miles , or such battalions as the romanes vsed . if any man will obiect that ruytters with their pistolles , and argoletires with their pettronels , ( which the romanes had not ) would beat your massie phalanx of pikes ( vsed by the graecians ) downe to the ground , without receiving any dammage at all by them . heereunto i say , if we had not eyther pistolles or lances on horsebacke to encounter these ruytters and argoletires , they said somewhat . or if we had not musketers on foot to empale or line our battailes , that should more spoile their squadrons of ruitters before they could approach nigh the place where they should discharge their pistols . for there is no souldier of iudgement that commendeth the ancient romane or graecian discipline that would haue vs reiect all moderne weapons to cleaue to theirs onely . but embracing the moderne fireshot also to leaue the abusing of them , and vsing them rightly to vse still the auncient and right martiall discipline also of the romanes and graecians . wee see ( long since the fireshot hath beene vsed ) that the zwitzers notwithstanding haue continued their massie battailes of armed pikes like the gaecian phalanx , and verie honourably dischargd themselues both in italie , france , and germanie . in such sort as the emperour charles & the french king both relied on them greatly , and to this day ( of the mercenaries ) they carry the reputation with the best . so that no furie of the fireshot hath euer caused them to leaue their massie phalanx by the graecians vsed . how much lesse then should the romane order of battallions feare our fireshot ? nay rather is it not the most excellent ordinance that possibly can be imagined ? as well to open themselues ( without disorder ) to giue a way to their fireshot to saly forth , and retire in safety without any daunger of any charge by their enemies horse , and so more fit and conuenient for our warres and weapons now in vse , than they were for the weapons of that age wherein they were first practized ? and if neither the small nor great artillery of our age could euer make the zwitzers or launce-knights to leaue their massie mayne battaile or phalanx , but that in all warres they haue so honourably discharged themselues , as all princes are glad to embrace their friendships and aydes : how much more wold they haue excelled , if they had reuiued also the roman embattailing in battalions , which they inuented onely to defeat the macedonian and graecian phalanx . 3. now for the 3. inuectiue against their phrenzie that would haue in souldierie or diuinitie such refined discipline , as is impossible for men , and more fit for angels . i answere i am indeede of their opinion , that it is fantasticke and phanaticall to aduise such a discipline any way , as is impossible for men to obserue . but if the graecians and romanes also ( being men in flesh as we are ) many hundred yeares together did obserue and keepe such discipline as i perswade , then i cannot see any such impossibility as they inferre , or would make princes beleeue . but the truth is , it is not for the profit or priuate benefite of such mercenarie commaunders as most cōmonly manage the wars of our age , to haue that honorable auntient seuere discipline reuiued , which is the cheefe impedimēt . yet somewhat also i confesse in europe the great wealth that most nations are in this age growne vnto , and the delicate education of their children from their infancie doth make that seuere discipline more strange vnto vs , and somewhat more difficile to put in execution , as all things of highest excellencie are also accompanied with greater difficultie . but if it be compared with the greatnes of the good that therby shall ensue , and the great necessity without delay to haue it done , ( if we esteeme libertie and abhorre to be slaues to strangers ) it may perhaps be found more easy far than at the first it seemes . or if at first for meaner faultes we mitigate the paines , and by conuenient degrees proceede to cure the maladie that groweth too too dengerous , we shall at least do some-what if not the best , which is rather to be wished than naught at all . but because these patrones of the new militia haue one-other arch argument ( a verisimili ) to abuse the world withall ; i will also set it downe with such answere as briefly may open the fallacie thereof , and the necessitie of reformation without delay . the fourth reason . if ( say they ) the alteration of weapons considered , there were any better discipline for the warres , the inuention of man is so excellent in this age , and their wittes so refined , as they would put it in vre , aswell as they haue inuented these fire-weapons , so farre exceeding all their antique romaine rammes , scorpions , balistes , and arcubalistes , as we see those old engines now ( in respect of them ) meere toyes : euen so is also their auntient discipline , in respect of the rare militia moderne of our age. to this reason of theirs i answere : that no doubt the inuention of man in this age is in deede excellent , and farre exceeding the former ages for 500. or 1000. yeares past : as may appeare by all artes and sciences that haue of late more flourished than in a thousand yeeres before . but if we haue regard to the more auntient times of the triumphant graecian states , and rothose mane empire , we shal finde for al arts & sciences ages far excelling ours , & no persons of our age ( either for learning or chiuallrie ) yet comparable with them : if comparing the actions and bookes of the one and the other , we will by the fruites iudge vnpartiallie of the trees . but euen as diuines , phisitions , lawyers , philosophers , mathematicians , and rethoricians , and all other ( studious of any liberall sciences in our age ) are inforced to repaire vnto those antique fountaines , where all arts liberall were in their high perfection : so surely for the warres much more we ought , seeing there was not one science or art then , more reduced to her full and supreme perfection . neuerthelesse i deny not , that the commaunders of our time for that scope and end perhaps they shot at , haue finely framed a discipline as profitable & perfect , as the antique was for theirs . for in this our age ( especiallie these fortie or fiftie yeares , since the emperour charles left his martiall actions : and our renowned king henry the eight , and francis the french king dyed ) there hath scarcely beene any king of europe that hath at any time in any royall war gone to the field himselfe , but only committed their martiall actions chiefelie to the execution of their lieuetennauts and inferior commaunders , which must of necessitie make great alteration . for where a king is oculatus testis , he seeth that which his lieuetenants wil neuer acquaint him with , being not for their commodities . when kings goe to the warres themselues , they see what is profitable or discommodious for themselues and their realmes , and aduance such discipline as may be most beneficiall to them and their state , as their deputies will such discipline as may be most commodious for themselues , howsoeuer it be good or bad for their king or state. againe in this our age kings generally haue made their warres ( not so much with their owne people , as with mercenaries and hired souldiers . who haue reason for their priuate benifite to vse a gouernment and discipline farre different from that they ought & would if they were led and commaunded by a king of their owne . their scope perhaps for the most part being to enrich themselues . howsoeuer the successe of the wars be for the king or state that paies them . i deny not but the moderne discipline and customes for inriching of themselues , ( i meane of superior commaunders ) is most singular and refined to the vtmost . as , if a generall will be content his captaines shall keepe their bands halfe emptie , and yet by fraudes in musters make his prince or state pay nigh compleate . if he will suffer them to pill and spoile the countrey where they lie , oppressing their friends more than their enemies . if when he hath fingred their pay , he will be content to leade them , or haue them led to some butcherie , where most of their throats shall be cut , that their dead paies may be shared among the leaders . or generallie for all those pointes of the moderne custome or discipline repugnant to the antique : who seeth not they are as finelie and wittelie inuented for the profit and commoditie of the mercenarie lucrous commaunders , as possibly can be deuised : and surelie the wit of men can inuent no more than hath beene , to pretend cunninglie the benefite of the prince and state they serue , and yet finelie indeede to inrich themselues with the impouerishing and very ruine of their prince or state that payeth thē . and surelie if mercenary ( leaders that serue not for any zeale , conscience , or duetie they owe to that prince or countrey , but only seeke the warres for gaine ) haue framed such a discipline , i cannot so much blame them though they carrie no such lacedemonian or romane resolution ( rather to dy in the fielde , than saue themselues by flight ) but choose rather to inrich themselues and their confederates by such escapes , hauing thereby the sharing of all their dead souldiers paies without contradiction , seeing dead dogges barke not . but after they haue learned abroad in these mercenarie warres this foule , base , couning and corrupt cowardly discipline , to bring it home into their natiue countries : who seeth not it must of necessity worke in time the very ruine of their state ? for as a woman that hath once made shipwracke of her honestie , easilie maketh a relaps : so fareth it in these mercenary fugitiues , that hauing once cast away shame ( which onlie or cheifelie maketh men resolutelie to sacrifice their liues for their countrey ) afterward become so far past shame , as they hold it no disgrace by shamefull flight at any time to saue themselues . this error alone creeping into england ( if euer we be inuaded by a puissant enemie ) is sufficient vtterly to ouerthrow the state : for it is the honorable resolution of our nation ( to conquere or dye in the fielde ) that must deliuer england , if we be inuaded by a forceable enemie . for we haue no such multitudes of strong townes as other countries : our armes and weapons are our wals and rampiers . we therefore of all other nations ought to reuiue the auntient most honorable lacedemonian resolution . to account the shame of dishonorable flight worse than ten deathes . but seeing it is hard in this age of delicacie to worke in mothers that honorable spartan resolution ( to abhorre their own children that were fugitiues ) yet surelie for all men to detest their company , and for magistrats to disgrace them , ( as persons vnworthy euer after to beare armes ) is a thing not onelie necessarie , but of such necessity as ( if it be omitted , and not in time put in due execution ) i doubt we shall too late repent it when all remedie will be past : the wiseman saith not had i wist . my meaning is not to call in question any priuate persons of our nation , for any errors committed in forraine countries : for surely these foule depraued customes were growne so common among the mercenary seruitors of all nations , as many valiant men by example of others their superiors or leaders haue fallen into them . but when we come to serue ( not mercenarie for pay of strangers ) but our naturall prince and country , ( to whom we owe our bodies and liues ) it is fit this part of auntient true martial discipline be seuerelie reuiued and published , and remerkable exampels made vpon the first breakers , as also a due reformation of all such other abuses , fraudes , and deceits , as allure men thereunto , and tend to the robbing of our prince , the defacing of true valour , and aduancing onely of subtile , base minded , lucrous cowardly caterpillers , tending finallie to the very ruine and ouerthrow of the honour of our prince and nation , & faelicious estate of our countrey . i meane not at this time to enter into the meanes how this discipline should be reformed , or how souldiery should be made obediēt , for it would require a great volume : but by that i haue read of the roman & greeke warres , and by mine owne experience conferred with the opinion of other worthie souldiers and great commaunders of our owne age i dare boldly affirme and with good reasons and authoritie maintaine , that it shal be much more easie to frame such an honorable militia or souldiery by a leauie of our contrey-men ( neuer in warres before ) than of such as haue bene depraued and corrupted in the loose , lewde , lucrous , licentious liberties of the warres of this time : as by that i haue more at large set downe in diuers parts of my stratiotic●s concerning the offices and dewties of euery seueral degree from the priuate souldier to the generall , and the military lawes of seuerall nations ) there set downe also , more euidently will appeare . this much only in this place i may ad . that albeit premium and paena be most souereigne medecines to cure all vlcers and infections that happen to the politique bodie of any state , whether it be in ciuill or martiall causes , yet example speciallie with our nation is the cheife . for as in the meanest matters ( if it be but only in apparrell , or attyres ) the example of our court is able to reforme or deforme the whole land , and by bare example only to doo tenne times more than proclamations , threatnings , and statutes paenall : so in martiall causes much more wee haue regard to such actions as great commaunders doe , which in court are fauoured , aduaunced , or countenanced . if they doo well , full easely will all inferiors conforme themselues : but if they either by custome continue courses inconuenient , or by facilitie of nature be seduced but to tollerate onlie the abuses which are too currant in these daies , and not seuerely chastise the delinquent without regard of pleasing or discontenting the diseased multitude ( how good lawes so euer be established , or proclamations made ) it is in vaine : for the loose licentious sort iudge them either published onely for fashion sake without regard whether they be obserued or no , or els their lewde faction to be so strong as magistrates dare not punish them : and either of these conceiptes ioyned with the profit and sweetenes these licentious commaunders make by their corruptions , is sufficient to embolden them more audaciouslie still to put their fraudes in execution : but , what succeedeth thereof , by example and experience in all ages we may behold . first in rome ( by reason of the ciuill warres between caesar and pompey , and after beetwne augustus caesar , anthony , brutus and , cassius ) the martiall discipline grewe to corruption , no one side daring to vse the auncient due seueritie , lest they should reuolt to his aduersaries . but what ensued , after the right martial legions were decaied , and a licentious praetorian guard maintained ? but the ruine of that famous and mightie empire , ransacked , and spoyled by the hunnes , gothes , and vandales , the most base of all the barbarous people that they before had conquered . the like i might particularlie set downe of diuers of the most martiall graecian common-weales , if we had not our next neighboure the mightie kingdome of fraunce ( euen in our owne age , by the very like depraued customes first learned among the italians , and nourished in that realme likewise by ciuil discentions ) brought into most lamentable miserie . a spectacle to stirre-vp all princes ( while they may ) to preuent those calamities whic● 〈…〉 will be too late . for after ciuill warres were once begunne , 〈…〉 the king , nor the prince his enemies , could keepe 〈◊〉 seuere hand on martiall iustice , lest these dissolute so●●●diers should reuolte , and so were indeede rather suppliants than commaunders of their armies : which beeing for the most part composed of mercenary hirelings , deuised all meanes prodigally to maintaine themselues , whatsoeuer became of their prince , or countrey , the successe whereof wee see . and that is that moderne discipline which so greedilie the licentious of all nations swallow vp , and are infected withall by the contagion of such as they haue conuersed with , tending chieflie to the maintenance of themselues inexcessiue riotous wastings , and to the vtter ouerthrow of all princes or states that shall beserued with them . to conclude therefore this true and needefull paradoxe , i hope ( by the conference of these fewe repugnant points of the auntient and moderne martiall discipline ) it doth sufficiently appeare . that as the latter are deuised wholly for the profit of corrupt persons ( and both dishonorable and extreame dangerous to any state or realme that shall endure them , so the former which i haue named of the antiquitie ) are both for the honour , profit and aduancement of the seruice of any kinge or state that shall embrace them . and therefore too apparant ( not only by euident discourse of reason , but also by plaine experience and successe in other realmes & states ) that where such abuses & corruption of true martial discipline shall be permitted , there can in time ensue no better than confusion & vtter ruine . and yet nothing doubt , but that our nation , as by nature it is as warlike as any other vnder the heauen ( hauing in times past while they were trained & led by honorable generals , conquered their enemies being tenne to one , as appeareth by the chronicles and confessions of our very enemies themselues ) so hereafter also ( by due regard in choice of such commaunders , and redresse of such moderne errors ) we shall leaue to our posteritie also like monuments of fame , as haue beene left to vs by those our right martiall and honorable auncestors . the third paradox . that the sometimes neglected souldiers profession deserues much commendation , and best becomes a gentleman , that desires to liue vertuously , or die honorablie . proeludium . i will neither deny , nor commend , my loue to poetry , some little idle time spent in it for my priuate recreation i repent not , it hath good vse , and is a good exercise for busie yonge heads : the noble adorner of that practise sir phillip sidney though he liued an age before me , i yet honor , i loue his memorie , and in my best wishes to my countrie , i sometimes sadly wish our nobility and gentrie would be his followers : yet being as he was a man of armes by nature , a quem pallas nutriuit in antris , of pallas bringing vp , one that suckt milke from both her brests , a learned souldier ; i would he had left the patronage of poetrie to some more priuate spirit , and saued me a labor by bestowing his much better witte on some requisite apologie for souldiers , whose profession is now as much contemned as to be a b graetian , or as a scholer was wont to be in rome , whose name is as vnpleasing as c iehan in france , or d ione in naples , whose nature is esteemed so vile , that some men thinke it iustice to make a conuertible reciprocation betwixte them and wandring houseles men : but when i call to minde howe e homer the best poet chose as the best subiect to describe f res gest●s regumque ducumque & tristia bella : the exployts of captaines , kinges and dismall combatinges . tyrtaeusque mares animos ad martia bella versibus exacuit . and how mens mindes to martiall fight , tyrtaeus did with rimes excite . when i remember how leonidas and his companions had in memoriall of their euer to be remembred seruice certaine poeticall songs sunge by the graetians how euen the g rude inhabitants of hispaniola like our auncient bards haue their customarie rimes , ad praelia excitantes auorum gesta recitando , to quicken their courages by reciting the acts of their forefathers ; all which i know sir phillip sidney so great a scholer , could not but know : then loe i enuie not the muses good happe , that had one of mars his followers to be their champion : since his worthie deeds and honorable death assure me he would haue spared that defence , if he had not assured himselfe that it was poetries best vse h vt dignos laude viros vetet mori . to labour that the memorie of worthy men may neuer die . sure then i thinke some thankefull poet , that hath drunke store of castalian liqour and is full of fury , cannot doo better than in requitall of his kindnes indeuour i vt gratus insigni referat camena , dicenda musis proe●lia . to singe in verse excellinge wars worth the muses telling . nor needes he feare to want attention , vnlesse he want a poets wit to tell the contents of his booke in proaeme with k bella per aemathios plus quam ciuilia campos &c. i singe the ciuill warres tumultuous broyles &c. assuredly had it befallen me , l in bicipiti somniasse pernasso , to steale a nap amongst the rest in the top of the mountaine , or si quid mea carmina possent , if my verses were of any vertue , i would desire to write some worthy souldiers praise in dust and bloud as dù bartas hoped to doo henrie of france his in pampeluna . but foole that i am . m i neuer dranke of aganippe wel nor euer did in shade of tempe sit . nor am i able to perswade our poets to intreate of warres indeede . n praelia virginum sectis in iuuenes vnguibus acrium dum cantant vacui . while idlely they sing the scarres that yonge men catch in wenching warres . what then , shall souldiers want their due , because i want abilitie to doe them right ? shall i not speake what i can , because i cannot speake what i would ? no sure , that were iniustice , this were folly . horace can tell . o est aliquidprodire tenus , si non datur vltra . t is somewhat to doe somewhat , though not well . it is inough sor me to breake the ice , and let the world see what may be said for the warres and souldiers when one whose whole kyndred almost by father and mother lost their liues or spent their liuings in the wars , is able through bare loue without learninge , without arte to speake as fellowes in defence of souldiers . i euer thought nothing worse for gentlemen than idlenesse , except doing ill , but could not at the first resolue how they might be fitliest busied : to play the merchants was only for gentlemen of florence , venice , or the like that are indeede but the better sort of citizens : ploughing and grazing i esteemed worse than mechanicall occupations : the court was but for fewe , and most of thē liued too luxuriously : to study or trauel was good , but directed to this ende , that they might be fit for some profession the thing in question : for diuinity they many times thought themselues too good , and i was sure they were most times vnfit : lawe was but a mony getting trade , and physicke a dangerous tickle arte , at last i thought on the warres , where the learned might perfect their contemplation by practise and the vnlearned helpe that defect by well gotten experience : and this was my 15 yeares meditation : afterwards that impression was strengthned dayly by the remembrance of my fathers courses , by the experience of some other occurrents and by the obseruation of as many things as my litle reading encountred that might make for that purpose . so i grew to affect scholers such as would speake that , that might be vnderstoode , and could reduce their studie in histories the mathematickes or the like from speculation to practise for the profitable pleasure of their friendes or honorable seruice of their country . i liked trauelers so they would be silent , yet were able when time serued to discourse iudiciously of the state and power of more countries , of the strēgth and situation of more cities , of the forme and force of more seuerall fortifications , than other corkeheaded counterfeits could recken vp of bonna robbas bordeaus or apish fashions : aboue all the perfection of the endeuors of the former 2. i loued souldiers , such as hated cheating , drinking , lying , whooring , prating , quarreling and lewde behauiour . and either maimed , growne olde or wanting imploiment , had retired themselues to some priuate ( perhaps poore ) life , but that they liued contented : and though mine owne ability were then in minoritie , my heart esteemed him not a gentleman , would suffer such as these to want ought he could helpe them to : thus i spent the fiue yeares following . and now my almost freede body is readie for the warres which i before resolued was most fit for men of my place : but want of imploiment imposes on me an vnacceptable idlenesse which i sorrily passe-ouer with laughing at the lamentable folly of our besotted gētry ; one thinks it is commendation to weare good cloathes with iudgment , another for that he is a handsome man , a third for cunning carding , but if some youth of hopeful expectation attaine some skil in musicke , some tricks in dauncing or some fencing qualitie , the world consisting most of women-fooles and cowards will peremptorily pronounce this compleate gentlemās worth too great for one cronicle . p at quis ferat istas stultiae sordes but who can quietly indure such foppery . i that desire a man should be more worth than his cloathes , the inside best , i that thinke it my good fortune to haue small skill in ga●●ing , i that hate vnnecessarie qualities , as the q aegyptians did musicke for making men effeminate , cannot but dislike our gentry should be of taylors meere creation or spend there time in pastime or make their recreation there vocation , me thinkes our citie-gentlemen as for their slouthfull life , the french-men scoffing terme thē might for their recreation sometimes read how phillip reprehended alexanders skill in singing . how s anthisthines condemned ismenias his playing on the flute , or the like examples and so learne to leaue mispending of their pretious time into too too well affected fruitlesse courses they might remember how much one t alexander did in poore 12. yeeres , what u scipio was ere he was twenty foure and weghing well how z●ni●-like their actions imitate their forefathers whose honour they vniustly challenge me thinks they might euen hate themselues for letting the world see they haue the leasure to spend whole daies at cardes yet haue done nothing worthie memory saue idely wasted their wealth to purchase infamy . but you whose countrey life hath best affinitie with your true calling the warres as least subiect to luxurie as most affected of auntient souldiers can you not loue hunting because it resembles the warres but you wil neuer leaue hūting ? is there more musicke in a stinking curres howling qualitie than a drumme or trumpet ? will you in these times giue men occasion to aske whether your countrey haue no men you make so much account of dogges that your life seemes brutish still with dogges & your discourse vnreasonable still of doggs ? o rather let the example of our great great maister that worthely loues hunting as the noblest sport yet only followes it at vacante times teach you henceforth to vse your sports as sports and not still to dwell in them nor in the taedious discourse of them . but whither doth contempte of follie carry me ? both th' one & th' other sort of our decaied gentry , haue but the bare name of some auntient house but few sparks of english vertue they are so farre from being gentlemen they neither speake nor liue like men , yet if their charmed sences can indure to heare of remedy as * phillip was put in minde of death or x xerxes of the losse of sardis . i le play the young-man once , and crye to them in the middest of their vaine life and idle talking , remember z pyrrhus whose life and studie spent and imploied in military affaires doth shew what course of life best fits the better sort of men , who being askt who plaide best on the fluite , python or cephesias answered wisely though indirectly , poliperchon in his iudgment was the best captaine to teach the standers-by how noble spirits should discourse . o then remember pyrrhus , be as you ought your selues , leaue vanity & let your liues your words be warlike , your truest honour will be to be souldiers , and your most vertuous course of life the warres . but alas , as through the indirect proceeding of desparate censurers , men oft condemne the warres for murdering our men , and wasting our mony in lingring fruitlesnesse , where many times the fault is in our souldiers disabilitie , poore hunger-starued snakes halfe dead ere they go out of england : such as were a cumber rather than an ayde to the auncient romaines : such as with our moderne a spaniardes are sent a yere or two to take hart at grasse ( as we say ) in italy , before they suffer them to come to seruice , whereas most times the corruptnes of officers ( such as seeke the wars for gaine only , and make no conscience to cousin princes , and the ignorance of leaders , such decayed vnthriftie gallants as to gett a little money by the sale , spoile or slaughter of their companies make meanes to be fauorabl● sent , from the court to the camp , as commanders , before they knowe how to obey ) are true causes of extraordinarie spoile of treasure , of making the warres seeme ( if not be , dilatorie and fruitlesse : so on the other side , those officers , those captaines , and those souldiers , being in their kinds the worse part of our people , are indeed of such inuincible lewdnes that either dronelike sucking wax only frō sweetest flowers , or worse cōuerting holesomest things to poyson , they only vse the warres as naughty ●en doe learning , to increase their wickednesse . pro●●ing the axiome in phylosophy most true , b quicquid recipitur , recipitur secundum modum recipientis . that which is receiued , is receiued according to the qualitie of the receiuer : so that men seeing them spende that most vitiously which they got most lewdly are readie grounding themselues on their example to raile at souldiers as a profession of licentious lawlesse libertie , and repute souldiers for dissolute rakehels in whom there is c nulla fides pietasue , noe feare of god , no thought of goodnesse . yet as the studie of philosophie was not to be condemned , because some phylosophers were d epicures , as the name● of kings was not to haue bin hated because tarquine was a tyrant : no more i thinke are souldiers to be contemned or their profession ill esteemed of for that some bawdiehouse captaines or alehouse souldiers liue loosely ; e or for that many that followe the warres of our time where discipline is too too much corrupted are such as only liue by the warres and so indeuor gaine by all the meanes they can saue honest courses : for were our military discipline as in truth it ought of that powerfull sanctitie that our armes the most perfect politicke bodies might for the goodnesse of their lawes and orders and the iustnes of their exscucion , attaine their true perfection of surpassing the best ruld citties in ciuilitie , that our commanders like the auncient romans that held their faith more firme with enemies than some men now doe neerest bonds of duetie and alleagiance , might know it is their office to punish euen their deerest freinds offences , that our souldiers worthely indeuoring in god their prince or countries quarrell to exchange their liues for honor onely might learne to account it their greatest honor to be an honor to their calling by performing the necessarie duties of their calling . then as the romaines with their victories droue away barbarisme out of our countries by leauing vs a patterne of more ciuill life , from their warlicke gouernmēt , of which most parts of europe yet to this day retaine some remnants i see not but it might please god to reward our industrie by making our conquering swordes the instruments to plante religion amongst turkes and infidelles , and reforme the errors of wandring christians , when they seeing our souldiers such as the f indians did albuqueria and his company of portingalls may stedfastly beleeue that god omnipotent as they did that king worthy , that hath such vertuous seruāts : thē would our warriours like true aunciēt souldiers striue to be religious , vertuous , full of honesty , and we might iustly thinke with the g thessalian those of our countrimē most dull and sottish that went not to the warres : or say with the h aetolian the warre is better farre than peace for him that hath a minde to proue an honest man. for then our campe would be a schoole of vertue where ( by dutifull obedience ) men should be trayned vp and taught what appertaind to wise cōmanding : where religion perhaps the cause of the quarrell should be so feruent , that men would thinke it their cheifest ioy , in midst of greatest miseries , to haue the feare of god their meditation and an vnspotted life their comfort . for thē the memorie of alexander that the night before the battell with i darius cald for aristander to winne the fauour of gods with sacrifice : or of k aeneas . — quo iustior alter nec pi●tate fuit , nec bello maior et armis : than whom there was none more vpright in goodnesse , nor more great in fight . that in virgil leaues his companions busied , et l arces quibus altus apollo praesidet horrendaeque domus secreta sibillae antrum immane petit &c. to high apollos temple hies and to those dreaded mysteries . the horride vault where sibil lies &c. or of m camillus that would begin and end his skermishes with prayers , or of the n romans whose victories built churches , with whom contempt of the gods was a certaine signe of ouerthrow ; would make our souldiers call to minde it is their dutie to be as earnest in holy workes of piety , as they were zealous in their superstition , they blindly did they knew not what , and though through the soules strugling to ascend from whence it came , there arose some sprakes , that gaue them light to see there was ens entium : a power aboue all humane power that lookt for reuerence , yet wanting meanes to apprehende that rightly , their best endeuors proued but fruitles workes of darkenesse , but out of doubt our christan souldiers as they haue much more hope , more helps , and more incitements , i do presume are much more truely and more earnestly religious . these haue assurāce grounded on infallible witnesses that they serue the only true and euerliuing god that giues the victory to thē that rightly call vpon him for it , and rewards plentifully those that deserue it . these by the orders of their discipline , as helps to their weakenes , cōforts to their miseries , and ministers of gods blessings haue necessary leuites to performe to them all rites that may prepare them , that are in health and therefore lesse hindred frō being prepared for death that hourely hāgs ouer them . to assure them when they sometimes beseiged suffer famine as fearefull as that of o ierusalem , as great as king p sous his souldiers that would not sorbeare drinke to gaine a kingdome , yet choose to die miserably , rather than yeeld to change their faith ▪ that that faith shal be rewarded with a happy crowne of immortalitie . to teach thē that to be sometimes for christs cause made gallis●aues , where with the constant spirits of true christian souldiers they indure afflictions , that would make softehearted men such perhappes as speake against souldiers , euē forsake their great captaine iesus : is a sure meanes to gaine in exchange of those bonds the freedome of heauen . to exhort them last of all if by gods mercifull preseruation when death came a tithing on any side , whē multituds of enimies encōpassed them about , they proue the sole remnant of many hundreds , to returne to their natiue countrie there to dye in peace , that whiles they liue they cannot haue a better president to imitate than the worthy captaine q cornelius . besides these minesters , these souldiers haue the scriptures , where contemning play bookes and base pamphlets vnfit studies for dying men ) they may reading learne to imitate r iosua before the battell , that prayed the israelites might not be deliuered into the hands of the amorites : or s moses in the battell that lifted vp his hands to heauen for victorie : or t dauid after the battell that praised god the author of his conquests with ioyfull songs of thankesgiuing : where they may reading learne to giue continually all honor and religious worshippe to that god v that teacheth their fingers to fight and their hands to battell , euen in the midst of their armies from whence he pleases to appropriate vnto himselfe one of his great & glorious titles w the lord of hostes. but perhaps some one obseruing how great y anthony , did sacrifice himselfe to luxurie , or hauing reade the true cause of x charles the 8 of fraunce his posting pilgrimage to paris when he should haue gone for naples may thinke he sees good reason to condemne a souldiers religion as consisting of too much deuotion to shee saints : i must confesse the folly of some souldiers in time of idlenesse hath giuen some colour to the fable of mars and venus , but i cannot see how the profession , can deserue that imputation : for either that fable is a poets mere fiction , and so not to be credited , since through their lyinge madenesse euen heauen i● selfe is defiled , or els is grounded on some naturall cause , and then as sol and mercurie the patrons of poets lawiers and the like are in the celestiall globe neerer to venus as oft in coniunction and for their naturall proprietie more concordant , in reason me thinkes those poets , lawiers , and the like that leade vitam sedentariam , a quiet life , sleepe their fill and eate their meate at due seasons must of necessitie be much more subiect to incontinency than souldiers , that may well with z scipio contemne lasciuiousnesse , since thinking still how to conquere men , their leasure serues them not to become slaues to women , a that may learne of scanderbreg to liue long vnmarried and yet most honest , that their bodies may be the stronger and better able to do or suffer what pertaines to souldiers : that may as b pericles willed sophocles euen keepe their eies from lusting , their course of life being of such singlnes that they are seldom or neuer troubled with the sight of womē that are last of all daily mortifyed with colde , hunger losse , of blood , and perpetual labour : so that if c henry the maiden-king of portingal could , they may well be per totum vitae spatium libidinis expertes euen al their life time free frō incontinēt-desires , at least able with d alexander to resist the temptatiō of a philoxenes or an ephestion though their temper were as hotte as alexanders that by reason of heat brethed forth sweete sauors . and yet not neede to coole their complexions with too much liquour : the death of e clitus and the burning of persepolis may assure them alexanders drunkennes drowned al his other vertues : f so seneca pronounced his happie rashnesse farre from fortitude , tainted with cruelty , the badge of cowardize , and i may well condemne his wisedome for loosing the benefite of his victory which g caesar the best captaine thought was only this , victis donare salutem . for to bestoe life on the vanquishtfoe . it is an idle fond infirmity fit for immodest h babilonish women that first drinke then daunce &c. or for vnwise womenish men louers i meane twixt whom and drunkards there is such affinity that i & in ebrietatē amans , & in amorem ebrius procliuis admodum , the louer is soone drunke , the drunkard apt to be in loue : but the ouerthrow of the victorious k scithians in iustine hath made me euen from the infancy of my reading , afraide to think such weakenesse should be in a souldier , as was in those l german●●s pantaleon speakes of that after many valiant exploites falling to drinking on saint martins day were al slaine by the turkes that inuaded them , as the graecians did troy where the inhabitants were m vino sommoque sepulti . dead in a deepe and drunken sleepe . let the barbarous n brasilians drinke drunke before they enter into consultations , let their light heads be far from bringing forth weightie counsailes : but you in whose hands consists the safety of kingdomes , whose affaires stande so tikle that as o gui●●ardine obserues one commaundement ill vnderstoode , one order ill executed , one rashnesse , one * vaine voice euen of the meanest souldior carries oft times the victory to those that seemed vanquished , keepe you your wittes about you still perfect and still readie to settle vnexpected accidents , though some vsu●ers of your names waste their substance as the p west indians do their money in their quaffing cups and then like true vnthrifts such as was meligallus a knight of rhodes endeuour treacherously post patrimonium patriam subuertere after the ouerthrow of their owne estates to betray their countrey ; though the weakenesse of some men be such that they first and surest learne the infirmities of the countreies where they liue , as some auntient trauellers were wont to do lying of the cret●ans , perfidiousnesse of the carthaginians , or effeminatnes of the people of asia , as some moderne doo affected grauity of the spaniard . reueng and ielous●y of the italian , and waste and lauish of the french , as some of our souldiers haue done freebooting mutining and the like disorders in the ciuill warres of the french leaguers , as some haue and do this carousing qualitie by seruing among the dutch. yet let your setled iudgments discerne a difference twixt vertue and those mentioned vices , let your wisedome direct you to contemne their folly that betray their owne by drinking to anothers health , let it assure you though somefooles like the r indian chirihichenses thinke him most valiant that drinks most , it can be little praise to you to make your bellies hogs-heads , or your braines spunges , you may and ought to shew far truer and farre greater fortitude by liuing vertuous cōquerers of such vicious affections that so you may dye without feare of death your countries faithfull champions , & go as plutarch tels of s romulus armed to heauen , and 〈◊〉 be as t solon thought of tellus more happy than the richest king. for this forescore yeeres-olde u hippodamus aduised by his king to leaue the warres , and turne into his countrey , replied he knewe not where to dye more happilie than in the wars defending of his country : for this the yong vnmaried x graecians part of leonidas his gallant followers refused to shun a certaine danger & returne vnto their friends in safety , saying they came to fight and not to carry newes , for this i cannot chuse but attribute great honour to the warre , that is of power to make both old and young so honorable . y par ill● regi , par superis erit qui stiga tristem non tristis vidit . he is a king or more than mortall man that vnappalde , pale death incounter can . and they shall be most happy x quos ille timorum maximus haud vrget lethi metus . to whom of all feares chiefe the feare of death doth work no griefe . this is the perfect point of fortitude , this is the hardest point in all philosophy , yet surest learnd by practise and oftnest put in practise in the wars , where priuate souldiers like that z german in osorius wil be sore wounded yet not retire til they dye or conquere where captaines bury themselues in their own colours or like a bayard fight till death seaze on them , yet desire to dye with their faces against their enemies ; where sometimes both captaine and souldiers like b leonidas and his companions dine with a resolution vndismaide , to sup in heauen , & die all of them so happy , that none remaines to carry the vnhappie newes . these then and such as these are souldiers , for these are chronicles , and such as these are ( by c licurgus lawes ) esteemed only worthie to haue epitaphes ; so now i see why d pyrrhus trained vp his three sonnes to be souldiers ; while he himselfe did liue and dye a souldier ; and why within e rome no man might be buried that had not bene a souldier : so now i thinke when alexander dying left his crowne f dignissimo , vnto the worthiest , he did intend a souldier , when the most indians of hispaniola bequeath theirs g fortissimo vnto the valiantest , they can intend none but a souldier : and h pyrrhus when he tolde his sonnes he should succeede that had the sharpest sworde , did onely meane that sonne that prooued a souldier : for why ? should pyrrhus haue resigned his scepter to a sonne as iohn of armenia did to a brother belli ignaro viro , a man vnexperienced in militarie affaires , there might haue well be feared a desolate subuersion of his state like that , that thereon followed , in the kingdom of armenia . but he that saw the romans growe from small beginnings to a mightie nation by continuall warre , and found that for increasing of their fame , riches and power , their loue was setled on the warre ; had reason to traine vp and seeke to leaue an heire that might maintaine his quarell and resist the romans force with force , their warre with warre : and hauing so established his throne , plentie of sutors would haue come from neighbouring princes if not for loue , for feare , if not for feare , for profits sake , to winne such a succeeders amity . for as it is reported of k tubanama an indian king , that he protested solemnly , he euer loued the spaniards , because he hearde their swords were sharper farre than his : so i remember when at the selfesame time , the seuerall prouinces of l graecia , sent seuerall embassadors to the persian artaxerxes , whose frendshippe all affecting , all indeuored by all the meanes they could to gaine : the king did voluntarily preferre the thebā cause and pelopid●s sute before the rest , because the fame went they were the best practised of & most skilfull souldiers of all the rest , litle respecting the power of the athenians , or the wealth or number of other of the citties , who for want of militarie practise , neither knew how to vse their nūber , nor their powerful weath : so then for power in the warre it is , one kingdome is preferred before an other , and strangers euermore do most respect those strangers that are warryers . the poore artificers , the mechanicke switzers were not long since of most meane estimation till that prouoked by an iniury of m charles the last duke of the house of burgundy like horses ignorant of their owne strenght they entered the feilde and got a victorie whose sweetnesse so inticed them on to continue in that course to such there aduantage , that since that time some of the greatest n princes of christendome haue vied thousandes of crownes to gaine their freindeshippe , that in the warres of o italie the victorie did ofttimes follow their inclination , that last of all , all europe at this day respects them well , and him the better whose freinds they professe themselues . thus the lowcountrimen ( a name not many yeeres agone vnknowne ) were once p reputed a dull lazie yea a base nation of poore handicrafts men , contemned of their neighbouring enemies & respected of their friendes no further than necessitie inforced , yet after that as they professe their lords seueritie had forced them against their willes to take vp weopons for their owne defence , they in shorte time redeemed so their reputation that their most powerfull neighbours were content to vndergoe inuirious imputations for protecting thē , whom men that lookt a squinte vpon the cause esteemed too much disobedient , & since that time the warre that gaue life to their force hath so encreased their might , that for this but on part of their power their strenght at sea , t is thought they cannot want good freinds to backe them . since then the benefit of power skill and practise in the warre is such that by it the poore haue growne rich , the weake strong , and those that were reputed vile haue got an honorable reputation , since all sorts of men are either through feare earnest or through loue willing to entertaine frendly amitie with those especially that are renowned for it , since last a commonwealth through it may growe frō small beginnings to vnlookt for height as that of q rome , audendo et agendo , by daring and doeing rose from nothing to be maisters of the world , who is he that remembers how r romulus euen in romes infancie , did lay foundations of romes greatnesse , by choosing out of his followers , those that were able to beare armes to be enroled into legions , that will not wish if he wish well to his country , that his countries gouernors would prouide so , for their citties that they may neuer want souldiers to fight for them so long as they haue citizens to dwell within them . for my part when i remember how the s roman state , as it encreased in power did euermore encrease the well deserued respect it bare to souldiers , so that though while the weakenesse of their poore beginning lasted they only gaue them titulary rewards triumphs to generalles , and to each priuate souldier that deserued it a seuerall garland , yet in the yeere of their citties age 347 , at the taking of anxur the wolsces towne , they ordained for them a certaine paye e publico which was augmented aftetwardes by caius gracchus and doubted after him by iulius caesar , so that in processe of time besides the gift of the gouernement of infinite townes prouinces and kingdomes , besides the sending forth of t colonies one cheife vse whereof was vt praemijs milites veterani afficerentur : that olde souldiers might be rewarded , and besides the ordinarie allowance for those legions that liued in rome , the emperour u augustus allotted out certaine portions of lande for those that had beene souldiers to maintaine them in a continuall readinesse to doe him and their countrie service . when i remember how in imitation of those romans the auncient kings of the * gaules gaue to their souldiers mannors in the countrie where they liued as lords ouer the peasants their tennants , and were tyed to come with a certaine nomber of followers according to the quality of their land to serue as voluntaries at their owne charge so long as the warre lasted , a custome yet obserued by their ofspring the gentrie of france : when i remember how perhappes in imitation of those gaules , william the conqueror gaue to his followers our gentries auncestors distincte circuites in sondrie places of seuerall landes of inheritance ▪ one of the heires of which distribution is reported since that time to haue produced a rusty sword as the euidence by which he held his liuing : when i remember how the kings of france vsed knighting and when that was corrupted in the ciuill warres of the houses of x burgundie and orleans inuented new orders of knighthood , as new honors to rewarde souldiers : when last i call to minde how gentlemen and their coats of armes tooke their originall from the warres as may appeare by z agrippaes obseruation that in heraldry the best coates cōsist of sauage beasts to testifie the bearers nobility gotten by his courage : as saith he , the gothes caried a beare , the saxons a horse , the romans an eagle , the cimbri a bull , and each particular gentleman thinkes it nothing honorable to carry a sheepe , a lambe , a clafe , or such like peaceable creature that is not militiae signum , a token of warfare ; then my zeale to the warres and my loue to souldiers is so reuiued that i can scarse forbeare wishing , that in engiand as in scythia none might drinke of the feasting cuppe , or as in carmania none might marry that had not slaine an enemy to his country : or as amonge the turkes that none might be esteemed noble for antiquity , but for their proper vertue : or as olde decrepite men were vsed among the a trogloditae mētioned in diodorus siculus , that each yong scapethrift that is telluris inutile pondus , a burden to the earth that can doe nothing wel , saue that that is passing ill might be tyed by the necke to an oxes taile and so strangled as well worthy so shamefull a death for doing nothing worthy of life . but on later and wiser consideration i finde it nothing comely that a ciuill country should breake her owne customes to imitate a barbarous people , yet euen these examples with those before mentioned may liuely testifie how necessary al antiquitie esteemed pramiaet honores rewards and honors , to nourish and hold vp the arte of warre , one of the cheifest pillars of a common-wealth i cannot therefore but most seriously wishe that our king a worthy in the worthiest kinde of learning as he is the flower of two stemmes of most renowned warlicke auncesters , whom god hath giuen vs , b to goe out before vs and fight our battelles , to whom the king of kings c et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere ventos . giues power as well as to appease with calmes , with stormes to stirre the seas . would when it shall please his wisedome adde life , i meane practise to our militia that oft dyes at least decaies much through secure idlenesse , and that then the paie of england that is as honorable as any nations may not be detained from or gelded before it come to the hands of poore souldiers by base vnworthy captaines , nor the due of honest captaines be with helde or lesned through the fraudulēt corruptiō of decitefull officers ; but that seuerity of military discipline may be reuiued to cut of those rotten members , those adulterate counterfeites whose basens hath made true souldiers contēptible , and that true souldiers euen in times of peace may bee as much respected as their vertuous worth deserues . for then as by d licurgus institution it was in sparta our free noble spirits will betake them to the sworde & launce , & leaue al other occupatiōs vnto white liuerd men : thē our yong mē will exercise thēselues as e coriolanus did , in running , wrastling , riding , and the like warlike sports : and our olde men shall be fathers of great experience : so that with vs as with the f brasilienses the yong men shall execute valiantly , the wise counsaile of the olde men : then our gentlemen remembring in what foughten field , or for what speciall seruice their auncestors receiued their badges of honor , will fall to imitate those honorable auncestors and knowing how poore a credite t is g aliorum incumbere famae , for to relie on other mens desert will striue rather to haue effigies tot bellatorum , the images of their warlike auncestors , liuing in their hearts than dead and smoake dried in their houses : h then our countrimen like marcellus in rome or the i mamertines in sicilie , may perhaps haue honorable name deriued from mars : then it may be as many of one name as were of k williams at our king henrie the second his sonnes feast in normandie , or as many of one family as were of the l medcalfes at on assize in richmondshire will vowe themselues like the 300. fabij in rome to fight for their countrie : m at least we shall haue many breathren , ( noble slippes of some noble stocke ) that like the norrisses of honorable memorie , will striue to be famous for dying valiant souldiers in the bed of honor , rather than infamous like some beasts vnworthy to be named in the same discourse for their noted idle , if not worse life . then we shall haue many captaines , such as were the greekes and romans , and our souldiers shall be as much renowned for valour , honesty and mutuall loue as was the holy bande at n thebes : and then nowe conquests shall make forreinors ashamed to laugh at vs when we tell of our forefathers victories in france , and our displayed ensignes shall keepe vs from blushing at our slothfull life : for then those true souldiers that whiles the warres serue but as sinckes to ridde away purgamenta vrbium , lye hid like diamonds heapt-vp in dunghills couered with weedes , shall be as rich gemmes set in gold and worne and beautified by the comfortable reflex●ion of the rising sunnes smilinge beames , and in the meane time this may their comfort though like old english words they be now out of vse , yet o multa renascentur quae nunc c●cidere cadentque quae nunc sunt in honore . they will be in request that are neglected , and they contemned that are nowe respected . the time will come their countrie will leaue fawningly to offer vp hir wealth to those her vnworthy children that liue by sucking drie their parents bloud , and rather motherlike respect those sonnes that are hir champions , and seeke to perchase her ease with painefull industrie , her honor with effusion of their bloude , her safety with losse of life . the fourth paradox . et multis vtile bellum . that warre sometimes lesse hurtfull , and more to be wisht in a well gouernd state than peace . sweete i knowe is the name of peace , more sweete the fruition , to those ease-affecting men that foolishly imagine it the greatest point of wisdome to enioy the benefit of present time , though one of better iudgmet tell them : a isthuc est sapere , non quod ante pedes modo est videre , sedetiam illa quae futura sunt prospicere . t is wisdome not to cast our eyes on that , that iust before vs lies , but to foresee and to prouide for harmes that one day may betyde . some others without repect of publike benefite , measuring the happinesse of the state wherein they liue by their owne particular contentment do most eagerly make warre against warre , the apparant enemy to persiā luxurie , whose sworne slaues they liue . and besides these the greatest part of men , blinded like these , doo tremble at the name of warre , for feare of his companion charge : not vnlike some wretched pennie-fathers , that in time of this our contagion , by resisting contributions fitting for the ordering of infected persons , are oft occasion of impouerishing themselues and their whole towne , of endaungering their owne and many hundred honester mens liues . but if it may appeare on better deliberation , that the warre , b est de longe temps & continue encor , & durera en sa force iusqu a la fin du monde is of great antiquitie , continues yet , and will remaine in full force to the ending of the world , so that wee may well put it of , but cannot put it away , since like a torrent of waters it rises as occasion forceth here & there , and may a while be stayed , but encreasing so , breakes out in the end more violently , and as virgil saith , c sternit agros , sternit sata laeta boumque labores praeeipitesque trahit siluas &c. the fields it ouerflowes , the corne is dround . plowmen their labour loose , trees fall on ground &c. then it brings with it a confused desolation , whereas without daunger at the first , it might haue passed on by little and little in a continuate quiet course . if it may appeare , that luxurious idlenesse is much more to be feared than those monstrous bugbearers words i sometimes heare alleaged to disswade men from the warres , the meere inuentions of fainthearted and effeminate men , that they may haue some colour for their dishonorable sloth . if last of all it may appeare , that in a iust and good quarrell , which cannot likely want a warre wisely managed , cannot but bee infinitely profitable : i thinke there is none that honours his king , wishes well to his countrey , or desires fame ; but will farre preferre the shedding of his bloud , to procure his kings honour , his countries safetie , or his owne reputation , before the sorded sparing , lazie liuing , or foolish delaying of those blinded men i mentioned . for my owne part , i euer disliked those patient pleasing chirurgions that with fond mildenesse suffer small hurts to fester , & grow dangerous : i euer feared lest temporizing ( like looking on our neighbors burning house ) would suffer the fire to come home to our owne doores , and then i feare our poore louing sheep wil too late see , they onely fed themselues fatt for the slaughter , when men most resolute , shall rather bee , determinate to doo , than skilfull how to . then i feare our conquestes past will little profit vs , when ease like rust in our armour shal haue eaten into and corrupted our valor when by discontinuance of practise , wee shall bee vnapt for seruice , yea by reason of the often change of the course of our warres directly ignorant , and that ignorant vnaptnesse will dismay the most confident : then it may bee feared wee may too late repent our former negligence , our secure idlenesse , our sparing of a little to the endangering of all , when wee see our selues at length enforced to vndergo the danger with disaduantage which in time with ods , our side we might easily haue repelled : then we may wish we had imitated the romanes wisedome , that foresaw inconueniences a farre of , and would not to auoid present warres , suffer mischiefes to grow-on , d they inuaded philip and antiochus in graecia lest othewise they might haue been enforced to deale with them in italy . but my words perhaps are to these peace-louers as winde that shakes no corne , assuredly i know it hard to disswade bewitched men from ease and pleasure , two seducing syrens in whose beastly seruitude too too many are inthralled past recouerie : yet those worthy spirits in whose breasts the sparkes of our forefathers courage are not yet extinguished whose swelling hearts are ready to protest their english vertue hates effeminate , longs to shew it selfe in some laborious course of valiant industrie : they i doubt not will soone call to minde how dishonourable it was to the e aegyptians vnder ptolomie : depositis militiae studijs , otio & desidia marcescere . to pine away in sloth and idlenesse , neglecting militarie profession , or how vnprofitable it was to the f lydians to liue in peace . quae gens industria quondam potens , & manustrenua , effaeminata mollitie , luxuriaque virtutem pristinam perdidit : which nation was once famous for valor and industrie , but they drownde the reputation of their auncient vertue in effeminate and luxurious delicacie . and with a feeling remembrance of those or the like examples , pray with mee that those , and the like inconueniences fall not on vs : that wee may not suffer our enemies or neighbours to grow too mightie , whilest carelesly wee our selues waxe weake and degenerate through sloth and case , vnder the colour of a quiet life : i doubt not but their hopes are like to mine . for as that great captaine g pyrrhus did in some particulars well correct the vaine v●ine voluptuous life of the tarentines , so since god hath giuen vs a gouernour as valiant as , but much more wise than pyrrhus : i hope , and my hope is strengthned with confidence , that that valor will incite , that that wisedome will direct our king , to take in hand the reformation of our idle life , more daungerous than that of the tarentines : in better manner and to better purpose , then did that pyrrhus . a worke worthie a king , that can bee worthily effected by none , but such a king , in whom there is all worthinesse . but heere mee thinkes i heare some obiect to mee the succesfull felicitye of the peaceable reigne of our late queene , whose happie memorie , and euer to be admired gouernment , farre bee it from my thankfull thoughts to touch with the lest tittle of disgrace , whose wisedome such obiectors too too saucely diminish producing her as an enemie to militarie profession : her sex indeed , and in her later time fulnesse of daies might well excuse farre greater ease ; yet see ( that which these blinde men stumble ouer ) from the first to the last in seuerall parts of christendome , she euer found meanes to traine vp her better and more forward subiects in varietie of seruice ; that so they might prooue good members of her estate , and profitable seruants for her potent successor : so wise men know , besides that many daungers were kept farre of , this realme was still tollerably furnished with skilfull souldiers , and prudently rid of many inconueniences : yet i must confesse the open shew of peace bred diuers corruptions , yet such as all states how euer wisely gouerned where peace is are of necessitie subiect to . who seeth not to what riot in apparrell , to what excesse in banqueting , to what height in all kinde of luxurie , our countrey was growne , when the flower of england , the gentrie and better sort , whom the meaner stroue to imitate , for the most part idlely , if not lewdly brought vp , confirmed in their dissolute life , by superfluitie of ill example , became so exceeding foolish , that hee which eate good meat , and ware good clothes , and did some one thing worse , was ordinarily amonst them accounted most happie : how many of our elder brothers consumed whole and goodly patrimonies at dice and cards , hauing no other meanes to passe their time , as i haue oft times heard diuers of them penitently ( but too late ) complaine : how many of our younger brothers in all sorts of riotous expences , did in small time consume their portions , which otherwise imployed in vertuous courses might soone haue equalled their elder brothers sonnes , and then exclayming against their parents , that dealt indeed too well with such vngracious children , fell to lewde courses , and oft times came to such vntimely ends as i shame to tell : and of both these , the likeliest plants to prooue were most of all peruerted , the spirits of best hope , did soonest step awry . so h caesar in his yonger daies , was most prodigall , he grew indebted 700. thousand crownes . so i cimon in his former time was most riotous , and for it defamed thorow the whole citie of athens : yet see , the warres redeemed the one & he became a most renowned general : the warrs reclaymed , the other & he proued as valiant as themistocles , as wise as was milciades . thus we may read that silla , alcibiades , and diuers other carried themselues most lasciuiously , most wantonly in peace , till the warres taught them to liue like souldiers : and like these ( i thinke ) some of our countreymen , for spirit no whit inferiour to caesar , nor towardnes to alcibiades , might in time haue proued renowned souldiers and extraordinarie instruments of their countries honour , had they not for want of imployment , to our publike losse , and their priuate ouerthrow , spent their yonger yeares like cimon in riotous behauiour , and their age like lucullus in luxurious idlenesse : so that iuuenal had hee liued in their time might haue truly said . k nunc patimur longae pacis mala , saeuior armis luxuria incubuit . &c. now wee indure the discommoditie of our long peace opprest by luxurie . worse farre than warre . but these were such whose finer mould was vncapable of drudging courses , who perhaps as l peter martyr obserues of the spaniards , thought it specialem nobiliū praero gatiuam vt otiosi , ac sine vlla exercitatione praeterquā bellicavitam degerent . the speciall priuiledge of a gentleman to liue solitarily , free from al professions , saue that of armes . this was indeed an auncient custome of our gentry , till peace made some , of gentlemen become boores , who forgetting that their truest honour came by armes , liued as they said to themselues , some grasiers , some ploughmen , all basely sweating in the pursuit of drosse , hating the name of honour because it asked cost , and such as these robbing poore farmors of their practise , like weeds in vntild land , haue and still doe spinge vp in peace the patron of their basenesse , yet such as these might call to minde what ciuill contention , rest and want of forraine warres occasions , they might remember bow many haue beene vtterly vndone by vnnecessary law brables , weighing well the nomber of those that haue shot-vp deciding such controuersies , men i know whose laborious study deserues much commendation , but whē i thinke how m plutarch praises the cornithians whose temples were adorned not with the spoiles of the graecians , their freinds , their neighbours , vnhappie memories , but dekt with trophies of their victories against the barborous people their aduersaries ; then i wish those necessary members of peace , whose good parts i reuerence , had rather gotten their wealth by the sworde from forraine enemies , like our worthy auncestors , then so to haue growen great , through their countrimens contentions . now besids this priuate contention whose nurce is peace , euen that peace is oftimes mother of more perilous dissention , when idlenesse ministers each actiue humour fit occasion of working , to the indangering of diseased , to the distempering of most healthfull bodies , when quite security giues busie heads leasure to deuide the common-wealth into contentious factions ; so that as in n solons time at athens , the people of the mountaines desiring this forme of gouernement , the men of the vallies that ; to both which the inhabitants of the sea-coast maintaine a cōtrary : all catch hold of the opportunity peace offers to plot , and put in practise their seuerall proiects for the aduancement of their perticular , though with the weakning of the publike state , and in the end like o pyrrhus disordered elephants , some rūning backeward , some forward , and the rest standing still , the confusion of their actions me thinkes resembles well the indian dannce described by p benzo where diuerso modo singuli vestiuntur et alij hoc , alij illo modo corpus circumagunt , nonnulli crura at tollunt , aliqui brachia , alius caecum , alius surdum effingit , rident alij , alij plangunt &c. where all are clothed after sondrie fashions , one turning his body this way , another that way , some lifting vp their legs , some their armes , one playing the blind man , another the deafe , some laughing , some weeping &c. but the danger of these differences is the greater because not sensible , till strangers that growe through them couragious , take the aduantage of them , and then too late we may remember liuies warning by the example of q ardea that such dissention hath beene more hurtfull to sundry citties , than fire , famine sicknes or the sworde , or what other calamitie cā be imagined while we too soone forget the last aduertisement dying r scanderbeg gaue his sonne , in these words worthy to liue euer . nullum tampotens validumque imperium quod non corruat quandoque vbi mutuis odijs praebetur locus . there is no gouernment so well established , that will not suite it selfe , if once it harbor partiall emmieties . these enmities haue beene instruments in most countries ouerthrowes , they ouertake vs in our securitie like secret fiers in the night , and are therefore more to be feared , they steale on vs by degrees hidden in the deepnesse of our rest , like the consumption in a body vnpurged , vnexercised , that is indeede lesse painefull yet proues more mortall than most diseases ; they are as plentifully bred in peace s as crocodiles in aegypt , and would in time proue as pr●uitious , but god that for mans good prouides the ichneumon to destroy the egges of the one before they bee hatched , hath left vs a perfect remedie to dissipate the other , if wee bee not to our selues defectiue ; to wit , forreine warre , a souereigne medicine for domesticall inconueniences , wherby those stirring heads that like the t spaniards bellum quam otium malunt , ideoque si desit extraneus domi hostem quaerunt . desire warre rather than quietnesse , and therefore fall out at home if forreine foes bee wanting : shall haue more honest and more acceptable meanes to busie themselues , when as u osorius saith : commune periculum facile omnium animos ab intestinis seditionibus auocabit , ad commune malum propulsandum : the generall daunger will soone withdraw mens mindes from intestine garboiles to resist the generall mischief , both which appeared in that wise proceeding of the w senate of rome in coriolanus time that by this means appeased all diuisions , euen then when as y liuie obserues heat of contention betwixt the people and nobilitie had made , ex vna ciuitate duas : of one o●e two cities . for the populousnesse of that citie , by reason of their peace occasioning a dearth and famine , and their idlenesse stirring vp lewd felowes to exasperate the desperate need and enuious malice of the meaner sort , against the nobility , whose pride & luxurie grown through sloth intolerable , caused them to contemne and iniurie the poorer people , in the end the fire brake forth hard to be quenched , and then the senate hauing as i may say bought wit by this deare experience , were at length enforced to flie to this medicine , which wisely applied before , had well preuented all those causes , and their vnhappie effectes . then they resolued on a warre with the volsces to ease their city of that dearth , by diminishing their number , and appease those tumultuous broyles , by drawing poore with rich , and the meane sort with the nobilitie , into one campe , one seruice , and one selfesame daunger : sure meanes to procure sure loue and quietnesse in a contentious commonwealth , as that of rome was at that time . yet euen then there wanted not home tarrying housdoues , two peacebred tribanes sicimus and brutus , hindred that resolution calling it crueltie , and it may be some now will condemne this course , as changing for the worse : some that wil much mislike a body breaking-out should take receipts of quick-siluer or mercurie , that may endanger life : yet they cannot but knowe euen those poysons outwardly applied are souereigne medicines to purge and clense , and therefore hauing a good physition , i must professe , i thinke it much better to take yeerely physicke , when the signe is good and circumstāces are correspondēt , that may worke with some litle trouble , our health and safetie , than through sordide sparing , or cowardly feare of paine , to omitte happy opportunities of remedy , & so suffer our bodies perhaps crasie alreadie , so to sincke that death followes or at least some grieuious sickenesse , asking farre deeper charge , bringing farre greater torment , especially since the sickenesse of a state , were it as great as a palsie may by a skilfull physition be purged and euacuated at an issue in some remote part . i cannot but therefore commend x camillus wisedome for beseeging the cittie of the faleriens , though it were so strongly scituated , so well stored with victual , and so fortified with all manner of munition , that the secure citizens walkt vp and downe the cittie in their gownes , since not regarding the winning of the towne as appeared , by his ouerslipping weightie aduantages his intente , only was to keepe his countrimē busied about some thing , lest otherwise repairing to rome they might growe through peace and idlenes seditious , & so raise some ciuil tumult : this was as plutarch wel obserues a wise remedy , the romās euer vsed to disperse abroad like good physitions the ill humours that troubled the quiet state of their commonwealth : ce qui s' est antrefecis pratique ' apres les gueres ciuiles des anglois , which hath beene sometimes put in practise after the ciuill warres of england , as z master la noüe deliuers . if then those men that maruaile how philip the second that wanted not his ouersight was euer able to possesse spaine in tollerable quietnesse , his people hauing beene of olde time as their dealing with the romans shewes of a rebellious disposition , the continuance whereof made a ferdinand of portugal refuse to be their king , and b iohn the second wish a wall as high as heauen betwixt his people and them , which turbulencie continues yet , euen in the better of them , how euer some maintaine the contrarie , as some yeares past was manifest , by the ambitious and seditious pride of alanso iulian romero and some other spanish captaines , when don iohn of austria consulted for passing his army out of the low-countries into italy , as hath not long since sundry times appeared by the mutenous reuolts of his c oldest souldiers for want of pay : if yet i say those men that maruaile so , would by that rule of the romans examine that phillips proceedings in imitation of his father charles the fi●●t , it wil euidētly appeare that he procured the place of spayn and his own safety by keeping his actiue subiects in continual employment , farre from home , where their eagle-like piercing eyes might not come to prie into his actions , nor malitiously obserue the distates his gouernment occasioned . hee did not forget that the satute of d pericles was grauen with a helmet on to hide the deformitie of his onion-like head , nor that that e pericles sent 60. gallies euery yeare to sea , and many hundreds of men away by land , to rid his citie of idle persons : but making vse of both , receiued the fruit of both , besides this further benefit , that as weeds in england proue oft good sallets in france , those his male contented and suspected subiects , while they were at home , by their industrious life vnder seuerity of military discipline became of good members , and were for their experience not vnworthily accounted as readie souldiers as most in christendome , which opiniō was vndoubtedly a great strength to king phillips enterprises , making the temporizing venetians and other states of i●a●●●ore ●ore affraid than needed . then howsoeuer some may bee disswaded by f catoes liuely demonstration of carthage too neere neighbourhood , from drawing on vs such an enemie as may in lesse than three daies sailing knocke at the gates of our great citie : and others in remembrance of some actions past , may seem to dislike sending our forces so farr from home that for want of fresh supply of men or other necessaries , the voyage how auspitious soeuer the beginning bee , wanting sure footing , must of necessity proue as a fading bubble : i for my part leauing the election of our warres as a matter scarce fit to be thought on by so yong a head as mine , to the mature consultation of our senate , and iuditious resolution of our souereigne , with more loyall zeale to my king and countrey , than loue ( which i confesse is great ) to the warres , wish , and with faith wish , that our setled state may reape infinite commoditie by that g politique rule , grounded on ccipio nasicaes desire to haue carthage stand , that for the reasons scipio then alleaged , wils euery kingdome to prouide it selfe an enemy as the h romans had many whose fall was their aduancement , as the i athenians had them of samos whose inuasion appeased their domesticall tumults , as last of all the k macedonians had the thracians and illirians : quorum armis , veluti quotidiana exercitatione indurati gloria bellicae laudis finitimos terrebant : with whose hostility as with a daily exercise they were so hardned that their neighbors liued in awe of their renowned valor : that so feare of the enemie may keep our people from ease and luxurie , the fatall ruine of states and countries , yea sometimes l conquering armies that dealing with that enemie in imitation of l alexander after darius ouerthrow , our men of warre may be so trayned and kept in vre that for want of practise the life of all arts , but most necessary , in the most necessarie arte of warre , our warlike discipline decay not , and so sincke , if not the estate , yet the honor of our state and countrey . but heere whether to haue one and the same still or rather variety of enemies be more requisite would aske a more particular discourse to decide , o than this generall paradox may admitte : licurgus knowing the inestimable benefite of military practise , was desirous his people should haue warre but not with one and the same nation lest they might be blamed as p ag●silaus was by antalcidas , for making the thebans against their willes by continuall inuading them to his owne hurt , skilfull souldiers ; yet some may thinke it best grapling with one whose strength we know , whom by conquering we know how to ouercome , whose fashions our souldiers are vsed to , but i dare not speake all i could , lest my meaning be applyed as i would not , this i say , since it was truely said of the romans , q magis bellantes quam pacati habuerunt deos propitios : that they were more fortunate in warre than peace : it was wisely ( i thinke ) fained of r romulus that the gods told him his citty should proue the mightiest in the world , so it were raised by warres , and increased by armes , and well confirmed afterwards by s proclus , deliuering the same to the people as a message from romulus after his deifiyng to perswade them indeede to warre , which this politicke roman and that worthy king foresawe was like to be most beneficiall for them : this i say , since t plutarch rightly saies that citties by warring with their neighbours , become wise in their carriage and learne to affect good gouernment : it was not vnwisely doone of robert the second of scotland to will his peeres and subiects in his last will and testament , to haue peace neuer aboue 4 yeeres together in respect of the benefit he had found and should receiue by continuall excercise in military matters . that then i may shut vp this short and slight discourse seeing that to speake of peace perpetuall in this world of contention , is but as aristotles foelix , xenophons cyrus , quintilians orator , or sir thomas moores vtopia , a matter of mere contemplation , the warre being in this iron age u si bienenracinèe qui ' il est impossible del l' en oster , si non auec la rume de l' vniuerse . so well ingrafted that it is impossible to take it away without a vniuersall destruction : seeing that the quarrelles of this world are either of christians against turkes , and infidelles , in defence of christ crucified , which ought neuer , and i assure my selfe shall neuer be extinguished till the names of those dogges be cleane extirpated : or between chrians , with such inueterate malice and irreconcileable wrongs for titles so intricate , as in mans witte is to be feared will neuer be appeased , satisfied , decided , seeing that many of the princes of this world , though they talk of peace and amitie to winne time , til their proiectes come to full ripenesse , seruing their turnes with that sweete name which they know is likely to blindfolde ease-affecting people , yet in their hearts desire nothing lesse : when as some of them weakened with the violent courses of their hereditary ambition , that can neuer be tamed , seeke peace as a breathing only to recouer strength : others warely repecting our encreased greatnesse , and their owne vnsetled state make faire shewes now , but are like enough here after vpon aduantage to proue false hearted : others hauing gotten much wealth , gayned much reputation , encreased their power , and maintayned their libertie by the sworde , will neuer endure the losse of these by hearkning to peace , since last there neuer wanted coulorable pretences to breake those truces , that like the * parthians promises are only obserued , quatenus expedit , as farre as is expedient , and made like that of the y samnites who entertained peace with the romans , non quod pacem volebant , sed quia non erant parati ad bellum : not that they desired peace , but because they were vnprepared for warre . let me not be blamed if i speake what i thinke , and as the scope of this discourse directs , deliuer , that is more safe and honorable ( making a league with some of them , so that necessitie of state may force them to be faithfull ) to keepe some other of them at the swords point , while fearing our strength , or their owne feeblenes , cauponantur pacem , they but chaffer for peace , rather than by tēporizing giue them time to turne tables , and fall on vs , when our leaders shall be waxed old , and the nomber of them much diminished , when our best souldiers shall be raw besognios brought to some execution of importance , before they were fitte to learne what was fitting for thē to doe , when our discipline corrupt before shal be cleane rotten and as little worth as our cancred rusty weapons at a day of seruice , whē our ships of warre one of the greatest strengths & honours of our kingdome , shal for couetous desire of gaine , be easlyer in one yeere turnd to hois of burdē , thā cā be reduced back againe , to doe our countrie seruice in an other 5 and 40. whē our sea-men shal be few , and skilfull only in their owne ordinarie course , passing directly as they are bound at best seasons : where as long voiges , liuing at sea , varietie of weathers , change of climates , searching and sounding all harbors , bayes , creekes , and corners , with ships well stored with men , is it that brings forth store of skilfull maisters , skilfull pilots , skilfull marriners , when last of all our people shal be more luxurious through such dangerous securitie , more contentious among themselues , more carelesse of the honour of the state , and in conclusion more ready to receiue some fatall ouerthrowe than euer heeretofore . these therefore and infinite other weighty considerations spinging freshly out of my zealefull regarde of my countries welfare , and the desire i haue to aduenture the shedding of my bloud might i be once so happy in my kings seruice , makes me with feruēcie of spirit wish his maiestie may euer haue as x charles the 8 of fraunce had once , infinite multitudes of men , resolute of mindes , for seruice apte , of faith assured , of willes tractable , for commaundment obedient , and lastly bearing all one common desire , to com● their liues to any danger for the glory and greatnes of god & their king. and that our cōmon-wealth may neuer want many such worthy patriots as will valiantly when time serues , hazard themselues , their freinds , and their best fortunes , in paineful industrie to procure their countries assured safetie , that their example may make our gentry ashamed of their much dissolute , degenerate dishonorable courses , the scoffing stocke of proude cōtemning forreine nations , that so desiring earnestly to shewe the world their swords can cut as keene as their forefathers , by this first steppe to such desire , they may professe with me and that with constancie , z militia est potior : the warre is better farre : pulchrumque mori succurrat in armis . and thinke how worthelie they die that armed die . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20463-e7510 a pallingen in ariete . b montag . lib. 1 essay . 25. c idē essay . 42. d guichard . 1. lib. e hora : de arte poetica . f ibidem et iusti● histo. g pet. marti : dec : 3. cap. 7. h hora. od. 8 lib. 4. i idem . k luna : lib. 1. l perseus . m sir phillip sidney . n hora : od : 6. lib. 1. o idem lib : 1. episto . p iuuena . sat. 1. q diodor. sicu . lib. 10. cap. 3. vn gentle home de ville . plutar in vita dari : s ibidem . t idē in alexan. u idem in scipiet leo impera cap. 28.78 . i. e. cincinatus alluding to caesars speech to the strangers plutar. in vita peric . * plutar. x herodat . in terpsicore . z plutar. in pyrrho . a estate of english fugitiues . b arist. lib. 2. de a●nimi . cap. 2. c lucan : lib. 3. d plutar : libel . contra . epicu . e tit. liui. de. 1 lib. 2. f osor. de reb . gestis . emanus : histo : lib : 10 : g plutar : in . libell . declaratione lib : h idem in lib : de dictis et factis lacaedemo : i quin● : curt : lib. 2 k virgil. lib. 1 l m tit : liui : lib. 5 deca : 1 : n pluta : in lib. de fortuna roman : ●eo imper. cap : 20 : 47 : & . 75 : & cap : 18 : 18 : o iosc : de bel : iud. lib : 6 : cap : 24 : et : 16 : p plutar : in vitae lycur : : q acts of the apostles . cap. 10. r iosua . cap. 7. s exod. cap. 17. verse 11. t sam. 2. cap. 22 v psalm . 144 ver . 1. w issai . cap. 1 ierem. cap. 11. y platar : in vita antoni . x guichard : lib. 3. z plutar. in vita scipi . a mar. barles . lib. 6. b plutar. in peric . c osor. de rebus gestis emanu . lib. 2. d plutar. in alexan. e quint. curt. lib 5. f lib. 2. de benefic . cap. 13. g luca. de bel . ciuili . lib. 6. h quint. curt. lib. 5. i heliod . histo. aethio : lib. 3. k iusti. histo. lib. 1. l lib. 2. de reb . gestis ioannit . m virgil. lib. 2. aenea . n osor. lib. 2. de reb : gest : emanuel . o lib. 4 ▪ * the victorie lost at perousa . guichar . lib. 3. p their amigdala are their mony . pet. martir . de● 5. cap. 4. r pet. marty . dec. 8. cap. 8. s plutar. in romul . t plut. in vita solon . u idem in lib. de dict : & fact . laca●emon . x ibidem . y sene : in t●●g . agamem . z lib 22 dereb . gest . emanuel . a montag . lib. 1. essay . 3. b apud thermopilas . diod. sicu . lib. 21. c plut. in licur . d idem in pyr. e lin. 2. des recrech dela franc. f q. curt. & plut. in alexan. g pet. marty . de 3. cap. 9. h plutar. in pyr. pantal de reb . gest . ioannit . lib. 4. k pet. martyr . dec. 3. cap. 3. l plutar : in pelopid . m histor. de co●mes . liure . 5. chap. 2 n histoire des dernies . troubl : liur . 2 o guiehard : histo. p baptist : lenchi : in politicis obseruat . the king of france and queene of england . q tit : liui : de : 3. ilib . 2. r plutar : in romul : vita . s rosin : romani antiquitat : lib. 10. cap : 11. t idem lib : 2● . cap. 23. u sueto : in aug : vita : * lui : 2 : de● recerch : de la fran : x lecerch . de la fran. z lib. de . vanit : scienti . a lib. 2. cap. 3. b sam. 1. cap. 8. ver . 20. c virg : aeneid : lib. 1. d plutar : in lycur . e idem in corio . lan . f osor : lib. 5. de reb . gest : emanuel . h plutar : in marcell : i idem in pyrrh : k montag : liure 2. essay . 42. l camde : br●ita : in richmond . m tit. liui : de : 1. lib : 2. n plutar. in pelopid . o hora de arte poetica . notes for div a20463-e13400 lucan . 1. a ter : in adelph : act : 3 : sce. 3. b la roque . li. 1. du māniement : de l' art militaire . c virgil : lib. 2. aeneid . d machiauel : princ : cap. 2. e iustin. histor : lib. 6. f idem lib. 3. g plutarch : in vita pyrrh . h plutar : in caesa : vita . i idem . in cym● : vita . k iuuenal : lib : 2. sat . 6. l cap. 1. deca . 6. m in timoleō : vita . n iin solon : vita . o idē in pyrrho . p noua noui orbis historia . lib : 2. cap : 16. q ti : liu : lib : 4 : deca : 1. r mar : barles : in vita scanderb : s diod : sicu : lib. 2 cap. ● . t iustin : histor. lib. 44. u lib. 9. de reb : gest . emanuelis . w plutarch : in coriola : vita . y lib. 2. deca . 1. x plutarch : in camill : vita . z discours : politi : 9. a the paraenetical discourse . b ibidem . c in the low-countries 2000 at one time . estates of english fugitiues . d plutarch : in peric . e ibidem . f appian . g la noue discour . polit : & militar . 9. h machiauel : prin : cap. 29. i plutarch . in vita alcibiad . k iustin : histor. lib. 7. l as annibals at capua . l quint : curt. lib. 6. o plutarch : in vita lycur . p ibidem & in lib : de dict : et fact : lacad . q ti : liui : lib. 3. dec. 1. r plutar : in romul . s ibidem . t lib : de vtilit : capiend : ex hostibus . u la rocque liui . 1 : du maniement de l' art militaryre . * iust : histo : lib. 42. y ti. liui : lib : 8. deca . 1. x guichard : histo : lib. ● . z hor : sat . 1. virgil : aeneid : x. observations upon military & political affairs written by the most honourable george, duke of albemarle, &c. ... albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. 1671 approx. 213 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 85 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26617 wing a864 estc r22335 12488190 ocm 12488190 62313 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26617) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62313) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 302:8) observations upon military & political affairs written by the most honourable george, duke of albemarle, &c. ... albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. heath, john, 17th cent. [9], 151, [11] p. : ill. printed by a.c. for henry mortlocke ... and james collins ..., london : 1671. "to the most sacred majesty of charles ii" signed: john heath. errata: p. 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honourable george duke of albemarle , &c. published by authority . london , printed by a. c. for henry mortlocke , at the white-hart in westminster-hall , and iames collins , at the kings arms in ludgate-street , 1671. to the most sacred majesty of charles the ii. by the grace of god king of great britain , france , and ireland , &c. dread sovereign , this book humbly addresseth it self unto your royal patronage , upon accompt both of the work , and the author . mines of gold and silver bear a value , which appropriates them to the crown , wheresoever they be found . here is a treatise of warfare and state-policy , brought ex umbra in solem ; and bearing a special reference to your sovereign majesty , from whom both the sword , and the gown derive their lawful power and authority . the great instrument of your majesty's most memorable restauration fitly appeareth author of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherein he hath left his important observations , for preparing others after him to serve your majesty domi militiaeque . singular success following long exercise in martial offices advanced this person : that it may reasonably be doubted of him , fortiorne an felicior esset . valour and sufferance he is pleased to call the two chief parts of a souldier . both these signally concurring in himself , were wrought up at length to that just composition , imperator bonus , idemque robustus miles . neither may i omit , that in fighting he came nearest the way of the antient romans , presso gradu , ac stabili pugna cominus rem gerere . and when he had leasure from arms , his pen was busied in compiling this platform of military conduct , being a collection of his reading and experience together . it was written five and twenty years since , and sent from the author then prisoner in the tower , unto the lord viscount lisle . so that it will admit almost the same epilogue , that ammianus marcellinus makes to his history , haec ut miles quondam — pro virium explicavi mensura , &c. after the duke of albemarle's decease , i had the honour to be publisher of his manuscript , conferr'd upon me by the favour of my lord lisle . in whose hands it hath been faithfully preserved , as a true picture of the author drawn by himself : whereof let me only say , ex pede herculem . and so i leave him inter ingentes bellorum animas . god almighty multiply his manifold blessings upon your majesty's royal person , family , and government , unto the attaining of all happiness ; which is the fervent prayer of your sacred majesties most humble , loyal , and obedient subject , john heath . errata . page 13. line 15. dele the , p. 28. l. 2. for sl . r. slit , p. 33. l. 4. r. set down , p. 48. l. 5. r. carthrages , p. 69. l. ● . dele kt. kt. ● . 114. l. 3. for possessed r. passed , p. 116. & 117. for circumvolation r. circumvallation , toties quoties . p. 127. l. 27. after with them , make a period . observations upon military & political affairs . chap. i. some observations concerning a souldiers profession and his duty . the profession of a souldier is allowed to be lawful by the word of god ; and so famous and honourable amongst men , that emperours and kings do account it a great honour to be of the profession , and to have experience in it ; and next under god , the profession of a souldier doth rule or over rule the greatest part of the world. he that chooseth the profession of a souldier , ought to know withal , honour must be his greatest wages , and his enemy his surest pay-master . there are two things that cause men to be desirous of this profession ; the first is , emulation of honour ; the next is , the hopes they have by licence to do evil. as the aims of the first are virtuous , so will they do good service : the other by strict discipline , may be brought to do good service , and to be obedient souldiers ; but if that discipline be neglected , then they prove the ruine of an army . let a souldiers resolution be never so great , and his courage invincible in the day of battel , yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousness as usually attendeth upon warlike designments , he is no way fit for enterprise : because the two chief parts of a souldier are valour and sufferance ; and there is as much honour gained by suffering wants patiently in the war , as by fighting valiantly ; and as great atchievements effected by the one , as by the other . it is no virtue , but a weakness of the mind , not to be able to endure want a little while : and yet it is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death , than such as will endure labour with patience . the greatest virtue which is required in a souldier is obedience , as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth . a souldier must be always ready to confront extremity of danger , with extremity of valour , and overtop fury with an higher resolution . a souldier should always respect courses of honour , and the publick good , above his own safety : and ought to fear nothing but god and dishonour . let every souldier arm his mind with hopes , and put on courage : whatsoever disaster falleth , let not his heart sink . the passage of providence lieth through many crooked ways . a despairing heart , is the true prophet of approaching evil . chap. ii. some observations upon war , which is the profession of a souldier . peace , fulness , pride , and war , are the four fellies , which being let into one another ; make the wheel , that the times turn on ; and after a long scene of peace , war ever entreth the stage . the causes of all wars may be reduced to six heads ; ambition , avarice , religion , revenge , providence , and desence . war , the profession of a souldier , is that of all others , which as it conferreth most honour upon a man who therein acquitteth himself well ; so it draweth the greatest infamy upon him who demeaneth himself ill . for one fault committed can never be repaired , and one hour causeth the loss of that reputation , which hath been thirty years acquiring . in matter of war , there is such a medly , and interlacing of material circumstances with the body of the action , that commonly one business begetteth another . no science , or faculty whatsoever in multitude of parts may any way be comparable to the art military ; wherein every small , and unrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the action , and amongst the variable events of war , many unexpected occasions arise , which give present victory to him that is ready to take it : and many strange chances so alter the course of things , that no foresight can discern what may happen . war beginneth when one party listeth , but it endeth when the adverse party pleaseth . war is in the same nature with offences , necesse est ut veniant , they must be , but they are mightily in fault that cause them . yet in those wars whose ends are to defend your own possessions , or to recover them being lost , or where necessity striketh up her hard alarms , or wronged religion beateth her zealous marches , go on and prosper . chap. iii. some observations of an offensive vvar , and conquering of countries . an offensive war will keep you from civil war at home , and make you feared of your enemies , and beloved of your friends , and keepeth your gentry , and commons from laziness , and all sorts of luxury . but here you must note , to entertain a forein war , is not good to be observed , but by such kingdoms and states that are able to go thorough with their designs they undertake . because as a foreign war is necessary for rich and potent kingdoms and states ; so it is hurtful to petty kingdoms and states : for being too weak to gain by it , they will in the end , but lose their design , their honours , and monies , and impoverish themselves , and increase their enemies . it is not for kings and states to undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon an humour , or any other slender motion : but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof , and measuring the peril and hazard with the good consequents , to inform their judgments of the action , and so try whether the benefit would answer their labour . they ought likewise to be well informed of the greatness and riches of the countrey , the quality and strength of the people , their use of war , and the opportunity of their havens . and he that maketh an offensive war , must so proceed therewith , that he be sure to keep what he getteth , and to enrich , not impoverish his own countrey . for he that doth increase his dominions , and yet groweth not in strength , must needs go to wrack . now those grow not strong who grow poor in the wars , although they prove victorious : because their conquests do cost them more than they get by them . this errour many run into by not knowing how to limit their hopes ; and so grounded on their own vast conceits , without weighing their strength , they are utterly ruined . for conquests , not having power answerable to their greatness , invite new conquerours to the ruine of the old . that prince who putteth himself upon an offensive war , ought to be master of his enemy in shiping , purse , and men ; or at least in shipping and purse : or else he must see some garboils in the state which he assaileth . and he ought to be called thither by a party ; otherwise it would be a rash enterprise . if you make any attempt upon any forein countrey , the first thing you ought to do , is to take some sea. town that hath a convenient harbour , and that lieth nearest the greatest city in that countrey , in which you make your war. this town you ought to secure and harbour very well with good works : and take care that it be very well victualled , before you advance further into the countrey with your army . so this town will serve to keep your provisions for your magazines : and being well provided of victual , will serve upon occasion to make good your retreat . for having once gotten possession of a sea. town , and having well fortified and victualled the same , you have one foot on land , and the other on sea. having fortified a place for your magazine , and your retreat , advance with your army unto the chief city in the countrey . by which means you will soon force your enemy to battel ; and if you win the battel , and follow your victory close , you may gain the chief city of the countrey , either by composition , or assault , if it be not fortified ; or before your enemy be able to relieve it , you may be able to starve it . but in case you do not prevail to be master of the chief city , either by composition , or assault ; then ought you strongly to intrench two thousand foot , and five hundred horse in a quarter : and so fortifying one quarter after another with your army , until you have intrenched so many several quarters , as you think may be sufficient to keep the city from provisions . and then , if you think fit , you may run lines from one quarter to another . and having strongly intrenched that part of your army that is quartered about the city , draw the rest of your army into a body , and intrench them in some place near the town , where you think it most convenient to meet with any enemy , that may come to the relief of it . you ought likewise to use the best means you can for intelligence , and continually to send out parties of horse several ways , that when any enemy approacheth near you , you may be in a readiness to fight with him . if you come to be master of the chief city of a kingdom , or country , i account that kingdom , or country more then half won . the surest way to keep that country you conquer in obedience to you , will be to oppress them as little as may be ( especially at first ) either in their purses , consciences , or laws . he that obtaineth a kingdom with the rupture of his faith , hath gained the glory of a conquest , but lost the honour of a conquerour . but you ought to disarm them , and take pledges of them for their obedience , the which must be kept in your own country . you ought also to employ in your garrisons all the gun-smiths , and all the salt-petre-men that you find in the country you have conquered ; and to take into your hands all the powder and brimstone you find ; and destroy all the powder-mills that are out of your own garrisons . when it shall happen that you are to conquer a country that doth afford covert , and protection to an enemy , who is more malicious than valorous , and through the fastness of the place refuseth to shew himself , unless it be upon advantages ; the war doubtless is likely to prove tedious , and the victory less honourable . in such cases there is no other way , than so to harrass and waste the country , that the enemy may be famished out of his holds , and brought to subjection by scarcity , and necessity : which is a means so powerful as well to supplant the greatest strengths , as to meet with subterfuges and delays , that of it self it subdueth all opposition , and needeth no other help for atchieving of victory . it is much better for a prince to invade an enemy in his own country , than to attend him at home in his own kingdom ; if so be that he hath competent forces to give him hopes of doing good upon his enemy . for the seat of war is always miserable . chap. iv. some observations upon a defensive vvar. the best way to prevent any attempts of any foreign enemy , is to be able and ready to resist their designs ; and the best way to do that , is to have a good rich publick treasure before-hand , and your people continually well trained up in martial discipline . when you foresee that an enemy is resolved to set upon your country to conquer it , and if your enemy be so much master of you at sea , that you fear the shutting up of your havens by his shipping , then ought you to provide your magazines extraordinarily well with ammunition , arms , and salt , and great store of brimstone , salt-petre , and salt-petre-men , and to have powder-mills in all your chief towns in the beginning of a defensive war , if you meet with a powerful enemy , and foresee that the war is likely to last long , then it will be wisdom in you to entertain some forein nation : but you must be careful to entertain none of those nations who serve in your enemies army , unless they be such as are of a contrary religion to your enemy ; to the end that you may spare your own nation as much as may be : provided always you have mony to pay them punctually ; otherwise they may prove dangerous to you . and i would wish you by no means to keep them longer than you have mony to pay them : for if you do , you will find they will prove more your enemies than your friends . likewise you must be careful to entertain no more strangers , than you are well able to master ; and that you garrison them not in any of your sea-towns , or forts , or where your chief magazines are . and in what towns you do garrison your strangers in the winter , where you place one company of strangers in a garrison , you ought to place two of your own nation . it is a very dangerous thing to entertain a forein friend to gain your own country : but there is no danger in entertaining a forein friend to help to keep your country , so long as you have mony to pay them . you may with good fortresses , and a good army so tye up your enemy in hindring him from victuals , and by intrenching always so near him , that you may now and then fall upon some of his quarters , and so hinder him from making any siege of importance . and when a conquerour advanceth not forward , he recoileth . but here you must note , that such places as you fortifie are to be well fortified , well manned , and well provided of all necessaries , and that you do not fortifie any place , which will require many men for the defence of it in a siege . if you be assailed by a power altogether disproportionable to your forces , and are in this case forced to leave some part of your country to the enemy , then you ought to burn all the victual which you cannot contain wiehin your fortresses , and also all the towns and villages which you cannot guard . for it is better to preserve your self in a ruined country , than to keep it for your enemy . it is a maxim , that no publick good can be without some prejudice to some particular men : so a prince cannot dis-entangle himself from a perilous enterprise , if he will please every man : and the greatest and most usual faults which we commit in matters of state , and war , proceed from suffering our selves to be carried away with this complacency , whereof we repent when there is no remedy left . a kingdom or state , though they have received many overthrows , should never cowardly yield themselves up to be slaves to their enemies , but endeavour to look fortune again in the face , and to be ready to overcome or lose more gloriously , or get honourable terms of agreement . because by yielding they can hope for nothing but the saving of their lives , and it will be in their enemies hands to deprive them of that at their pleasures : and peace is more grievous to men in subjection , than the war is to them that enjoy their liberties ; and they are hopeful in their arms , who have no other hope but in their arms. a just cause is good defence against a strong enemy . chap. v. some observations for those that undertake a vvar. a sovereign prince is more capable to make great and ready conquests than a commonwealth , and especially if he goeth in person into the field . for never any prince hath founded a great empire , but by making war in person : nor hath lost any , but when he made war by his lieutenants . those that undertake a war , ought to make their levies according to the war which they undertake ; carefully foreseeing that they undertake no offensive war , but such as they be able to go through with their purses and their honours : and if their purses will bear it , to make their wars great and short . it is an excellent property of a good and wise prince to use war , as he doth physick , carefully , unwillingly , and seasonably ; either to prevent approaching dangers , or to correct a present mischief , or to recover a former loss . he that declineth physick till he is accosted with the danger , or weakened with the disease , is bold too long , and wise too late . that peace is too precise , that limiteth the justness of a war to a sword drawn , or a blow given . the next thing they who undertake a war ought to observe , is secresie and expedition in their designs : it is a perilous weakness in a state to be slow of resolution in the time of war : such affairs attend not time . let the wise statesman therefore abhor delays , and resolve rather what to do than what to say . slow deliberations are symptoms either of faint spirits , or weak forces , or false hearts . in war more than any other profession the command ought to be single . for though you have many armies in the field , yet ought you to appoint one general to have the absolute command over the rest of your generals . and there ought to be a special care in making choice of an able general . for an able general will make choice of good officers , and such as are fit for vvar : but a general that is not experienced in the wars , if he meet with good commanders , it is by hazard . this advantage also you will find by having an experienced and well reputed man to your general , that the officers and souldiers of your army will fight with much the more resolution , and confidence of victory ; and your enemy will fight with the less resolution and hopes of victory . for good officers will make good souldiers , and good souldiers are as necessary to a vvar as good store of gold. and therefore those that undertake a vvar , must not always measure their power by their treasure , but they must put the goodness of their souldiers in the balance with their treasure . before you undertake a vvar , cast an impartial eye upon the cause . if it be just , prepare your army , and let them all know they fight for god. this addeth fire to the spirit of a souldier , to be assured that he shall either prosper in a fair vvar , or perish in a just cause . you must be most vigilant and careful to have all your magazines doubly provided , that if any disaster befal your armies , you may soon supply them again . he that would be in vvar victorious , must be in peace laborious . you must likewise be very punctual in sending supplies of mony , men , and all other necessaries to your army . for the want of any one supply many times coming too late proveth the loss of the whole design ; and in no profession the loss of time proveth so dangerous as in martial affairs . you must not be apt to judge of your generals actions according to the event , but according to reason ; and not to lay the fault of your armies ill success upon your general , when it lieth in your selves , either for want of necessaries , or timely supplies , or by bridling the authority of your general too much . besides , if a general be never so wise , and diligent , he cannot foresee every thing that may break , and cross all that which he had purposed . for it is a piece of divine power to direct a path free from the crookedness which might lead the straight way to happy ends : and it were as great a madness to believe that a man were able to give directions to meet with all chances , as to think no foresight can prevent any casualty . if you intend to have a well-commanded army , you must pay them punctually , and then your general can with justice punish them severely . you must foresee that your frontier towns be well fortified , well manned , and well victualled before your army taketh the field . you ought not to neglect rewarding those , that do you eminent service ; for by it you bind them to be faithful to you , and you encourage them to do the like service upon another occasion , and encourage others to be ambitious of the same honour . you must likewise be careful that the honour of such as have done brave actions and great services be not diminished nor blemished . because the most generous spirits ( which will easily excuse all want of other recompence for their services ) will never endure this , to be robbed of the honour due to their brave actions , and will sooner stomach such a want of due honour , than any other thing whatsoever ; whereupon very often great mischiefs have followed . you must not be too confident in the arm of flesh , and in your victories ; give not too much honour to your armies , and too little praise to god. use all the lawful means you can for the executing of your designs , and by your prayers recommend he success to god , and the good conduct of your general the senate of the romans reserved nothing else to themselves , but a power to make new wars , and to confirm peace : every thing else they referred to the arbitrement , and power of the consul . notwithstanding that there were in the senate men exceedingly well experienced in the wars ; yet forasmuch as they were not upon the place , and therefore ignorant of very many particulars , which were needful for them to know that will advise well , and by interposing their counsels they would have committed many errors : for this cause they suffered the consul to do all of himself , and that the glory thereof should be entirely his ; the love of which they thought would provoke and encourage him to do well . it is a great vanity and indiscretion in a prince , or state in matter of war to undertake many enterprizes at once . it is better for two weak kingdoms rather to compound with an enemy to some loss , than seek for satisfaction by the sword ; lest while they two weaken themselves by mutual blows , a third decide the controversie to both their ruines . when the frog and the mouse could not take up the quarrel , the kite was umpire . you ought to be careful you have no officer in chief that is covetous , or given to pillaging . for such men are good to no body , but themselves and the enemy ; and are most commonly easily corrupted with mony . such men ought by no means to be made governours of towns. no prince or state ought to doubt but that they may be able to make good souldiers , when they want not men . for if they have many men , and want souldiers , they should rather complain of their own sloth , and small wisdom , than of the peoples cowardize . chap. vi. some observations , and considerations to be observed , and thought on by a general , that taketh upon him the command of an army . he that undertaketh the command of an army ought seriously to consider the hazards of this charge , and the difficulties , and examine his own abilities well before he adventureth on it : because if he groweth rich , he is traduced ; if he fail , or prove unfortunate , he is calumniated , scandalized : and if the whole success answereth not their opinions who imploy him , they will repine , although the fault most often is caused by their own neglect , or wilfulness , or by curbing the authority of their chief commander too much . and people are always apt to judge of their generals actions rather by the event than reason . so that it is a very hard thing for a man to take the command of an army upon him , and to keep his reputation unto the end . therefore no general ought to undertake any design timorously , or rashly ; but such actions as he foreseeth by his wisdom , and experience , that his master , or masters purse , or purses , and his own abilities be sufficient to go through with victory and honour . the first thing that a general ought to do , is to desire god to assist him in all his councils and actions , and to beseech him to give him and his souldiers courage in the day of battel : for it is he who maketh our enemies flee before us . it is he setteth up kings , and kingdoms , and pulleth them down at his pleasure . a general of an army must make it his principal aim to begin well : and then not to omit any thing for the preserving of what he hath gotten . he ought to be provident in taking care for mony , men , arms , victuals , ammunition , a good train of artillery , with all things necessary belonging to it ; cloaths , shoes , stockings , and shirts : he must foresee and provide that none of all these things fail him in the execution of his designs . and he must be careful to make choice of knowing , and valiant officers for his army . for you may observe in all the roman wars , that they conquered more nations by their expert knowledge in martial affairs , than they did either by their number or valour . it hath been the manner of all famous generals to bring their souldiers to perfection by exercise . a general ought carefully to observe these three things in his martial discipline , to recompence commendable actions , to punish the bad , and constantly to use the exact exercise of military discipline . he must never suffer his souldiers in any place to be idle , especially when the army is brought together in a body : for if he employ them not in that which is good , they will busie themselves in that which is naught . it is the height of a provident commander not only to keep his own designs undiscoverable to his enemy , but likewise to be studious in discovering his . he that can best do the one , and nearest guess at the other , 〈◊〉 the next step to a conquerour : but he that failed in both , must either ascribe his overthrow to his own folly , or his victory to the hand of fortune . he that is a chief commander ought to know that if he will be secure in war , he must be watchful and valiant : and that expedition and secresie crowneth all warlike exploits with success and glory : and that the opportunity of time is the mother of all worthy exploits . in the course of war a general shall meet with some occasions , wherein he is not only to contend with men , but with chances and things , which are to be overcome with less difficulty , than an enemy , and are more dangerous , as hunger , discontents , and labour . things well and happily atchieved do get the commander great good-will from the souldier , and things ill carried as much hatred . wherefore a general should always prefer courses of security before those of hazzard , and trust fortune no farther , than necessity constraineth him . caesar thought it not best to tempt the waywardness of fortune , when by other means he might obtain his desires : and a wise general should always rather follow reason than fortune . war is not capable of a second error ; one fault being enough to ruine an army : and therefore a general ought to be careful even of possibilities , accounting always that which may happen , to be as certain as any thing which he doth most expect . a generals counsels should not pass approbation through his own judgment alone , neither should they be communicated to more than is needful , neither are they to be hastned forwards with passion , but ought oft to be maturated with staid deliberation . likewise he is to take special care that no humorous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgment approveth . for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit , delightful pleasures , desire of revenge , or some other unseasonable affection doth so intangle them in their proceedings , as they never attain to the main drift of the action : and this is called stumbling by the way . a general must be careful not to measure the humour of his poor , needy , and undisciplined souldiers by the garb of his own ambitious thoughts ; and so lay such projects of difficulty as were very unsuitable in the particularity of occurrences , to that which his souldiers were fit to execute : neither should he be so prodigal of his souldiers blood , as though men were made only to fill ditches , and to be the woful executioners of his rashness . of all victories a general should think that best , which is least stained with blood. it is requisite in a general to mingle love with the severity of his discipline . they that cannot be induced to serve for love , will never be forced to love for fear : because love openeth the heart , fear shutteth it ; that encourageth , this compelleth : and victory meeteth encouragement , but flieth compulsion . if thou art called to the dignity of a commander , dignifie thy place by thy commands : and that thou mayest be the more perfect in commanding others , practise upon thy self . a chief commander ought to know that that command is best , and most sure , when the souldier rejoyceth in his obedience . what souldiers earn with the hazard of their lives , if not enjoyed , prophesieth an overthrow to the next battel . a general shall rule much , if reason rule him . a general ought to use his best endeavours , to buy good success with extraordinary labour . for industry commandeth fortune , saith caesar. and there is no doubt but diligence , and laboursome industry by circumspect and heedful carriage seldom fail , either by hap or cunning , to make good that part , wherein the main point of the matter dependeth . and where the lions skin will not serve his turn , there let him take part of the foxes to piece it out . it is a dangerous thing for a general to make himself chief in perswading a prince , or state to any weighty and important resolution , so that the counsel thereof be wholly imputed to him , which belongs to many . for inasmuch as men judge of things by their events , of all the evils that rise thereupon , the blame will be wholly laid upon him as author : and if good come of it , he is commended for it ; but the reward cometh much short of the loss which is hazarded . the sultan selimus , termed the great turk , having made preparation ( as some report ) for the conquest of syria , and egypt , was encouraged by one of his bashaws , who was then upon the confines of persia , to undertake rather an expedition against the sophy : by whose counsel the sultan was perswaded , and went to that enterprize with an exceeding great army . but coming into a very vast country , where a great part of it is desert , and very few rivers , and finding there those difficulties which long since had ruined many roman armies , was so distressed , that he lost most of his army by famine and plague . wherefore ( however in the war he was vanquisher ) he caused the bashaw , author of that counsel , to be put to death . chap. vii . some observations what is the fittest strength for armies to be of ; and what proportion of horse and foot , dragooners , and pioners , there ought to be in an army . and likewise shewing the proportion of pikemen , and musqueteers , according to the service that they shall be most imployed upon . an army of thirty or forty thousand men trained , well disciplined , carefully conducted , and still recruited upon all occasions , may destroy an army four times as great . because great armies for want of victuals oftentimes destroy themselves . and an army of thirty or forty thousand may fight with an army three or four times as big , and beat them ; provided that by the advantage of their ground they avoid being surrounded : and the disorder and confusion that commonly is in a great army , will likewise be apt to break them . where your service lieth in campagnia , the proportion of your army ought to be two footmen to one horseman , besides your dragooners . but where the service of your army shall be most in sieges , there you ought to have three footmen unto one horseman ; and sometimes four footmen to one horseman , besides your dragoons ; provided your enemy be not able to over-master you in horse . but for your body of foot , when your service shall chiefly consist in the campagnia , then you ought to have as many pikemen as musqueteers amongst your foot , besides your dragooners . but where your service lieth most in sieges , there you ought to have in your body of foot besides your dragoons two musqueteers to one pikeman : and to every eight hundred horse you ought to have an hundred and fifty dragooners . and always to an army of twenty thousand , or thirty thousand men , you ought to have a thousand pioners ; whereof an hundred ought to have horses , as a necessary part of the army upon a march , a retreat , drawing off cannon in a battel , and at sieges . i do not mean that these pioners shall be entertained to make the souldiers lazy : for each souldier ought to know what belongeth to his labour for his ordinary pay , that is , to pass upon his duty punctually , and willingly , namely to march , watch , fight , and intrench himself , and to be ready to endure with obedience and patience , labour , hunger , cold , and heat . chap. viii . some observations concerning the arming of an army , and how each souldier ought to be armed . one of the greatest advantages that i know which can be taken in war by a chief commander , is to endeavour to have his army better armed than his enemies army , both with offensive arms , and defensive arms. arms are the security of your own souldiers , the terror of the enemy , and the assured ordinary means of victory . and this is certain , that the most warlike nations , and most victorious , have always sought to get advantage of their enemies by advantage of arms. the end of arms is either to assault , or defend ; and hence are arms divided into two kinds , offensive and defensive . offensive arms are to do execution upon your enemy ; and defensive arms raise the spirits , stirre up desire to fight , make the souldier bold , and chearful to perils . and whereas the defensive arms of horse-men and pike-men are much slighted by some in these times , i would have such to know , that souldiers ought to go into the field to conquer , and not to be killed . and i would have our young gallants to take notice , that men wear not arms because they are afraid of danger , but because they would not fear it . and i am confident , that one army well armed with defensive arms , may very well expect without any great difficulty to win twenty battels one after another of armies equal in strength , equally conducted , and fighting upon equal advantage of ground , but not armed with defensive arms. so much advantage do i suppose to be between armies that are armed , and armies that are not armed with defensive arms. i will now shew you how horsemen , footmen , and dragooners ought to be armed with offensive and defensive arms. an horsemans offensive arms are these . a carbine , or a musquet-barrel of the length of a carbine-barrel , well stockt with a snapance : the which i hold to be much better then a carbine for service . also a case of pistols , and a good stiff long tuck , and a belt. an horsemans defensive arms are , an head-piece with three small iron bars to defend the face , back , and breast ; all three pistol-proof : a gauntlet for his left hand , or a good long buff glove . a girdle of double buff about eight inches broad , which is to be worn under the skirts of his doublet , and to be hooked unto his doublet , and made so that it may be fastned together before . if you find buff to be scarce and dear , you may make those girdles of buff before spoken of with bull hides , or good oxes hides , dressed like buff. the furniture that belongeth to an horsemans horse is as followeth . he ought to have a very good horse , and a good pad-saddle made , so that it may very well carry a case of pistols , three good girts , a pair of good stirrups , and stirrup-leathers ; with a crupper , and a fore-pattern : also a good bitt , rains , and head-stall , with a good leathern halter . i have omitted here to speak any thing of the armour of a good cuirassier , because there are not many countries that do afford horses fit for the service of cuirassiers : but where horses are to be had fit for that service , there a general ought to have two thousand of them in his army . the offensive arms of a musqueteer are these . a musquet and rest , and a good stiff tuck not very long , a belt , a pair of bandaliers ; but you must be careful that the charges be not made too big , which is a great and common fault now adays . also every musqueteer ought to have a scourer to make clean his musquet : for he must be very careful in keeping his musquet clean , or else it will be very apt to break upon service , by means of which neglect i have known many souldiers spoiled . the defensive arms of a musqueteer is a good courage . but in case you have more musqueteers than you have pikes , so many musqueteers as you have more than pikemen in your army ought to have swine-feathers with heads of rests fastned to them . my reason for it is this , your pikemen will be able with ease to shelter from the violence of the horse so many musqueteers as they are in number : and these musqueteers which have the swine-feathers being imployed by themselves , will be able likewise to defend themselves from the horse , with the help of their swine-feathers . the offensive arms of a pike-man are these . a good long pike of eighteen foot in length with a small steel head , and a good stiff tuck not very long , with a belt : for if you arm your men with swords , half the swords you have in your army amongst your common men , will upon the first march you make be broken with cutting of boughs . the defensive arms of a pike-man are these . an head-piece with back and breast ; a buff girdle of double buff eight inches broad , the which is to be worn under the skirts of his doublet instead of taces . the same buff girdle is to be hooked up to his doublet , and to be fastned before . a good long buff glove for the left hand . i am well assured that a girdle of buff will be much safer , and much more serviceable , and easier for a pike-man to wear than taces . the offensive arms of a dragoon are these . a musquet , or a good snapance to a musquet barrel ; the which i hold much better for dragoon-service , being upon occasion they may be able to make use of their snapances on horseback , and upon any service in the night they may go undiscovered . he must have also a belt to hang his musquet in , with a pair of bandaliers , and a good long tuck , with a belt. and all your dragoons ought to have swine-feathers . of a dragoon horse and furniture . he ought to have a good ordinary horse , sl . saddle , snaffle , rains , stirrups , and stirrup-leathers , an halter , and two girts . there are some other necessaries that souldiers ought to be furnished withal ; the which i do think fit to be spoken of in this place , and they are these . each two foot-souldiers ought to have a little hatchet between them for the cutting of wood for firing , and wood for hutting : also each two dragoons ought to have an hatchet between them for the aforesaid purpose . each souldier ought to have a knap-sack , each company of foot , and dragoons to have a powder-bag . chap. ix . a list of the chief officers that belong to an army , and what strength each regiment ought to have of horse , foot , and dragoons . a general , a marshal of the field , a lieutenant general of the horse , a general of the ordnance , or master of the ordnance ; a serjeant-major-general of the horse ; a serjeant-major-general of the foot : colonels of brigades both of horse and foot : the treasurer of the army ; colonels of regiments both of horse and foot ; a lieutenant general of the ordnance ; serjeant majors of brigades both of horse and foot ; a commissary general of the victuals ; lieutenant-colonels of regiments of foot ; serjeant-majors of regiments both of horse and foot ; a quarter-master general of the foot ; a quarter-master general of the horse ; an engineer general ; a scout-master general ; a waggon-master-general ; captains both of horse and foot ; and corporals of the field . the marshal of the field receiveth orders from the general ; the major-general of the horse , and the major-general of the foot receive their orders from the marshal of the field ; the serjeant-majors of the brigades from their serjeant-major-general ; the serjeant-majors of regiments from the serjeant-major of their brigade ; the quarter-masters of horse-troops , and the serjeants of foot companies receive their orders from the serjeant-majors of their regiments ; the quarter-masters of horse-troops , and serjeants of foot companies give the word , and such orders as they do receive from the serjeant-majors of their regiment to all the officers of their companies : the quarter-master of the artillery , and the quarter-master of the victuals receive their orders from the marshal of the field , the marshal of the field speaking with the serjeant-major-general of the horse , and the serjeant-major general of the foot , the quarter-master of the artillery , and the quarter-master of the victuals , so giveth orders to all the army . all orders and commands ought to be given in writing , if there be time for the same . thus much more i do think fit to add in this place , that my opinion is , each troop of horse ought to be an hundred in strength , besides officers , and each troop ought to have two quarter-masters . each foot company in my opinion should be an hundred and fifty strong , besides officers , and each company ought to have six serjeants . each regiment of horse in my opinion ought to be eight hundred in strength , besides officers ; and so many regiments of horse as there is in an army , so many troops of dragooners there ought to be of an hundred and fifty in strength , besides officers , and each troop of dragooners ought to have six serjeants . each regiment of foot ought to be a thousand five hundred in strength , besides officers . each regiment of dragooners must be in strength according unto the number of the regiments of horse that there is in an army . chap. x. some observations shewing how necessary it is to have souldiers well disciplined , and well exercised before they are brought to fight . it cannot be denied but warlike discipline , and good fortune were the raisers of the roman empire . and it is not length of life , or number of years that teacheth the art of war , but continual discipline , and meditation of arms , till a man hath with care and diligence imployed his study and labour therein . for upon the foundation of practice is grounded the frame of sound and perfect skill . plutarch speaketh this of the victory which the thebans had against the lacedemonians ; the thebans till that day had no reputation for valour , but afterward by exercise , and use of arms under epaminondas and pelopidas became the bravest souldiers in greece : not unlike was the saying of pyrrhus to his muster-master , choose you , said he , good bodies , and i will make them good souldiers . this sheweth how necessary discipline , and exercise is for the making of good souldiers . chap. xi . some observations concerning a train of artillery , and him that commandeth it . the general of the ordnance ought to be a man generally experienced in all parts of martial discipline , especially in all parts of the mathematicks , and in gunnery . it is a place of great honour , and much trouble , and requireth much experience , and a great deal of care , and foresight for executing the place well . the general of the ordnance ought to choose an able man to be a lieutenant of the ordnance , and to take care that the chief engineer be an able man , and also the inferiour engineers . the master gunner ought to be a very able man , and the inferiour gunners very good . the general of the ordnance must likewise foresee that there be a skilful fire-work-master ; and that he be not only skilful , but valiant , and able to put his skill in execution . likewise there ought to be provided good battery-masters , and works basis's . to setd own every particular thing , and the officers that belong to a train of artillery , would require the labour of writing a book by it self . wherefore i will but touch on some particular things , and places , and leave the rest to the care of the general of the ordnance , to make choice of such officers as a train of artillery requireth , and he will have need of ; and to provide for every thing in particular , according unto the designs that he shall take in hand . the general of the ordnance ought to give special order to his master-gunner , that such guns as he maketh choice of for his train , be diligently tried by him , whether they be true boared , or whether they have their full metal : and that all the field-pieces that are made choice of for the train be ten or twelve foot long . the which you will find to be of great advantage in fighting a battel with your enemy , whose field-pieces are not so long . all your pieces of battery ought to have block-carriages , besides their other carriages ; and to each piece of battery two thick planks three inches thick , and sixteen or eighteen inches broad , and fourteen foot in length . the which planks may be easily carried upon your spare carriages : and these planks will be always ready at hand , and save planking of your batteries . you ought to have the powder for your cannon to be made up into carthrages for all your cannon ; and this way you will find less dangerous , and much quicker for service , than the charging of them with ladles . the waggons that carry your powder , ought to be planked with thin planks on the sides , and over at top . then you may have locks set on them , and keep them locked ; by which means a rogue will not be able easily to fire your powder upon a march. it were very fit the lieutenant of the ordnance , the commissary of the victuals , and the master of the fireworks should have companies of fire-locks , or snapances of an hundred and fifty apiece ; the which companies will serve to guard the train upon a march , and at night in their quarters , and free the army from that duty , and be very serviceable upon divers other occasions . cannon is a great clog to an army upon a march , but an army which hath none , can do no great service : and therefore in these times the artillery is an essential part of an army . it is very fit a general of the ordnance should have belonging to his train some certain number of boats , or punts with carriages to carry them on , for to make a bridge over unpassable rivers . chap. xii . some observations , and preparations to be observed by a general in field-service : also concerning intelligences and spies . as soon as a general can get provisions for his horse , it will be most advantageous for him to have all things in a readiness to take the field . for if he take the field before his enemy , he preventeth the enemy of his designs . a general ought to be careful before he taketh the field with his army , that he provide for the punctual supplying of his army with mony , ammunition , victuals , arms , men , shoes , stockings , shirts : and seeing it is impossible for an army upon a march to carry with them sufficient of all these necessaries ; therefore a general ought carefully to foresee , as he advanceth any way with his army , that his magazines for his army be always so near him , and so well stored with such things as he shall have occasion to use , that his designs fail not for want of any of the aforesaid things . and he must be careful that his enemy be never able to cut off his provisions at any time , or his retreat . a general or chief commander ought to see that he doth not ruine his army upon disadvantages , either by engaging them unadvisedly in battels , or by assaulting towns , and breaches rashly , or by long sieges , or long winter services , without good probability , and assurance in the judgment of men to prevail . and he must take care always to joyn judgment with valour in all his actions . a general ought carefully to lay hold on such occasions as offer themselves to defeat his enemy ; and judiciously observe to know when to fight , and when not . a good commander ought wholly to avoid doing any thing , which being but of small moment may only produce evil effects in his army . for to begin a skirmish , or a combate , wherein the whole forces are not imployed , and yet the whole fortune is there laid to stake , is a thing savouring too much of rashness : and yet i hold it fit that wise and experienced commanders when they meet with a new enemy that is of reputation , before they come to joyn ▪ battel , should cause their souldiers to make trial of them by some light skirmishes ; to the end , that beginning to know them , and to have to deal with them , they may be rid of that terror which the report and reputation of these men have put them in . and this part in a general is of exceeding great importance ; for these small experiences made by the souldiers will cause them to cast off that terror , which by means of the enemies reputation had possessed them . thus livy saith , that valerius corvinus was sent by the romans to make some small skirmishes with the samnites , that a new war , and a new enemy might not affright them : but a good commander must be very careful that nothing arise , which upon any accident may take away the courage , and hearts of his souldiers . now that which may be of force to take away their courage , is to begin with loss . and therefore a commander should be very careful how he engageth any of his troops in small skirmishes ; and that he send no parties out of his army upon any occasion , without taking care that they be commanded by good commanders : and that the officers that command such parties have order not to engage themselves with the enemy , unless they have some certain hopes of victory . nor ought he to undertake to guard any passages , where he cannot bring his whole army together . nor should he keep any towns , unless it be those , upon loss whereof his utter ruine followeth . and those that he guardeth , he should take such care both for their defences , and also with his army , that when-ever the enemy hath any design to assail them , he may make use of all his forces to the rescue of them . if you have any certain hopes of starving your enemy , or putting him to a retreat for want of provisions , your securest way then will be not to fight with him , especially if your enemy be of equal strength with you , or stronger than you are . if a commander in chief discovereth his enemies foot to be lodged in their night quarters in a campagnia with their carriages , it were good then to charge them in the night with so many horse , as you shall think fit in several places ; and leave part of your horse and dragoons to make good their retreat upon occasion . if it falleth so out that your horse cannot totally rout your enemies foot , let them have order to fire their ammunition , and so retreat . it is very fit a general should often command his horse and dragoons to fall upon his enemies outermost horse-quarters . the which is one of the readiest , easiest , and securest ways that i know of to break an enemies army . a general is not so much blamed for making trial of an ill-digested project , as he will be for the obstinate continuing in the same . therefore the speediest leaving of any such enterprise doth excuse the rashness , which might be imputed to the beginning . difficulties of extremity are never better cleared , than by adventurous and desperate undertaking . and hence groweth the difference between true valour , and fool-hardy rashness , being but one and the same thing , if they were not distinguished by the subject , wherein they are shewed . for to run headlong into strange adventures upon no just occasion , were to shew more levity , than discretion : and again , to use the like boldness in cases of extremity , deserveth the opinion of vertuous endeavours . a general should always be careful so soon as he cometh out of the field to visit his frontier towns , and take with him some of his best commanders , and some of his choice engineers , and to see what fortifications his frontier towns want , and to give order for the repairing of such wants : and likewise to take care that the magazines be furnished with a years provision , and that he give especial command to the governours of his frontier towns to be careful by their vigilance and good itnelligence to prevent sudden surprises , and valiantly to defend their towns , and providently to dispose of their provisions in case they should be besieged . concerning spies you must be always suspitious of them ; because as it is a dangerous task for him that undertaketh , so it is also for him that imployeth them : and that spies may not agree to give false advice , they should be examined severally , that by the agreement or disagreement of their advices , you may judge whether they be good : and by the verification of those which speak true or false , you shall know who betrayeth you , or doth you true service . but this is not all , to beware of your own spies ; you must also take heed of those of the enemy , which you must pre-suppose you have in your camp for this reason , besides the secresie which must be used in all enterprises , it is good to give a charge by publishing ( in a still way ) that you have a quite contrary design to that which you purpose to put in execution ; that so these spies may report it to the enemy . but the most effectual means to be well served by these kind of men , is to be very liberal to them ; for they are faithful to those who give them most . a general must take care that he have continually spies in the enemies army , to know when his enemy moveth , and what condition his enemies army is in ; and he ought to have in every frontier town of his enemy some correspondence with some town-dweller , or souldier of the garrison , that by them he may understand from time to time what condition his enemies garrisons are in . and if the enemy draweth any forces to an head at any of his frontier towns , let the aforesaid people give the governour of your next garrisons notice of it . you ought to know that intelligence is the most powerful means to undertake brave designs , and to avoid great ruines : and it is the chiefest foundation upon which all generals do ground their actions . a general that commandeth an army , and seeth that for want of mony he cannot keep them long together , is unwise if he ventureth not his fortune before his army falleth asunder : for by delaying he certainly loseth ; whereas hazarding he might overcome . another thing there is yet much to be accounted of , which is , that a man ought ( even in his losing ) seek to gain glory by being overcome by force , than by any other inconvenience . the principal heads of war for field-service , are the art of marching , incamping , imbatteling , and to know the ways how to procure good intelligence , and providently and skilfully to get provisions fit for his army , and his designs , and not to ground his foundations upon vain imagination . in matter of war the motions ought to be quick , where the least moment of time oft carrieth the whole business . it is necessary in war oftentimes to change counsels according to the variety of the accidents . in execution of designs of war , good judgment ought to ground them , and diligent expedition put them into act on for the least fault or stay that a man commiteth may give leasure , and occasion for the enemy to provide , that all the plots , and counsels how good soever shall serve to no purpose . chap. xiii . what strength divisions of horse ought to be from four thousand to ten thousand , when they are to march in an army , and when they are to fight a battel ; or if foot be to fight on the flanks of each division of horse , or when they come to be embattelled to fight on the flanks of an army . that small divisions both of horse and foot are much better than great divisions for service either in campagnia , or within enclosures ; because they are not so apt to fall into disorder , and are much more ready to be commanded upon all occasions . an army which is imbattelled in small divisions of horse and foot , is not so easily routed as that army which is imbattelled in great divisions . and small divisions are much more ready than great divisions : for besides seconding one another , and wheeling upon all occasions , they will likewise out-front an army which is imbattelled in great divisions : the which is one of the greatest advantages that can be taken in the imbattelling of an army . also small divisions of horse and foot are much readier for service , where you cannot imbattel them according to the rules of art , by the nature of the place , or within inclosures , or where the brevity of the time will not give you leave . to conclude , an army that is imbattelled in small divisions is much more troublesome for an enemy to deal withal , than an army that is imbattelled in great divisions . it is most convenient , and ready to have your divisions of horse and foot , to march at the same strength , or some ten or twelve men more in a division , than you intend to fight them in a battel : by this means your army will be much readier , and sooner imbattelled upon all occasions . if you fight your horse in a day of battel on the flanks of your body of foot ( which is the usual way of placing the horse : ) and if you intend to skirmish in the day of battel with a small division of foot on each flank of each division of horse ( which i hold to be the best and strongest way of imbattelling your wings of horse ) provide always that your musqueteers in each division of foot , that are to skirmish on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel , be so ordered that they may be sheltred by pikes from the force of the enemies horse . and in what order the two divisions of foot shall fight in a day of battel on the flanks of each division of horse , so as to have the musqueteers sheltered by the pikes from the force of the enemies horse , shall be demonstrated unto you in the following figures . if your strength of horse be four thousand , and if they be to fight on the flanks of a body of foot , and each division of horse to have a division of foot fighting on each flank , then each division of horse ought to be forty in front , and three deep ; and so the strength of each division of horse will be an hundred and twenty . if your strength of horse be five thousand , then each division of horse ought to be an hundred and fifty strong , fifty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be six thousand , or ten thousand , then ought you to have an hundred and eighty in a division , sixty in front , and three deep . and of this strength ( as is aforesaid ) ought your divisions of horse to be . if you intend to fight foot on the flanks of each division of horse in a battel , the divisions of foot that shall fight on each flank of each division of horse , shall be in strength twelve files of pikes , and twelve files of musqueteers , which in all make a body , or a division of an hundred forty four men . and on the flanks of each division of horse , when you come to imbattel them to fight , you must place a division of foot of an hundred forty four men , half pikes and half musqueteers . the order how the divisions of horse and foot shall march together when they come near an enemy , and how they shall imbattel , and skirmish , shall be demonstrated in the following figures . the divisions of foot before spoken of , will serve to fight on the flanks of any division of horse of what strength you please to have them . in the first place , for your better understanding of this new way of discipline ( the which i am well assured you will find very serviceable and advantageous against an enemy , if you make use of it ) i will demonstrate unto you in the following figure , in what order a division of horse , and two divisions of foot shall stand ready to march , to be imbattelled when occasion shall serve . the which order must be observed by all the rest of the divisions . by this means you may understand how all the rest of the divisions of horse and foot that are to fight on the flanks of an army in a day of battel may be ordered for a march , and to be in readiness to be imbattelled , when an army cometh near the enemy . these figures following lettered with a b c d e f g , shew you the order of the divisions of horse and foot ( i mean those divisions of horse and foot that are to be imbattelled together in a day of battel on the flanks of the body of foot ) to be ready to march when occasion shall serve , or to be imbattelled . and this order which shall be here set down for this one division of horse figured with the letter a in the following figure , and the two divisions of foot figured with the letters b c d e f g , the same order ought to be observed after the same manner for a march when you come near an enemy . by this means your army will be much the sooner imbattelled upon any occasion , and always in a readiness to receive your enemy : if so be your divisions of horse and foot , when they march , be of the same strength as you desire to have them when they are imbattelled to fight , and that you march your divisions of horse and foot by brigades as you do intend to fight them . the figure before , figured with the letter a , standeth for a division of horse ; the order that they are in , in rank and file , is their order . the figures figured with b c d e f g , are small divisions of foot , the which shall be at large demonstrated in this following observation : the order that they stand at in rank and file , is their order , viz. three foot in file , and six in rank . the distance of ground between the divisions of musqueeteers d f and the division of horse a , is thirty paces , three feet to the pace . and this distance of ground of thirty paces between the two divisions of musqueeters d f , and the division of horse marked with the letter a ought to be when the divisions of horse and foot are imbattelled to fight . the distance of ground between the division of musqueteers , and the divisions of pikes is twelve footmen . which are pikes , and which are musqueteers this following demonstration will declare unto you . the figure before , figured with the letter a , is a division of horse of threescore in front , and three deep ; and in the strength of the division is an hundred and eighty horse . the figure with six files , and six ranks of small pricks figured with the letter c , is a division of musqueteers , in strength six and thirty , each small prick standing for a musqueteer . the figure figured with the letter b with cross strokes , is a division of pikes of twelve files and six deep . the strength of the division is seventy two pikemen , and each stroke standing in way of a rank standeth for a rank of pikes being twelve in rank ; and each stroke standing in way of a file is to be accounted for a file six deep . the figure figured with the letter d is a division of ▪ musqueteers of the same strength that the figure c is . the figures figured with the letters e f g , are the same that b c d , and the little small strokes in the front , reer , and flanks of the divisions of horse and foot stand for officers . when these two divisions of foot , and one of horse are to march away by small sub-divisions , as the way will give leave ; then the right-hand division of foot figured with b c d is first to march away : next , the division of horse signified by the letter a , then the left-hand division of foot figured with the letters e f g is to follow the division of horse figured with the letter a. you are to appoint to every division of horse two divisions of foot , like as you see in this former figure of a b c d e f g , if your foot will hold out to do it . if you have not so many as to do it , you ought not to fail to flank each division of horse in the van-guard of your army with two divisions of foot , as is set down in the former figure . and each musqueteer of those divisions of foot which are to be imbattelled on the flanks of each division of horse ought to have , when they come to encounter with the enemy , two pair of bandaliers , or a pair of bandaliers , and a dozen of charrages in each musqueteers pocket . likewise each musqueteer ought to have twelve spare botlets besides his bandaliers furnished with powder and bullet : and each two divisions of foot ought to have a powder-bag full of powder carried along with them . all the divisions of horse and foot that are to be imbattelled together on the flanks of your army in a day of battel , for the wings of your battel being divided into brigades , are to march after this order as is here set down for the marching of this one division of horse , and two of foot when you are near an enemy and marching towards him . this way of fighting foot amongst horse is much the stronger way of imbattelling an army in my judgment then any other that i have either seen or read of : and hereafter in a fit place i shall shew sufficient reason for to prove it so to be . the following figure marked with the letters hiklmno , shall shew you in what manner the musqueteers in the two divisions of foot that are imbattelled on the flanks of each division of horse , as you see them in the foregoing figure marked with the letters abcdefg , how , i say , the aforesaid musqueteers shall be drawn into a fit order to give fire on the enemies horse or foot upon any occasion . the words of command that you are to give to the musqueteers to bring them into the order of the following figures klno , from the order of the foregoing figures cdfg , are these words of command which follow . command the two first ranks of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c and d to march forwards till the two last ranks of the aforesaid two ranks of both the divisions be twelve foot beyond the front of the pikes , then command them to stand ; then command the two ranks of musqueteers that belong to the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands , and the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their right hands : then command these four ranks of musqueteers , the which are now files , to march forwards till they meet . then command those musqueteers which before did turn to their right hands , to turn to their left hands , and those musqueteers which did turn to their left hands , to turn to their right hands , and file even with the pikes . then command the two last ranks of musqueteers of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters cd , to turn to their right hands about , and march forward , till the two reer ranks of both the divisions be twelve feet beyond the reer rank of pikes in the division of pikes marked with the letter b. then command the four ranks of musqueteers to stand , commanding the two ranks of musqueteers that belong to the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their right hands , and the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their left hands . then command the four ranks of musqueteers , which are now files , to march forwards , and meet in the reer of the pikes . then command those musqueteers which did before turn to their right hands , to turn to their right hands again , and those musqueteers which did turn to their left hands , to turn to their left hands again , and file even with the pikes . then command the two middlemost ranks of musqueteers , which are left of both the divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c and d to march forward , and front even with the musqueteers in the front of the pikes . then command the division of horse marked with the letter h to close their ranks and files to their close order : and the division of pikes marked with the letter b , and the two ranks of musqueteers , which are now in the reer of the pikes , to close their ranks and files to their close order . the same words of command and order must be observed by the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters gf , as is here set down , and observed by the two divisions of musqueteers c and d. and these words of command which are here set down , will bring the former figure marked with the letters abcdefg , into the form and order of this following figure marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs . by the words of command which are before set down , the musqueteers in the former figure marked with the letters abcdefg are brought into this order and form , as you see them in the figure marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs . now what order this figure marked with the foregoing letters is in , i will here declare unto you . the division of horse marked with the letter h is threescore in front , and three deep , who are now at their close order in rank and file , the which is a foot and half in file , and six in rank . likewise the two divisions of pikes marked with the letters i and o on the flanks , and the four ranks of musqueteers in the reer of the pikes marked with the letters l and q are at their close order in rank and file , the which is one foot and an half in file , and three in rank . also the three ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters mknrps are at their order in rank and file ; the which is three foot in file , and six in rank . these twelve ranks of musqueteers , which are in the front stand ready to advance with the rest of the horse and foot against an enemy , and to be commanded to make ready , and give fire on the enemies horse or foot , as occasion shall serve , as you see them in the figures marked with the letters m k n r p s. when these twelve ranks of musqueteers which are in the front , are commanded to give fire upon the enemy , you must command them to do it in this manner : command the twelve ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m k n r p s to make ready : being ready , command them to present , the which you must command them to do after this manner . let the first six ranks of musqueteers before spoken of present , kneeling upon their right knees ; then let the six last ranks of the former twelve ranks of musqueteers move up close to the first six ranks of musqueteers which are presenting and kneeling on their right knees . then command all the musqueteers in the six last ranks to step forward with their right legs within the in-side of their leaders right legs , and step forward with their left legs close up to their leaders left legs without-side of their leaders left legs , presenting their musquet over their leaders heads in the first ranks . the twelve ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m k n r p s being thus presented as is here set down , command them to give fire together ; and when they have given fire , command them to advance easily with the rest of the foot and horse , and make ready again , and give fire after the same manner again , as is before spoken of , and so often as you please . the four ranks of musqueteers , which are in the reer of the two divisions of pikes marked with the letters l and q will serve , if any of your musqueteers in the front shall be hurt or slain . now i have shewed you how the musqueteers in the divisions of foot , which are to fight on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel , are to give fire on the enemies horse . i will now shew you in the next figure marked with the figures of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 , how the musqueteers shall be sheltered by the pikes from the enemies horse , when they shall charge the divisions of foot , which are on the flanks of each division of horse . but first i will set down the way how you shall bring the musqueteers in the former figure marked with the letters m n r s to the order as you shall see them in this following figure marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12. you must command the two ranks of musqueteers , six in front , and two deep on the right hand division of foot marked with the letter m , to turn to their left hands , and command an officer to lead them down on the right hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , keeping one foot and an half distance from the right hand file of the aforesaid division of pikes , until he bring the two men that were the left hand men of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter m , even with the bringers up of the right hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i. then command them to turn to their right hands about , and close their ranks and files to their close order . after that , command the two ranks of musqueteers six in front , and two deep on the left hand of the aforesaid division of pikes marked with the letter n , command , i say , those two ranks of musqueteers to turn to their right hands , and command an officer to lead them down on the left hand , on the left hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , keeping one foot and an half distance from the left hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , until he bringeth the two men that were the right hand men of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter n even with the bringers up of the left hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i. then command the two files of musqueteers ( the which were before ranks ) which you have drawn down on the left hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , to turn to their right hands about : then command them to close their ranks and files to their close order . the same order must be observed with the four ranks of musqueteers , six in front and two deep , marked with the letters r and s on the right and left hand of the left hand division of pikes marked with the letter o , as is here before set down for the four ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m and n. then command the four ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters k and p to close their ranks and files to their close order . and these words of command before set down will bring the former figure marked with the letters i k l m n o p q r s to the order of this figure marked with the figures of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12. by these words of command before set down , you see the musqueteers marked with the letters m n r s p k in the figure before this former figure , are now brought into this order , as you see them in this figure before marked with the figures of 5 6 11 12 9 3 under shelter of the pikes : the musqueteers and pikes being at their close order standing in a readiness to receive a charge from horse , and the pikes to shelter the musqueteers every way upon occasion from the force of the horse . the figure marked with the figure 1 , is a division of horse , threescore in front and three deep , being at their close order . the way how the musqueteers shall be sheltred by the pikes from horse , i will here declare unto you : command the two right hand files , and the two left hand files of the division of pikes marked with the figure 2 ( the which division of pikes is twelve files of pikes , and six deep ) to charge to their right , and left hands : the two right hand files to the right hand , and the two left hand files of pikes to the left hand over the shoulders of the musqueteers on the right and left hand marked with the figures 5 and 6 : commanding these four files of musqueteers marked with the aforesaid two figures to turn to their right and left hands . when the two right hand files , and the two left hand files of pikes of the figure marked with the figure 2 , are commanded to charge to the right and left hands , then command the other eight files of pikes of the figure 2 , which have not as yet charged their pikes , i say , command the three first ranks of those eight files to charge their pikes to the front over the shoulders of the musqueteers marked with the figure 3. then command the three last ranks of pikes of the eight files of pikes to charge to the reer over the shoulders of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the figure 4. and these two ranks of musqueteers in the reer marked with the figure 4 must observe to turn to their right hands about , when the pikes are commanded to charge to the reer . the same order and words of command , the which are here set down for the right hand division of foot , marked with the figures 2 3 4 5 6 7 must be observed by the officers of the left hand division of foot , marked with the figures 7 8 9 10 11 12. the musqueteers which are placed without-side of the pikes marked with the figures 3 4 5 6 9 10 11 12 must stand ready with their matches , cocks , and pans guarded , and ready to give fire either by one rank at a time , or two ranks , as the officers shall see occasion to command them , which must be done after this manner : if you command only the outermost ranks to give fire , then must you command them to present kneeling on their right knees , and command them to level so low , that they shoot at the horse legs , and by that means they will shoot clear under the tops of your pikes being charged . if you please to command two ranks of musqueteers to give fire at one time , the musqueteers being ready to present command your pikemen to port their pikes : then command all your musqueteers to present , the first rank of musqueteers kneeling on their right knees , the second rank of musqueteers must move up close to the first rank of musqueteers , every musqueteer in the second rank stepping forward with his right leg within the inside of their leaders right legs , and step forwards with their left legs close up by their leaders left legs without-side of their leaders left legs , and so present their musquets over their leaders heads . after the musqueteers in the first rank have thus presented , command them to give fire ; then may you , if occasion serve , command your pikemen to charge their pikes again , and your musqueteers to make ready again . but here some may object , that if any one of these two divisions of foot marked with the figures 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 should be charged by horse several ways at once , then the four corners of the division of foot will be ill defended , by reason that the two outermost files of pikes to the right and left hand are charging to their right and left hands ; so by this means they conceive the four corners of the division of foot will be left naked for want of pikes to defend them . to prevent this objection , the captains , lieutenants , and serjeants ought to be placed on the four corners of a division of foot with the musqueteers , as you see them in this foregoing figure , marked with the figure 7. for you must understand , that each little long stroke at the corners of the division of foot standeth for an officer . now all the captains that command the foot on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel ought to have pikes , and the lieutenants and serjeants ought to have partizans and halberts of eleven foot in length . in this service against the horse , are two chief things that the commanders of the foot who command any foot amongst the horse in a day of battel ought to give their souldiers a strict charge to observe : the first is , that the musqueteers when they are to give fire should always take aim at the horses legs . the second observation is , that your pikemen charge their pikes against the horses , and not against the horsemen , when the foot are charged by horse , and that your pikemen charge not their pikes , until the enemies horses are come within forty paces of your foot. if you fight foot among your horse on the flank of your army , as you see them placed in these two figures before marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs , and the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12. then you must observe when your enemies horse come to charge your horse , or the foot on the flanks of your division of horse , that your divisions of horse move not from the two divisions of foot on their flanks ( unless your enemies horse be put to the retreat ) but to keep an even front , with the two divisions of foot on their flanks , and receive their enemies charge , keeping the aforesaid order . but in case your enemies horse rout any one of the divisions of foot on the flanks of any one division of horse , then the commander of the division of horse , that is to march between two divisions of foot , must be in a readiness to charge the enemies horse that hath routed his foot , either with part of his division of horse , or the whole , as he seeth occasion , or as he may with convenience . that your intention of fighting foot amongst the horse may not be discovered by your enemy , who hath not been used to the like discipline ; or at least that he may not know the way and order that you intend to fight your foot in , let your divisions of foot , which are to fight on the flanks of your horse in a day of battel , as you see them in the two former figures : let , i say , the two divisions of foot which belong to each division of horse , march in the reer of the divisions of horse , as you see them in the foregoing figure , till they come within musquet-shot of their enemies horse : then draw up the two divisions of foot , the one on the one flank of a division of horse , and the other on the other flank of the same division of horse in the same order as you see them in this foregoing figure . chap. xiv . vvhat strength each division of horse ought to be from three thousand to ten thousand , to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel , if you will have no foot to fight amongst the horse . if your strength of horse be three thousand , and if they be to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel without foot to fight amongst them , then each division of horse ought to be thirty in front , three deep , and ninety in a division . if your strength of horse be four thousand , then the strength of each division of horse ought to be an hundred and twenty , forty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be five thousand , then each division of horse ought to be an hundred and fifty strong , fifty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be six thousand , or seven thousand , then they ought to be an hundred and eighty in a division , sixty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be eight thousand , nine thousand , or ten thousand , then ought each division of horse to be an hundred in front , and three deep , and three hundred in a division . your divisions of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty ( if you have no foot to fight amongst your horse ) ought to charge their enemies horse after this manner . each division of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty in strength ought to be sub-divided into three subdivisions , as is here set down , and shall be declared unto you by this following figure , marked with the letters a b c. the three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters a b c are a division of horse of ninety , sub-divided into three equal sub-divisions , being thirty in a division , ten in front , and three deep . the distance of ground between the subdivision marked with the letter a , and the subdivision marked with the letter b , is twenty paces , three feet to the pace . the like distance of ground is between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters b and c : the little strokes that stand in the fronts , flanks , and reer of the three sub-divisions , stand for officers . now when the van-guard of your horse cometh within fifty paces of the enemies horse , let the two sub divisions of horse marked with the letters a and c advance towards their enemies division of horse upon an easie trot : and the officers of the two divisions of horse must be careful that they charge all together the division of the enemies horse which they meet with . and when the two sub-divisions on the right and left hand marked with the letters a and c do advance towards their enemy to charge them , then let the middle sub-division of horse marked with the letter b follow after easily upon a walking pace . and when the officer in chief that commandeth the middle sub-division of horse marked with the letter d , seeth the other two sub-divisions of horses marked with the letters a and c to be mingled with the enemy ; then let him command his sub-division of horse to advance upon a round trot , and charge his enemy . the same order must be observed by all the divisions of horses that are but ninety in strength , when they come to charge an enemy . and the divisions of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty in strength must observe the same order in charging their enemy , as is here set down in this division of horse of ninety , marked with the letters a b c , if no divisions of foot be to fight amongst the horse . if you be eight thousand , nine thousand , or ten thousand strong in horse , then each division of horse , when you come to fight in battel , ought to be three hundred in strength : and each division of horse ought to be sub-divided into five equal sub-divisions , as you see them in this following figure marked with the letters d e f g h. in these five sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d e f g h , there are sixty horses in each sub-division , twenty in front , and three deep . so that the five sub-divisions marked with the letters d e f g h are a division of horse of three hundred in strength , sub-divided into five equal parts , and being at their close order in rank and file : and the little small strokes that you see in the flank , reer , and front , stand for officers . the distance of ground that is left between the sub-divisions marked with the letters d and e is twenty paces , three feet to the pace . and the distance of ground between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters e and f is twenty paces . the same distance of ground is between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters f and g , and g and h. if you intend to have your divisions of horse to be three hundred in strength , my opinion is , that each division of horse ought to be sub-divided into five equal parts , as you see them in this figure marked with the letters d e f g h. for these reasons a division of horse for three hundred in strength being divided into five equal parts , as you see them in this foregoing figure , will take up much more ground in front , than a division of horse that is but three hundred in strength , and not sub-divided . now it is one of the chiefest advantages that can be taken in a day of battel , by your divisions of horse to out-front your enemies divisions of horse . besides , a division of horse of three hundred in strength being sub-divided , as is before set down , will be better commanded , and not so subject to fall into a disorder upon any occasion , as a division of horse of three hundred in strength , all in a body . moreover , you may charge an enemy three several ways with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , being sub-divided as you see them in this foregoing figure ; whereas you can charge an enemy but one way with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , being all in one body . the first of the three ways to charge your enemy with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , and sub-divided , is in this manner ; when a division of horse thus sub-divided into five equal parts cometh within forty paces of your enemies division of horse which they are to charge ; then let the two sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d and h advance , and charge their enemies division of horse on the flanks ; and then let the other three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters e f g advance , and charge their enemy in the front of their division at the same time . the second way is this , when you come within forty paces of your enemies division of horse , then command the three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d ● h , to advance upon a trot , and charge their enemy : then command the other two sub-divisions marked with the letters e and g to follow upon an easie pace , until they see that the three sub-divisions marked with the letters d f h be mingled with their enemy . then let the two sub-divisions marked with the letters e and g have order to advance upon a good round trot , and charge their enemy . the third way of charging your enemy , is , to command the five sub-divisions of horse marked the letters d e f g h to charge the enemy together in an even front . and i account either of these three ways better to charge a division of the enemies horse to rout them , than to charge a division of the enemies horse with a division of three hundred horse in one body together , without being sub-divided . chap. xv. by the following figures are declared what strength each division of foot ought to be to fight a battel , and encounter with foot : and the order that must be observed for doing the same ; and how they shall easily , and readily be in order to defend themselves against the charge of any horse . for field-service you must observe to have as many pikes as musqueteers amongst your foot ; and each division of foot ought to be two hundred eighty eight in strength , half pikemen , and half musqueteers ; and you must rank your men but six deep : so that in the division of two hundred eighty eight men , there will be four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers , six deep . the order that they must be drawn into , to be in readiness to fight with foot , and to defend themselves against horse , shall be declared unto you by the following figures . but in the first place i will shew you the order that these four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers must be drawn into ▪ the first order that the aforesaid two hundred eighty eight men must be drawn into , is , as you shall see them in this following figure , marked with the figures 1 2 3 ; and the distance that they are at in rank and file is their order . the figure marked with the figure 1 is a division of pikes of four and twenty files , six deep . the six ranks of small pricks marked with the figure 2 are a division of musqueteers consisting of twelve files , six deep : and the like are six ranks of pricks on the left hand of the division of pikes figured with the figure 3. now the way that you must observe to bring these four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers into the order , as you see them in the following figure marked with the letters a b c , is by these words of command . command the three first ranks of musqueteers of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the figures 2 and 3 to march forward , till the last ranks of musqueteers of both the divisions of musqueteers have marched twelve feet beyond the first ranks of pikes . then command them to stand , and cause the three ranks of musqueteers at the left hand to turn to their right hands , and the three ranks of musqueteers on the right hand to turn to their left hands . then command them to march forward , and joyn together before the division marked with the letter a. then command the musqueteers , which before you commanded to turn to their left hands , now to turn to their right hands ; and those musqueteers that you commanded before to turn to their right hands , command them to turn to their left hands . then file the musqueteers that you have brought before the front of the pikes , even with the files of pikes . then command the other six ranks of musqueteers on the right and left hand of the division of pikes to advance forwards , and front with the musqueteers , which are in the front of the pikes , leaving eighteen foot distance between the divisions of musqueteers , marked with the letters c and b , and b and d , as you see them in this following figure , marked with the letters a b c d ; and the distance that they are at in rank and file is their order . the figure marked with the letter a is a division of pikes consisting of four and twenty files , six deep . the three ranks of small pricks marked with the letter b are four and twenty files of musqueteers , three deep . the three ranks of small pricks marked with the letter c , are twelve files of musqueteers , three deep : the like are the three ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d. and the musqueteers standing in this order as you see them in this foregoing figure , marked with the letters b c d are now in a readiness to give fire on an enemy . now the way that the musqueteers must observe in firing on their enemy is thus : command both your pikemen and musqueteers to shoulder their arms , and march together in the same order as you see them in the foregoing figure , marked with the letters a b c d , commanding the three divisions of musqueteers , marked with the letters b c d to make ready ; and when the musqueteers are all ready , command the two first ranks of musqueteers in the aforesaid three divisions of musqueteers to present . the three first ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d must present kneeling upon their right knees . the second ranks of the aforesaid divisions of musqueteers must march up close to the three first ranks of musqueteers which are presenting on their right knees ; every musqueteer in the second rank stepping forwards with their right legs within the in side of their leaders right legs , and then step forwards with their left legs close up to their leaders left legs , without-side of their legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads in their first ranks . and after the two first ranks of musqueteers of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d have thus presented , command them to give fire together and when these musqueteers before spoken of have fired , let the three first ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d remain kneeling on their right knees . then command the second ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers to kneel upon their right knees , as close to their leaders right knees as they can . then command the last ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d to march up to their leaders , stepping with their right legs within side of their leaders right knees , and step forwards with their left legs without side their leaders left legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads , and then command them to give fire . after the last rank of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d have fired , command the two first ranks of musqueteers of the aforesaid three divisions of musqueteers which are kneeling , to stand up ; commanding your division of musqueteers marked with the letter a , and the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d to march on easily , and make ready again , and when they are ready , let them give fire in the same order as they did before . this order of marching and giving fire must be observed by all the other divisions of foot , that are to fight in the body of an army . or if you approve not of the way of musqueteers firing , as is here set down , you may subdivide them after the old manner , and so command them to give fire . the order that this division of foot marked with the letters a b c d must observe to defend themselves , against horse is after this manner , as you shall see them placed in the next figure , marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ▪ and the way to bring the three divisions of musqueteers , and one of pikes marked with the letters a b c d to the order of the figure following , marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 is done after this manner . you must command the last rank of musqueteers , of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter b , to turn to their right hands ; then command an officer to draw them away on one side of the right hand file of the pikes , and draw them in between the third and fourth ranks of pikes marked with the letter a. then command your pikemen to advance their pikes , and close their files , and ranks to their close order . then command the division of pikes to advance forward , till they come within three feet of the last rank of musqueteers which are in the front of the pikes . then command the two last ranks of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands . then command the two last ranks of the divisions of musqueteers marked with the letter d to turn to their right hands . then command two officers to lead these four files of musqueteers ( which were before four ranks ) into the reer of the pikes marked with the letter a ; the which four files are there to meet and joyn together in the reer of the pikes . then command those musqueteers which did before turn to their left hands , to turn to their right hands ; and those musqueteers which before turned to their right hands , to turn to their left hands . then command the first rank of musqueteers , which is only left of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands . then command an officer to lead them down close on the out-side of the right hand file of the pikes ; and when the officer hath brought the leader of the file of musqueteers right against the bringer up of the right hand file of pikes , command the file of musqueteers to stand . then command the half file of that file of musqueteers to double his front to the left hand . then command those two files of musqueteers to turn to their right hands about . then command the first rank which is left of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their right hands , commanding an officer to lead them down close on the out-side of the left hand file of the pikes : and when the officer hath brought the leader of the file of musqueteers right against the bringer up of the left hand file of the pikes , command the file of musqueteers to stand . then command the half file of that file of musqueteers to double his front to the right hand . then command those two files of musqueteers to turn to their right hands about . then command the musqueteers which have not as yet closed their ranks and files , to close their ranks and files to their close order , and file and rank even with the pikes . this which is here set down is the readiest , and easiest way to bring the former figure marked with the letters a b c d unto the order of this figure following , marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. and this division of foot is now in a readiness to withstand the charge of any horse . the figure marked with the figure 1 , is a division of pikes , consisting of four and twenty files , and three deep . the figure marked with the figure 2 , is a division of pikes of the like number that the figure 1 is . the two ranks of small pricks in the front of the pikes , figured with the figure 3 , are two ranks of musqueteers , having four and twenty in a rank . the two ranks of small pricks in the reer of the pikes marked with the figure 4 , are two ranks of musqueteers , having four and twenty in a rank . the two files of pricks on the right hand of the division of pikes , marked with the figure 5 , are two files of musqueteers , six deep : and the like are the two files of pricks on the left hand of the division of pikes , marked with the figure 6. the little strokes at the corner of the division of foot , marked with the figure 7 , stand for officers . and the rank of small pricks between the two divisions of pikes marked with the figures 1 and 2 , are one rank of musqueteers consisting of four and twenty musqueteers in number . you see in this figure marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 , the musqueteers standing under the shelter of the pikes , the pikes and the musqueteers being all at their close order , and in a readiness to receive a charge from horse ; and the pikes sheltering the musqueteers every way upon occasion from the force of the horse . now the way how these musqueteers and pikemen shall defend themselves against horse , i will here declare unto you . if you perceive your enemies horse to divide themselves into four parts to charge any one division of foot which is placed in this manner as you see them in this foregoing figure : then command the two right hand files of pikes , and the two left hand files of pikes of the six ranks of pikes marked with the figures 1 and 2 , to charge to their right and left hands over the shoulders of the musqueteers on the right and left hand , marked with the figures 5 and 6. command also the four files of musqueteers , marked with the aforesaid two figures , to turn to their right and left hands . when the two right hand files of pikes are commanded to charge to their right and left hands , then command the other twenty files of pikes in the first three ranks of pikes , marked with the figure 1 , to charge to the front over the shoulders of the musqueteers , marked with the figure 3. then command the twenty files of pikes marked with the figure 2 to charge to the reer over the shoulders of the two ranks of musqueteers in the reer marked with the figure 4. and the aforesaid musqueteers must observe to turn to their right hands about , when the pikes are commanded to charge to the reer . the musqueteers which are placed without-side of the pikes , marked with the figures 3 4 5 and 6 , must stand ready with their matches , cock , and pans guarded , and to be ready to give fire either by one rank at a time , or two ranks , as the officers shall see occasion to command them ; the which must be done after this manner . if you command only the outermost ranks of musqueteers to give fire , then must you command them to present kneeling on their right knees , and command them to level so low with their musquets , that they may shoot at the horses legs ; by that means they will shoot clear under the tops of your pikes being charged . if you please to command two ranks of musqueteers to give fire at one time , then as soon as the musqueteers are ready to present , command your pikemen to port their pikes : then command all the musqueteers without-side of the pikes to present , where the first ranks of musqueteers are to kneel on their right knees ; then the second tanks of musqueteers must move up close to the first ranks of musqueteers , every musqueteer in the second ranks stepping forwards with their right legs within the in-side of their leaders right legs ; then they must step forwards with their left legs close up by their leaders left legs , without-side of their leaders legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads in the first rank . when the musqueteers have thus presented , command them to give fire . and if horse charge a division of foot which stand in the same order that this division of horse doth , marked with the figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 , you must command your pikemen to charge again , and be careful to place the captains , lieutenants , and serjeants of the division on the four corners of the division , as you see them in the foregoing figure marked with the figure 7. chap. xvi . some observations concerning the marching of an army . you must be careful before you march with your army into the field , to see your souldiers well cloathed , well armed , and well disciplined ; and that you be stored with shooes and stockings for the march , and also with ammunition , bread , and mony. if you be not careful of this , you will soon bring your army to ruine . you must also have a great care of those souldiers which fall sick , or are hurt , upon a march ; for this alone will not only encourage souldiers to undergo any danger , or labour , but by it you will win their affections so , that they will never forsake you . you ought to know the nature of the country , the quality of the ways , the compendiousness of turning , the nature of hills , and the course of rivers , through which you are to march . and the best way to know these things is by good guides , and good maps : for he that leadeth an army by an unknown and undiscovered way , and marching blindfold upon uncertain adventures , is subject to many casualties , and disadvantages : let every commander therefore perswade himself that good discoverers are as the eye of an army , and serve for lights in the darkness of ignorance , to direct the resolutions of good providence , and to make the path of safety so manifest , that he need not stumble upon casualties : for that which a general should chiefly observe upon a march , is first safety , and next convenience . if you march into a country which is hard to enter , and which hath but few passages , whereby to enter into it , you must force one ; and before you go farther , you must there fortifie , as well to assure your way for your necessaries , as for your retreat . for a general must be careful never to march into any such place , where his enemy may be able to cut off his provisions , or his retreat . it is most convenient and ready to have your divisions of horse and foot to march at the same strength , or some ten or twelve men more in a division , than you intend to fight them ; by which means your army will be much more ready upon any occasion to be imbattelled : and your officers and souldiers being used to march with their divisions in the same strength and order as you intend to fight them , will not be so apt to be in a disorder , as that army that doth not use to march with their divisions of horse and foot at the same strength as they intend to fight them . your regiments of horse and foot ought to be divided into brigades , your foot into three brigades , and your horse into six brigades , if you be twelve regiments of horse strong , or above . it is most necessary to use your brigades , and your divisions of horse and foot to march in battalia when time and ground will give leave ; for otherwise you will not be able to march three hundred paces in the view of an enemy with your brigades imbattelled , but your divisions of horse and foot will be apt to lose their distances , and by consequence will be most apt to fall into a confusion . you must be careful to be furnished at the least at every quarter with three guides : if you be to march in the night , you ought to have six . before you set forwards , your guides must be agreed upon the way which they will take : there must also be a captain of the guides , a man of spirit , and vigilance , and one that may take care to get guides from place to place . you must be careful to carry with you the maps of the country , through which you are to march . the best way to keep your men from straggling upon a march , when they pretend to go out of their ranks and files to drink , or to ease themselves , is this ; let them have command to leave their pikes or musquets with their camerades ; and the lieutenant and serjeant ought to see this order observed . you ought upon a march to send out some parties of horse or foot , according as the situation of the country , and the strength of the enemy requireth , in the van-guard and flanks of your army , to discover and search for ambushments , and parties of the enemy , which will be always apt to attend upon an army for booties . when you come to march with your army through any woody country , then you ought to have loose wings of musqueteers to march on the flanks of your army , some musquet-shot off from the body of your foot , to keep small , or great parties from firing on your main body . and in such places you ought to have a special care that your baggage be well guarded on the flanks ; and that your scout-master and spies do bring you intelligence daily . it is most necessary when you march , to make an halt once in a day for the ease of your souldiers , and relief and ease of your carriage-horses , in some convenient place where is both horse-meat and water . it is very fit you give orders to your pioners to make you three ways on each side of your carriage way , that is , six ways besides your carriage-way , or as many as conveniently the ground and places through which you are to march with your army will give way . so by this means the one half of your army may march on one side of your carriages , and the other half on the other side of your carriages . by marching in this order your train will be the shorter , and a less guard will serve to guard the reer of your waggons , by reason the main body of your army will be so near the reer of your waggons . and also your army will march much the nearer together , whereby you will the sooner draw them into order to fight upon any occasion . likewise you will be able to march safer and farther in a day , than you can when your army marcheth but in one or two ways . if it fall out so that you must be constrained to march with your army and baggage in one high-way , or over one bridge , the conductor that hath the conducting of the van-guard of your train , ought to know upon such an occasion what regiment his train of artillery is to follow ; and that he have a special care not to march into any narrow passage before those troops he is to follow . if you have any occasion to send out any parties to provide provisions for your army against night , you ought to give order unto those officers to keep their souldiers from stragling ; for such oversights do many times bring great inconvenncies to an army . therefore officers ought not at any time to suffer their souldiers to straggle , nor slacken the severity of military discipline , though they believe themselves far from an enemy , and in great security . for souldiers are commonly least secure when they think themselves most secure . security is commonly the fore-runner of misery . in marching with an army to fight with your enemy , you ought to carry with you as much bread , cheese , or cattel and salt as you may conveniently ; for it is impossible that souldiers should find bread to be bought every where : and if it be possible to be done with safety , lie with your army between your enemy and his provisions , being better furnished with provisions than your enemy : for lying near your enemy with safety , and without fighting , will in the end surely discourage your enemies souldiers by their necessities , or force them to fight upon disadvantages , or at last put them to a retreat : and then the victory is more then half won , if any of these things happen unto your enemy . an army may be divided into four parts , namely , the cavalry , the infantry , the artillery , and the victuals . if you march with cannon , and suffer an enemy to approach too near you without intrenching , it is impossible for you to avoid fighting or losing your cannon . therefore a general ought to know how to make use of it at his advantage , and avoid the inconveniences of it by his foresight , either by intrenching , or retreating in time , if he hath no mind to hazard a battel . there is nothing that bringeth so much disorder to an army upon the march as the baggage : and therefore it is highly necessary to reduce it to the smallest proportion that may be : and the waggon-master-general ought to make a review of it every morning when the army marcheth , for otherwise it will daily increase . your marshal-general ought not to suffer many women , or boys to march with an army , whereby sickness and famine get into the army . if your army be of any great strength , then may you march with it in two parts , each part about two or three miles distant from the other ▪ if you have no enemy near you that is able to affront you . and if you can march in this order with safety , you will march much the farther in a day , and your souldiers will be much better provided for at night . if you are to march with an army into a country where you think the inhabitants will flie before you , then ought you to carry hand-mills , and baking-pans along with you , that each company upon occasion may be able to grind their own corn , and provide themselves bread. it is very fit and necessary , if you have any occasion to pass over any rivers that are not fordable , in your march , to carry with you boats or punts to make a bridge of . it is most necessary likewise to carry with you caltrops into the field , the which are very convenient at times to be thrown in places , as either into fords or narrow passages , where horses are to pass to spoil them : and they are of especial use in a night upon a retreat , to be thrown into narrow passages , or by day into dirty or watry passages . those caltrops that are made for fords , must be made somewhat more weighty than those that are made for other passages , that the water may not be able to carry them away . chap. xvii . some observations for the quartering of an army at night upon a march , and for the setting out of their guards to secure their quarters . you ought to give a strict charge to the quarter-master-general of the foot , to have a special care ( if it be possible ) to quarter your infantry upon a march , and your train of artillery in places that are naturally , or casually well fortified , as with inclosures , or in places compassed with rivers , or moors ; and where there may be provisions for your carriage-horses , or where provisions may conveniently be brought in by the country-people for them . this way of quartering your army must be carefully observed , if any enemy of strength be near you that may be able to do you any affront upon any of your quarters . if any enemy of strength be near you , you ought to quarter your army as near together as possibly you can ; but by all means if it be possible , avoid quartering your infantry in the campagnia . the time of lodging an army is a dangerous time to be assaulted in , because the army is then tired , and every man ( desirous to be lodged ) hastneth to the quarter in disorder , which is a thing hard to avoid : and therefore the general and the officers ought to have a special care to avoid this danger . the which i conceive to be done best this way . those horse and dragoons that you send before for a guard with the quarter-master-general , and his attendants for the providing of quarters , as soon as those troops shall come to the place where the army shall quarter , they ought to send out small parties , and scouts several ways to discover , and to search for ambushments ; and the remainder of the horse and dragoons ought to keep guards in some convenient places about the quarters till night : and such foot souldiers as you send before to preserve the foot quarters from being pillaged , ought to be two out of every company , a pikeman , and a musqueteer ; and a serjeant out of each regiment to command them : and two lieutenants and a captain out of the three brigades of foot , to command all the men that are appointed to preserve the foot quarters from being pillaged by their camerades . these souldiers and officers ought to have their orders over night for the same , that they may be in a readiness in the morning to march with the pioners as a guard for them : for the aforesaid souldiers may most conveniently do these two services under one . the carriages that belong to the horse officers ( especially the carriages for such officers as shall be lodged in out-quarters with the foot carriages ) the marshal of the field , the general of the artillery , the treasurer of the army , the commissary of the victuals , the quarter-master-general , the secretary of the council of war , the provost-general ; all these ought to be lodged within the general quarter . the marshal of the field , the major-generals of the horse and foot , and the majors of the brigades both of horse and foot , ought to go before to the quarters to view the most convenient places for guards for the security of their quarters . the serjeant major of the regiments both of horse and foot that are assured to have out-watches at night , ought to go somewhat before their regiments to know of the major of the brigade where the places are that the companies of their regiments should guard that night , with their orders for the same . then the serjeant-majors of these regiments , that are to have the out-watches for the night , knowing what guards the companies of the regiments should have that night , and having received all their orders for the same , ought to meet their regiments before they come to the quarters , that they may conduct the companies of their regiments that are to watch at night , the nearest way to their guards ; seeing it is a great trouble for companies that are tired , to remove from their regiments to their guards , having laid down their arms , and setled themselves for rest . after the marshal of the field , or the major-general of the foot , or both , have had a special care of securing the quarters of the infantry from all danger of any sudden surprises , by placing good guards in convenient places ; then if the infantry be quartered all together , the general or the marshal of the field , or the serjeant-major-general of the infantry , one of them ought to go every night one round or two : besides , there ought to be appointed a colonel to go the grand round every night , and he ought not to fail to go two rounds . and in my opinion it is fitter for all grand rounds , or any other rounds , to give the word , than to receive it . but if it falleth out so , that you quarter your brigades of foot one from another , then the major-general of the foot must trust to the care and judgment of the colonels and majors of the brigades for the setting out of their guards , and going the rounds , unless it be that brigade with which he lodgeth himself . the major-general ought always in such a case to give order to the colonels of the brigades , that they appoint an officer of the field for the grand round , and that he fail not to go two rounds at the least : there must be likewise appointed a captain of the watch to every regiment that lieth within the quarters , to see that the corporals and sentries at each colours keep good watch ; and that the souldiers of each company of his regiment within the quarter keep good order , and that the souldiers within his quarters make no fires in any places , where they may endanger the firing of the quarters . i will now say something concerning the quartering of the horse , which you ought always to quarter without-side of the foot. the horse-quarters ought to be as near together as conveniently you may lay them , that upon all occasions they may be able to assist one the other upon any sudden falling on their quarters in the night . and that you may quarter your horse the nearer together , you may by sending out parties of horse before , cause the country people to bring in provisions both for your horse-men , and their horses into the chief villages or towns where you are to quarter your horse ; the which the country people will most willingly do , rather than to be troubled with the quartering of any horsemen ; and by this means your troops will lodge much the safer . it is one of the hardest things that i do know that belongs to horse-service , for a commander of horse judiciously to order his horse guards for the securing of his quarters at night . and the best way for doing the same , as i conceive , is this , you ought to lodge in your outermost quarters of horse which lie next your enemy . and before you draw your horse into their quarters , you ought to set out your guards , and send out of your guards some small parties several ways ; and when those that you have sent out are returned , you ought to send out more , to discover any parties of your enemies , and to search for ambushments . your dragooners that are quartered in your out-quarters of horse , ought to guard the high-ways that come into your quarters . and against such guards of the dragoons as you keep upon the high-ways , you ought to barricado your high-ways up with something or other that may not easily be removed ; and let the pioners make you another way for the relief of your guards from your quarters . and therefore i hold it most convenient to have an hundred pioners to be horsed , which always should be lodged in the outermost horse-quarters next the enemy , for the stopping up of some passages , and for the making of others that may be unknown to the enemy : likewise upon the ways which are made by the pioners you ought to have a guard of dragooners : and all your dragooners ought to have swine-feathers , the which the dragooners ought to stick up without side of the avenues ; and in the avenues that the pioners have made for the relief of the out guards of horse . one guard is not sufficient to give the alarm at that distance , whereby you may have leisure to put your self in order to fight : wherefore you ought always to have half your horsemen to watch on horse-back one half of the night , and the other the other half of the night : and when the one half of your horsemen watcheth , the other half of your horsemen must be saddled , and the officers and horsemen be in their cloaths . your innermost horse-quarters ( which lie safer than your outermost horse-quarters ) when the one half of your horsemen watcheth , the other half may be unsaddled ; but your officers and horsemen must not lie out of their cloaths . and the officers in each quarter ought to have order upon any alarm , that as soon as they are drawn in arms they should make all the haste they can to assist their camerades that are assaulted in their quarters ; and that an officer in chief in each quarter go two or three rounds in a night . and this order of watching ought to be observed in your horse-quarters , if you lie within twenty miles of any garrison of your enemy that is able to affront any of your quarters . the general of an army ought always upon a march to give out two words at night , the one for a watch-word , and the other for a field-word . the officers ought to receive both , but the souldiers only the field-word ; the which ought not to be given to the souldiers , unless there be an alarm . towns and villages that lie in a champaign country are most fit for horse-quarters : the towns and villages that lie in an inclosed country are most fit for foot-quarters . chap. xviii . some certain observations to be kept in the fighting of battels , and some directions for the imbattelling of an army . we may observe two especial ends which the great commanders of the world have ever striven to atchieve , victory , and over mastering their enemies . the latter by cunning , and wisely carrying of a matter before it come to trial by blows : the former by forceable means , and fighting a battel : the one proceeding from wisdom , and the better faculties of the soul ; the other depending upon the strength and abilities of the body . the latter end is principally to be embraced , as the safest course in these uncertain and casual events . for that which resteth upon corporal strength , and maketh execution the way to a conclusion , is full of hazard , and little certainty . and yet of all the actions of war , the most glorious and most important is to know how to give battel : for the art of imbattelling an army hath always been esteemed the chiefest point of skill in a general ( for skill and practice do more towards the victory than multitude ) seeing the gaining of one or two battels acquireth , or subverteth whole empires , kingdoms , or countrys : and therefore a general of an army ought to know all the advantages which may be taken in a day of battel ; and how to prepare against disadvantages which may happen . concerning both which i will here give you my opinion . advantages bring hope of victory , and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow when the thing which is hoped for is effected ; whereby the courage becometh hardy , and resolute in victory ; and where the souldiers fear no overthrow , they are more than half conquerours . so on the other side , disadvantages and danger breed fear , and fear so checketh valour , and controuleth the spirits , that vertue and honour give place to distrust , and yield up their interest to such directors as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolutions . it is most necessary for a general in the first place to approve his cause , and settle an opinion of right in the minds of his officers and souldiers : the which can be no way better done , than by the chaplains of an army . also a general ought to speak to the colonels of his army to encourage their officers with a desire to fight with the enemy ; and all the officers to do the like to their souldiers . and the better to raise the common souldiers spirits , let their officers tell them that their general doth promise them , if they will fight courageously with their enemy , and do get the day , that they shall have , besides the pillage of the field , twelve-pence apiece to drink , to refresh their spirits when the business is done . the which i am confident will make the common men fight better , than the best oration in the world . it is very fit a general should use his best endeavour to understand the strength of his enemies horse and foot , and how they are armed both with offensive and defensive arms , and what proportion of pikes they have to their musqueteers . also he must endeavour to know by name and place the chief officers of his enemies army , and their abilities in martial affairs ; by the which means he may guess where the chief commanders do command in a day of battel : so he may easily know how to place his army best for his own advantage . this if carefully observed will be of very great use . you ought to know that novelties , and unexpected adventures are very successful in battels , and in all martial designs . a general must be careful never to hazard a battel with his enemy , when he findeth him imbattelled in a ground of advantage , although he do out-number him much with men : the safest way then will be to fight with him by famine : for although a generals fortune should be generally subject to his will , yet by his wisdom he should rather follow reason than fortune in such cases . a general ought to be careful when an enemy approacheth near him , to send out some two or three knowing officers with a good strong party of horse and dragooners to make good the horsemens retreat upon occasion ) whereby to discover the enemies strength , and order of his march : and that they take notice of what advantages may be taken of the ground which lieth between them . and the party that is sent ought to have order , if it be possible to take some stragglers , that the general may the better understand the strength , and condition of his enemies army . if you intend to give battel , you must have regard to these principal things that follow : you must never suffer your self to be forced to fight against your will ; and never to fight your souldiers when their spirits are either dismayed , or cast down . if you resolve to fight with your enemy , then you ought to choose a place for the battel fit for the quality , and number of your souldiers . for if you fear to be inclosed by a great number , you ought to shelter your flanks , or at least one of them , by the nature of the place , as by a river , wood , or some other thing equivalent : if you be weak in your cavalry , you must avoid the plains , or fight with foot amongst your horse , as is shewed in the three next battels : if you be strong in horse , you must avoid strait passages , or inclosed places . you ought to know that directions are the life of action , and the sinews and strength of martial discipline ; and therefore you must give punctual orders to your marshal of the field , and your major-generals , and colonels of the brigades both of horse and foot before they begin to fight : and your orders ought to be written , if you have time : for after the battel is once begun , is is impossible for a general to give orders , more than in that part where he is present at the same time . that you may know how to place your divisions of horse and foot at their true distances , you ought to allow unto every horseman in the front of the divisions of the van-guard , and battel six foot of ground in breadth ; and to every foot souldier in the divisions in the van-guard , and battel you ought to allow five foot. also you must observe , that between every two divisions of horse and foot in the van-guard of your army to allow an hundred paces of ground in breadth , three feet to the pace : besides what you allow for the division in the battel , which is for the reserve . you ought likewise to allow between the vanguard of your horse-troops an hundred paces ; and between the van-guard of your foot an hundred and fifty paces , three feet to the pace . this order must be observed both in placing the divisions of horse and foot , and the van-guards , battel , and reer-guard of your army ; that the formost troops being put to recoil , may not fall upon those which should come up to relieve them , nor the battel upon the reer . you must always be careful to place the best regiments either of horse or foot on the wings of your army . the officers that lead the divisions in the vanguard of a battel ought to have special care to see that the divisions both of horse and foot keep their distances ; but especially the officers that lead the divisions in the van-guard of your army on the flanks of your horse or foot , they must be extraordinarily careful that they close not with their divisions in upon the main body . i know no one thing that officers care is more required about , in fighting a battel , than to see that such divisions as they command keep their distances : for let a man consider how hard a thing it is for an army that is imbattelled in a campagnia to march a mile together without losing their order . and questionless it is much harder for an army to march a mile together in the face of an enemy , and the van-guard of the army continually skirmishing to keep their distances : and unless the officers of an army are punctual in observing their orders of keeping their distances in marching , it is impossible but some part of your army , if not the whole , will be in a confusion before the battel be half fought . it is seldom or never seen that two armies that are of any equal strength , and that use one kind of discipline , being imbattelled one against the other , but the one army out-fronteth the other upon one of the wings , and the other army out-fronteth the other upon the contrary wing , when both armies come to encounter . therefore you ought to give punctual orders , before the battel beginneth , to those chief commanders that command on the outermost flanks of the van-guards of the horse , that in case either of the wings of horse doth out-front his enemies wing of horse , they should advance easily , keeping their order with that wing of horse which they command ( as soon as their cannon begin to play , and not before ) and charge that wing of horse which they do out-front . command also those divisions of horse that out-flank your enemies horse on the flanks , when they come within a near distance of your enemies troops , to wheel with their divisions so , that they may be able to charge the wing of their enemies horse on the flank , at the same time when the rest of the horse chargeth them in the front. and in case you do out-front your enemies army on both flanks , either by the advantage of the number of your men , or by the well-ordering of them , then both your wings of horse must observe the aforesaid order . here you must note , that if you fight foot among your horse , your foot must advance with your horse , and your horse by no means to advance before your foot , until your enemies horse be put to flight . but if it falleth out so ( as most commonly it doth ) that the one army be out-flanked upon one wing , and the same army doth out flank the other army on the other wing : if it fortune so , that you be out-flanked in one of your wings of horse , then ought the general to give an especial order to the officers , that that wing of horse which is out-flanked do not advance from the main body of the foot , but keep an even front with the foot , until their enemies horse come up close to them to charge them . and in the mean time so soon as the officers of either of your wings of horse discover that they shall be out-flanked , they ought to have order to draw up on the outermost flank of that wing of horse that is out-flanked , the reer-guard of horse of the same wing of horse with all the expedition that may be . for i am confident it is far less dangerous to want a reer-guard in a wing of horse , than to be out-flanked by his enemies horse . likewise those officers that do perceive they shall be out-flanked by the enemies horse , ought to have order that if any of their divisions of horse ( which doth most often fall out , when they are out-flanked by the enemies wing of horse ) do front against the enemies foot , and not against their horse , that then they shall draw all those divisions of horse on the outermost flanks of the same wing of horse . but in the imbattelling of two armies , if it prove so that your armies are equally fronted ( the which seldom or never doth happen ) then if you have one wing of horse that are more confident in their valour and resolution , than you are of the other , let that wing of horse charge first ( for as many hands make light work , so the best hands make surest work : ) and the other wing of horse keep in even front with the main body of foot , until the enemies horse come up to charge them . you ought to use your best judgment , and skill to charge your enemy first in that place where you are surest to overcome him : for so favourable are mens judgments to that which is already happened , that the sequel of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning . if it fortune so , that either of your wings of horse do put to flight either of your enemies wings of horse , then ought the chief commander of that wing of horse to have order upon the flight of his enemies wing of horse , to send but three divisions of horse after them ; the which three divisions of horse ought to have their orders before-hand for the same , and their directions what to do . one of the three divisions of horse that is appointed to follow the routed wing of the enemies horse , should be commanded to be sub-divided into small sub-divisions when they are to follow the execution , about fifteen horsemen in a division ; and the other two divisions of horse ought to follow after in order ; and keeping their men together without being sub-divided , that they may make good the retreat of the other division of horse , which is upon the execution of those horse of the enemy which are fled : and all the three divisions of horse ought to have order not to follow the enemy above a mile , and then to return to the army again , with all the expedition that they may . and all your other horse that have put the enemies wing of horse to flight , ought to charge the enemies foot with as much speed as they can . having spoken of some advantages that may be taken by the horse on the flanks of an army in a day of battel ( the which are the chiefest advantages in winning of a battel ) and how they are to prepare against disadvantages that may happen : i will now speak something concerning some advantages , and some disadvantages that may happen in foot service in a day of battel . and first of the advantages that may be taken by foot in a day of battel ; the greatest advantage that can be made use of , is by ordering the musqueteers so , that they may be able readily to skirmish with foot , and to be suddenly put in order upon any occasion to be sheltered by the pikes from the enemies horse . each division of foot that fight in the body of your army ( if you intend to use this kind of discipline which is set down in this book ) ought to be in strength two hundred eighty eight men , half pikes , and half musqueteers . and each division of foot that is to fight amongst your horse , ought to be an hundred forty four men in strength , half pikes and half musqueteers . the way how to order these divisions of foot in a day of battel is shewn you in these three following battels . by this way of ordering your foot , the success of a battel will not wholly rely upon the success of the horse , as it doth now adays , as we do order our infantry . your foot being ordered this way as is before spoken of , the success of a battel will lie more upon the success of the foot , then upon the horse . and i account them ( being thus ordered as is here set down , and as you shall see them in these three following battels ) a more firm body to trust to for victory , than the horse . the horse likewise by fighting of foot among them become a firmer body , than by fighting horse alone . and such as shall make trial of this way of imbattelling their troops , shall find it very advantageous unto them in fighting a battel , and no hinderance at all , but a great furtherance to the horse-service . if your field-pieces be of ten or twelve foot in length , and having their full metal , and if you meet with an enemy whose field-pieces are not so long , you will find that you have by it a great advantage of your enemy . the advantage is this , when you come with your army and artillery within shot of your enemies body of foot , your artillery being placed in the van-guard of your army , command your army to stand , and your cannoneers to play with your artillery upon the enemy . if your enemies field-pieces be no longer than are usually carried into the field , you will be able to shoot upon your enemies body of foot , a quarter of a mile before your enemies artillery will be able to shoot at your body of foot with any certainty . the which will prove a great advantage to those that shall make use of it , to be able to out-shoot your enemy a quarter of a mile with your artillery ; and your enemy to recover that disadvantage must be constrained to march a quarter of a mile in battalia with his army before he can bring his artillery to shoot to any purpose at your army ; the which will prove ( if you have good cannoneers ) a great dis-heartening , if not a total overthrow to your enemy . all the musqueteers that march in the van-guard of an army in a day of battel ought to have two pair of bandaliers furnished with powder and bullet ; and in case you have no bandaliers , let there be provided for each musqueteer in the van-guard of the army twelve carthrages , which they ought to carry in their right-hand pockets , and twelve bullets apiece in their pockets besides : and each company to carry with them , for the re-furnishing their musqueteers upon occasion , a powder-bag full of powder . thus ought the musqueteers in the van-guard of an army to be furnished : all the rest of the musqueteers ought to have their bandaliers furnished with powder , and bullet ; and each musqueteer ought to have twelve bullets apiece in their pockets ; and each company must carry with them a powder-bag full of powder . it is very fit likewise that you have in each company six good fouling-pieces , of such a length as a souldier may well be able to take aim , and to shoot off at ease ; twelve of them being placed in a day of battel , when you bring a division of foot to skirmish with an enemy on the flanks of a division of foot ; six fowling-pieces on the one flank of a division of foot , and six on the other flank , as you shall see them placed in these three battels following . those souldiers that carry the fowling-pieces , ought to have command when they come within distance of shot of that division of the enemy that they are to encounter with , that they shoot not at any , but at the officers of that division . likewise you ought to have on the flanks of each division of pikes , a souldier with hand-granadoes , that if you bring your men to push of pike , they are to fire the granadoes , and to throw them in amongst the enemies pikemen ; which will prove a great advantage , if they be boldly and well thrown . unto every division of foot in the battail of your army you ought to have two divisions of horse , of forty in a division , ten in front , and four deep on each flank of each division of foot in the battail of your army , as you shall see them in these three following battels . these divisions of horse will be always in a readiness to charge the enemies foot at all times when the general shall think fit . if you out-flank your enemies foot with your foot , either on the one flank , or both the flanks , let so many of your divisions of foot as do out-flank your enemies foot , be drawn up on the enemies flank , and give fire on them : and the officers in chief that command on the flanks of the van-guard of the foot , ought to have particular orders for the same , in case any such thing should happen : and likewise they are to have a special order for the keeping of their true distances in their advance towards an enemy . if you perceive you have more pikemen in your army than your enemy , or if your pikemen be better armed with defensive arms , or with longer pikes , and that you have no advantage of him in your artillery , nor the enemy in the ground upon which you are to advance ; then make what orderly hast you can , ( continually skirmishing with your enemy with the van-guard of your foot ) to bring your men to push of pike with your enemy . when you have done that , you must give order to the officers in chief that command the battel of your army , that they be careful to advance so with the battel to front with the van-guard of the enemy , some little while before your men come to push of pike , that at that time you may bring as many men to fight as you can . the disadvantages that may happen to the foot in a day of battel are these . the greatest is to be beaten by the horse , either on the one flank , or both flanks : and therefore the foot officers ought to imbattel their foot so , that they may be able to shelter their musqueteers by their pikes from the charge of any horse . the way how it may be done is shewed plainly in the three next battels . another disadvantage is to be out-flanked by your enemies foot ; to prevent which , your chief officers that command on the flanks of the foot ought to have order , that as soon as they perceive they are or shall be out-flanked upon one , or both the flanks , they should draw up the reer-guard of their foot unto one , or both flanks of the van-guard of their foot , as they shall see cause . another disadvantage that the foot may have is to be out-shot by the enemies artillery : in case it falleth out so , then , when you once come within shot of your enemies artillery , your horse ought to have order to advance as orderly , and speedily as they may , until they come to encounter with the enemies horse . if you fight with foot amongst your horse , your horse and your foot must advance together . likewise you must advance with your foot and artillery as orderly and speedily as may be , until you come within shot of your enemy with your artillery , without shooting either with your cannon or musquets . if you understand that your enemy hath more pikemen in his army than you have , or his pikemen better armed with defensive arms , or their pikes to be longer than yours ; then ought you to avoid , as much as you can , the bringing of your souldiers to push of pike . in case the musqueteers in the van guard of your foot do come to want powder , or your divisions of foot in the van-guard of your army have lost so many men , that they need relief from their reserves in the battel ; then let the officers in the van-guard of the foot have special command not to retreat with the van-guard of foot by no means , but to advance skirmishing easily towards the enemy , until their reserves be marched by them . then let their officers command them to stand , and see that their bandaliers be furnished with powder , and bullet , and set them in order with as much expedition as may be ; and then let them march up within an hundred and fifty paces of the reer-guard of foot , and to be in a readiness to second them upon any occasion . a general ought to give particular orders to all the officers in chief of his army before the battel begins , in writing , if he have time , that the officers in chief may know how to command their souldiers to make use of all the advantages , that he conceiveth may happen unto them in a day of battel : that upon any neglect of his officers for not making use of any such opportunities , the excuse of not having order for the same may be taken away . likewise it should be written in their orders how they ought to prevent any disadvantages that a general conceiveth may befal them . the which will not only prevent excuses , but according to the old saying , he that is forewarned is fore-armed . set upon your enemy when he is affrighted and distracted ; for there is nothing then to be expected of your enemy but despair and confusion . a general must be careful to give a very strict order to his officers , and souldiers , that not a man of them offer to pillage before the field be clear of the enemy ; and that such officers as do suffer their souldiers to pillage before the field be clear of the enemy , shall suffer for the same as the souldiers for pillaging . before the battel begins , you ought to give out a field-word both to your officers and souldiers ; and besides your word , that your souldiers and officers may the better be able to know one the other , being mixt with the enemy : they ought to wear something or other about them to be known from the enemy . after the winning of a battel , a general should follow his victory with all the expedition that he may , either by keeping his enemy from gathering an head again , or presently falling upon some countries or towns , where he thinks he may do his enemy the most hurt : for the yieldings after a victory , if well prosecuted , are better than the victory it self : because when people are in suspence , and great fear , and confusion , as it happeneth in sudden things , it is a singular time to obtain victories , or some honourable composition . the fruit of victory consisteth in the well using of it , which whosoever doth not , incurreth an infamy so much the greater , than not to know how to overcome , by how much it is a greater fault to be deceived by the things that are in a mans power , than by those that depend upon fortune . likewise a general is to take care for recruiting of his army upon all occasions , but especially after a battel . although those things which are here before set down seem easie to understand , and very easie to practise ; yet are they so often neglected by commanders in chief , either in neglecting to make use of advantages , or not giving out punctual orders before a battel for the aforesaid things , or through the neglect of such as should put their directions in execution , that one or more of the aforesaid neglects are always the loss of battels . and the loss of two or three battels proveth the loss of countries and kingdoms . he that desireth either that a city defend it self obstinately , or that an army in the field fight it out resolutely , must try his wits to make an impression in the breasts of them that are to fight , that such a necessity lieth upon them . and it much helpeth an army towards the winning of a battel , to make them confident that in any case they cannot doubt of victory . the things that give them this confidence , are , that they be well armed , and well ordered . for when valour is accompanied with good order , and good discipline , it makes good use of the fury in such manner , and at such times , that no difficulty abateth it , nor ever quaileth the courage : because those good orders re-inforce the spirit , and the fury , both being still maintained by the hope of overcoming , which never faileth while good orders and good discipline hold firm . you ought not to despise , and think too meanly of your enemy ; for that will not only beget negligence in your own army , but care and diligence in your enemies army . and it is most sure , the valour of a few may surmount the number of many : and if you be broken by your enemy that you despise , you double your own disgrace by your rash and indiscreet arrogance . but to speak of chances , and to touch some particularities , thereby to shew evidently the weakness of mans wit , and power , and the casualty of warlike attempts : let a man consider by how many accidents the mightiest armies are many times dispersed , and dissipated , and the greatest enterprises overthrown . as sometimes by the death of one man ; sometimes by the dissention of officers , or souldiers ; sometimes by tempests , or unseasonable weather : sometimes again by plagues , or diseases in the camp : otherwhiles by sudden fears that fall upon the souldiers without cause ; sometimes ( as guicciardine noteth ) by a commandment either not well understood , or ill executed , by a little temerity of disorder , by some vain word or speech of the meanest souldier : and lastly ( saith he ) by infinite changes which happen at unawares , unpossible to be foreseen and prevented by the wit or counsel of any man. which sheweth that no humane wit is able of it self sufficiently to govern an army , and that god reserveth to himself the success of battels , and disposeth of victories at his pleasure . chap. xix . some certain observations concerning the retreat of an army . to know how to make an honourable retreat , is one of the principal points of military art , and worthiest the knowledge of a general , to be able upon occasion to make a safe and sure retreat : for those that can do nothing else can easily put themselves into a war , but to return home again in safety is that which concerneth the honour of a leader . when a general intendeth to retreat with his army , he must be careful that ( if it be possible ) his retreat be not through any places , but such as his pioners may be able to make him , where three or four may march in breast , besides the way for the carriages : for there is no greater danger of receiving a defeat than when a retreat is made at a narrow passage . but if you be forced to make a retreat through a narrow passage , there is no better way to prevent danger , than to raise some works near this passage in the most advantageous places you can find . if you retreat in the night with your army , and have pass'd any narrow passage with your troops , it were very good for you to give command that some caltraps be thrown into those narrow passages to spoil your enemies horse , if they follow your troops ; and if you retreat in the day-time with your army , the aforesaid caltraps will be very useful to be thrown into dirty and watry passages . a retreat in view of the enemy is the most dangerous action that can be undertaken by any commander . and therefore it is held in the opinion of most commanders better to retreat in the night , than in the day : because it is very dangerous to pursue an army in the night ; and if he that retreateth be careful to lay his ambushes well , he may sooner do a mischief to his enemy than his enemy to him . likewise it is better to retreat with part of an army , than with the whole ; and it is best to march as far at first as possibly you may , to the end you might have some advantage of space before the enemy that followeth you : for so the enemy durst not follow you with small troops , and with great forces they will never be able to reach you ; besides the scarcity and want of victuals that they will find by following you , will much discourage them some commanders now adays , whose skill reacheth not so far as to know the abc in the art military , that is to say , the use of their arms , they think it a blemish to their honours to make a private retreat in the night . but this is that that i will say of such gallants , presumption and ignorance are two bad counsellors in war. chap. xx. some observations concerning the stopping of an army upon passages either over rivers , or difficult and mountainous places . in the first place i will speak something of stopping the passage of an army upon a river , if your army be to pass a river that is not passable , but upon two or three places , without making a bridge : i conceive this to be the best way . upon the chiefest passage over the river there you ought to attend your enemy with all your forces , if you may find there sufficient provisions for your army to subsist . and upon the other two fords , or passable places , if they may be commanded each of them by one sconce , i think it convenient then for you to give order for the raising of two sconces , and to see them well furnished with cannon , men , ammunition , and victuals . but here you must note , if your enemy do bring with him punts , or boats for to make a bridge , or if he be able to procure boats out of the country for the aforesaid purpose , then i conceive the raising of the sconces is a needless labour : therefore then the best way will be to march with your whole army on the one side of the river , as your enemy marcheth on the other ( if the country in your march be able to afford you provisions for your army ) and so to fight with your enemy as he passeth the river ; or after your enemy hath possessed the river , if you think you have forces sufficient to encounter him . i hold it a most dangerous , and un-souldier-like action for any commander to divide his forces for the keeping of passages against an army , whether it be upon a river , or any other strait and difficult passages : for you ought not to put all your fortune in danger , and not all your forces : to do so is a manifest folly . he is never thought a good gamester that would hazard his whole rest upon less than the strength of his whole game . my reasons for it are these : if your enemy forceth one of those passages that you endeavour to keep , or find out some other passage that is not guarded , you will find much trouble and pains before you can draw your forces together . and very likely the enemy may prevent you from doing it , either by forcing you to fight before your forces are come to you , or by keeping you from joyning your forces together again . and when it cometh to pass that your forces must leave the passage which they are to guard , or lose it by some occasion , there is a fear and terror stricken into the hearts of the people and souldiers which trusted in that place ; that being unable to make experience of their valour , you lose , or are in danger to lose your enterprise . thus it came to pass at the coming of the french into italy in the year one thousand five hundred and fifteen , in the time of francis the first , king of france , where it manifestly appeared to what pass it came to hold difficult places ill to be kept , and to stop passages , as you may see in guicciard . lib. 12. for the reasons aforesaid the romans never held nor guarded the passages against hannibal , but rather would that their armies should fight in open places where they might overcome him than to send them to the mountains to be consumed with cold , or other discommodities of those places . chap. xxi . some certain observations touching the profitableness of intrenching , and some directions for the same . the intrenchment incloseth your army as a walled city , from whence you may march privately with such designs , leaving your baggage in safety . the intrenchment hindereth the enemy from constraining you to fight , unless when you please . the intrenchment causeth you to take strong cities in the face of a more puissant army than your own . briefly , the intrenchment is less subject to infection , than the villages are . in effect , an army intrenched and hutted , will rather subsist three months in health in a camp ( in the summer-time ) than a fortnight in the best villages . one of the most necessary parts of war is to know how well to incamp , and intrench . when you come to besiege a town before which you intend to intrench your army , you ought to place your line of circumvolation so near the town , that you may be able to quarter your army within it safely from your enemies shot ; allowing an hundred and fifty foot for an alarm-place between the breast work and the front of the quarters . the trench without your breast-work must be twelve foot in breadth , and six foot in depth , and three foot in breadth at the bottom . and the earth that cometh out of the trench will raise you a breast-work , or rampier of twelve foot in breadth at the bottom , six foot in height , and three foot in breadth at the top , with one foot bank . upon your line of circumvolation at the distance of every two hundred paces , you ought to have a spur upon your line to flank it . and before the quarters of every regiment upon your line of circumvolation you must leave a small avenue , that one single man and no more may be able to pass through at a time . you must likewise have in your line of circumvolation four great avenues for carriages to pass through : and upon the great avenues you must set up turn-pikes , and without every turn-pike there must be an half-moon . here note , your army must be divided into as many quarters as you intend to have approaches against the town . and you must raise some batteries close within the line of circumvolation , there where you think the most advantageous places may be for the same , for the annoying of any enemy that may come to trouble you . if you suppose your enemy may come so strong as to attempt the forcing of your quarters , then ought the trench of your line of circumvolation to be in breadth sixteen foot , and in depth eight , and in breadth at bottom six foot . you ought likewise to have some out-works , both half-moons , and horn-works , within musquet-shot of your rampier or breast-work . and if there be any hills somewhat above musquet-shot off from your line of circumvolation , that may be advantageous to your enemy for the planting of his ordnance to play upon your breast-work , or any part of your quarters , you ought upon such an hill to raise a sconce . thus you ought to observe and do , if you intend to fortifie your leaguer strongly for to prevent a powerful army from forcing your quarters . if you have a desire upon any occasion to intrench your army in the field for their better safety , your best way then will be to draw your army into as little a compass of ground as you may with convenience . for the less compass your rampier is , the easier it will be to defend : and if you have any occasion to send out any part , or parts of your army upon any design , those which are left , the less compass of ground they have to desend , the better they will be able to do it . the sod or turf which you are to face your intrenchment withal , if you are likely to have any winter-siege , or any long siege , must be four or five inches long , or thereabouts , and in length fourteen or fifteen inches diminished inwards . chap. xxii . some certain observations about the taking of towns and strong places . there are seven ways to win castles , strong holds , and fortified towns. first , by treachery . secondly , by surprise , as by petarring the ports , and by assaults . thirdly , by approaches , batteries , and assaults . fourthly , by approaches , mining , batteries , and assaults . fifthly , by intrenching , approaches , mining , battery , and assaults . sixthly , by composition . seventhly , by starving . philip of macedon esteemed no place strong , where his ass loaden with gold might enter . for the attempting , or taking of towns by surprise is very commendable in officers , and sometimes very successful where the officers have good intelligence , and carry their business secretly , carefully , orderly , and valiantly . and there is no adventure for surprising a place more safe in war , than that which is farthest from suspicion of being undertaken : and by such sudden designs one may gain that in one hour , the which may not be gotten any other way under a years service of an army , or two . in the besieging of all towns a commander must be careful that his enemy be not able to cut off his victual , or his retreat ; and that he besiege no town but such as he is able to cut off all relief from the besieged . a commander in chief ought likewise to be careful how he adventureth upon winter-sieges , and long winter-services , or long sieges at any time , unless the consequence of the place requireth it , and that he be sure to take it in the end . long sieges ruine armies , empty the purse , and most commonly it falleth out so , that it hindreth armies from better imployments ; and after a long siege , though things fall out according to a commanders desire , he will have little reason to brag of his victory , when he vieweth his expences , his time , and his army . the malice of a great army is broken , and the force of it spent in a great siege . hannibal entring into italy with his army to make war upon the romans , would not be drawn to besiege any of their towns : all his war was to weaken them in force and reputation , knowing that when he was absolute master of the field , it would not be long e're the walled cities would open their gates , without expecting any engineer or battery . if a general besiegeth any town in which his intelligence , or his opinion hath deceived him so much , that he hath little hope of taking it , the speedy leaving off any such enterprise doth excuse the rashness which might be imputed to the beginning : and a chief commander is not so much blamed for making trial of an ill-digested project , as he is for the obstinate continuing in the same : and if he refuseth to be led by reason in such a case , as being the best means to guide him to convenient ends , he is commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of necessity to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions . it is most difficult to accomplish the design of a siege , especially of any in land town , so long as you have a good army incamped near you , or likely to attend you speedily , the which army will be able to cut off your victuals , or constrain you to fight , unless you have two bodies of armies , that so with the one you may hold your enemy in play , and with the other you may actuate without impeachment : or , unless you be master at sea of your enemy , and then you may besiege any sea town of your enemy with one army , without any hazard at all , if you can have time to intrench your self strongly , before your enemy be able to inforce you to fight . the surest , safest , and speediest way of taking any town , if it requireth above three weeks siege , and if your enemy be able to bring any force to put relief into it , or to force you to fight , is , by intrenching your self before them . and when you are intrenched before a town , where your enemies hopes in making you to quit it do consist in nothing else , but in cutting off your victuals , you ought to have that foresight to bring with you , or cause to be brought into your leaguer out of the country so much victuals as you judge to be necessary to serve your turn for the taking of the town . this way you may take a town with one army , though your enemy speedily attendeth you with another army . if you make a siege with a small army , with an intent to starve a strong garrison , you must fortifie your quarters one after another with the whole body of your army ; and then if you think fit you may run lines from one quarter to another . every commander knoweth that mans flesh is the best fortification that belongs to a town ; and where a town is well manned , the best way of taking it is by starving ; and when a town is weakly manned , the best way of taking it is by battery and assaults , or by approaches , mining , battery , and assaults . one thing more i could advise a commander in chief to be careful of , and that is , not to assault any town , or place without great probability of obtaining that which he desireth ; and never to assault a town , but when he may assault it at divers places at once . there is nothing so suddenly ruineth armies as assaults when they miscarry . for a general is certain to have his best men killed and spoiled upon such designs , and the rest so much discouraged , that it would prove very dangerous unto an army if they should suddenly after it fight . mines , where you may come to make them , are much better than batteries for the taking of towns or castles : because they always prove much more dangerous , and terrible to an enemy by means of their sudden , and unexpected operations : and all sudden and unexpected actions are very successful in all martial affairs . a commander cannot take any place of strength with any certainty or safety , without the use both of batteries and mines . a chief commander when he marcheth to besiege a town , ought to carry with him as much mony , ammunition , victuals , and all other necessaries , as is possible to be carried for the siege : and those necessaries that he cannot carry with him , he must be careful to furnish himself withal with as much expedition as may be , for fear his enemy may find out some way that he doth not think of to prevent him of his necessaries , or at least cause them to be brought to him with much danger and trouble . the first thing you are to do when you are marching towards a town to besiege it , is to send the most of your horse and dragooners , and with them likewise near as many musqueteers as you send horse , about three or four days before the body of your army ; that you may thereby keep all supplies from coming to the town : and command your horsemen to take up the musqueteers now and then behind them upon the march , that they may be able to make the more expedition . you ought also to send along with the horse your quarter-master general , and some two or three of your chief engineers , that they may , by that time your army cometh up , have pricked out the line of circumvolation , and the quarters for your army ; and to view how many approaches you may conveniently make towards the town : for so many approaches as you make , so many quarters ought you to divide your army into . after your engineers , and quarter master-general have pricked out the line of circumvolation , and the quarters , then so soon as your army cometh to the quarters , draw them into their quarters , and command them to hut with all the expedition they can . likewise the line of circumvolation ought to be divided into as many parts as there are quarters , according to the strength of the regiments in each quarter . then the quarter-masters of the regiments of foot ought to divide the ground equally amongst their regiments ; and each quarter-master of a regiment is to measure out to each company of his regiment their ground : and the officers are presently to set the souldiers their work , for the raising of the line of circumvolation . and the souldiers ought to know when occasion requireth them to intrench themselves , that it doth as properly belong to their duty to intrench themselves , as to stand centry , or to carry their arms. as soon as the earth is out of the ditch for the raising of your rampier , then may you begin your approaches . and you must always be careful to break ground at the first , as near the town as possibly you may with convenience : and that you may break ground the nearer , and your men be the more bold , set your pioners and some others to work as you come to your quarters , for the making of great store of cannon-baskets , which may serve you in good stead for this use : at the beginning of every night set them up before those which are to break ground ; and on each hand of those cannon-baskets which you set up before the souldiers that are to break ground , you ought to set some cannon-baskets for the safeguard of the guards . your approaches ought always to be well flanked with redoubts and batteries . if a general come before a town , where is but a weak garrison , and many out-works to the town more than the garrison is well able to defend , it will be good then for a general to attempt taking of some of the out-works ; and if he take any , he ought to begin his approaches from thence . the best time to assault the out-works will be in the night . through all dry motes you are to approach the rampier of a town by galleries under ground , under the dry mote of the town . and through all wet motes you are to approach to the rampier of a town by galleries above ground . but in running your gallery under a dry mote you must have a care that it be not discovered to the enemy by carrying the earth out of your gallery . the next thing you must have a care of , is , that you do inform your self rightly , before you begin your gallery , of what depth the mote is , that you may begin to make your gallery so far back , as to be sure to run your gallery under the bottom of your enemies mote . for if your enemy once discovereth against what part of the wall you are running your gallery , it is ten to one but your enemy may prevent you , either by hindering you from advancing your gallery to the rampier , or by rubbing your mines . when you have advanced your galleries to the rampier , let those that are appointed to assault the breaches , and the ports , have souldiers appointed to throw hand-granadoes , and to fall on with them : and give order to those that are appointed to assault the breaches , and scale the walls , that as soon as they are gotten within the wall , or rampier of the town with a reasonable number of men , they march unto that port that is next them , and open it to let in the foot , and horse that do there attend . and for this purpose there ought to be some souldiers appointed to carry fit instruments for the breaking open the gates of a town . when a port is opened , let the officers have order presently to repair to the market place with their souldiers for clearing of the enemy from that place . and you ought to command the officers and souldiers that no man offer to pillage upon pain of death , until all the enemy within the town that carry arms be either killed or disarmed . besides the word you give to your souldiers , to know one the other by , you should command them to wear something about them that they may know one the other from the enemy . if your officers when they assault a town do find the town to be cut off by the enemy by raising any works within the rampier , or wall of the town , then a chief commander should give orders to the officers appointed for the assault , that in case they find any such thing , then they should do their best to plant themselves with their souldiers on the top of the rampier only ; which must be done by help of the engineers work-basis , and pioners , who must be appointed to be in a readiness with saccots in their hands , when they shall be called upon to fortifie any place that the souldiers may possess themselves of , if occasion require . the like order must be observed in assaulting of out-works , as is here set down in this last observation concerning the assaulting of a town . you ought likewise to have in a readiness ovens to heat cannon-bullets red-hot upon all such batteries whereby you can conveniently come to shoot them into the town . likewise your mortar-pieces must be so conveniently placed , that you may shoot mortar-granadoes into the town , and wait a little to see the effect of your fire-bullets , and granadoes . here note , that you must not shoot any fire-bullets , nor mortar-granadoes into the town , until one , half hour before you begin to assault : for if you do use the fire-bullets , and mortar-granadoes before the aforesaid time , you will teach your enemy to find out a way to prevent you for doing any mischief with them at your assault : and likewise your enemy being used to them , the fear of the danger of them will by use be taken away , 〈…〉 upon your assault . 〈…〉 and your men drawn out , and 〈…〉 for the assault of the breaches , and your ordnance playing with fire-bullets , and your mortar-pieces with their granadoes , then spring your mines , and give a general assault . one thing more i think fit to add to this discourse . there are two ways for blocking up of an haven , or a river . the first is , you must make of iron a thing in form of a frisrutter ; the beams through which the cross-bars go must be twelve foot in length , and the cross-bars that go through the beam must be of that length , that when one of these iron frisrutters is set down into an haven , or river , the cross-bars of the iron frisrutter must be of that length as to reach upon an high-water within six foot of the top of the water . this is one of the best inventions that i know for the blocking up of an haven , or river . there is no way that i know to remove these frisrutters out of an haven or river , which is blockt up with them , and having so many of these frisrutters made in a readiness before-hand as will block up an haven or river upon which you have a design , and having all other necessaries in a readiness for the letting of those frisrutters down into the haven , or river , you may block up an haven or river in four and twenty hours time . there is another way of blocking up an haven or river , by throwing great stones into them , and leaving small passages for the water to pass through . by this invention the king of france won rochel . chap. xxiii . some directions for the removing of an army that is intrenched before a town . if an enemy be intrenched before a town , it most often proveth hard to remove him , if he hath men enough to defend his line of circumvolation , and keep his approaches . the most usual ways to remove an enemy which is intrenched before a town , are these four . the first is , to attempt the cutting off your enemies provisions from him . the second is , if your enemy hath by over-sight left some hills near the town without his line of circumvolation unfortified : and if the hills be so , that ordnance being planted upon them , they will command the ground between them and the town ; then you may by possessing your self of these hills force your way to the town either by a forceable assault under the shelter of your cannon , or by approaches : or if any hills lie so that you may command the ground close within your enemies line of circumvolation , planting ordnance on them , that your men may under succour of your ordnance be able to force your enemies line of circumvolation ; then you may beat him off his line of circumvolation , and so force his quarter . the third way is to march into some of your enemies countries . the fourth and last way is to besiege some of his chief towns , that you have certain intelligence do want either men , victual , or ammunition . such horses as he intendeth to keep in his garrison in a siege . if a garrison lieth so , that it cannot easily be relieved with ammunition , then the governour ought to have a powder-mill in his town ; and in his magazine good store of brimstone , and one that is skilful in making of powder , and another that hath skill in making match : and he must be careful to sow at a fit time of the year a competent quantity of hemp-seed for the making of match . if the corn-mills about a town lie so , that the enemy may be able to spoil , and destroy them , then the governour ought to see his town furnished with hand-mills . he must also have a special care that his walls be out of danger of scaling ; the gates of his town not subject to be petarred . now the best way to prevent petarring the ports , is to have draw-bridges , and half-moons , without the ports , and port-cullices at the ports , and turn-pikes upon the high-ways right against your half-moons . the ways for the rounds ought to be easie , and convenient ; the sentinels well set : the guards very exact ; and the companies that are to watch should always draw lots for their guards . and if you suspect any officers , or souldiers for betraying your town ( as in civil wars souldiers are apt to do , or when they are ill paid ) then must you order your guards after this manner . let your companies that watch draw lots , for their guards upon the parrado place every night : when they have drawn lots for their guards , let those companies whose lot falleth to watch at the ports be ordered after this manner . that company whose lot falleth to watch at a port , let the one half of that company watch at the port that is appointed them by lot , and the other half at one of the half-moons at one of the other ports next adjoyning . and all the companies that are to watch at the ports are to be ordered in the like manner . now here you must note , that if a governour will have his town secured from sudden surprises , he must have always without the ports of his town half-moons , and turn-pikes upon the high-ways right against the half-moons , and port-cullices at his ports . the gentlemen that are to watch at each port-cullis ought to be four , which must be drawn , and relieved from the main-guard . these gentlemen ought to be lock'd up in the place where the port-cullices stand , until they be relieved : and the captain of the main-guard ought always to keep the key . all the other companies appointed for the watch , are to watch according unto their lots . all means must be used to hinder intelligences , and treacheries ; the guards doubled always upon market-days , and fair-days : and upon any alarm those souldiers that have not the guard ought to repair with their arms speedily to their colours ; and from thence the companies are to make all the haste possible to attain to the place that is appointed them to defend upon any alarm . thus much every company that hath not the watch ought to know , and have order for the same before-hand . if you mistrust the fidelity of the towns-men , you ought to keep a good main-guard upon the market-place , and small guards at all the cross-streets , and then make it death for any townsman to come out of his house upon any alarm . and if the towns-men have any meeting together at any time without the governours consent , they ought to be imprisoned . the like must be observed if they are found out of their houses after nine of the clock at night . likewise if you mistrust the fidelity of the towns-men , it is very necessary that there be a work raised against the rampier of the town , the which must face the town , and command part of it , and one of the ports . in this work you ought to build places for to keep your magazine in . and at the entrance of this work without the port of the aforesaid work , there ought to be a draw-bridge and a port cullis ; and the draw-bridge ought never to be down , or let down but at relief time . the ports of your town ought to be shut at sun-setting , and to be opened a little after sun-rising . before you open your ports in a morning , you ought to send out small parties to search all the suspicious places about the town for ambushes . after these parties are returned , finding no danger , you may open your ports , and set out your day-guards for the security of your cattel : and then the towns-men may drive forth their cattel . you ought likewise to have a trumpeter to watch continually on the highest steeple in your town , to give you notice of the approach of any enemy by day , or of any alarm , or fire by night . a governour of a town should be careful always to have parties abroad , that he may the better secure his own quarters , and trouble the enemy . and especial care must be taken for getting constant intelligence from the next frontier towns of his enemy . a governour of a town ought to see that he have as many out-works raised about his town as is necessary , and not more ; and that all his out-works be commanded by the rampier of the town . if the consequence of the town requireth it , and if a governour may by raising a sconce or two secure his town , and the relief of it the better , it were very fit to do it . but he must have a care that the sconces which he raiseth for the security of the town be raised in such convenient places , that an enemy when he cometh to besiege the town , may not be able to plant himself between the sconces and the town . in the fortifying of a town if the governour lay many elms , or oak-trees , in the bulwarks which he raiseth about the town , he will find it a good prevention to hinder the enemy from mining his bulwarks : and likewise it doth strengthen his bulwarks very much against batteries . if a governour of a town hath certain intelligence that he shall be besieged , and findeth that he hath not horse meat sufficient for the horse that are in the garrison answerable to the rest of his provisions in the town ; and in case he hath not time to provide more , then the governour ought to send away so many of his horse as he hath not meat sufficient for to hold out with the rest of his provisions , or such as he supposeth he shall not have occasion to use , unto one of the next towns that belong to his party . likewise if a governour of a town find that he hath more out-works than his souldiers are well able to defend , it will be safest for him then to slight those out-works that he thinketh he shall have less occasion to use . a governour must be careful of using his best endeavours and skill valiantly to defend his out-works . for next mans flesh , out-works are the best strength that belongeth to a town . and upon all occasions he must be careful to cut off the out-works of the town ; and the town , as often as the enemy shall inforce him to it . the greatest part of the cannon of the town ought to be planted against the enemies approaches ; and the governour ought to give command that they play upon his enemies approaches as often as his ammunition will give leave . a governour should be careful to sally no oftner with strong parties than necessity requireth , or the advantages that the enemy by his carelesness , or boldness shall give him occasion . at the beginning of every night you ought to make sallies with small parties upon the enemies workmen that do then approach , and break ground , and now and then to sally with a strong party . at the beginning of the night you ought to make some fires so near the enemies approaches as you can conveniently , that you may be able to see by the light of the fire where your enemies break ground , that so you may the better hinder them by shooting at them with the more certainty . for which occasion your town ought to be the better provided of wood , and pitch-barrels . and there must be care taken to lay some souldiers with fowling-pieces or fire-locks , behind little small breast works not far from the fires , to spoil those that may come to put out the fires . if a governour of a town be sure he hath more powder than is answerable to the rest of his provisions ( the which he ought always to have ) then may a governour undermine his enemies corps de guards , when they are advanced very near unto his out-works . and always when he springeth a mine , he ought to sally strong on his enemies trenches , and to command those officers , if it be possible , to nail the enemies ordnances ; and for that purpose some souldiers ought to be appointed to carry fit instruments with them . and whensoever you sally strong on your enemy , you must likewise have in a readiness some spademen to slight such of the enemies works as your souldiers shall possess themselves of also you must have a care to appoint many souldiers for the throwing in of hand-granadoes into your enemies corps de guards ; the which will be a special means to help your souldiers for the beating your enemy out of their corps de guards . if your town be fortified with a dry mote , and if your town be well manned , it is much stronger then a wet mote : and as soon as you see upon what parts of the town your enemy doth make his approaches , then dig a trench in the bottom of your dry mote , so far as you see your enemies approaches are in breadth against your town , about eight or ten foot in breadth , and so deep , until you come either to water or rock . but if you are fain to dig deep before you find either , then make a gallery under ground under the bottom of your dry mote , so far as your enemies approaches go . for which purpose your town ought to be furnished with good store of timber . and if you observe the aforesaid directions , it will be impossible for your enemy to run his galleries to the rampier of the town without being discovered : and then you may easily prevent him from doing you any hurt , either by his galleries , or his mines . if your town be fortified with a wet mote , then the best and strongest fortifications that belong to a wet mote is a false bray of some twenty foot in breadth ; and when you perceive where your enemy will make over his gallery to your rampier , then must you plant two of the best pieces of cannon that you have in your false bray just against the mouth of your enemies galleries ; the which two pieces must be sunk so deep , that they may play almost level with the water : by this means you will be able to do your enemy the more mischief , and secure your ordnance the better from your enemy . for the more security of your ordnance and cannoneers from your enemies batteries , you ought to raise the traverses close to your cannons cross your false bray . in desending the out-works of a town that is fortified with a wet mote , there must be a special care , and resolution shewed : for the out works being once lost , you can sally no more on your enemy . i will conclude with this advice to all governours that are to defend a besieged town , that they have a special care of these three things . the first is , that from the beginning to the end of a siege , their care be such , that their garrisons spend no more victuals daily , than necessity requireth . the second thing is , that they do not vainly waste their men , ammunition , and firing , but that they do so order the expence of these things , that they may be able to hold out with their victuals : for many governours do either cowardly , or ignorantly make a waste of the aforesaid things , that they may give over towns the sooner to their enemy , and that , as they conceive with honour enough ; whereas their own cowardliness hath brought them to want necessaries for the defence of their towns , more than the pressing service of their enemies . but if such governours had their deserts , they ought to die for such carelesness and cowardliness . the third and last thing is , that they carefully defend their out-works , and their town with all the skill , judgment , and valour that they and their garrisons can afford ; and that they so order their sallies , and the cutting off their out-works and towns , that their garrisons and towns may be able to hold out so long as the provisions of the town shall last . one thing more i think fit to adde in this place , a way to break a bome , or a bridge that shall be made over a river for hindering provisions from coming to the town that is besieged . take a great ship , and let it be made with mason-work within in the manner of a vaulted cave , and upon the hatches lay mill-stones , and other stones of great weight , and within lay many barrels of powder in the vault . by means of the danger you will hardly get any man to conduct it ; therefore you must tye a great beam at the end of the ship to make it keep a straight course in the midst of the stream ; and when you have a fair wind , lay your train and set it going . if the corn you keep in store for your garrison be now and then dusted , it will keep good in a garner seven years ; but if your corn by chance grow musty , then make bisket of it ; for then it will make as good bisket as the best corn in the world . chap. xxv . some observations concerning fortifications . touching the art it self in respect of the matter , and the manner , it is a member of architecture ; but the end is military : for to fortifie is nothing else but to raise works answerable to necessity , and the occurrences of war. neither is it the end of fortification to make a place impregnable , or impossible to be taken ; for so it were ars artium . but to reduce it to a strong defence : concerning which art , seeing there are so many books written , i will here set down only thus much in brief of it , that in fortifications you must observe five principal things , namely , that the line of defence be within musquet-shot ; that the flanked angle do not exceed ninety degrees , nor be less than sixty : that the gorge of the bulwark be not too narrow : that the flank be as great as may be : that all out-works ( if it be possible ) must be commanded by the body of the fortifications . chap. xxvi . some observations of mines . concerning mines thus much i may say without prejudice to that art , that the chiefest things to be respected are these ; first the true distance to a designed place ; which is best gotten by instruments , and help of geometry , where other marks of certainty are wanting . secondly , the direction of the mine , that you may not erre in your course , which the compass affordeth . thirdly , the strengthening of the mine with timber-work , if need requireth ; and stopping of your mine well , and laying your train well . lastly , the counter-mining , and cross meeting : all which parts have very many circumstances , and require a larger discourse than may be thought pertinent for this place : and being at large discoursed of by many several men , i will omit to speak any further of it here : only thus much more , that i hold mines much better than batteries , where you may come to make use of them with any expedition , because of their sudden and unexpected operations . chap. xxvii . some observations for the keeping of conquered countries . a conquerour ought to know that an imperfect victory is the seed of a new war. if thou hast made a conquest with thy sword , think not to maintain it with thy scepter ; neither conceive that new favours can cancel old injuries . no conquerour sitteth secure upon his new-gotten throne , so long as they subsist in power that were dispossessed of their possessions by his conquest . if thou hast conquered a land , whose laws and language differ not from thine , change not their laws and taxes ; and so the two kingdoms will in a short time incorporate , and make one body . but if the laws and language differ , it is difficult to maintain thy conquest ; which that thou mayest the more easily do , observe three things : first , to live there in person ( or rather send colonies ) secondly , to assist the weak inhabitants , and weaken the mighty . thirdly , to admit no powerful foreigner to reside there . remember lewis the xiii . of france , how suddenly he took millan , and how soon he lost it . here you must note , if you conquer a free people , to assure your conquest you must do these two things ; first , to take away the desire of revolting from those whom you have conquered . to do this , you must not take away ( at least during the life of those who have lived so ) their hopes of recovering their liberties by their good obedience , either to them or their children : and therefore you must always begin by a fair way , and establish a condition for them whom you have conquered , which may be sure both for their life , their wives , and their goods . there is another means , whereof the antients made a profitable use , and is now wholly left , the which i have spoken of before , and do marvellously approve of , which is to establish colonies , and to transport the people from one country to another . the conquered people will have much the better of it by their change ; for they shall enjoy such liberties as the people do amongst whom they live ; whereas in their own country they will be kept so much under , that they can hope for nothing but their lives . and the conquerour by this means will be much the more assured of keeping the people in obedience . chap. xxviii . some directions for the preventing of civil wars . a kingdom , or state , in preventing civil war ought to observe these four principal things . the first is , that a kingdom or state ought to have fortresses , but good ones , and few in number , and none within the heart of the country . and you ought not to perpetuate any government , neither to families , nor yet for life . the second thing is ( if it be possible to be done without the endangering of a kingdom or state ) that there be but one religion in a kingdom or state. the third is ; that kingdom or state that will live secure from civil wars must be provident to compass a rich publick treasure ; that when a kingdom or state come to be over-populous , they may be able to imploy their people in plantations , or in a foreign war. but the principal and able remedy against civil war is to entertain a foreign war. this chaseth away idleness , setteth all on work ; and particularly this giveth satisfaction to ambitious and stirring spirits ; it banisheth luxury , maketh your people warlike , and maintaineth you in such reputation amongst your neighbours , that you are the arbitrator of all their differences . but this maxim is not good to be observed except by such kingdoms , and states that are able to go through with the designs they undertake . for as i find it necessary to rich and potent kingdoms and states ; so i find it hurtful to petty kingdoms and states ; because being too weak to gain by it , they will in the end but lose their honours , and moneys , and impoverish themselves , and increase their enemies . the fourth and last thing is , whereas the poorer and meaner people , that have no interest in the common-weal , but the use of breath , these are always dangerous to the peace of a kingdom , and having nothing to lose , willingly embrace all means of innovation , in hope of gaining something by other mens ruine : there are these three means left for a state to ease it self of this sort of people , either to imploy them abroad in plantations , or in a war , or to interess them in the quiet of the common-weal by learning them such trades and occupations as may give them a taste of the sweetness of peace , and the benefit of a civil life . chap. xxix . some observations shewing how necessary it is for england , or any other state , or kingdom , providently to prepare a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for the defence of themselves , or offending their enemies . and how necessary it is to train up their people to martial affairs . let us first consider what danger a country , prince , or state is in , that is not so provident to provide a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for a defensive war , or an offensive war : for in the wars you must upon all occasions , have your hands in your purses : and having not a rich publick treasure before-hand , no kingdom , or state , is able to make an offensive war , to gain countries , or honour , unless they be drawn into a country by a party . nor is such a kingdom or state well able to defend it self in a defensive war. for if an enemy landeth in a country , the obedience which at other times is willingly given to princes , or states , is greatly weakned at such times , and all necessary means to maintain a war , is hardly drawn from the subject ; and the common people will be easily drawn to change masters , when their oppression shall be more frequent from their friends , than their enemies : and such great oppressions at such a time upon the commons ( which of necessity there must be , when a rich treasure is not providently provided before-hand ) will prove very dangerous to any kingdom or state in a defensive war. therefore that kingdom or state that will live securely from an enemy , must have a special care to provide a rich publick treasure before-hand against unusual , and extraordinary casualties , which are not to be removed but by speedy and effectual remedies . and no expedition can be made to avoid the dangers and ruine of a kingdom or state , either in an offensive , or a defensive war , without a rich publick treasure provided before-hand . and it is an easie thing for governours of a kingdom or state to raise a rich publick treasure out of the extravagant expences of the people , without giving any discontent at all ; as having an excise upon all the beer , ale , and wine that is sold in all ale-houses , and taverns in a kingdom or state , and likewise upon all the tobacco that is brought into a kingdom or state , and upon all kinds of laces , cards , and dice . now to conclude , and speak something how necessary it is for a kingdom , or state to train up their people to the use of arms. such kingdoms where the men are trained up in academies of vertuous actuality , do always keep their honours at an high price , affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage , both for designment and performance . i account a rich publick treasure providently provided before hand , and a people well trained in martial affairs , to be two of the only pillars ( next under god ) that will preserve a kingdom or state from ruine and danger . chap. xxx . that reading , and discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the art military , how great soever his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practice of arms hath gained . men have two ways to come by wisdom , either by their own harms , or other mens miscasualties : and wise men are wont to say ( not by chance , nor without reason ) that he who will see what shall be , let him consider what hath been : for all things in the world at all times have their very counterpane with the times of old . but here i would have a prudent souldier note , that it is a matter very dangerous to follow wholly the examples of another , if a man in general or in particular have not the same reason , the same wit , and the same fortune . for albeit humane actions seem to be so joyned and coupled together , that that which now is present and hath been , ought to be again : yet notwithstanding the accidents which are so different , and diverse , that no man whosoever he be ( except very prudent ) can always govern himself in matters present by the example of that which is past . i take the office of a chief commander to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdom that may be apprehended by natural means , being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds , as a fit instrument to execute a design of much consequence , and great expectation , and to qualifie both their apprehensions and affections according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions ; besides the true judgment which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end ; wherein our providence can not have enough either from learning or experience , to prevent disadvantages , or to take hold of opportunities . and therefore that souldier that is only trained up in the school of practice , and taught his rudiments under a few years experience , which serveth to interpret no other author but it self , nor can prove his maxims but by his own authority ; my opinion is , his meer practical knowledge cannot make him a perfect souldier , nor fit to be a general . experience joyned with reading and discourse , do feast the mind with much variety , and choice of matter , or entertain it with novelties incident to expeditions , and use of arms. and therefore it is not only experience , and practice which maketh a souldier worthy of his name ; but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions is best , and most speedily learned by reading history : for upon the variety of chances that you shall meet withal in history , you meditate on the effects of other mens adventures , that their harms may be your warnings , and their happy proceedings your fortunate directions in the art military . these examples which are taken from history , are but a plain kind of principles , on which the mind worketh to her best advantage , and useth reason with such dexterity , that of inequalities she concludeth an equality , and of dissimilitudes most sweet resemblances ; and so she worketh her own perfection by discourse , and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge , that her sufficiency needeth no further directions . it is most requisite likewise for a commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling , and to weigh the nature thereof , that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion . finis . the contents of the chapters . chap. i. some observations concerning a souldiers profession and his duty . page 1 chap. ii. some observations upon war , which is the profession of a souldier . 3 chap. iii. some observations of an offensive war , and conquering of countries . 4 chap. iv. some observations upon a defensive war. 8 chap. v. some observations for those that undertake a vvar. 11 chap. vi. some observations , and considerations to be observed , and thought on by a general , that taketh upon him the command of an army . 15 chap. vii . some observations , what is the fittest strength for armies to be of , and what proportion of horse and foot , dragooners , and pioners there ought to be in an army . and likewise shewing the proportion of pikemen , and musqueteers , according to the service that they shall be most imployed upon . 21 chap. viii . some observations concerning the arming of an army , and how each souldier ought to be armed . 23 an horsemans offensive arms. 24 an horsemans defensive arms. ibid. the furniture that belongeth to an horsemans horse . 25 the offensive arms of a musqueteer . ib. the defensive arms of a musqueteer is a good courage . 26 the offensive arms of a pikeman . ib. the defensive arms of a pikeman . 27 the offensive arms of a dragoon . ib. a dragoon horse and furniture . 28 chap. ix . a list of the chief officers that belong to an army , and what strength each regiment ought to have of horse , foot , and dragoons . 29 chap. x. some observations shewing how necessary it is to have souldiers well disciplined , and well exercised before they are brought to fight . 31 chap. xi . some observations concerning a train of artillery , and him that commandeth it . 32 chap. xii . some observations and preparations to be observed by a general in field-service : also concerning intelligences and spies . 35 chap. xiii . what strength divisions of horse ought to be from four thousand to ten thousand , when they are to march in an army , and when they are to fight a battel ; or if foot be to fight on the flanks of each division of horse , or when they come to be embattelled to fight on the flanks of an army . that small divisions both of horse and foot are much better than great divisions for service either in campagnia , or within enclosures ; because they are not so apt to fall into disorder , and are much more ready to be commanded upon all occasions . 42 chap. xiv . vvhat strength each division of horse ought to be from three thousand to ten thousand , to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel , if you will have no foot to fight amongst the horse . 60 chap. xv. by the following figures are declared what strength each division of foot ought to be to fight a battel , and encounter with foot : and the order that must be observed for doing the same ; and how they shall easily , and readily be in order to defend themselves against the charge of any horse . 66 chap. xvi . some observations concerning the marching of an army . 77 chap. xvii . some observations for the quartering of an army at night upon a march , and for the setting out of their guards to secure their quarters . 85 chap. xviii . some certain observations to be kept in the fighting of battels , and some directions for the imbattelling of an army . 92 chap. xix . some certain observations concerning the retreat of an army . 111 chap. xx. some observations concerning the stopping of an army upon passages either over rivers , or difficult and mountainous places . 113 chap. xxi . some certain observations touching the profitableness of intrenching , and some directions for the same . 115 chap. xxii . some certain observations about the taking of towns and strong places . 118 chap. xxiii . some directions for the removing of an army that is intrenched before a town . 128 chap. xxiv . some directions and observations to be observed and followed by a governour of a frontier town , for the furnishing of it with necessary provisions against a siege , and for the defence of it in a siege . 130 chap. xxv . some observations concerning fortifications . 141 chap. xxvi . some observations of mines . 142 chap. xxvii . some observations for the keeping of conquered countries . 143 chap. xxviii . some directions for the preventing of civil wars . 145 chap. xxix . some observations shewing how necessary it is for england , or any other state , or kingdom , providently to prepare a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for the defence of themselves , or offending their enemies . and how necessary it is to train up their people to martial affairs . 147 chap. xxx . that reading , and discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the art military , how great soever his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practice of arms hath gained . 149 finis . the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part 2 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43483 of text r18347 in the english short title catalog (wing h1654). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 219 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 78 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43483 wing h1654 estc r18347 12869195 ocm 12869195 94790 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94790) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 715:2) the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part 2 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43483 of text r18347 in the english short title catalog (wing h1654). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [16], p. 13-32, 21-24, 37-56 p., 20 leaves of plates (18 folded) : ill., plans. by antony of heusden, printed at delf in holeand : 1642. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng maurice, -prince of orange, 1567-1625. frederick henry, -prince of orange, 1584-1647. united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. military art and science -early works to 1800. netherlands -history, military. a43483 r18347 (wing h1654). civilwar no the second part of the principles of the art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces. consisting of the severall formes of hexham, henry 1642 43101 41 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the principles of the art military , practised in the warres of the united provinces . consisting of the severall formes of battels , represented by the illustrious mavrice prince of orange of famous memorie . and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange , that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the stales generall of the vnited provinces . together with the order and forme of quartering , encamping , and approching , in a warre offensive and defensive . the second edition newly corrected and amended by captaine henry hexham , quartermaster to the regiment of the honourable colonell gorino . printed at delf in holland , by antony of heusden , anno 1642. cum privilegio . to the trvely honorable , and his noble lord , george goring , baron of hosperpoint , vice-chamberlaine to his sacred maiestie , and one of his majsties . most honorable privie councill . my lord , according to my promisse and weake ability i had composed and finished this second part of the principles of the art militarie , for so much as consernes the duties of the officers of feild , belonging to an armie , and the diverse orders , and formes of embattailling of horse and foote represented in the feild at severall times , and in sundry places by the two famous generals of our age , maurice prince of orang of happie memorie , and frederick henry his highnesse the prince of orang that now is our victorious generall , together with the order of quartering , encamping and approching in a warre offensiue and defensive : this i vndertook with a great deale of labour and charge , and gathered it out of diverse good authours , for the instruction and informing the iudgments of such , as are lovers of this noble art militarie , & having heretofore bin dedicated to my honorable colonell your sonne , having tasted of your lo : bountie both for my atlas majours , and some other of my militarie bookes more then of any noblemans in england to shew & acknowledg a gratefull minde , therefore this second edition comes in most humble wise , to craue your lo : gratious patronage , as one to whome i acknowledg my self much bound vnto , and so praying to the almighty for your health & encrease of honor . i rest your lo : servant ever to commaund henry hexham . an index , of the contents of this second part , & how the boockbinder is to place the cards . of the provost marshall of an armie , pag. 1. of the marshall of a regiment , a quartermaster generall , & a quartermaster of a particular regiment , pag. 2. of a trench-master , an inginier & a clark of the victuals pag. 3. of a carriage-master , and a muster-master pag. 4. of the sarjant maiour to a regiment pag. 5. of a lieutenant colonell , and a colonel pag. 6. of the sariant maiour generall of an army pag. 7. of a sariant maiour of a brigade ▪ or a great corporall of the feild pag. 8. of the generall or master of the ordnance , & of the clark of the munition and matterialls pag. 9. of the lord marshall of the feild pag. 10. of the office and charge of the lord generall of an army pag. 11.12.13 in what order an army ought to march over a campagny , narrow passages , woods , and rivers pag. 14.15.16 . of the quartermaster generall , of a commissary generall , & of a lieutenant generall of the horse pag. 17. of the charge and office of the generall of the horse pag. 18 of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battaillon of foote or horse pag. 19 of the forme of an armie of 24. thousand foote & six thousand horse ranged in battell ray as the figure demonstrates pag. 20. next followes the seuerall formes of battels of horse and foote , which have bin showne in the low countries since anno 1600. till this last yeare 1642. and are all to be placed alphabettically from a. to x. one after another betweene pages 20. & 21. of the order and forme of encamping of an army pag. 21.22.23.24 . of the quartering of a devision or regiment of foote according to the order of his highnesse the prince of orange pag. 25. note that betweene the pages 26. & 27. the figure of a regiment of foote is to be bound pag. 26.27 . betweene pages 28. & 29. is to be bound in the figure of a regiment of horse 28.29 . betweene pag. 32. & 43. which is false figured , the figure & forme of a campe quartered , that is betweene letter h. & i. pag. 32.33 . of all manner of approches and their profiles pages 33.34.35.36.37.38 . note that this sheete i. should have bin figured 33.34.35 . & 36. note that betweene pages 38. & 39. the figure of approches is to be bound of counter-approches pag. 40. of all sorts of bridges pag. 41.42 of galleries and their appurtenances pag , 43. note that betweene pages 44. & 45. is to be bound the figure of a gallerie . 44.45 . of mines and counter-mines pag. 46.47.48.49 . & 50. of all sorts of palisadoes , barrocadoes , quadrant footnailes & beares pag. 51. of turne pikes pag. 52.53 . of retrenchings of inward cuttings of pag. 54.55 . & 56. hoe de boeck-binder sal de caerten van dit tweede deel binden . 1. tusschen fol : 20 en̄ 21 alle de caerten van slachorders , van letter a. to x. anno 1642. 2. tusschen fol : 26. ende 27. de quartier van een regiment te voet . 3. tusschen fol : 28. en 29. de quartier van een regiment te paert . 4. tusschen fol : 32. en 33. de quartier van een heel legher . 5. tusschen fol : 38. en 39. de caert van approches . 6. tusschen fol : 44. en 45. de caert van een gallerye ende mynen . 7. tusschen fol : 54. en 55. de caert van retrenchementen ende af-snijdinge . the severall dvties of the officers of the feild belonging to an armie . and first of the provost marshall of an army . because in the nature of his office he is to execute all directions and commandements , that he shall receive from the lord generall , or marshall , he shall be injoyned to give his attendance upon the lord marshall . jt is then his office to publish all proclamations , orders and decrees of the generals , and all things else that are to be notifyed to the troupes , as the lord marshall shall command him : he shall see them published in the generals quarter , and before the head of every regiment , being attended upon , by the provosts of every regiment . he shall have the keeping of the prisoners in the army , that is to say , by himself and his men , he shall keep the chiefe prisoners which are to be brought to justice , and shall direct the provosts of everie regiment , how the prisoners in their charge shall be kept . he shall have thus far forth command over all particular provosts of the armie , and they shall give an account to him of all their prisonners , of the quality of their offences and of the informations against them , yea , as often as he shall direct and give up a note aswell of his owne prisoners , as of the rest , once every weeke to the lord marshall . he shall attend every court day at the generals , or the lord marshals , if it be held there , and shall bring his prisoners that are called thither , safely to the court , with such informations and witnesses as are to be brought in against them , and shall after they have bin heard , and proceeded withall , bring them back in safety , and so keep them till he hath attended and known the further will of the generall , or in his absence , of the lord marshall : also he shall be bound to have his executioner , a place of execution , and all things belonging unto it , whensoever , or wheresoever he shall be commanded by the generall or lord marshal , and he shal see the said executions so commanded , to be duly performed . the provost marshall shall have thus far commandement over the victuallers of the army , that he shall assigne them their quarter in every regiment , and shall appoint what victuallers are to attend every regiment . also he shall give order to the particular provosts of every regiment , that they see no victuals sold but at convenient houres , and that the prices of victuals and beere be reasonable , and every kan of beer , sold at that price as he hath marked upon the barrell-head , and as it is appointed him . it is further incident to his office , to have account brought unto him of all prises of cattle , and other victuals that comes into the army , and that the preyes , assoone as they are brought into the quarter , shall be shewed to him , and by him to the generall , or the commissary generall of the victuals , because it may be known whether those preyes be lawfull , and how they ought to be devided . he shall by the particular provosts of every regiment and his men , cause all entrailes of beasts that are killed in or near the quarter , and all other garbidge and filth to be buried without the campe , and to see in all things else , that the quarters be kept sweet from noisome smells , and the places adioyning clean , and that the places for easement be prickt out at such a convenient distance , as he shall in discretion set down , and that he himself , as often as he can conveniently , shall visit the whole quarters , and to that end , he shall cause the provosts of every regiment , and his owne men , to visit the severall parts of the quarters every day . he shall have all his fees , aswell in preyes that are taken , as for the oversight of the victuals and beer , and of all things else , which do properly belong to the provost marshall of an army . of the marshall of a regiment . the masshall of a regiment is to receive and keepe safely all such prisonners , as are committed to his charge by the chiefes , captaines , and officers of the regiment , and if they be called to iustice , shall bring his prisoners to the marshall generall , to be carryed from thence to the councell of warre . jt is also the duty of the marshall of a regiment , to take speciall care that all women , lacqueis , servants , bread , and aqua vita sellers belonging to the regiment , shall march after their owne regiment , and not before , or upon the flancks thereof . it is his office likewise to set such prizes upon beree and victuals , as the lord marshall or the serjant majour generall shall appoint him , which order he shall receive from the provost marshall of the army , and that he sees it be duely executed within the circuit of the regiment , and that the sutlars do not sell their beere and victuals above the set rate , least they should grate upon the souldiers : after the captain of the watch hath gone the first round , he is to see that the sutlars keeps no tipling or drinking , to commit any disorder in the night , but make them put out their candle light and fires : during the time of divine service he is to go the round , and see that there be no tipling or disorders committed in the quarters . the office of a quartermaster generall . first he is to be at all removes , and before the taking up of any quarter , is to attend the generall , or the marshall of the field , to receive his directions , where , and in what place the army is to be quartered , and how the avantguard , the battle , and the reere , shall be distinguished . having received then his directions , and the army drawing neare to the place assigned , he and the quartermasters of every regiment , rides before with a guard of horse and some firelocks , to view and make choise of the ground , where the army is to be quartered , and there ordaines a quarter for the generall , the chiefe officers of the field , and their trains , together with the regiments of every tercia or brigade , and gives out the ground , and houses to the quartermaster of each brigade , and they to the quartermasters of the particular regiments , who drawes out the quarters in that order and forme , as the lord generall hath prescribed , and as the figure thereof following shall demonstrate . jt is also his office to direct the quartermaster of every regiment , that in laying out their quarters , they observe that forme which the generall hath commanded , that is proportion for proportion , and to see that all places of armes , streets , sallies , and all things else , be answerable , and sees that every quarter be made according to that modell . the office of the quartermaster of a regiment . the quartermaster of a regiment in all charges is to attend the quartermaster generall to receive his directions , and takes the place , ground , and houses appointed by him for the quarter and lodging of his regiment , and then drawes out his quarter , for the companies his colonels , and the officers of the field , and for every captaine of his regiment , according to the order of their march and their seignorities in the regiment , distributing and giving to a sariant of every company of the regiment , who are to assist and attend him , the depth , length and breadth , of the quarter with the distances of the alarme place betweene the head of the quarter and the trench , and the true distance betweene devision and division of the regiments , as also when the regiment is to be quartered in villages , and houses , he is also to observe that forme and directions which the quartermaster generall shall give him . the office of a trench-master . because as quarter-master he shall know the ground that is laid out : so he is to exercise the office of the trench-master in the outworkes of the quarter , as he doth of quartermaster within , these two offices having affinity the one with the other , and therefore he must set out distance between the quarter and the trench , or rampier , with the breadth and depth of the ditch , and the height of the trench , be the quarter altogether entrenched or in part , as he shall receive his direction , either from the generall , or the marshall , as also the proportion of all outworks , as flankes , mounts , batteries , and other works that shall be appointed . as it is shown what is the duty of a trench-master in encamping : so in marching he is to give direction for the making of waies or explanadoes for the passing of the troupes , and marching of the ordnance and carriages , according as he shall receive his order , from the generall or marshall , provided that in making wayes for the artillery , he take the quartermaster along with him , assigned by the generall of the ordnance for that purpose and that the carriage master or conductor of the artillery and carriages , go also with him . in all approches he is to take charge of the trenches , and other works made in them , and after he hath received direction from the generall or marshal , he shall give directions to all those that work , and see that the works be made in such sort as they are appointed : in which service both pyonniers , workemen , and commanded men shall obey him . of an inginier . an jnginier ought to be a man very skilfull and experienced in arithmetick , geometry and the mathematicks , and before he begins to breake ground , or runs his lines of approches , he ought to consider well the scituation of the place , and to have regard to the propriety and nature of the place , whither it be high ground , low , plain or hillie . by day he viewes well the ground , that he may the better run his approches by night , in setting out his sticks and markes , that he may place his men , to get speedily into the ground with the more safety , and as he advances to make the corpses of guard , and the batteries upon the most advantagious places , for if he should mistake his ground , and not runne his line and approach well by turning and winding it , and carrying it from the bulwarks , flanks and outworkes of a towne or fort , he may endanger the lives of many men , and therefore it behooves him to be very circumspect and carefull , but of this we will speak more at large , when we come to handle approaches . the office of the commissary generall of the victuals . he is to take charge of all the victuals prepared for the army , aswell by water as by land , and to see either by himself or his ministers the proportion of victuals to be duely distributed to the souldiers , and marriners , as the generall or the admirall shall direct him . all pursers , stewards , and all other , that shall in any ship have charge , and the oversight of the victuals ( as also all under commissers and conductors of victuals by land ) shall upon the discovery of the extraordinary wasting , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , presently give notice thereof to the generall , or to the commissary generall of the victuals , that he may presently take order about them . wheresoever the army shall land , march , or lodge , all the victuals found in such places , shall be seized upon by him , and a proportion set out by him for the present use of the troupes , there quartered , and the rest reserved as part of the generall store and magazine of victuals , and to that end , he himselfe shall go , or send an under officer , or the clarke to attend the lord marshall , or quarter master generall , when he goes to view and appoint him his quarter . he shall keep a list of all the bakers , millers , and butchers in the army , and of all others that are used about the provisions of victuals , that he may set them on work , as the occasion , and the service may require . all ovens , and instruments of mils , for grinding , baking , or for preparing , bestowing , carrying , or for the preserving of victuals and provisions , shall be under his charge , and he shall have authority to use and dispose of them for the publick service . jf any prizes of victuals shall be taken at sea or by land , the commissarie generall of the victuals shall take a note and inventary thereof , and appoint some officer of his to take charge over them . jf any preyes be taken by land , he shall likewise keep an inventary of them , and view them himself , and shall make the devision , as the generall shall direct him , or in his absence ; the marshall of the feild . he shall give out no victuals but by speciall order and warrant from the generall , and from time to time , he shall give up unto him a perfect account of the wast , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , either in the armie by sea , or by land . the cariage master his office . he is with asmuch authority to order and marshall all the carriages of the army , as the serjeant majour generall is to marshall the troupes . he shall see the carriages of the munition first placed in the best and safest places , next the carriages and traine of the generall , and the chiefe officers of the field , the next by turnes : but because the incumbrances of carriages may often times disorder the whole troupes , he shall receive his directions from the seriant majour generall of the armie , where his charge shall march , though the particular disposing and ordering of the carriages be left to himself . he shall have three severall men , or officers under him called conductors , to attend upon the severall devisions of the carriages , as sometimes upon the baggage of the avantguard , the battle , and the reere : sometimes upon the carriages of the munition and ordnance ; the generals and chiefe officers carriages , so that in the order of the march , they shall be devided into three bodies , and he shall have some smiths , carpenters , and wheel-wrights attending upon every severall division : his best order in marshalling the carriages , will be to observe the same order , as the sariant maiour doth in marshalling the regiments which by the provost marshall of every regiment , he may give notice to all those that goe along with the carriages . his direction being given , he shall oversee the whole order of march for all the carriages , and shall cause the provosts of the severall regiments to keep the same order . the muster masters office . he having received his orders , he shall make a generall muster of the whole army before it be embarqued , or marches , and keep a perfect list of the number of armes , whereof he shall deliver a true list to the generall , that he may know the strength of the army . he is to make reviewes , as often as the generall , or in his absence , the marshall of the feild shall appoint him , and alter his list , as he sees it alter in strength , and to keep notes of the alteration , betwixt every muster , and of the diminishing of the strength of the troupes , that is to say , when men are slain upon service , and what are dead of sicknesse , and what men are run away , or diseharged by pasport . he shall be obeyed and respected in the execution of his office , no colonell or captain shall refuse to shew him their men , whensoever he shall require them , either from the state or the generall . of the three chiefe officers of a regiment , and first of the seriant majour . the sariant maiour of a regiment ought to be a valliant man , an old souldier , and one that is well experienced in the way of his profession : upon all occasions his place gives him accesse to the generall , to the marshall of the field , and to the sariant majour generall of the army , to know , how and in what manner his colonels regiment is to march , whether in one body alone , or else in two devisions ioyned with others . whereupon he gives order how the regiment is to be marshalled and ordered , in what forme the companies are to draw , and when upon any service they are disbanded , how to really them again , as is required . he receives his orders and commands either immediately from the generall , as is said , or from the marshall , or sarjant maiour generall , whether the regiment be to march in the avantguard , battle or reere , he ought to have some knowledge how the countrie lies , through which the army is to march , whether over a spacious campaignie in battail , or through narrow passages , woods , over rivers , or the like , by drawing out of files , as the ground and passage will afford , as also what order and forme the regiment is to keepe , if they should be charged with horse , have ordnance playing upon them , or being troubled with baggage . jn the presence of his colonel and lieutenant colonel , he is to be an assistant to them in seeing all orders and directions executed and performed , and in the absence of them both , to have the same authority and command , as the colonell or lievetenant colonell shall have . in marching or embattailing he shall keepe as neere the middest of the regiment as he can , either in the front , the reere , or upon either flank , so as he may best overlook and observe the order of their march or embattailling . the regiment being drawn up in devisions , he gives to every captain and officer his place , according to his seignority , and withall commands the drum-majour and the other drumms to beat a march , and to move all at an instant , and sees that the souldiers keeps well their rankes and files , and none to disbandie themselves , or straggle . he is to come every morning and evening to the sarjant maiour generall of the army or to the sarjant majour of that brigade or tercia , to receive the word and orders from him , if there be no extraordinary cause to hinder him , and when he hath received the word from the serjant majour generall , or from the serjant maiour of the tercia , his colonell and lieutenant colonell being present in the quarter , he gives them first the word and the orders , and afterward delivers it over to the sariant of every company of the regiment , drawn in a ring , according to the seignority of their captaines , which are to come and attend upon him for the same . as he doth receive directions for marching , embattailling , viewing of ground , and placing of guards , from the sariant maiour generall , or the sariant maiour of that brigade : so he is to deliver them over to the captaines , and officers of that regiment , and to call upon them to whom it appertaines , to see them duely executed . every night he is to visite all the guardes of that regiment , and to keep duely the turnes of their watches , and marches , ( that one captaine or company may not do more duty then an other ) as also in sending out troupes upon service , to the end that both the honor and the labour may be equally devided . it is also his duty to speak for ammunition , as powder , bullets , and match , and for victuals for the regiment if there should be any want , and to see them equally distributed to the companies , according to the proportion given out , and finally to give order and proportion for the number of workemen , or commanded men of the regiment which are to go to worke . of a lieutenant colonell . the next place above a sariant maiour is a lieutenant colonell , which is an honorable charge , when his colonell is present he is to obey him , in seeing all the commands and directions that are delivered by any publick officer , or such as shall be within the authority of a colonell himself , to be duely executed in the absence of his colonell , having as absolute command and authority over the regiment as the colonell hath himselfe , in marching or embattailling if the regiment consists but of one devision , whensoever the colonell is in the head of his regiment , his place is to bring up the reere of the regiment , but if it consists of two devisions , then the colonell leads the first , and the lieutenant colonell the second , but when his colonell shall be in the reere marching from an enemy , his place is then to be in the head of the regiment . jf the regiment consists of two battaillons his devision is to quarter and lodge on the left hand of his colonels , and himself in the reere of his owne companie . of a colonell . the colonell of a regiment hath a very honorable command , and is called in spanish maestro del campo , that is , one of the masters of the feild , and therefore ought to be a man of authority and respect , having absolute command and authority over the captaines and officers of his regiment , and all such are to respect and obey his commands , as fully as they would do the chiefest commanders , and ought to love and honour him , which his valour , wisedome and discretion will acquire him . also he is to see , that all orders , commands and directions , which are delivered him by the publick officers of the army , for guards , marches , quartering , or any thing else , as for matter of iustice , for ordering of the troupes , and furtherance of the service , be duely executed and performed within his owne troupes : further , if he himselfe do find any mutinie , or any discontented humors tending to mutinie , extreme outrage or disorder , or shall be by any of his captaines , officers or souldiers informed of any such thing , he shall forthwith advertise the lord generall or marshall of the feild : and if he find any other fault , negligence , or swarving from the directions or policy of the army set down , he shall straightway acquaint them by whom such direction came , or was to come unto him , or some other superior officer , and shall produce the party so offending with the witnesses and proofes , that order may be given forthwith , and iustice done : and if he faile to give this information of any thing he knows or heares of , he shall be thought deeply faulty , and if any such things passe without his knowledge , he shall be thought of worse government then befits a man of his place and charge . vpon marches the colonell shall be at the end of his troupes , that is , next to the enemy in the head of his regiment going towards an enemy , and in the reere comming off , and is not to go from thence , except it be for the ordering of his troups , or for some extraordinary occasion , as to attend the generall , or the chiefe officers of the field . he is also to see and command the officers of his regiment , that their men be well armed and duely exercised . a colonell being one of the chiefe officers of the feild , ought to be called to take councell and advice with the generall , especially when any peece of service is to be done , or in the day of battell , which concernes his charge , where he may freely speake his opinion , and give his advice touching matters of weight and importance , and though his opinion may be good , yet if the most voices be of the contrary opinion , and that things in the execution thereof fall out ill and contrary to his owne opinion , he ought neverthelesse to give way and yeeld to the plurality of voices , and wholy obeying his generall be readye to execute all his commands , giving thereby to understand that the contrary opinion held by him in the councell of warre , was neither for want of courage nor affection . a colonell also ought to give all respect , love , and obedience to the generall of the army , the lord marshall , and the sariant maiour generall of the field , as having charge from the generall to give out orders , as also to quarter and appoint alarme places , the place of battle , for marching , choosing of guards , and sending out of convoies . moreover the colonell once every weeke , may call together all his captaines to enquire of all offences hapned in his regiment , and examine duely the nature and quality of such offences , and to prepare the cause for a more short and easie heareing in a marshall court , for all colonels are to repair to a court of warre as often as they shall be warned , as an assistant to the lord marshall , and the president of the councill of warre , for all causes that shall be questioned there , belonging to the iustice of the army . finally in quartering , or lodging , if his regiment consists of two devisions , his quarter is in the devision , that is betweene his two battaillons assigned for his regiment , because he may give best and speedy directions to the whole , this shall be showne more particularly , when we come to draw out the quarter for a colonell and his regiment . of the sarjant majour generall of an armie . the office of a sariant maiour generall of an army is a place and charge of a high degree , whose command is full of action , and therefore he ought to be an able , a wise , a grave and able person experienced in the way of his profession . he is to come to the lord generall or lord marshall for his orders and directions for all watches and guards that are to be placed , and upon the charge of a quarter or a remove he is to march with the lord generall or marshall in the avantguard ( after he hath seen the troupes setled in the order of their march ) and to view well the places appointed him by the generall or marshall for the placing of the guards , upon the very first arrivall of the troupes . having received the word , and his orders from the generall , or the marshall , he gives them to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , called also the three corporals of the feild , and they give both the word and orders to the sariant maiours of every particular regiment . he himselfe in the beginning of the night , after the warning peece is gone off , and that all guards are setled , he is to visit them , and gives order to the three sariant maiours or grand corporals of the field , which attend upon the avantguard , the battell , and the reere , at what time they ( or some chiefe officer of the feild ) shall go the grand round , and if he or they finde any thing amisse , or any thing extraordinary discovered , either when he goeth himselfe , or one of the three sariant maiours of the brigades , or any other chiefe office , they are to give him an account of what they find amisse , and he is to advertize the lord generall or marshall therewith . in a day of battell or any kind of skirmish or fight , he is to receive his directions from the lord generall or marshall , and to see them duely executed . also in a day of battell he hath the ordering and disposing of the devisions and battaillons , according to that forme which the generall shall command him , and upon all occasions must be active and stirring up and downe , to spye out all advantages , which might offend an enemy , and wisely to foresee all disadvantages which might bring the troupes into any disorder or confusion . moreover he is to be the chiefe officer with the quartermaster generall which is to be at the randevous for the disposing of the troupes of horse and foote , as also by giving out orders for the providing them with ammunition and victuals . and being arrived first at the randevous , he is to give the lord generall and the marshall of the feild to understand the state of the army , that the lord generall thereupon may give him command and direction , how & in what manner the army is to be ordered , and afterward gives order to the sarjant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sarjant maiours of every regiment for the providing of ammunition victuals and all things necessary for the ordering of the mareh . hee ought to be well acquainted with those passages and wayes throw which the army is to march , and doth commonly march himselfe in the head of the avantgard , having some light horse and fire-locks to attend him , and to send out some troupes to discover the wayes and passages for the discovery and preventing of ambushments , having the captaine of the pyoniers and his men to waite upon him , and the quartermaster generall , for the making and explaining of wayes for the army , that they may not be surprized on a sudden , and drawing neere unto the place of quartering or encamping , he and the quartermaster generall riding afore , do view and choose out such ground and villages as may bee most commodious for the lodging and quartering of the army . to conclude , he is to have absolute command over the three sariant maiours of the brigades , otherwise called the three grand corporalls of the field , who are to be his assistants and his mouth , as he is the mouth of the lord generall , or the marshall , and therefore hath a vigelant eye over all things , and sees that the generalls commands delivered to him be strictly kept and observed . the office of the three sarjant majours of the tercias otherwise called the three corporals of the field . the states army by order from his highnesse the prince of orange is commonly devided vpon a march into three brigades or tercias . in french he is called le mareschal , or le sarjant majour de battaille , and in english one of the great corporalls of the field . a sariant maiour then of a tercia doth receive his order immediately from the lord generall himselfe , or the lord marshall , but most commonly from the sarjant majour generall aboue mentioned , to wit , in what forme the brigade or tercia is to be ordered , and how many regiments of foot and horse are to march under it , and with what ordnance and baggage . he assignes and shewes them the place , where they are to draw out in battallie , and receives order from the sarjant majour generall whether they are to march in the avantgard , the battell , or the reere , so that in marching every one of these three shall attend upon his brigade , and severall devisions , and in the absence of the sariant maiour generall see that the order of marching and embattalliing be duely kept and observed . and every one of these three sariants maiours de brigade are to be at the command of the colonoll generall or he that leads and commands that brigade or tercia , and is to be sent to the lord generall the lord marshall or sariant maiour generall upon any ocasion which belongs to the present service . these three sariant maiours of the tercias are to be lodged as neere the sariant maiour generall as conveniently may be . and these three which attends upon the avantguard the battell and the reere with the sariant maiour shal make choise of ground for the placeing of guards , and assigne them to the sariant maiours of every regiment , they are to goe the round and to visit the guard commonly every night , and at such an houre as the sariant maiour shall appoint them either by day or night . jf any of these three sariant maiours of the field shall find any want of powder munition or victualls , either in the avantgard , battle , or reere , aswell upon a march , as when the troupes are quartered or during a fight . he is presently to advertize the sariant maiour generall with the said wants , and then by his direction shall goe with an officer of every regiment of that tercia to the generall or lieutenant of the ordnance , or to the commissary generall of the amunition or victuals . to conclude , he having received his orders from the lord generall the marshall or the sariant maiour generall gives them to the sariant maiours of the particular regiments but because the word and the orders are to be sent to quarters farr distant one from another , the sariant maiour of every regiment cannot come conveniently to the sariant maiour generall . therefore the sariant maiour of the brigades are to attend every morning and evening upon the sariant maiour generall , of the army to receive their orders and to carry the word to the severall quarters , whether the sariant maiour of the regiments comes to him , and from him receiue the word and orders . of the generall , or master of the ordnance . he hath the charge of all the artillery , armes , munition , ingiens , materials , and jnstruments of work , yea of all things belonging to the ordnance , as beddings , platformes , carriages , and whatsoever else appertaines to the office of the master of the ordnance . vnder the lord generall he hath absolute command over all officers appertaining to that traine , as the lieutenant of the ordnance , the controuler , the clark , the gentlmen of the ordnance , the master-gunners , armorers , munitions , ingeniers , captaines of pyoniers , and mineurs , over all smiths , carpenters , and wheelewrights , as also over all artificers , and attendants upon the traine of the artillerie , munitions and matterials . the general of the ordnance ( after the places for batteries are chosen and assigned him by the generall of the armie ) he is to obserue , command and direct the makeing of bedds and platformes for the ordnance , he is also to give direction for the makeing of waies and explanadoes , for the bringing up of the ordnance to their batteries and to see that the batteries be made cannon-proofe , and the port-holes so that the ordnance may most annoy an enemy . and after he is once commanded by the generall to begin a battery , he is to give order to his inferiour officers to play and beat with the ordnance upon such and such places till the lord generall , giueth direction to the contrary , and as occasion and ground is gained to advance and remove the ordnance to neerer places . also in a day of battell or fight he is to choose the most advantagious places for the planting of ordnance where they may gaule or offend an enemy most , and to have a vigilent eye , that all things be done in good order . all the artillery and carriages belonging to the traine of his office upon a march o● quarter to be in the safest place of the army , and therefore are to take place before all other carriages unlesse some of the ordnance be drawne to march in the avantguard , battell , or reere , or to some other places : where the necessity of the service may require . he is to make lawes and orders for the well governing of the officers of his traine and all officers appertaning to his charge , with which he is to make the generall acquainted , that he from time to time may know the state of the ordnance , and of all things else belonging thereunto , and to take care that the service of the land be not defrauded . of the commis or clark of the munition and materials . the clarke of the munition , and materials , marches under the traine of the generall of the ordnance , he by order from the generall or sariant maiour generall is to give out all munition , as powder match , and bullets , to the regiments , and captaines according to the list or proportion commanded him by the generall , and as he receives his bullet from the sariant maiour generall , which orders being given out the sariants of every company repaires to his quarter and lodging to receive it , and to give him an acquittance under their hands for the receit thereof . likewise he is to take an account what powder , bullets , and match is shott away and spent in the approaches and trenches , and the colonell which commands there gives him a note how much was spent the night and day during his command there , because he is to give up an account to the states and general how many barrills of powder , bullets , and match was spent in the said approches . more over , for entrenching outworks and approches he is to deliver to the quartermaster of every regiment so many materials , to wit , spades , showels , axes , pickaxhes , hatchits , and bills , as there are workemen commanded out of every regiment and company which are to goe to work , which materials the quartermaster of every regiment is to passe his hand for , and to distribute them to the severall companies , and when the work is ended to deliver them up to him againe or to give him a reconing how many were broken or lost upon service that the commis may render an account to the states . of the lord marshall of the feild . the lord marshall of the feild is in command and authority next unto the lord generall , as is ( as it were ) his lievtenant and mouth , and therefore haveing so eminent a place , he ought to be acquainted with all the duties of the officers of the feild : especially with the generalls office it selfe , because there is such an affinity betwixt them , as having absolute power to command the army in the generalls absence , and may oftimes be employed to command the army himselfe , as commonly the marshals of france doe . his office is also to see that iustice be duely administred , and that the lawes , articles , and ordinances of marshall discipline be strictly kept and observed , that all banishments , and proclamations , comming either from the generall , or the councell of warre , be published , and excecuted , and by his authority , to cause malefactours , and offenders , to be punished for an example of others . and seeing that all he doth is for the generell good of the whole army , he ought to be feared , honoured , and respected of all men , and in no wise contradicted , seeing it is his proper charge to take care that the policie and discipline of the army established by the generall , bee exactly kept and maintained under his authority . all quarrels and duels hapning between officer and officer , souldier , and souldier either of horse or of foote , ought to be brought before him , seeing it is his office to right the wronged , and to punish the offender , or by his wisedome and authority to appease and compose them . the lord marshall also when the avantguard is drawn out , and are ranged in battallie while the battell and the reere are dislodging , he sees and commands that both horse and foot march orderly and in their owne place . and with some choise troupes marcheth before the avantguard , and considers the waies and passages , as valleys , rivers , marras , boggs , mountaines , hills , hedges , woods , hollow and narrow waies , throw which the army is to passe , that he may order the march accordingly as also to send out scouts , guides , spies , to discover and get inteligence from an enemy . he marches also in the head of the armie , sometimes with the sariant maiour generall , the quartermaster generall , and the quartermaster of the regiments , as men experienced to view and make choice of the ground wherein the army is to bee lodged and quartered . he obserues also the order of marching , quartering , and fighting , the three chiefe things belonging to an army , and sees and commands that the march , quartering , and fight , bee conformable to that order , which the generall hath prescribed , and the devisions , and troupes being ranged in battallie , he is full of action , and considers the place and soyle of the ground , the advantages of the sunn , winde , and dust , and how the troupes with the most advantage may be brought to encounter an enemy , takeing care that the order commanded by the generall be not changed , and when the troups are engaged in fight , he sees that they be duely seconded , and relieved , and being overlaid or charged , to cause them to retreat orderly for the avoiding of disorder and confusion , having a watchfull eye upon all casualities which may happen , for what the lord generall ordaines , the lord marshall sees performed and executed , to the end , that both their desires may take one and the same effect . for when commanders undertakes a warre , and fights with councell and iudgment , and sees all things also executed with wisedome , discretion , and valour , giving the succes to god , no man can then be blamed . the lord marshall also ought to be acquainted with the generals designe , and whether he is resolved to fight with an enemie or no . to consider whether he is to charg an enemy in the front , in the reere , or on the flankes , to hinder them from quartering , and to send out convoyes for the cutting off , of his victuals and provisions . he ought to consider likewise how an enemy lies encamped , which way he can come to attempt him , whether he is to march , and whither his dessigne tends , what order he keeps , with what troupes he may hinder or annoy an enemy , or being once ingaged in fight , where and how he may best second and relieve his owne men , either with horse or foot , to place and bring up the devisions of muskettiers , where they may most offend and gaule an enemy , and the bodies of pikes may with the most advantage be brought to give a charge , or a shock . also to understand and get intelligence of what force and strength an enemy is , what baggage , carriages , and incumbrances he hath , and from whence his victuals and provisions are to come , to know whether any more forces are to ioyne with him , and how and in what manner he may break their conjunction . he is also to have in a readinesse , an exact mapp of that country through which the army is to march , and a description of all the waies , rivers and passages , through which the army is to passe , having also by him good guides , which are well acquainted with the severall passages of that country and place . the lord marshall likewise , with the sariant maiour generall , ordaines and appoints all places for watches and guards , either of horse or foote , which they assigne to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sariant maiours of the regiments , and the places which they are to maintain and make good , also for alarme-places , and the choice of ground to fight a battell in , for the most safety and defence of the army . in the day of battell he must be stirring and full of action to give orders and directions where need most requires ▪ and to 〈◊〉 both officers and souldiers to acquit themselves like men . vpon a march or the army being encamped , he ought to counsell tradesmen and victuallers , which bring provisions to the army , and gives command that they be not wrongd and abused by the souldiers , but that they may sell their commodities peaceably : likewise he gives order by his authority to the provost marshall generall , and to the particular marshalls of every regiment , that they set reasonable rates and prizes upon victuals and beere for the good of the poore souldier . there are divers other points appertaining to the office of the lord marshal of the field which for brevities sake i omit . the office and charge of the lord generall of an army . a generall hath absolute command over the whole armie , and is to know and understand well the severall duties and charges of every inferiour officer under his command , and ought to be a personage of great experience , wisedome and discretion , and capable to discerne and choose the best of different opinions , which may often fall out in the councils of warre . he ought also to be a personage descended of some noble house and family , which will give a lustre unto his command , and a man of undaunted courage and authority , severe and austere in his commaund , and to be greatly feared , honoured , and respected , a man full of resolution and magnanimity in the day of battell , and constant and resolute in desperate cases , happy in his dessignes and enterprises , but above all religious , fearing and invocating god to be propitious and favourable unto him , to blesse his designes , and to pray unto the lord of hoasts to give him knowledge , understanding and policy to govern his armie well , and that he may keepe it in good order , and under good discipline , whereby it may become not onely capable of vanquishing , but also victorious , which depends alone upon the almighty power of the lord of hoasts , and that neither good nor badd successe should make him change or alter his countenance , but upon the hottest services to give out his orders and directions with temperance and moderation , without impatience , choller , cruelty or emulation against those that are under his command , especially those who have gained honour , and deserved well , which he ought rather to advance and reward , which will make him to be honoured , loved , and respected of all men . a generall also ought to be qualified with these excellent vertues , as wisedome , valour experience , providence , constancy , authority , and liberality , and should well ponder and consider the occasion which might move him or engage him into a fight , or to give battell to an enemy , he ought to be sparing and a good manager of the lives of his men , and not rashly and unadvisedly to hazard his troupes , for he may aswell vanquish by policie , in putting on the lyons skinne , and foreseeing all advantages and disadvantages , as by surprising an enemy unawares , as by laying hold upon an advantage , when their troupes are in disorder , when they are dispersed , when they are dishartened , harryed and wearied out , when they are pinched with hunger , thirst and cold , and such like casualityes which may befall them . also by seeking to divert , amuze and devide their armie , while he keepes his owne in peace , concord , and unity , which is one of the chiefest points of warre . to gaine time and advantagious places , to prevent and hinder an enemy from possessing them , and to seeke by all meanes to breake an enemies dessigne , and with all expedition to put his own into execution , and to premeditate and to overweigh with a thousand things , which depends upon the warre , having a vigilant eye upon all occasions , for the art military hath many difficulties attending upon it , and one is not able to expresse the many hazards , straights and plunges which befals this profession . he ought not lightly to hazard his men either in skirmishes , or in a battell , unlesse he be forced to it , and that upon very good grounds and advantages : for having flesht his men in small occasions , it hartens and embouldens his men , and gives them the more incouragement , and assurance of good successe , for they perceiving the valliant , wise , and able carriage and conduct of their leaders and commanders , especially of their generall , this makes them fight bravely , and gives them hope of victory . a generall also ought to take the grave councell and advice of his chiefes and commanders , and ( as is said to make choice of the best , and yet not to make known his owne resolution , for many a brave attempt and enterprise hath been broken for want of secrecy , and if he should reveale it to some intimate friend : yet to do it as sparingly and reservedly as he can , by which meanes he shall gaine knowledge and experience , and in an instant will be ready to lay hold upon such and such occasions as may execute his resolution . and there by make him capable of prevailing . a generall ought to take care , that his armie be not wearied out , and fatigated overmuch , which breedes sicknesses , & causes the weakning thereof , to see & command that the regiments be well armed , & duely exercised in all the seuerall motions of warre , that iustice be readily executed , to be fauourable to good men , and seuere against euill-doers & offendours . it is also the office of a generall to giue charge , that the armie be provided with victuals , amunitions , and other things belonging to the warre . a generall ought to speake diverse languages , for hauing to doe with sundrie nations vnder his command , being able to speake vnto them in their owne language , this giues a great deale of contentment . moreouer , he ought to be learned , a good mathematician , & well seene in the points of fortification , and to haue excellent inginiers about him , that are carefull in running the lines of approches , for the preseruation of the liues of men . it is requisite also , that he should haue good guides , and spies about him , to get him intelligence of the state of an enemie , & ought to spare no mony that way , for the breaking of an enemies dessigne , and for the aduancing of his owne . a braue generall also considers , that the force of an armie consists not in the multitude of men , but in valliant & well experienced souldiers , & officers , which are well instructed , and trained vp in the vse of their armes , & knovves that victorie consists not in many troupes ; but that an enemies army being stronger then his , as hath often hapned by obseruing of good order , & dicipline choosing of aduantages of vvind , sunne , and ground together with the ready obedience of his men , in executing of his commaunds , & by experience in their profession , they become more bould & confident in fight , so that an old beaten souldier , knowes by heart , what his chiefe & generall will require of him . as a generall should be beloued : so likewise he ought to be feared , & of the two among . cammon souldiers , rather to be feared , for the most part of them , vvil be soner restrayned from doing euill for feare of punishment , then for any loue they beare to their generall . to conclude , he ought to be experienced in the beleegring of tovvnes , & forts , to vievv all places of advantages , & vvhere an enemy may most offend him , to forrifie his campe strongly with lines of circumvalation , forts and vvorkes vpon it , to know the site , and situation of a tovvne , hovv , & in what manner those vvithin are able to defend it vvith men and munition , to cause his inginiers to be very circumspect , and carefull how they run their lines , to sap forward to the vveakest part of the tovvne or fort , which he intends to become master of , vvith diverse other things requisite in a brave generall , vvhich for brevities sake i will omit . now followes in vvhat order an army ought to march in over a campaigne , narrow passages , woods , and rivers . having shovvne the severall offices of the officers of the field , it resteth novv to speak something in what order an armie ought to march . the armie then being come to the rendevous , or being to disencampe from any place , the afternoone or evening before the breakeing vp of it , orders is giuē out , that the souldiers shal be provided vvith munition , & so many dayes victuals , as the generall shall command . but an enemy being neere at hand , vvhen the generall vvill conceale thē breakeing up they dravv into armes silently , without sounding of drum , or trumpet . the generall being attended vpon before his lodging , by the sariant majour generall , the quartermaster generall , the captaine of the pionniers and some other officers . the most part of the armie , being dravvne into armes , the generall gives command to the cheife inginier . quartermaster or some other , to throvv dovvne the trench , fill vp the ditch , and to make such gappes in it , that vvhole devisions , & battaillions may march through them . after the trench is cast dovvne , the generall , or the sariant majour generall from him , gives order that the avantguards shall draw forth , and march a good distance without , and there to stand , & make a halt , till the battell , & the reere be also drawne out , in obseruing a con venient distance betweene them . in the interim the ordinance , carriages , waggons & baggage that belongs to the armie , are likewise drawne out , and put into order . and the guides , scouts , and pyonniers sent out before into the countrie , to discouver and to set out centinels of horse vpon all passages , and heigths , while the armie is a marching forwards . the master of the ordinance being present , commaundeth where the ordinance and the traine of carriages belonging to them shall march . and giveth order to the conductours , & inferiour officers , to march forward , as the nature & propriety of the waies wil permit . and if there be any rough waies , which are to be explained , he ordaines the captaine of the pioniers , and his men to make them plaine & even , likewise all the waggons of amunition , & victuals with the baggage , are put in order by the carriage master & conductours of the traine : but the waggons and carrs belonging to the horse , they are ordered by their officers , to march according to the seignority of everie regiment . how the artillerie , and the carriages are to march . the ordinance marches first with all the carriages , and the pyonniers are alwaies by them , having noe other waggons mingled among them , & so march in their order onely with one waggon before them , laden with spades , shovels , axses , hachets , hand biles , and other instruments to make the wayes , & to explaine the ground & ditches , after which is drawne an instrument , which doth make a rut vpon the waye , to show which vvay the canon is to passe . the lesser lighter pecces of ordinance layd vpon their carriages follovves the said instrument , & aftervvard the great peeces dravvne upon block-vvaggons vvhen there is no danger : but expecting to be encountred by an enemie , they dravv them vpon their carriages for feare of loosing time in mounting them , least an enemie might fall suddenly vpon some part of the armie . next after the ordinance follovves the vvaggons vvith instruments , & tooles for carpenters , and smiths , the vvaggons laden vvith bullets , povvder , and match , and after them vvaggons vvith pikes and muskets , all vvhich being passed ; then follovves the vvaggons belonging to the generall of the ordinance & his inferiour officers . and after them all the vvaggons laden vvith munition for the ordinance , & the armie , the vvaggons laden vvith victuals , provisions , & vvaggons for the sick and hurt , and last of all the baggage , belonging to the officers of the vvhole armie . but vvhen necessitie requires , some feild peeces marches before in the head of the armie vvhen an enemie is expected to fall on , vvith vvhich there marches some vvaggons laden vvith povvder , match , and bullets to be vsed vpon any occasion . all the ordinance , carriages , and baggage being thus ordered , and the armie devided into the vantguard , the battell and the reere : the sariant maiours of the foote regiments , and the commissaries of the horse troupes , having order , shevves vvhich vvay they are to leade the troupes , that they may give noc hindrance one to an other , & the generall , or the sariant maiour generall gives command , that the vantguard shall begin to march , and sends out before it guides & light horsemen , to discouver the passages : yet so , that they ride not so farre afore : but that they keepe alvvaies vvithin sight of the vantguard , that vpon the discouverie of an enemie , they may advertize and givi them vvarnin of it in time the vantguard then ( as is sayd ) hath commonly some small peeces of ordinance marching before it , vvhich likevvise may happen before the battell , & in the reere of all vvith a greater number of horse , and foote , as the necessitie may require : so that the three tercias of the armie , are all of thē provided vvith ordinance , vvhere it is thought most needeful and vvhere it is imagined an enemie may give an attempt , either vpon the front , the reere or vpon either of the flankes : for vvhich one can give noe certaine rule , but must defend themselves in that place , vvhere the occasion presenteth it selfe . when a campagnie , heath , or feild is spacious and large , then one may march in full battaile by divisios , & close by one an other in good order , vvhich an enemy perceiving , it may be he dares not offer battell , othervvise every devision , & battaeillion may march by it selfe vvith more ease and liberty , then vvhen they are ioyned close together : yet so that in case of necessity they may easely be dravvne vp together , as likevvise the ordinance , & baggage dravvne to that place , vvhere they may be safest , and best defended by the troupes , if an enemy should giue an attempt vpon them . the vvaggons ought to be dravvne vp , and ranged into eight , or ten rancks close one to an other , that they may march vvithout hindring one an other , and the ordinance may march vpon one of the flankes of the armie , and some feild peeces before if necessity should require , vvithout hindring , or putting the rest of the vvaggons into disorder , vvhich the master of the ordinance , or the carriage master , ought to consider vvell , and take a speciall care of . the chiefe officer vvhich commaundeth the reereguard , gives order that some troups of light horsemen shall march vvith in sight of the vvhole reere , especially , vvhen they are to passe over a heath , or campagnie : but the countrie having mountaines , hils , & vallies in it , then the horse may be commaunded to march sometimes in the vantguard , & sometimes in the reere of all the armie , and keepe such vvatch , and centinels vpon the highest places , that an enemy may not discouver the strength of the armie as it passeth , or in vvhat order it marches . when the armie is to march throug some narrovv passages , the vantguard is commōly strengthened vvith some foote , or ordinance dravvne vp before it , least an enemie migt surprize it , & marches thē by files , & dravves vp as the conditiō of the place vvill permit . in like manner the reereguard in places of daunger , ought to be strengthned , as also the battell to be ranged into such an order , that the ordinance , & baggage , being placed in the middest , may come best to serve , & relieve the other troups , from vvhence they may send harquebussiers ( as occasion serves ) to attend both vpon the vantguard , and che reere , and as the ground vvill best afford . in case that the vvaies and passages be so narrovv , that the ordinance , carriages , & baggage takes vp so much time , that the vantguard cannot be easely seconded by the reereguard , then there may be appointed some troupes of reserve , vvhich may march along vvith the carriages , & baggage , to be disposed of in such a sort , that they may the better relieve those troupes , vvhich should be overcharged by an enemy . vpon such an occasion , one ought to consider and observe vvell , the nature , & conditiō of that passage , throug vvhich the armie is to march , vvhether there be any vvindings and turnings in it , or other intrieate vvaies , as through vvoods , hils , and vallies , vvhere an enemy may best lay his ambuscadoes : therefore vpon every such turning , or crosse vvay , a troupe of horse , & some foote ought to be placed vpon it , to guard there , till the ordinance , carriages , & baggage be past & out of daunger . how one is to march through a wood . but in passing through a forrest , a great vvood , or a grove , there ought to be placed good store of horse vpon the vvaies that goes into it , & vvhere the armie is to passe , to round & guard it vvel , a svvel on the one side , as on the other . and if there be any plaine or open places in it , the horse are to overspread it , and to dravv there vp in battell for the seeuring of the passage , till the ordinance & baggage be al past , and that the foote , and horse follovv , vvhich are appointed as a reserve to bring vp the reere . the armie then having passed through a vvood , & come againe into a plaine campagnie , or feild , some horse are to guard the vvay that comes out of the vvood , till the horse troupes are dravvn vp in those fields , and are possessed of the heigths thereof . how , and in what manner an armie is to passe over a river . when an armie is to march through a countrie , vvherein there are rivers , & brookes ▪ the states armie carries continually along vvith thē some ten or twelue boates having plancks ▪ sparrs , beames , anckors ▪ & cables laden in them , and vpon those block-waggons that are dravvne with some tē , or twelve couple of horse , vvhich comming to a river , they presently take them dovvne , casts out their anckors ▪ & laies them over the river , as broad as it is , & as many as they have vse of ioyning them together , laying the beames , plancks , sparrs , & boards vpon them , & so in an instant , claps over a bridge , over vvhich the armie ordinance , & carriages may passe vvithout daunger sometimes also for expedition sake they lay over bundles of floate , or slag bridges bound vp in canvass , as also they make a bridge with barrels & hogsheads , in laying sparrs & planckes vpon them , being clasped & fastned hard together : so that foote & horse , and some small feild peeces may march over them . a bridge then ( having good inginiers , carpenters , and vvorkemen ) is presently made over a river , or a brook , for the securing vvhereof , there are certaine peeces of ordnance , dravvne vp , and planted by the river side , to play vpon an ennemie , if they should force the passage over it , and likevvise dravve vp some harquebussiers , lighthorsemen , firelocks , and muskettiers , to give fire vpon an enemie , vvhile the bridg is a making . as soone as the bridg is layd over , some firelocks , halfepikes , & horse marches first over it , to maintaine and make good the other side of the river , till all the armie & carriages be come over , & takes also along vvith them foure or fiue small peeces of ordnance , to scoure the passage , a vvaggon laden vvith povvder , and amunition , and some pionniers to make the vvaies , hedges , & ditches , plaines , & expecting an enemie at hand commonly cast vp a trench , or a vvorke on both sides of the bridge , having some 500 souldiers to guard it , till the armie & al the carriages and baggage be passed ouer it . novv if an enemie should seeke to oppose , & 〈◊〉 your passage over it , the ordinance horse , and firelookes above mentioned , are 〈◊〉 ●●rposely vpon the riversside , to free the passage , and to cleare the coast . having showne the duties of the officers of the feild , touching the infanterie or foote , before j shew the severall forming & makeing of battels . it is necessary that i briefly speak some thing of the officers of the feild , which commaunds the cavallrie or horse troupes , which are these , namely . of the quartermaster generall . the quartermaster generall of the horse , hath the particular quartermasters of every troupe as his assistants to ease him , and to helpe him to discharge his place , either when the troupes are lodged in howses , or formally quartered in the feild , from him they receiue their orders , and billets for their troupes , chaulking the name of their captaines vpon the doores of every howse , where the troupe is to lodge . the further duties required in a quartermaster generall , are described in this second part , in speaking of the quartermaster generall of the foote . of the commissarie generall . the commissarie generalls place ought to be given to a souldier of great experience , who hath bin bred vp in the warres , being a man of valour wisedome & discretion : in a cōmissarie generall is required also vigelencie , dexterity and an ability to compose quarrels , and punish disorders which maye arise betweene officer , & officer , souldier , and souldier , what he cannot doe by faire meanes , he hath power & authority sufficent to punish them . jt is also his dutie to give out orders , to appoint guards vpon avenues and passages , to keepe a list of all guards , convoyes , & other actions , to receiue orders from the generall , or the lord marshall of the feild , to give it first to the generall of the horse , and afterward to the quartermasters of the troupes , that they maye giue them to their captaines and superiour officers : also to range , & embattaille the horse in that forme , and order , which his generall , or lieutenant generall shall finde good , in whose absence he commaundeth the horse . of the lieutenant generall . the charge of a lieutenant generall of the horse is of great authority , & reputation , and therefore he ought to be a man of great experience , valour , and wisedome , carefull , & diligent for the well ordering of the troupes , because he commonly marches , with them , & lodged among them . he must haue knowledge of the waies , & passages through countries , and choose the best waye , least meeting with an ennemie , lying in ambuscado , vpon a march , he maye giue him a blowe . therefore , he must alwaies haue his minde buyssied vpon the motions of his ennemie , discovering from what part they maye annoye him , be it either foote , or horse ; in how many howers they can march vnto him , by what passages they maye assault him , to send out scouts & spies to giue him true intelligence , that he maye be provided for them , against some suddaine attempt . to giue encouragement to officers and souldiers in the day of battell , to carrye themselves brauely , to charge home , and to finde out all advantages , to breake and route their ennemie . he ought not onely to carry himselfe lovingly to the souldiers in hearing them willingly : and assisting them in their necessities , but also to punish offenders seuerely , which will make him to be both feared , loved , and respected . of the generall . the generall of the horse is one of the principall chiefs of an armie , who ought to be a souldier of great experience , and valour , & for the most part a personage discended of a noble familly . yea a man of a high spirit & commaund , for vnder his charge are the sinewes of the principall forces of an armie , from whose magnanimity , valour , & wi●edome procedes many times good successe , when occasions are offred , which are for the most part executed by the horse , especially in the day of battell , who charging in good order vpon an advantage , maye happely rout an ennemie , and get the victorie , wheras contrarie wise , by the disorders of the horse , it maye breed great confusion and losse of men . the generall of the horse ought to take perticular notice , not onely of the captaines and officers , but also of every gentleman and souldier that carries themselves bravely in the face of their ennemie , and to honour and respect them in publick , which will encourage others to do the like , & when occasion presente itselfe , to advance them to military charges . contrariewise to punish delinquents . and such as doe not their endeavour , in doing whereof , he shall be honored , loued , feared , and respected of all men : last of all , by his high commaund , he giues commaund for the due exercising of his troupes , and helps in them their necessities . to conclude , the proportion , or grosse of the states horse , answerable to their foote , consists in eighty troupes of horse namely curassiers , carrabins and harquebusiers , two companies of curassiers and two companies of harquebusiers being ioyned together , according to his highnesse order make a battaillon or a devision : these also being formed & ordered into ten regiments , maye be drawne as the foote are into three brigades or tercias , making the avantgard the battle and the reere , as yow see them ranged in the first figure , by observing their true distances . what a goodly show it is , to see these 80 troupes of horse drawne into three brigades , the generall commanding in the head of the avantgard , the commissarie generall in the battell & the lieutenant generall in the reere , being brauely mounted , well armed with their skarfes , and 160. trumpetters sounding tantara in honour of their prince , and countrie i leaue it to the report of those , which have seene it . also of what excellent use , & service horse maye be off in the day of battell , for the breaking of foote , as also vpon execution , for the cutting off of convoyes , gayning of passages , and the beating in of an ennemie salying out of a towne beseiged . i will leaue to the testimonie of historie , and here wil i shutt vp this second part . finis . first . of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battalion , and then the forme of an army of thirty thousand horse , and foote raunged in battell . the ordering of a regiment , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his cōmād , hath bin showne already in the first part of this book , namely , that cōpanies being made into even files , & ten deepe , foure or fiue comapnies , ioyned together make a division , to wit , the pikes are drawne first into one bodie , and then the muskettiers into an other , standing in their true distance of three foote in file & ranke , and 18 foote distance betweene the pikes & the muskettiers , this is the first order . the second is , whē the muskettiers are equally devided , as neere as may be , and drawne vp on the right , and left flankes of the pikes , there to giue fire by rankes , or to march away , as these two first figures marked with number 1 and 2 doe shew . now the fittest number of men to make a devision of , is accounted to be 500. pikes , & musketteires , that is , 25 files of pikes , and 25 files of musketteires , or more , or lesse of the one or of the other , as they fall out . this number being so embattailed makes an agile bodie , & the best to be brought to fight , and two of them being ioyned neere one an other , can best second , and releiue each other , better thē your great phalanges , which are unweeldy bodies , the experience whereof was seene in the battell of nieuport : for being once broken , & routed , they can hardly be reallyed againe , and cannot bring so many men to fight , as the lesser bodies doe . many of these devisions being drawne together make a tercia , or one of the third parts of an armie , and three of them the whole . for all the officers and souldiers of an army , are devided into three parts called brigadoes , or tercias , each of them having a severall name , to witt , the vantguard , the battell , & the reereguard . now that tercia , which is to march first , is called the vantguard , that which marches in the midst the battaille , and that which comes vp last the reere . everie one of them vpon a march every day takeing their turnes interchangeably : for the second day of the march , the battaile becomes the vantguard , and the reere the second day hath the battaile , and the third day the tercia which had the reere the first day is the vantguard . moreover , each tercia may likewise be subdivided into a vantguard a battaille & a reere , to the end each of them with the more convenience may be orderly brought to fight , and by that cheife which commaunds them . therefore , the battaill one of the tercias of the army , being placed in the midst , that of the vantguard , may be drawne on the right , and the reere on the left flanke of the battaille . now the number of the devisions , which each of these tercias haue , are ordered , and devided after this manner , two devisions before , two in the midst , and two behind , standing aboue , as you may see in some of the figures of the battells following , having six or 7 devisions placed in everie tercia . the seventh being vneven , is placed as a reserve behind the reere , to second the others in time of neede . the first devisions of the tercias standing in a right line , are to give the first charge , according to the order of their march . the second devisions standing likewise in a right line , makes likewise the second troupes and the third part of the battaile . now these devisions are also ordered and ioyned , that if the first should be overcharged and come to give ground then the second are to come vp , and to releiue the first , yet in such a distance , as they may not hinder one an other in marching by them , but finde place to come vp betwixt the first . the third devisions are to be placed directly behind the second , in a distance twise as as the second is from the first , that if it should happen ▪ that the first division should stand behind the second , that then the third might have roome enough , to put it self into good order . the horse troupes are commonly ordered , the one halfe on the right , the other halfe on the left flanke of the divisions , and battaillons of foote , as the first figure of an armie demonstrates . and sometimes there may be battaillions of horse interlaced , and placed betwixt the intervals , and distances of the foote , as the ground and necessity may require . for , if an enemies horse should be ranged betweene his battaillions of foote , it is needefull then , that the other side should observe the fame forme likewise , and have horse to encounter horse , least they should breake in vpon the foote divisions , & so by this meanes they may with the more convenience second , and relieve one an other , otherwise the foote being overlayd with an enemies horse , having not horse at hand , to charge and second them , might be easely routed and overthrowne , and though and enemie have not placed horse betweene their battaillions of foote , yet it may easely be done , according to the discretion , and foresight of the generall . all which shal be clearly demonstrated to the eye by figure first in beginning with an army of six thousand horse , & 24 , thowsand foote embattailed into three tercias , with their severall divisions , and afterward i will show the grounds and platformes of the battaile of nieuport in flanders , fought ( anno 1609 ) betweene prince maurice of famous memorie , & albert arch duke of austria , and then proceede on to represent vnto you the formes of battailes shown by the prince of orange abouesaid , & his highnesse brother the prince of orange that now is till anno 1635 , which may give some satisfaction to those , which are desirous to follow the profession of a souldier . the demonstration of the figures following , marked with great a. and b. the two first figures , marked with the figure 1 and 1 are two divisions of 25 files of pikes a peece , and ten rankes deepe , ranged in battaille . the second two figures noted 2. and 2. are two divisions of muskettiers , consisting also of 25 files a peece , and 10 rankes deepe as abovesaid . now if you are desirous to alter this forme , and divide your muskettiers into two parts , then you may draw vp 13 files on the right flanke , and 12 files on the left flanke of the pikes , and giving them their true in tervals and distances for the muskettiers to fall away , then there are two divisions made of a regiment , and they stand as is shewed vnderneath , marked with the figure 3. the figure b represents the forme of an armie embattailed , consisting of 24 regiments of foote , each regiment making two divisions of 100 men , and 20 divisions of horse , curassiers , and harquebusiers , each division consisting of 300 horse , makeing six thousand horse in all ranged into three tercias , with the true number of feete , and distances betweene them , as the figures showes . note also , where the gentle reader sees a p marked within the division , that signifies pikes , and the division underneath are muskettiers marked with the letter m. to conclude , the horse are noted in french with c for cavallerie , and in english with h for horse . the figures that are coloured are distinguished thus . the pikes with a yellow , the muskettiers with a green , and the horse with a red colour . the order and forme of qvartering and encamping of an army . havings howne the figures of generall formes , and orders of embattailling , ranged in the wat 's of the vnited provinces , vnder the command of his excellency maurice prince of orange of famous memorie , and his highnesse frederick henrie prince of orange , our captaine generall that nowis : i will proceede on and shew how , and in what manner an armie ought to be encamped , with the sevetall divisions of their quarters , beginning fitst with a company of foote , and horse , then with a regiment , and afterward an armie entrenched , and last of all come to handle approches , and all things depending therevpon , for the beseiging and takeing in of a towne or fortresse : which for the most part , i have translated out of mr. adam fritach , an excellent mathematician , in his booke printed . anno 1635. the first chapter . of three sorts of campes or leagers . there are three kindes of campes , the first is called in latine castra temporaura , that is , a campe which staies not long in a place , but removes and changes euery day : the second castra strataria a settled campe , which environeth a towne , or a fortresse with intent to take it in , and the third is called castra sustentoria , a campe lying vpon a passage , or river to stop and hinder the incursions of an enemie from getting into a countrie . the campe which dislodgeth euery moment is called castra temporanea . this campe is also called a flying leager , hiving no certaine place of abode , but at every motion , is continually to attend an enemie vpon every remove , and this armie is to encampe , when the enemies armie encampeth , and therefore is called a flying campe , because it is to hinder the enemies progresse . a campe having a trench cast vp about it , or beset with turne pikes and palissadoes . now for a campe , which is ready to remove vpon an instant , we vnderstand that , which takes vp a quarter onely for one night , which forme requires a great deale of wisedome , and circumspection , especially when it is to march , or quarter not farre from an enemies countrie . therefore , it is very necessarie , that the generall sends out before , a good number of horse , to view , and informe themselves of the nature , and condition of that place , where the armie is to quarter that night , for the accommodation where of , they ought to chuse , as neere as possibly may be , a place situated in a plaine feld , to which the armie being come ( and that in good time by day , the quarters shall be made neere vnto the a dioyning villages ) if there be any and the horse lodged about them , in places of danger most suspected . a campe may be encompassed with a trench 4 foot high , and 3 foote broad for their more safety against an enemie , which otherwise might give an attempt vpon some part of the armie . the moorish grounds , where is enemie is not feared , that may be beset with turne pikes , or with palissadoes , which may be taken vp againe , when the campe removes . after the thenches are in defēce , the souldiers begins to make their huts of forks , lathes , withes and straw , or for a night onely with sticks and boughes , or such things as they can get , the carriages and waggons laden with amunition , materials , and victuals are to be lodged in the middest of the campe , with a small trench cast vp round about them ; but some peeces of ordinance are to be planted vpon those avenues and passages , where an enemie may best give on vpon the campe when the watches , and the centinels are disposed of , the rest of the armie goes to take their rest , the next morning at the breake of the day and at drummes beating the armie dislodges , and every one makes ready for to march away , while the trench is a casting downe , lest an enemy , which followes the armie might lodge in the same quarter . but if the armie is not to march through an enemies countrie , and that one is assured they cannot come neere vnto the campe so soone it is not necessarie to environ the campe with trenches , but the souldiers are either quatered in houses ▪ or feilds next adioyning to them , in disposing of guards , and centinels in every place needfull , and this order of march observed everie day , till the armie is come vnto that place , which is resolved to be beseiged ; where then a formall , and a setled quarter called castra strataria is made . castra strataria and the proprieties thereof . the propriety of this campe may be observed well out of the instructions of veget in the 22 chapter of his fust booke , as also in the castrametation of hygnius gromaticus , according to these observations following . first , that the quarter be made in safe place , that is , where there are no hils and heights , which may commaund and serve as an advantage to an enemie , when he resolves to relieve the towne , or fort beseiged , or to assault the campe ; for being lodged and fortifying himself vpon them , he may easilie overlooke the campe , and then it is subiect to be played vpon by an enemies ordinance . that it be made ( if it be possible ) neere vnto some brooke or river , which may commodiously serve , aswell , for the watering of horse , and cattell , as also for the souldiers , and by which , with shipping , or boats one may bring vp munition with provisions , and victuals to the campe , by the helpe of a running river , or the winde for the saving of excessive charges , when one is driven to bring them vp to the armie by convoyes , and waggons , which oftentimes causeth a dearth in the armie : for commonly victulars , and sutlars raises the price of their victuals , and commodities , according to the lengh of the way , if they be constrayned to bring them vp by waggon hire . besides , it is a great advantage for a quarter , to lie by a river side , because sometimes the water may be carryed round about the campe , which will make it stronger , then if it were lodged in a plaine feild , and fortifyed with some small forts , and redoubts ; so that all that charge is saved in makeing of workes , if the campe may commodiously be enclosed about with water . i say nothing of the great stinke , caused by dead horse , and beasts , as also by butchers and their shambles , which like wise is avoyded by the helpe of water , neither are men so subiect to sicknesse , and pestilence , which takes away many times a greater number of people , and weakens an armie more , then if it were assaulted by an enemie . for , the prevention of which inconvenience , the carrions , panchescand garbidges of beasts are cast into it , and carryed away with the streame , and the butchers quartered in the most remote parr of the campe . one must also have a speciall care , that there bee no thick-bussches , and woods about it , where an enemie may lie in ambuscado , or fortifie themselves without any hindrance , which would keepe a campe in continuall feare , of being assaulted by an enemie out of a wood . to make choise then of the sittest places , to encampe and quarter in , those are held the most commodious , which are situated in a plaine feild , seing an enemie may be discovered a far of , having then time to draw into armes , to oppose them , and that the canon may play vpon them , in case an enemie would attempt to assault the campe by force . as many sicknesses are engendred by stanch , end the putrifaction of the aire : so likewise many are caused by moorish grounds , marras , and bogs , in regard of the damps , and fogs , which riseth out of the waters , as also poysonable vapours , arising out of marshie grounds , where vpon the souldiers hutts are built . therefore one ought to be well informed , before a quarter or a campe be made for an armie , whether those grounds bee covered or overflowhe with water , which may often happen in autume , or winter , which were a great annoyance , and hurt to the campe , if it were driven to stay there all winter , and that one knew not the condition of the place . againe , it may serve for some vse to helpe the beseiged , or those which come to relieve the towne , when they may turne the water by some places into the campe , or can cut some dikes or seabanques , or keepe vp the water by banks , and sluces , to make it overflow the campagnie , which will bring a greater dammago to the campe , then fire would doe , therefore one ought to consider , and ponder well all these things , and to thinke vpon some remedie to prevent these inconveniences . one ought also to make choise of such a place , which yeelds good store of gràsse , and hay for cattell , and straw for the accōmodation of the souldiers ; because the want of fourrage for horse , will constraine them to fetch it farre by convoyes , which is dangerous for the souldiers , when an enemie lies vpon the snap for them , and their horses in those places , where they are driven to fetch their fourrage , which one is forced to doe with great convoyes , and excessive expenses . also there must be care taken , that there bee no want of wood for fyring , and building of souldiers buts , as also straw serving for the same vse . a campe ought not to quartered too neere the towne beseiged , lest the enemie may reach it , and doe great annoyance to it with his canon , neither ought it to be quartered too farre of , but that one quarter may with expedition relieve one another , as also those which worke in the approches , if the beseiged should sallie out vpon them , therefore the furthest , and the nearest distance for the better safety of the campe , is to lie without canon shot . the circumference , measure , greatnesse , and largnesse of a campe , ought to be answerable to the greatnesse or littlenesse , of it : for one must not take a place too little for a great armie , neither a place too great for a small armie : for the one will not be able to defend the campe , because of the smalnesse of it , and the other not able , and sufficient to defend a great place . finally , it is a point of great consequence for a campe , to have all the avenues , and passages that comes to it well guarded , so that an enemie cannot lodge neare it , to hinder the provisions and victuals which comes to it , for want where of many times an armie is forced to rise . a campe then being endowed with all these proprieties , no question but it is well settled . but seing that such places are seldome found , which answers to all these proprieties described above , one must accommodate themselves , according to the propriety of the place , and repaire that by art , which is wanting by nature . if there being any hils , or heigths in it , you must quarter , and lodge vpon them , when the nature of the place will afford it , or if there be any other commodious place neere vnto the quarter , it ought to be taken in , and environned with a trench , and a redoubt made in it , and ordinance planted vpon it . but this height being situated vpon a passage , or place of importance ▪ a fort is made vpon it in taking away , as much as possible may be all advantage from an enemie . the seige of the bosch may give vs an exsample herein , where was a height situated vpon the way , as you go to vliemen , and towards the longstrate , vpon the top of which hill , a fouresquare fort was made with foure demy-bulwarkes , and besides a crowne-worke before it , and before that as a surplus , there was made a horne-worke , all which workes were neverthelesse environned with the line of circumvalation , which encompassed the whole armie : for the enemie could hardly assault the campe on this side , because the hill lay so , that it commanded all the grounds about it . when there is no river , then all necessaries , and provisions must be brought to the campe by waggons , wherevpon care must be taken , that the waggonmen and sutlars set not too high a price vpon their provisions , and victuals , which might cause a dearth and scarcity in the army . for the avoyding of stincks and noisome smels , the dead carions of horses , and other beasts ought to be carryed and buryed farre off without the camp and quarters , to which order also the butchers are subiect , for the carrying away of the panches , and entrailes of the cattell which they kill , and to bury them in pits without the campe . the woods , thickers , and groves , which stand not farre from the campe , ought to be taken in within the trench , when it may conveniently be done with asmall charge , which wood and timber may serve for firing , and other good vses . but when they lie too farre of , and cannot have all within the compasse of the line of circumvalation , which may be dammageable to the campe , then they are cut downe , and burnt , lest an enemie might lay any ambuscadoes in them . also , having a water , or a river , which may be stopped by the beseiged : so that in time , it might overflow the campe , one ought to take a singular care by hindring it , and casting vp of some bank to stop , and carry it about the campe , to discharge it self elswhere , wich necessity , and experience will teach one . all these things then being maturely considered , and overweighed , after one is well informed of the nature , and condition of the soile , lying about the towne , or fortresse , which is to be beseiged , and being come within two or three durch miles of that place , the quartermaster generall before the armie rides out with some 80 , 100 , or a greater number of horse , as necessity may require , to view the towne , or fortresse to be beseiged and considers well the soile and grounds that lies about it , and draws a draught and platforme of them , that he may the better distribute , and give out the severall quarters . all quarters are not alike over all , and of one and the same forme , but one must accommodate himself many times , according to the site of the place ; for sometimes one must content himself with one quarter alone , and otherwhiles the campe may be devided into two , three , foure , or many quarters . the forme is also diverse , seing one must governe themselves according to the situasion of the place , the largnesse must be answerable to the number of the regiments , which are to be quartered , and which shal be handled in the next chapter . the second chapter . oe the devision of hvts for officiers , souldiers , and sutlers . together , with the true measure and distances of them , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his new order for a regiment , and for the quartering of the captaines in the reere , for the preventing of fire , and disorders , before wee come to the division of the ground , appointed for the quartering of a regiment of foote , it will be necessarie to discribe first , how much ground , commonly a companie of 120 , or of a 150 and of 200 heades must haue , which may serue then as a generall rule in the distribution of the quartering of severall regiments , containing diverse colours , and companies vnder them . first for a colours of 120 foote , there is ordayned three hundred foote deepe . but the bredth must be according to the number of the heades in a company , which are some more some lesse : for a company of 100 , or 120 heads must take vp 24 foote inbredth , that is , two rowes of huts , and a street betwixt them , a companie of 150 must haue 40 foote in bredth , to wit , three rowes of huts and two streetes , and a collonels companie of 200 heades , requires 56 foote in breedth , that is foure rowes of huts , and three streetes , besides the back streetes , which are betweene companie and campany . as for example , the quartermaster hath giuen him a paralellogramma of ground , which is 300 foote deepe , and 24 foote broade for a companie of 120 heades , which he devides thus , from the lieutenants and ensignes huts downeward to the sariants huts in the reere , of the sariants hutt , and the boughs of the captaines hutt : next the captaine hath allowed him 40 foote in depth and some 20 foote btoad ( because a passage for the souldiers must not be stopt vp ) for him to build in , then betweene the reere of the captaines , and the sutlars hutts , there is a large streete of 40 foote made for the passage of men and waggons , and for feare of fyre . and last of all , there is 20 foote allowed for the depth of the sutlars huts , to wit , ten foote for the forepart of his hutt for eating and drinking in , and 10 foote for his kitchin , and this is the distribution for a companie , which must take vp ( according to the princes new order ) three hundred foote in depth . the bredth of a quarter , is according to the number of the heades of a company . in the depth of 180 foote for the two rowes of huts aboue menrioned , there may be made in each row , twentie or two and twentie hutts with a distance of two or three foote betweene every cabin , for the avoyding eues-droppings and a little trench to receiue the water made betwixt thim . the doores of the lieutenants , and ensignes cabbins commonly opens towards the front , and the armes , and the alarme place , but the sariants towardes the reere . the souldiers doores open opposite one to an other , that vpon any occasion they may presently draw out into armes , all which parts shal be discribed in the figure for a regiment ( of ten companies ) following . his highnesse the prince of orange his new order , and forme for quartering of a regiment of ten companies of foote , to wit , the colonels being 200 , the lieutenant colonels 150 , and the captaines 120 heads . the demonstration . a is the colonels hall , gallerie , and pavillion . b are two hutts for his servants , c the kitchin . d two hutts for the butlar , a cellar and a pantrie . e the stable . f a place for his waggons . g the captaines hutte . h the quartermasters . i the preachers hutt . k the chirurgians hut . l the lieutenants hutts . m the ensignes hutts . n the crutch for the musketts . p the crutch for the pikes . q the alarme placc , which is 200 foot between the head of the quarter and the trench . r the provost-marshals hutt and prison . s the sariants huts . t the backstreetes betweene each companie . v is 20 foote between the front and the furthest side of the pikes . the bredth of the whole quarter for these 10 companies , is 436 foote . the coronells division , 84 foote . the forme of qvartering of a regiment of horse , consisting of five troupes , according to the prince of orange his new order , the captaines being quartered in the reere . the third chapter . for everie cornet of horse , there is ordayned ( as the foote are ) a depth of 300 foote , the bredth is not alwais a like , but must be given according to the greatnesse , and smalnesse of the number of heads , serving vnder the said cornet . a cornet then containinge hundred horsemen , must have a place of 300 foot deep , and 70 foote broad , wherein they are to lodge , and content themselves . the captaines hutt of the troupe , with his boughes is 70 foote broad , and 40 foote deep , being a part of the 300 foot abovesaid . betweene the reere of the rowes of the horsemens huts , and the captaines , there is a street of 20 foote , and the two rowes of the horsemens huts ( as the foot is ) is 180 foot deepe , to wit , from the lieutenants , and cornets , huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporels in the reere , wich makes in all two hundred foote deepe , and 70 foote broad , the room for the huts in each row is ten foote , after which there is a small streete of 5 foote , in which the huts have their doores , and commings out . for the horse there is a space left of ten foote broad , seing that the cornet consists of no more then of 100 horse , so that there are placed 50 horse in one row , and 50 in another , and every horse is allowed 4 foote in bredth , and 10 foote in depth , which is the space also appointed for his master . betweene the captaines hut , and the sutlars , there is also a streete of 40 foote for the same reason , as wee have discribed in the quartering of foote , after which there is a place for the sutlars huts , which is answerable to the breadth of the cornet 70 foot , and for the depth of his fore hutt 10 foote , and for his kitchin 10 foote more allowed him , so that the true dimension for the quartering of a troupe of 100 horse , is 300 foote deep , and 70 foote broad . but a greater cernet consisting of 140 heads , ( or it may be 150 ) then they have given them a row of huts more , so that they must have in al three rowes , of which the last standing alone , is separated from the second by a streete of 10 foot , which reacheth from the hutts of the second row , and the horse are set behind this new row , after which ( as before ) there is a depth of 10 foote for a horse , and a small streete of 5 foote , and for the huts of the horsemen likewise 10 foot , whence followeth , that the breadth for a cornet of horse of 140 heads takes vp 105 foote , for the two rowes takeing vp 70 foot , if you adde therevnto the two streets , the one of 10 , and the other of 5 foote , with the distance left , for the horse , and the horsemen , makeing 20 foot , it is in all 35 foote , vpon shall then have the breadth of 105 foot for a cornet of 140 heads , and the depth of 300 foot as before . note that every horse hath his head standing towards his masters hut , that vpon any occasion his master may goe directly to his horse , without going about his hut . the space being deepe enough for the huts , they neede not build them closse one to another , but leave a little distance of a foote and a halfe , or two foote at the most betweene the hutts : but betweene every fifth and sixth hutt , there is an open space left of some 6 or 8 foote , for the horsemen to draw out of , if necessity should require . the hutts which the horsemen build , are built in the same manner as the foote are , saving that they take vp more roome , for the depth of the hutts for the foote , is but 8 foote , and the horsemen must haue ten . the two first hutts in the head of the quarter is appointed for the lieutenants , & the cornets , and the two last in the reere are ordayned for the quartermasters , and the corporals . before the horse , ( between the hutts and the streets ) there are mangers made for the horse with boords , or plancks fastned and nailed together , which stand vpon posts driven into the ground , and have s●iles covered over them , from the one side to the other , and because many horse are of such a nature and condition , that they will not stand together , there are posts tyed between them , that they may not strike , and hurt one another . now if there be any likelihood , that it may prove a settled camp , or leager , then they may also build huts for their horse , to keep them from cold and sun . th●se huts are covered with straw , as the horsemens are , but are open before and behinde , ( because every horseman may have an eye to his horse ) so that they are but onely covered over head on both sides , which coverings are also made oftentimes with such sayles , as tents are commonly made of . but the horse being come to such a place , are commonly lodged and quartered first in villages , houses , and barnes , if there be any thereabouts , at leastwise till they have built them huts for themselves , and their horse . but finding no houses , stables , and barnes , or such like accommodations for them , then they will be constrained to let their horses stand uncovered , till they have built their owne cabins , which being done , then they may make their horses . the ichnographie of a quarter for a whole regiment of horse , harquebusiers and curassiers , consisting of five cornets , each of a hundred heads , shall be demonstrated in the figure following . the demonstration . adrs , is the colonels , sarjant majours , and captaines huts , being 70 foot broad , and 40 foot deepe . li , and cor , are the lieutenants and cornets huts in the front of the quarter . qu , and c , are the quartermasters , and corporals huts in the reere of the two rowes . r a , c g , a street of 20 foot , between the quartermasters , corporals , and captaines huts . a b , and g i , is the depth of 180 foote , for two rowes of huts , from the lieutenants , and cornets huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporals in the reere . a k , b c , p g , and h i , is the breadth of ten foote for the two rowes of huts . k b , c d , o p , q h , is the streets between the huts , and the stables for the horse , being 5 foote . m n , e f , is the great street of 20 foot , for the whole troupe to draw out in . from b to t , is a large street of 40 foot , for feare of fire , between the reere of the captaines hat , and the front of the suttlers . c n , is the suttlers huts , that is , 10 foot for the forepart , and 10 foot for the afterpart for their kitchins . note , that a colonell of horse is allowed no more ground , then a captaine of a troup is , onely this preheminencie he hath , to be quartered in the midst , and if his troupe bee stronger , then a private captaine is , then ( as is abovesaid ) he is allowed him more ground , and another row of hutts , and thus much for the quartering of a regiment of horse . of particular quarters . besides , the quarters aboue mentioned , there are also particular quarters in a campe , which ought to come into consideration , to wit , the generals , the generall of the ordinance , the quarter for the canon , carriages , and waggons , as also some other quarters , which shall be discribed as falloweth . the generall hath a square place of ground giuen him , which as a regiment is 300 foote deepe , and 600 foote broade , and his tents and pivillions sett vp , and disposed of as the generall , and his tent-master shall thinke fitting . also there is given to the generall of the ordinance , a depth of 300 foote , and a bredth of 480 foote for him , and his traine of ordinance , officers , and handie crafts men to quarter in , hauing a little trench cast round about it . in which ground also , is built a foure square redoubt with haire cloth ouer it , to laye in powder , and fireworkes , for feare of fyring , and to keepe them from wetnesse , and rayne seing they are not so combustible and will not take fire so soone , as straw , or sailes will . there is also a place ordayned of 300 foote in bredth , and depth for some chiefe officers of the feild , which are not lodged within the regiments . the waggons also have a certaine place given them , that they may give noe hindrance to the campe . the depth is also commonly 300 foote , but the bredth must be answerable to the nomber of waggons . the market place , where marchands , victulars , tradsmen , butchers , and bakers are lodged have a depth also of 300 foote given them , and is some 400 foote broad , in the midst whereof there is an open place left for the market place , and the sides are divided into rowes of hutts and streetes . they make ordinarily eight rowes of hutts , whereof foure are sett upon the one , and foure vpon the other side , every hutt being ten foote broade , and betweene every two rowes of hutts , there is a streete left some 20 foote broade . the first two rowes of hutts next to the market plaee , are appointed for mercers wollen and linnen drapers , and some other choise wares . the tavernes , and ordinaries takes up the second , the third are for handicrafts men , and fourth for butchers , and bakers . there is likewise a vacant place left for the lodging of voluntiers and strangers , which hath noe certaine measure , but must fall out , sometimes more and sometimes lesse as occasion serves , and this is the description of a quarter , or campe , both in generall and particular , as neere as may . the ichnographie of a campe . the fovrth chapter . the quartermaster generall makes first a scale , which will serue for a sheete of paper , fitting it according to the proportion , as the said paper will beare , either greater or lesser , and then makes a draught vpon it . according to the measure of his scale , he drawes out vpon this , some parallell lines of 300 foote deepe , which shewes the depth of every quarter , with some other parallell lines of some 50 , 80 , or 90 foote , as the ground will afford , and the divisions betweene regiment and regiment . afterwards he marketh upon a paper , euery one of the said quarters , and regiments a part , according to the proportion of the same scale , as one hath drawne the lines aboue said , and then cut it of so that they haue all one depth of 300 foote , and the bredth according to the list of the number of the companies of every regiment , and how many foote every regiment and quarter will take up . it were better to take a peece of past board paper & then make & cut out also vpon the said paper , the depth the bredth , and the name of the regiment the colonell and person to whome the quarter belongs ; doing the like in all the other quarters . these littles papers being so cut and ordered , one may put and lay them again upon the paper with the parallell lines abouesaid , euen till they he laid according to your desire , and let them be as they are fitted . one must nevertheless have a care , that the generals quarters be in the middest , and that there bee a convenient space without his quarter , aswell before , as on both sides , as the figure following will showe marked with the letter a , where the generall is lodged in the midst of the campe , and the bredth of his quarter , according to this scale is 1250 foote , and the depth as is said 300. the quarters are separated one from an other by streetes , and divisions some lesse some more , as the ground will give it , as somewils 500 , otherwhils 80 , 92 , or 100 foote betweene quarter and quarter , as you may see in the figure following . finally the quartermaster generall takes first the bredth and depth of the whole quarter , and campe , and draws it out ( as io taught ) upon a paper . the bredth here takes up 3000 foote and the depth 2000. the draught of the campe being drawne upon a paper , and the whole quarter designed , it will be easie then to lay them out in the field . how one must marke and lay out the quarters in a field . to this end , the quartermaster generall hath a chaine divided into rhyn-landish foote & rodds at 12 foot the rodd , & an instrument vsed in fortification , or at least a wodden crosse with foure right angles , and a good number of beackons with banroles vpon them , called quarter beackons , whereof the statues are painted , and are some nine , or ten foote long , and sets vp one of these angles of every quarter ▪ being come into the field , in which he is resolued to encampe the army , first he layes out the circuit of the generall quarter , with foure exteriour lines in such sort , that every corner of the quartes makes a right angle . after one hath measured out the foure lines abouesaid , he sets vp foure quarter beacons , and then begins to lay out every quarter a part , according to the proportion , which he hath marked in this paper : but to the end one may not err , he puts upon the little cut paper the number of every quarter , with which also the beacons are marked , by which meanes the same quarter is bounded in the field , and the number is painted , or cut upon the beacons . it will not be amisse , to have alwayes foure of them of one number , which may easely be known by the beacons , in case they were all of one coulour . all which is demonstrated in the figure of a campe where the beacons are set up , and noted with the figures 1 , 2 , 3 , & 4. the duty of a quartermaster of a regiment . after all this is done , and every particular quarter drawne out in the feild , euery quartermaster distributes the ground to the companies of his regiment , according to the iehnographie of the figure of 10 companies showne before for a regiment ; in laying out of his quarter , he vseth a line of 300 foote long and every eight foote is marked for the depth , and bredth of the huts and streets , sticking downe into the ground at euery eighth foote a bough , or stick , aswell in the front as in the reere of the quarter , giving also to the colonell his ground in the midst of his regiment . but first the quattermasters ptikes out the ground before and behinde for the captaines , & gives there the bredth of the streete between the sarjants in the reere of the souldiers huts , and their owne as likewise the depth , betweene the captaines boughs the sutlars huts , marking out first the foure angles of his quarter , by setting into the ground his quarter staues and flaggs of his colonels colours . the duty of a sarjant . the quarter being so laid out , then the sarjant of euery companie kilspits it , and divides and makes the partition of the huts to the gentlemen and souldiers , which they prick out by line and small boughs , or sticks stock into the ground , and so divides the rowes of huts and the streets among them , euery hut having some 4 or 5 foote in bredth , and for vniformity sake 8 foote deepe , and thus the ground for a whole regiment of what number so ever the companies be , is marked and drawne out in a feild , as the figure of a regiment for 10 companies before mentioned demonstrates . the other quarters to wit , for horse , officiers , ordinance , and carriages are marked by number and letter in the campe following . the alarme place . there is left round about the circuit of the whole quarter , a parallell on all sides some 200 , or 250 foote betweene the front of the quarter and the trench , called an alarme place , for the souldiers to draw out into armes , into parade , or when any alarme or commotion happens , the campe or quarter being environned with a trench , and a parapet of six foote high , six foote deepe and three foote in the bottome , and the ditch 8 foote broade . the souldiers of euery companie are commonly commanded to make this trench , parapet , and ditch before their quarter , or where it may fall on t , because it serues for their own defence , which the souldiers are to doe , for their owne safty , without giuing them any mony for it . there is assigned by the quartermasters to euery regiment , how much ground they must cast vp , according to the commission and strength of euery company , which proportionally is equally divided among the companies , that one companie do no more work then an other . in doing of which , the captaine and officers of a companie are to ouersee it , that the trench be done well and with expedition . now the whole circūference of the quarter , being measured out by line , and kilspitted , there is a generall calculation made , how many regiments there are in the campe , and how many companies each regiment hath , that one may know how many hundred companies there are in the army . and then by the rule of 3 ( knowing the line and circumference ) and the number of companies , say , the number of all the regiments , and compagnies which are to make upe the line of circumvallation , amounts to so many feete , or rodes , how much ground then must a regiment of ten companies haue that containes so many men . this calculation being made , the companies of euery regiment draw out so many men , after the quartermaster hath furnished them with materials , which is quickly done , seing the men are relieved , and many hands ( as the proverbe is ) makes light worke , and will make hast , that they may haue time to build their own huts and cabins to keepe them vnder covert . the quarters being thus fortified , and the line of circumvallation made a double ditch for horses and strong redoubts , horne-works , crowne-works , batteries , half-moones and spurs upon the commanding places of most danger ( as yout shall see in the ichnographies of the lines of circumvallation before the siege of the bosch , mastrick and breda which shall be shown ( god willing ) in my third part of this booke , all these things then being done , after the demonstration of this campe , we come next to handle approches . the demonstration of the severall quarters in this campe . a is his excellenties quarter , which is 300 foote in depth and 125 in bredth . b is the lords the states quarter being 300 foote in depth and 342 in bredth . c the generall of the ordinance and magazin 300 foote in depth and 800 in bredth . d the quarter of the carriages and waggons . e the quarter for marchants , tradsman and victulars . f mons. chastillon quarter being 14 companies making 28 rowes of huts 300 deepe and 500 foote broade . g mons. bythunes being 13 comp. making 28 rowes 300 foote deepe and 500 in bredth . h the freeses being 5 comp. making 15 rowes 300 foote deepe and 235 foote broad . i sir horace veres regiment being 14 english comp. making 31 rowes 300 foote deepe and 548 broad . k mons. cicils reg. being 7 comp. making 15 rowes 300 foote deepe and 292 broad . l colonel ogles reg. being 8 comp. making 16 rowes 300 foote deepe and 308 broad . m mons. fulchs being 6 comp. 18 rowes 300 foote deep , and 300 broade . n my lord of bach-louch being 6 comp. 12 rowes 300 foote deepe and 244 broade . o colonel egmont his reg. being 6 comp. 12 rowes 300 foote deep 244 broad . p 7 comp. wallons commanded by count iohn ernest 14 rowes 300 foote deepe and 276 broad ▪ q count ernest lord marshall 10 comp. 25 rowos 300 foote deep and 450 foote broade . r 6 comp. of hollanders 12 rowes 300 foote deep and 242 broad . t prince henry generrll of the horse 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 476 broad . v capt. qwicht 3 cornets 300 foote deepe and 250 broad . w mons . market lieut. generall 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 349 broad . x mons . ryhoven 4 cornets 300 foote doep and 340 broad . y mens . bacx 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 340 broad . z mons. wagheman 3 cornets 300 foote deepe and 253 broad . aa mons . quaet 3 cornets 333 foote deep and 350 broad . bb mons . la sale 4 cornets 330 foote deep and 340 broad . cc mons . stakenbrouck 4 cornets 300 foote deepe and 340 broad . dd the drost sallant 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 340 broad . ee peter pany commanding the princes guard of horse 1 corn . 300 foote deep and 100 broad . of all manner of approches , and their profiles , with the definition what approches are . the fifth chapter . the approch by which one approcheth safest towards a towne , or a fortresse besieged , are certaine hollow ditches ; called trenches digged into the earth , whereby one may approch neare vnto a towne , or a fortresse covertly , without any great harme , if the lines be carryed well , and kept from the sight of an enemy . in approching one ought to consider well ; 1. the situation of the towne or fort to be besieged . 2. the propriety and forme of the approach . 3. the beginning and distance of them , and fourthly their profile . 1. for the site of the place , one ought to consider well the propriety , and nature thereof , whether the ground bee high , low , hilly , or plaine . in plaine and even ground , one may finde foure kinds of earth , to wit , 1. a clayie & a solid earth , 2. sandie , 3. a spongie and rotten earth , & 4. moorish and a marchie ground which may bee covered & lie vnder water , hauing no firme foundation to work vpon . secondly , hilly places whether they have a solid foundation , 3. sandie , and 4. stonie . also one must take into consideration the forrests , woods , wayes , ditches , hills , and such like things , as may lye round about it , or go towards it . of foure wanner of approches . first , if one can not make choise of such ground as they desire , then one must take it as it fals out , whence there follows diuerse manner of approches ; for if it be good ground , then they run their lines directly from the left hand to the right , & from the right hand to the left , continuing it alternatively till you come to your distance desired , the half of which trench is digged into the earth , & the other halfe cast vp with a parapet raised vpon it , which serves as a blinde to keep your men from the sight of an enemy , and thus you continue your approch by windings and turnings , till you come to the counterscharfe , and moate of the towne besieged , and this kinde of approach you vse in good and firme earth . the second kinde of approach is that , which is made in a sandie ground , which you may run in the same manner with windings , and turnings as you did the first , saving that your parapet will not hold with sand , and therefore , because sand is not so good to work vpon , and will not lie so firme as other earth doth , but will cost more labour , and require more time then solid earth , therefore one must approch neerer and neerer by setting vp of gabions . the third way hath another difference , then those two aboue mentioned , for sometimes one may finde good earth , and sandie mingled together , yea , and somewhiles a marras on both sides , in so much that one shall haue but a narrow way , through which one is to carry his approch , and as in the former you cannot run your lines from the left hand to the right , or from the right hand to the left , so in this you are driven to run a line directly vpon the towne or fortresse besieged . now this manner of approach carried in a right line , is not so laboursome & chargeable as the others before-named , which are run with oblique lines : but the greatest labour is , such an approach must be made deeper , then the former , & do require a double trench & parapet , whereas the others haue but a single one , and ever and anon there must be blinds sett vp because this kinde is more dangerous , and in this approch the one half of the earth is sett vp with a parapet on the one side , and the other half on the other side . the approch which is made through moorish , and marchie grounds overflowne , is almost impossible , by reason of the inconstancie of the water , which riseth , and falleth according to the season , and which causeth many inconveniences : for when one expects dry season , the weather may alter and proue rainie and stormie , which may not onely hinder the approch begun , but also fill the trenches with water , therefore in such cases , one must accommodate themselves , according to the weather , and vse the wisedome , & experience of jngeniers herein , for the preuenting of these inconveniences . as the half of an ordinarie approch , is digged into the ground , so the other half is cast vpon ground : this kinde being made over water and marras , having no firme foundation , the foundation of them is layd by filling vp the water with bundles of boughs , brush , faggots , & such like things , hauing earth cast vpon them , to settle them , & make them lie fast , & the earth being brought vpon wheelebarrowes from some other place , a parapet is raised , and blinds sett vp , that the workemen , & souldiers may work and be in more safety , which guards it . the fourth difference of approch , is also made by earth brought from some other places , having fagots , brush , bavins , and planches layd vpon it , with parapets and blinds sett vp . fifthly , having want of good earth , and finding great store of sand , then the parapet must be made with gabions , and cannon baskets filled with earth . the sixth & last manner taketh its originall from the former , & is made with redoubts in ioyning the one to the other . and if your meete with a stonie place , then you must help your self with gabions , & fetch your earth from some other place , as you did in marchie grounds . these are all the severall kindes of approches , that we have mentioned here in this chapter , which one cannot make without difference and judgement , because the one is more laborious , and dangerous then the other , as we have taught . but to the end all inconveniences may be avoided , one must first informe himself well the nature of the place , through which one is resolved to run an approch , & take a speciall care , that no errour and faults be committed through ignorance , which may loose time expence and labour , and may crosse the happy successie of an armie , for it were an absurd thing , of one should make that approchin a moorish ground , which is to bee made in a plaine place , where there is good earth , where one hath elbow room , and space enough to run oblique lines , or whē one would make them above the ground , when there is earth enough to be digged out of the ground and cast vp . besides , one ought to consider well , the distance of the first breaking of ground , between it and the towne or fortresse to be approched to , that one begins not roo neere , nor too farre off , for the beginning of the approches being too farre from the fortresse , one looses both time and paines , when one begins to breake ground from a place which is in safety . on the other side , to begin an approch within the sight of an ennemie , one cannot so well defēde himself from musket shott , because the muskettiers may take a surer marke , then when they shoot at randum , and it will be hort for the workmen , before they can gett into the ground , besides the workemen cannot be so well seconded , and relieved without great danger , especially if the besieged sallies out , and gives them hort alarmes , so that they must be presently , relived , or else they will be driven to quit the approches and to retire , if they be not seconded betimes . the distances betweene the beginning of an approch , and a fortresse . hence one may clearely vnderstand , the distance of the approch to the towne or fortresse besieged , and the place where one begins to breake ground first , ought to be as farre , as a musket can well carry from the outworks of the fortresse , which may be about some 90 , 80 , 70 , or 60 rod at 12 foote the rodd , or as the nature of the place wil afoard it . the beginning of an approch . or first breaking of ground . when one would begin an approch , there must be choise made of 200 , 300 , 400 , or 500 lusty souldiers , which are vsed to work , now besides the ordinairies armes , which they carrie , they take downe alōg with them into the approches spades , shovells , pickaxses , and others materials necessary for work , and are set in order by the ingenier in that place , where the approch begins , & to the end they may begin with the more safety , they have diverse guards of foote , and horse standing up and down , here and there to defend them , if the besieged should sally out vpon the workemen , and because they may make a good beginning , first they cast vp a redoubt or two , from whence the trench & approch is run , which are environned with a parapet , & a good ditch , & the sides of the redouts made some eigt rods square , as you may see in the profile of trenches . indeed , sometimes as occasion may serve , they make demy bulwarkes , or it may bee whole bulwarkes , for which one takes a profilie answerable to the greatnesse , for when they are litle one makes vse onely of the profile of ordinarie trenches , and when they are great thier profile must be likewise correspondent vnto them . these workes and redouts serve for a retreat to the workemen , if an enemy should make a great sallie vpon them : for being retreated into the said redouts , they may resist an enemie , and stopp them , till they are seconded , so that such redouts are very necessary . for if the workemen had not a place to retreate into , they would beforced to betake thēselves to their heeles , and to abandon and loose their worke . but the inginiers which are employed therein , ought to vse all the skill , industrie , and experience they have to run their lines in such a sort , that those which are in the trenches and approches may not be discovered and seen by an ennemy . in a word , they may runne their approches with the more safety , and as much expedition as possbile bee towards the place , or part of the fortresse , which de generall desires to become master off . there are two principall parts in a town or fortress , one of which must be battered , if one is resolved to take it in , and that is , either a curtaine , or a bulwarke . what part of a fortresse ought to be approched to . it is not good to approch to a curtaine , which is defended by the two next bulwarkes , and their flankes , when you are to expect an enemies canon continually on both sides of you , especially , when you would give an assault vpon it ; for afterward it may easely be cut off . besides that the moate is broader before the curtaine , thē in other places whence it followeth manifestly , that there is no advantage in approching vpon such a place . but a bulwarke is the safest , & best to be approched to and taken in : my reasons are these first the moate is not so broad and large , as it is before the curtaine , & a bulwarke hath but a single defence , coming from the bulwark opposite to it , which may be better beaten vpō by batteries then the curtaine can . moreover , a bulwarke hath but a little defence of it self , because on may be forced to retire from it , & to make new workes , & cuttings of behinde that part which is quitted . and because there is no so much space , as is within the curtaine , the fortification there of is more painefull , and more incommodious , & therefore it is better to approach to wards bulwarkes , then curtaines , which is found by practize , and daily experience . there are other works belonging to a town , or fortresse , as ( crown-works , hoorn-works , tenailles , ravelings , halfe-moones , and others . the manner of carrying of approches wil be cleare and easie enough , when wee come to shew an approch by figure vpon a towne or fortresse which is to be taken in . after one hath naturely resolved , whether he will run an approch vpon a curtaine , or a bulwarke . the ingenier being presēt at the breaking of the ground , is to shew & informe the workemen well , how they are to run their line , and as necessity requires , being of diverse lengths , but most commōly some 20 , or 40 rod long , or sometimes shorter or longer and broken and turned as often as is necessary . the line then being laid out , & marked they divide and place the workemen in order , that they may not hinder one another . now they give to every man the length of foure or fiue foote , and every one maketh as much hast as possible may bee , to gett into the ground , for the avoyding of the danger wherevnto he is exposed , while he stands vpon the open feild , therefore the earth , which he diggeth he casteth it vp before him , and with all expedition maketh a hole like a graue : it is needlesse that at the first breaking , the ditch should be any broader or deeper then three foot , for the earth being cast vp three foote aboue the ground , and the ditch likewise three foote deepe , a man then hath covert enough . the workemen then being got into the ground , they enlarge and deepen the approches as necessity requires , but those which are fardest of from the towne , they need not be soo deepe at the beginning , as when they come neerer to the fortresse . the bredth of the approches ought to be some 10 or 12 foote broad , as may be found necessarie : yea , sometimee one is constrayned to make them larger , least they might be to narrow , in regard waggons may be driuen through them , with materialls necessarie for the gallerie , as also canon which must be drawne downe , and mounted vpon the batteries . but by how much larger the approches are made , by so much ought the parapet of the trench to be heightned , that the enemie may not discover the souldiers that are in them . especially one ought to heighten those points , and windings , where the line turnes , otherwise it may proue very hurtfull and dangerous . while the souldiers are busied in makeing of the line , others are employed in makeing of a batterie , to hinder the enemie from sallying out . when the night is past , there are fresh workemen sent downe to relieve the first , and to enlarge , heighten and repaire that nights worke , vnlesse some of them are willing to connue their worke , and these commanded men , are to have ten stiuers a peece , which the quartermaster of every regiment , who delivers the matterials doth solicite for , and payes them . after the first nights worke ( or it may be the same ) there are corps de guard made , to putt a good number of souldiers into , where they keepe their maine guard , which are made sometimes within the lines , with which the corps de guard ought to be parallels , or else vpon the point where the line turnes , and sometimes without the approches , to which the corps of guard are ioyned to them by a line of communication : so that they lie three or 4 rod from them . it is not alwaies needfull that these redoubts be made square , but one may make them long-wise , or else with 5 angles , and after diverse other manners , as the ground will best afford . most commonly one workes by night , that they may receiue the lesse harme , and that the day following the worke may be repaired . when one line is finished as abouesaid , and that it must be run no further that way , the inginier turnes the line another way , ( bearing it from the towne or fortresse ) and placeth the workemen in order as abouesaid , in continuing so by windings , and turnings . till he hath gott something neere vnto the fortresse beseiged , and makeing good the line continuly with corps de guards and batteries . but the neerer they approach vnto the fortresse , the more subject they are to danger , so that their pay is encreased every day , as the approach is advanced , seing they hazard their liues for it , they haue a halfe rixdaller a night , sometimes a whole rixdaller other-whiles a rixdaller and a halfe , yea sometimes ten rixdallers for an howers worke , if it be very dangerous . finally when you are approched with your trench so farre , that you are continually in the sight of an enemy , & where you cannot get any more ground , but with great danger , they make vse then with an other manner of digging , or an approach called commonly a sapp , which is made in this mannet following . when a resolution is taken , to approach vnto a curtaine , or a bulwarke , you run a right line upon that place , which you intend to assault : as for example , suppose it were upon the demiface of a bulwark , in such sort , that it lies without the flancking blowes of the fortresse . a man then kneeling upon his knees , digs to get into the ground , and casts up the earth before him on both sides , with a short spade , towards that part of the fortresse , till he hath digged three foote into the ground , and that he is covered with the earth , casting alwaies the earth like a moald before him towards the towne , and on that side , where the most danger lies , he ought to cast up the earth so high that it may be able to shelter those , which comes to repaire and make the sapp larger . after the first man which makes the sapp is got into the ground and covered with earth , he advanceth forward and continues the sap , till he hath got some six foot , and then follows another sapper presently , who repaires and enlargeth the ditch to the bredth of six foot , while the other advances forward three foote further in bredth and got so deep , that he is alwaies covered with the earth , which he casts up before him , and the other follows him continually enlarging the dich from three foot to six . after him comes a third man , which finishes the whole sapp , and gives it the conuenient height , depth , and bredth answerable to the first approch . but one must have a singular care , that the approches and sapps bee not digged so deepe , as that water may rise in them , but that they may alwaies remain dry upon firme ground , which the condition of the ditch wil shew it : for when the water within is very deep , and the declinatiō high enough , one may make the approches as deepe as the ditch , when the water that is in it , is distant from the plain earth . touching the manner of working , an agreement is made with certaine worke-men , because a greater number of worke-men cannot worke in so narrow a passage , they take on five or six worke-men , and give them 4 , 5 , 6 , yea , sometimes more as six-dallers apeece , as they can agree with them , and as the danger is little , or great . in this manner of work , being come so neer for the safeguard of the muskettiers , which are to give fire , there are musket baskets set up vpon the top of the parapet of the approches , closse one to another filled with sand or earth , between which the muskettiers puts out the noses of their muskets , to give fire upon the besieged . and because the approches , the neerer you come to the fortresse are made much deeper then at the first breaking of ground , there are one or two foote bankes made for the souldiers to mount up upon , and to discharge their muskets or firelocks . as for example , the figure following numbred 153 , is the part of a towne or fortresse upon which wee are to run our approches , and that upon firme and good ground . the first example . for as much as the fortresse is environed with a corridor or a counterscharfe , one must not take the distance from the great rampart , but from the counterscharfe , and begin the approches some 90 rods distance from the corridor , because one may with the more safety put the spade into the earth . therefore one beginneth the first line of approch from the letter a , and runs it to the letter b , being some 30 rods long or thereabouts . the beginning of the line is fortified with a redoubt marked with the letter c , into which the workemen ( if the besieged should fall out ) may make their retreate , and into which also the guards for the workmen may retire . the first line turneth at b , taking its beginning neere unto the corps de guard d , and runs to e , being some 30 rods in length , where an other redoubt is made marked with the letter f , to hold a guard in it , and because it might be dangerous to run this line any further , it turneth from f to g , and from g to h ▪ where another corps de guard is made . for the neerer you approch unto the fortresse , the more the approches must be strengthened with guards and batteries . besides the approches there ought to be made deeper , and higher , because you come neerer the enemies , canon , and his musket shott , which may shoot the surer upon you , here then you begin to set up musket baskets , and make foot-bankes to your approches , that the souldiers may gett up to them when they are commanded to give fire . when one is approched so neere by meanes of these turnings and traverses that the remainder may be run with a long traverse , then one begins to sapp from h to i , from which also one may make another line to approch unto the other side of the same bulwarke , or also the other bulwarke , as the line from i to k , shews . behinde these lines the muskettiers gets up allwaies to discover , and shoot at those that would peepe into them . there are likewise two redoubts made on both sides for guards , as the letters n and o , do show . in the interim a sapp is begun , that runneth towards the bulwark , which one is resolved to mine in , and which is made in the same manner , as we have described above , when you sapt into the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the brinke of the moate , then you are to fill and damme it up , and to make a gallerie , and blinds which wee will treate of when wee come to speak of a gallerie . while you are busied about making your approches , diverse batteries are made here and there , which serve partly to spoile the ramparts and partly to dismount and hinder the enemies canon from playing upon you , and to keepe the besieged in awe , that the workmen may worke with the more safety , as you see by these fixe batteries noted in the figure 153 , and thus much for approches upon good ground . wee have divided the approches , which run in a right line into three sorts : the first is in a narrow way ▪ an earth which may be spitted out somewhat deepe , and yet neverthelesse without turnings and traverses : the other is when you cannot digge into the earth , but there is , or you shall have water presently , as hapneth in low and moorish grounds . the second example . when you are to approch unto a fortresse in a right line , and that the nature of the way through which you are to carrie your approches , is of such a condition , that you cannot digg into the earth with spades , then you must do as is showne in the figure 154 , where they are covered with earth both on sides , & are made a little deeper then ordinary approches . now seeing the danger is greater in this kind , then in the first , and that a right line causeth you to be continually in the sight of an ennemy , you must prevent , and avoid that danger by making of blindes , which are either made of bundles of rise , or brush ▪ or with thick oaken planckes foure or five ynches thick , and as in this figure you may see , for what use they serve . the third example . there where one cannot digg , as in marras and moorish places , a foundation must be made with sinkers , that is bundles of boughs bound fast together , upon which ( as is said ) earth is cast . vpon this foundation one makes traverses and blinds with gabions as you may see in the figure 155. these gabions are also filled with earth and made so strong , that they are canon proofe , one may sett up also a double row of gabions , which sometimes have earth cast about them . the bredth of such approches is from 4 to 8 rod , as the place is narrow or broad ▪ and as necessity and danger requires , but the ordinarie bredth is no more but four or five rod . one must have also a care , that one traverse endeth there where another beginneth , to witt , there where an alley is left . the like manner of approches were made at the seige of the bosch on count ernest his side , to which as being a new found-worke , it got a new name , and was called the greate gallerie . this manner of approch may be used also in a stonie ground , where one cannot digg the earth because of stones . the fourth example . againe you meete sometimes with a foundatiō , which one cannot passe through dryshod , and cannot get deepe enough into the earth , but one is forced to approch in that manner as is represented in the figure 156 in taking the neerest way , which may be to approch unto the fortresse , and the approches is made of that earth , which is digged about it , in stead of setting up of gabions , and as in the former approaches the traverses , and blinds were made of gabions , so here they are made with whole redoubts : in the midst whereof there is a gape or a sallie , made in such sort , that the one redoubt is joyned to the other ▪ the greatenesse of every redoubt , being some six or eight foote in length ▪ and as much in bredth . such traverses are oftentimes made so strong , that they are able to resist a canon-bullett when they have earth enough , for sometimes they are made sixe foote , but the heigth of them is not alwayes alike , seeing they must bee made higher there , where most danger is . the gates are made in such sort with a falling plancke , that they may bee drawne up , and shut , and are of that height , and bredth , that a waggon may come through them . it is a thing impossible to describe all the manner of approches , because they are so mixed and of such great diversity . neither is the ordinary way of approches alwayes a like , because the one are made deeper , and larger then an other : but commonly they are from 8 to 14 foote broad , and three or 4 foote deep in the earth , or thereabouts : the basis of the earth layd upon it , in stead of a parapet , ought to be betweene seven and eight foote . wee have propounded as an example for them two profiles , marked with the numbers 157 , and 158 , whereof the greatnesse , & measure of them , is noted with letters and numbers in this table following : the demonstration .   figvre .     the profile of the figure marked .   157 158 the inferiour bredth of the approch . ab 9 12 the depth of the approches . fb , ea 3 4 the talud or slooping exteriour . fd , 1 ½ 2 the talud inferiour of the approches . ce , 1 / ● 1 the bredth of the approches above the earth . cd , 11 15 the basis of the parapet above the earth . lc , 8 10 the talud exteriour of the parapet . kl , 1 1 / ● 2 the talud interiour of the parapet . gc , ½ 1 the height exteriour and interiour of the parapet . ik , gh 3 4 the top of the parapet . hi , 6 7 we have expresly omitted the foot-banks , because they are not made in the beginning of the approches , which ought to bee made in the approches after diverses maners sometimes this way , and sometimes many as occasion may serve . of counter-approches . the sixth chapter . the beseigers having approached neere unto a towne or a fort , it behoves then the beseiged to look well about them , and not to be idle , but stirring , and to doe their uttermost endeavour to hinder , and offend their enemy . the defence which is made against these approches is rightly called counter approches . this defence also is made after diverse manners , first when the beseiged are a great number , so that oftentimes they are able to fall out , and make sallies , which they ought to do as often as may be , notwithstanding that they loose men , which of necessity must happen , because the beseigers are much more stronger then the beseiged , and have farre more forces , then those which are within the fortresse . for by this meanes the enemie will be hindred , and his approaches slowly advanced , being many times beaten back , and constrayned to retyre into his workes , during which alarme , they cannot advance forward their workes , neither can they begin them againe , till the beseiged are retreated . they ought to have a singular care , when one makes a sally , that their men be not exposed to slaughter , but must be commanded to fall on with discretion , advantage , and profit , to the end that the towne or fort beseiged be not bereft of their men by foole-hardinesse , rashnesse , and imprudencie . for a fortresse which wants men , may bee compared to an empty purse which hath no money in it . it lies much upon the endevour of the horse , which are in fortresses , for making of sallies , and which ought to fall out oftner then the foote , because they can fall on and retreate with more speede , and though some be lost , yet the hurt will not be so great , as the losse of foote , which must be husbanded , and spared as much as posible may be , to repulse the assault of an enemy . the second manner of defence is made by canon , which must play continually from all places upon the workemen and approches , to doe them as much harme as possible may be , whence it comes to passe , that the workemen are amazed and frighted , when they see many of their fellow workemen fall and slaine miserably by the canon , which will abate their courage , and make them worke more faintly : in such sort , that an enemy is driven to leave of their worke , till such time as the offensive side have made batteries , against the beseiged . but when it is not feisible , they must be constrayned at last to breake up , and quit the seige , otherwise if they continue , it wil be exceeding chargeable to them , because no men will undertake the work , but such as wil be soundly payed for it . for every man hazards his life , when ordinance and musketteirs play continually upon him , and a man will not venter his life for nothing , but will sell it at as deare a rate as he can : besides in so doing , it prolongs the time for an enemy , so that a fortresse may sometimes be relieved , or when winter , or bad weather comes on , they may be forced to abandon the siege . the third manner is by makeing of all sorts of outworkes , and in takeing up the ground , whereunto an enemie approches , which may be made during the siege , and while an enemie approaches , as by makeing of ravelings , halfe-moones , horne-workes , tenailles , and traverses : for all these workes may be made , while an enemie advances his approaches towards a towne or fortresse , but it were better they had bin made before the towne was beseiged , for the gaining of time , and saving of charges , which might be employed in other works . the fourth maner is when the beseiged make counter approches , whereby they may resist an enemy that he may not get into the outworkes and counterscharfe with his approches , where to hinder him , they must cast up some traverses , and other lines running them from their outworks , as it were to meet the enemies works , and so make them get ground ( as it were by peece-meale ) till they come to the fortresse : but neverthelesse one must observe well , that they must be carryed and made so , that they may alwaies flank upon the beseigers works , and approches , and that the approchers may do them as little harme as may be , alwaies making them so , that they lie open towards the towne or fort beseiged . from whence they are to be defended , and must be so carried , that they may give no advantage to an enemy , when he takes them in , and see that they may be flanked from the town and fort both with canon and musket . at the last seige of bergen op zoom , there were many such counter approches made , wherewith the beseiged gauled the enemy shrewdly , insomuch that he was not able ( notwithstanding the losse of abundance of men ) to get a foot of ground of them , having chests in the counter-approches which played continually with muskettiers and firelocks upon the enemy , and casting fireworks among them , taking up also the ground and advantagious places before the enemy could approach unto them , which did disharten them much , for assoon as prince maurice of happy memory , came to rosendale with his army to relieve the towne , marquis spinola seeing no hopes of getting it , after the losse of twelve thousand men , was driven to rise without it , and quit the seige . of all sorts of bridges , especially , your flagg , or bulrush bridges . the seventh chapter . upon an expedition of warre , when of necessity an army is to passe over a river , or a brook , there are commonly carryed boates , or sloopes upon waggons , as hath been taught before , having beames , or boards , all necessaries laid in the boates to be used , first they take downe the beames and posts , and then the plancks , and boards , which is done in a trice , when all things lie in order , sometimes they carry onely boats , and sometimes onely plancks . to make then a bridge over a river , first these boats ( as many as you shall have use off to lay over the river ) are launced into the water , which are bound together with ropes , and fastened with cables and ankors in the bottome over , which sparres and beames are laid , and then plancks and bords layd orderly upon them , for men to march over . there are likewise such kind of bridges made with great boates in fortresses lying upon a river side , when an enemy is feared , and where one dares not make any other bridge for it is drawn up every night like a draw-bridge , that if an enemy had any enterprise upon that place , he might not passe over it . there are made likewise bridges over the moates of the outworkes of a fortresse : but an enemy being approached neere unto the fortresse having made batteries to beate them down , these bridges are broken down in the outworkes , and sally bridges made , to which they cannot do much harme , for the making of which , one takes some barrels , or hoggs-heads bound about with iron , and pitched , unto which rings of iron are made fast for to put posts into them , by which meanes these barrels are ioyned together , and lockt one to another , upon which there are laid planckes for men to passe over and repasse , and if one would take them up in the night , they do it in such a manner , that they are soon sundred one from another . an enemy cannot so easily spoile such a bridge , because it lies even with the water , and if one part of it should be shot a peeces , one may presenly help it againe , with other barrels and posts . there is an other kind of bridge , over which one may give an assault , whereof some of them are borne upon waggons , and others upon boats , and are made after the manner of draw-bridges , saving that they are lighter , and are drawn upon the waggons , or boates upon which they are laid , but when one is to use them , then they must take them downe . read the treasury of the mechanick secrets of augustine de ramely : the artillery of diego vffano , and the theater of the instruments of henry leysing , which treate of these things at large . but of all bridges none are found more necessary and usefull then those that are made of flaggs and bulrushes . for all others require great charges , especially when some ingenier takes some old invention from an ancient author , and gives it out for a new one : for it is reason such a one should be recompenced , because of his invention , and afterward becomes a directour for the making of it , as though no other could be made , but that which he hath invented , and so by this meanes makes his benefit of it , and his count and reckoning according to his desire , by making a bridge at such a high rate and charge , that makes his masters purse light , and his owne heavy . but if you looke narrowly upon it , you shall find it to be an old invention , as one cast off , and serves for no use . the like doth happen here , for when you consider well many new invented bridges , made with great skill and industry , yet neverthelesse they serve for little or no use . but your bridges made with flaggs , or bulrushes , are nothing so chargeable , and yet neverthelesse of great use : we will shew here in few words , how they are , and in what manner to be made . the matter whereof they are made , are called in dutch biesen , in french a ionc , in latine iuncus , and in english a bulrush . this rush groweth in rivers , waters , brookes , some foure , five or six ▪ foot high , and is commonly found in brook pits marras , and wet places , especially by rivers sides , whereof also many times houses are tharcht . the nature of this bulrush is to float above the water , and are used ( being bound up in a bundle ) when boyes learnes first to swimme , putting them under their arme-pits . this bridge above mentioned is made with this rush after this manner following , when they are ripe and growne to their length , then they must be plucked up , and well dried , and when you would make such a bridge , you must bind up these bullrushes in round bundles , or foure square , whereof the sides must be some ten inches broad , and about foure or five foot long . now having got good store of them , one makes a hurdle of them , enterlaced with small wit hs , 5 ▪ foot broad , and 7. or 8. foot long : vpon this hurdle one layes and binds in order the bundles , one after an other , and afterward one takes two long stakes , a little greater then a pike , which is fastened to the hurdle , drawing and binding these bundles fast one to another , which are likewise bound with canvas , at the end of the hurdles one fastens at both ends two or three rings made with wit hs , to joyne and fasten the joynctures of this bridge together . these kind of bridges are of excellent use in seiges ▪ chiefely in places where one is resolved to take in a worke upon a suddain enterprise , and would not be at the charge of making a gallery . when one is resolved to take in such a work , those which are appointed to force it , being well armed as is requisite , being come to the brink of the moate by the meanes of the approches , which are brought thether , they send out before some venterous souldiers , which carrying this bridge launces it into the water , and joynes the peeces together withall expedition ( and while the musketteirs gives fire as fast as ever they can ) till they have laid it over the bredth of the moat , and fastened it on the other side , which being done , the souldiers goes over it , and strives to enter by all meanes to take in the work , as they are commanded . but if there be any mine made ready , they stay the putting over of the bridge , and the falling on , till the mine be sprung , for feare of breaking the bridge , and that it might spring backward . when the beseiged are resolved to make a sally , they may likewise make use of these kind of bridges , all other commodities and utilities , necessity the mother of such like inventions will shew you . now for the better understanding of all things touching these bridges above described , we have represented them in the figure 159. where you shall see how they are made fast , on that side which is to come into the water . but they are to weak , where you are to put over a broad moat , such as are before townes and royall forts , over which one must passe , before they can come to the wall , for these serve onely for some suddaine peece of service , and therefore it is needfull to make use of some other invention called a gallery , which is of excellent use though chargeable , and which we will handle in the next chapter following . of galleries . the seventh chapter . vegecius in the 16. chapter of his fourth book , describeth a certain kind of work , which the ancients called vinea , and saith it was a work made of plancks ioyned together , some eight foot high , seven foot broad , and sixteen foot long , the roofe or toppe whereof was covered with boards , and hurdles interlaced together , and the sides with boughes , in such wise that it could not be spoyled with stones , over which also was laid thick oxen hydes , newly killed , or coverlids of hair cloth , to keepe them from firing , ( whence it hapneth , that we make use of such coverings in our moderne warres , for to hinder the force and violence of gun-powder , because they are not so easily spoyled by fire ( as hath bin said above ) and these workes being in a readinesse , one makes use of them to their advantage . when they have made good store of them , then they joyne and fasten them together , and the beseigers being blinded and covered under them , begin their approches to the wal● and sapp under the foundation of them to make them fall . there is no work which resembles more rightly this invention of the ancients , then our moderne galleries : the preparation , the use , the height , the breadth , are almost all alike , and do agree so together in all things , that we must needs confesse our gallery is no new invention , but was in use among the ancients , and which of late yeares hath bin renewed again . for if one considers neerly their structure , the vinea of the ancients was made with timber and plancks , and our galleries for the most part are made with postes and plancks joyned together : that had also posts to rest upon for its foundation , and this hath also great posts to beare up the weight of the whole work : the sides of the ancients vinea was fortified against the force of the balists , because they were laid with hurdles and boughs , wreathed together , but our galleries are covered with plancks , and earth cast upon them , so that they cannot be spoyled by canon : the vineas were kept from firing by the helpe of oxehides wherewith they were covered , and the sides of our galleries have earth cast about them , that fire-works may do them no harme . these vineas served to come to the wall , to sapp it , but our galleries are brought to the basis and barme of a rampart , to make a mine in a bulwarke , and so to blow it up . the hight and breadth of the one and the other do not differ much , but it seemes the length is differing , though in effect it differs not much ; for the vinea the joynts of them being fastned one to another were reasonable long , but our galleries are set up with plancks and posts and as it were makes but one peece joyned together . whence it appeareth , that our gallery is not wholy a new invention , but hath been in use of old , though in some things it is altered and changed . we will now take it in hand , and shew after what manner it must be made ▪ with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging . when an aproach then is brought so far , where a sap is to begin not far from the town or fortresse beseiged , and that one is sapped to the counterscharfe , then one sees how a gallery may be put over the moate . for the effecting whereof , one must make provision of many things necessary thereunto , and first of all get good store of longbrush and bundles of boughs , to fill up the moate , with a great number of plancks and posts ioyned and made together like a gallowes , all of them having one height and bredth , which are so framed and made by the carpenters before they are brought down into the aproaches , tha one may either take them asunder , or pin them together without any great labour , for being brought thither , where they are to be used : jt is easily done by marking the joynts and peeces with one and the same number which they may fit , and joyne together without any great difficulty . such a gallowes hath five peeces , to wit , two posts which stand upright , one croswise over them , which ioynes the other two together , and two props or supporters of timber to bear the crosse post up , the two posts are set upright being 8 or 9 foot long , and are cut halfe a foote in the upper end of them , for the crosse beame , or post to rest upon the other two posts , and to ioyne them together , and a foot and a halfe at the lower end is sharpned and set fast into the ground , so that it remaines seven foot high for the top of the gallery . yo shall see the forme of it set out in the 160 figure following , whereof the length of them from a b to c d are each of them 9. foot long , and the bredth 6. or 7. inches , the halfe of this breadth at the uppermost end of these two posts is cut the length of halfe a foot , to lay the crosse beame upon them , which ought to be cut in the like manner , having the length of ten foot , or thereabouts , for the longer this crosse post is , the broader will the gallery be , and the better for the souldiers to march five or fixe in front , when they are to give an assault upon the breach , the greatnesse is answerable to the two others , being marked with a c. now forasmuch as these posts are made in such a manner with joynts that they may soone be joined together or severed , they cannot be so firme as those which are joined and pinned fast together by force , without being afterwards taken asunder , especially , because of the great weight which they are to beare , therefore there are props made to support the crosse post , as you may see by e.f. and g.h. marked in the 160. figure , all which being done , and all the peeces joined and pinned fast together as is fitting , every peece is marked , and holes bored through them to fasten them together in a little time , when there is occasion to have them set up . of the bords and planks for a gallery . after this you must provide in a readinesse good store of fir boards and plancks , which must be as long as the two posts , or rather four or five inches longer , so that if the distance between post and post be 5 foote broad , then these plancks must be five foote , and a halfe long : for the odd half foot is divided into two equall parts , taking up three inches on either side of the two posts , into which holes are bored , to naile the plancks and the posts fast together . the ordinary space between the posts joyned together is commonly 4. or 5. ( but seldome ) six foot in bredth , which oftentimes is changed according to the condition of the place , and as the danger is great or little . the thicknesse of the plancks is without any certain measure , because it is needlesse to make them all of one thicknesse , for it may so fall out , that somtimes you must use a thick planck , and some whiles a thinner is fitter to stop a hole withall , as occasion may serve . now for the joyning and fastening of your posts together , you must provide good store of oaken pins , and bore all the holes with a borer , to the end the holes may not cleave , now all these pins ought to be of one bignesse . also in galleries there are used nailes some greater and longer , as you shall have use for , some of them are 4. or 5. inches long for to naile the plancks with , which covers the sides : some other 6. or 7. inches long , which nailes the props into the posts , you must have good store of them of all sises for to use them , when necessity shall require . your ordinary wheel-barrowes and shovels are here of exellent use , but you must have shovels that have longer hafts then ordinary , to cast the earth a good way into the moate , which cannot be so well done with short hafts . jn this place one ought to make use of thick plank-blinds , which we have mentioned in the chapter of gabions and blinds , which serve for a very good use in galleries , as we shall show you hereafter . a gallerie raised without , being covered with earth , is represented unto you in the 161 figure . after you have sapt through the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the edge or brinke of the moate , and resolve to lay a gallerie over it , you must first of all provide good store of these bundles of long brush before mentioned , brought downe in waggons , and abundance of wheele-barrowes , to fetch earth into the gallerie , to cast these things into the moat , and to fill it up , even to that place , where you intend to make a mine , and in so doing , you shall by degrees fill up the moate , and make a good foundation for your gallerie to rest and stand upon . but because any cannot cast and lay these bush-faggots in order , as one would , you shall meet with some venturous souldier or another , who for money will adventure in the night to goe out at the mouth of the gallerie into the moate , to lay them in order . and to the end they may not be seen by the enemy , one must observe well to make the perpendicular of the face of the bulwarke , which will be the shortest way to come unto it . the moate then being filled with these long bundles , and fagots of brush abovesaid , so that one may cast earth upon them brought from the next sap , the work-men fetches good store of earth in wheel-barrowes upon plancks laid in the gallerie , and brings it to the mouth of the gallerie , casts it upon a heape and then two or three workemen which are apointed to worke in the mouth of the gallerie , casts it into the moate to settle the fagotts . this earth cast up in the forme of a heape , serves to cover and make a blinde for the work-men onely before , but not on the sides ▪ and therefore they must be constrayned to make blinds on that side which is most dangerous , til the posts be set up , yea oftentimes they must make blinds on both sides of the gallerie , if an enemy flanks it from two places . after this one begins to set up one of the posts ▪ ioyned and pinned together as hath been taught , and as you may see in the 160 figure . and sets some men continually to fetch earth in their wheele-barrowes , others from the top of the heape casts the earth with their tong-shovels into the moate , and gets more ground to set up the other past , for haveing got a matter of five foot or there-abouts , they sett up the other past ioyned together as is said , after they have set forward the blinds for to cover the sides of it : which two posts being set up , then they naile the plancks fast to both sides of the gallerie , and they set onely the others upon it without fastning them by covering the side onely with earth , which may be beaten downe by the enemie , till it is able to resist a canon bullett , and then casts earth above the gallerie , about a foote or a foote and a halfe high , which must be spread , and laid even , to the end , fireworks may not lie upon it , and spoile the gallerie by fyring of it . it happens sometimes , that one side of the gallerie is out of the enemies sight , and cannot be beaten downe with their canon ▪ in such sort that one needs not cover it with earth and then that time and charge is saved , unlesse it lies so , that an enemie can sett fire on it with pitch ropes and other fire workes , or spoyle it with his canon , which lies in his outworkes , which being so , then of necessity , you must cover that side , till it is able to resist the enemies canon . and because it would be very darke if the whole gallerie were covered with earth , and so very incommodious for the workmen , therefore to helpe that on the safest side , there are little windowes or holes made of a foote high , and a foot and a halfe long , betweene every three or foure postes ioyned together , to give light into the gallerie . this work is continually aduanced and the heape raised by the workemen , which cast the earth into the moate in a great quantity before them , haveing alwaies a singular care , that the heape from whence they cast their earth growes not too low , least the workemen be discovered . afterward they sett up the third posts ioyned together in the same manner as hath been said , and make fast the boards , and planks to them , this labour must be continued till the gallerie is advanced even to the very soote and barme of the rampard . all which is shown in the 162 figure where a gallerie is made & covered , as also to show that one of the posts ioyned and sett up , which must be nailed to the other with planks , and the heape of earth behinde , which the man stands and works is also here pourtrayed out . when the gallerie is brought over almost to the very foote of the rampart , then one may come to it with more safety , for then the heape is taken away , and a blinde made of thick oaken plankes to begin a mine into the bulwarke . at the lower end of these posts abovesaid , as you may see from b to d , there is an other post besides of the same greatenesse , which cannot be seene , therefore wee have purposely omitted it , but will remember to speake of it , when we handle the makeing of the posts and palisadoes . the eighth chapter . of mines . as a gallery is an ancient invention , so likewise mines , which we make at this day have been heretofore in use amongst the ancients also : and this is the last thing wherewith the besieged are troubled . a mine then according to the definition of vegetius , is a cave by which one makes secret goings under the eearth , to come by night unawares to a fortresse , or by which one diggeth into the foundation , and bowels of a wall , or of a bulwark , underpropping the earth with posts of wood , and laying under it dry wood , for when they would make a hole in the wall , they set fire on this wood , which being burnt with the props , the wall fell down , and the besiegers being in a reddinesse attending the fall of the wall , ran presently up by that breach , to assault the fortresse ; which is understood also of our moderne mines which we make in by blowing up the powder that is laid in them , whence it appeareth clearly , that this is also an ancient invention , being a little changed , and amended at this day . this mineing ( or digging under the earth ) is called in latine cuniculus , of which name ancient writers , as iulius caesar , livius , and curtius make often mention of in the description of this stratagem , it signifieth a moole from whence the name is taken , because the mines made under rampards and bulwarks , resembles the holes and passages which mooles makes under the earth . there are others which derive this name from the latine word cuneus , because the mines are made in the fashion of a wedge , which is thick at the beginning , and diminisheth little by little , even as the mines which make a rupture in those places where they are made , may be compared to a wedge , which cleaveth a piece of timber in sunder . mines were of old called cuniculary . he that is desirous to know more thereof , let him read vegetius and vitruve , who have written of military inventions among the ancients . we will here describe in a few words , how our moderne mines are made at this day . the last meanes for the forcing of an enemy besieged , to make him yeeld , is this making of a cave or mine under the earth , which is begun and finished ( as is said ) after you have brought your gallery over to the barme , or foot of a rampard or bulwark . but before it is begun , you must have all things necessary , and in a reddinesse , for the effecting of this work , first of all ye must have spades , shovels , pickaxes , and all kinde of masons tooles , with all things requisite to pierce and break the wall , wherewith the rampart is made . afterward , one prepares props to support , and beare up the mine from falling or sinking , being two , or two inches and a halfe thick , the length of them being not alike , because the entrance into the mine is made higher then towards the end of it . one is furnished also with firre planks , for to line the mine vvithin , as above , that it may not sink and fall down , for it must be set with planks on all sides , as vvell as the foundation , especially if the earth be moulding and vvettish . but before you begin to make your mine , it vvill be necessary that you knovv the condition of the place , that is , whether the bulwark be hollow and vaulted , or whether the foundation be laid with branchages , logs , or borne up with piles : and whither water may not spoile your mine , if you should mine too low . in case that the rampard or the bulwark into which you intend to mine , were laid with logs , or supported upon great piles , which happens ordinarily in moorish and rotten places , upon which you must build your bulworks , and rampards ; or when one can get no other earth but sand : you must trie and get out all these piles with cables or ropes by winding them out with an instrument ordained for this purpose . now you must pierce and pull out these loggs by such wayes and meanes as is known unto miners , for the makeing of a way and a chamber to lay your gunpowder in . when you are assured that you cannot digge no deeper , but that shall come to water , then you must raise your mine a little higher , to the end the powder may lie drie in it . the miners then beginning to break into the wall , do carry their mine so close , and secret as possible may be , that the besieged may not heare any noise , or gather any notise , where the mine is made , and how it runs : for if they doe , without all question , they will make a counter-mine to discover and spoile your mine begun , so that you shall be driven to begin a new one in another place , as hath happened many times . the heighth , and the bredth of the mine must be made in such a manner , as you may onely lay in the barrels of powder , for it ought to be no higher , nor no broader , because your intentiō is , but onely to chamber your powder in it , and therefore it must needs be so high as a man , and no higher , but that a man may onely work in that upon his kneés , and that he stoops lower , when he goes to lay the powder into its chamber . the heighth then must be but 4 , or 4 foot and a half high at the most , and the bredth but 3 and a half . or foure foot , according to vvhich measures , the props and the planks are framed , vvherevvith you are to underprop the mine . when you begin to mine into a rampard or bulwark , you take out the earth , and carry it away in a vessell , or a pall of leather , which is light , in handing it one to another , till it be brought out of the hole , or entrance out of the mine , and laid in the gallerie , to the end the enemy may not see it , and gesse where abouts your mine is . the master-miner , which hath the conducting of the mine , ought to be a man of great experience , how he ought to carry it , lest he be mistaken , and so make it in a place , where he ought not to make it . therefore he must have knowledge of a compasse , and how the needle stands , that he may carry his mine aright . he ought also to have skill in geometry , to the end he may know of what heighth he must carry his mine , according to the proportion of the rampart . the nearer he comes unto the place where he is to make his chamber , the narrower ought the way of the mine to be , in such sort , that it must be no broader or higher at the entrance into the chamber , but that a barrell of powder may scarcely passe through the way for the straighter and the narrower the passage is into the chamber , the easier the mine is stopt . the place where the chamber is , ought to be so made , that the powder doth not break neither the one , nor the other side ▪ but that it may blow the earth upward . neverthelesse sometimes the miners are commanded , to make their mine so , as it may blow the earth into the fortresse , or else without which may be done , if they make that side , which is to be blown up , not so thick as the other : for the nature of powder is such , that it maketh the greatest operation alwaies towards the weakest place , and though it blows it up ordinarily : yet commonly it searcheth most often the place , where it may break out soonest in to the ayre , which appeareth both in your canon and muskets . the bignesse of the chamber is divers , for it must be made according to the greatnesse and proportion of the wall or rampard : neverthelesse one must observe , that it be made as narrow as possible may be , and yet must have room enough to lay the barrels of powder into it : the ordinary heighth is some six or seven foot , and the bredth foure or five foot . when the chamber is ready , then you lay in your barrels , the number whereof cannot be so precisely discribed . for one rampard is greater then an other , in so much , that a greater quantity of powder is requisite more for one place then an other . the common opinion is , that a barrel of powder will blow up a rod , or twelue foot of earth . the barrels are laid in such order , that in the twinckling of an eye , they take fire all at one time , which causeth a greater operation then if one barrell should be blowne up one after another . after that your powder is chambred , the with all expedition you must stop the entrance into the chamber , with thick and strong planckes , and stopp it hard , and ramme it in with good earth , and leaue a little hole or traine , to lay some powder in it , which traine is carried to the very end of the mine , and stops up the passage of it with firkins of earth , that the aire may neither come in or out . for the stronger the mine is stopt , it will take the greater effect . all things then being in a readinesse , it is left so till one is commaunded to give fire to it . in the 163 figure is represented unto you a myne marked , a b c d e , is the way upon the bulwark , e is the entrance into the chamber , f g h and i , is the chamber it self , wherein the powder is laid . here a question might be moued , whether mines ought to be carried with right lines , or crooked ? the answer is , that mines , which are carried in a right line are sooner made , but because they take not so good effect , the other are to be preferred before them , which are made with oblique lines . for the windings and the turnings of them , adds strength unto them , that the powder hath not so much force to break the stopping . now suppose that it should break the stopping d : e : the rest therefore is not broken , because the force of the powder is kept in by the earth marked d , and driven back to blow upwards , or finding no vent to turne back againe , where it vvas laid . but in a right line vvhen the povvder breakes the stopping , the effect thereof is hindred and deminished , for it is certaine , that the stopping , which is made nevvly is not so firme as the old setled earth , vvhich hath lain a long time in it . of covnter-mines the ninth chapter . where there is an offensiue warre , there is also a defensiue , as appeareth by mines : for the beseiged having discouvered them , vvhich one hath prepared for them , and that there is no hope left , but vvaiting for the springing of an enemies myne in their rampard , and to giue them an assault , then they are to stand upon their defence , and beginn to make mines also , vvhich they eyther doe to offend an enemy , or to defend themselues by them . therefore vvee must understand here , three kinds of mines to vvit , the vvorkes vvhich are made to finde out an enemies mine , 2 : the countermines , vvhich are made to spoyle an enemies mine , & 3 the cutting off of a bulvvarke or a rampard vvithin , of the tvvo former , vvee will treate in this chapter . for the first kind of countermines , vvee understand those vvorkes , and mines , vvhich are made to discover , and find out an enemies mine , and to kill the miners in it . after one hath found it out , as also for the casting dovvn of the same vvork , and the taking avvay of the povvder chambred , the enemy vvill finde himself deceived , vvhen he thinks to spring his mine , attending the operation thereof in vaine , because the povvder is stolne out of it . for to finde out an enemies mine , there are tvvo manner of vvayes , the one vvhich vvas used by the ancients , and the other practised at this day . vitruvius in the said chapter of his tenth book , describeth the maner of the ancients , and saith that the cite of apolonia , being besieged , and the besiegers having made some mines under the earth to assault the citizens , on a sudden vvithin the vvalls ; the citizens being advertised thereof , vvere extreamly affrighted thereat , and began to faint and lose their courage : because they knevv no remedy to prevent it , and could by no means finde out the place vvhere the mines vvere made . but trypho alexandrin , vvhich lived in that age , the architector of this city , caused to be made along under the vvalls a great many ditches , and vvithall some mines under the vvalls continuing them beyond the enemies , as farre as one could throvv a stone . he caused to be hanged in these ditches vessels of copper , under th●se places , vvhere the enemy vvrought , vvhich made a noise , by reason of the moving of the earth , vvhereupon he found out the enemies mines , and filled cauldrons of brasse full of boyling water , and melted pitch , to povvre it dovvn through those holes upon the heads of his enemies mines . he cast dovvn also mens dung , vvhich vvas mixed vvith hot sand and gravell , vvhich he did by night into the enemies mines , into vvhich he had made divers holes , and by this meanes slevv a great many of them . herodotus in his melpomina makes mention of a tinker , vvhich dvvelt in the city of barca , besieged by the persians , vvho discovered the enemies mines by the meanes of a buckler of brasse , vvhich he hung in divers places against the vvall , and so found out at last the place under vvhich the enemy mined . but at this day to finde out an enemies mine , they use to make counter-ditches , as hath been said , and before a mine is begun ▪ it is necessary to be informed , after the manner of the ancients of the place , vvhich may be undermined by an enemy . but mines are searched out after divers other vvayes . some are of the opinion , that round about the vvalls , and bulvvarks of a tovvn or a fortresse , ( to vvit , vvhen the fortificatiō is first begun ) one should make hiddē caves , and passages under the earth , by vvhich one might discover , and finde out an enemies mine . but this me thinks is not good , because the vvalls and bulvvarks are made thereby slender & vveake , and these caves & being made vvith posts , and planks , vaults in tract of time are subject to rot , and & the mines afterward falling dovvn , all that labour is lost . also it is dangerous to make vauts in rampards , and bulwarks , seeing it is to be feared , that such a work is not durable , sith it must bear up so great and ponderous a vveight , besides it vvill cost excessive expences . and though these counter-mines should be thus made and ordained : yet it is not certaine , but that an enemy in myning may meet iust with one of these mines , and so take his way and advantage , either over or under it , and so leatt this counter-mine alone . a second opinion is this , & some findes it good , that one should hang trees , and other bushes in them , which are found often in the rampards of the cimbri , which being stirred with the least motion , gives a sound , whereby one may finde out the place where the mine is . but this is a thing uncertain , because the least gale of wind , will easily shake these bushes , and branches of trees . and if they do so this must be done in a still and a calme vveather , vvhen there is no vvinde stirring . and therefore i ansvvere , one ought to search out an enemies mine at all times , for it vvere an absurd thing , for one to stay from finding an enemies mine out & till a calme time comes , vvho vvill advance ( as much as possible may be ) his vvork , vvithout staying for still or faire vveather . therefore this vvay serves but for little use . a third and a better vvay , and which is the ordinary way , is to set a drum in the place suspected , vvith some dice , pease , or beanes vpon the head of it , vvhich upon any stirring , will leap upon the drum , when it stands over the place vvhere one vvorks . neverthelesse you must not let it stand in one place onely , but remove it novv and then from one place to another , yea so often , till you are assured of the place , vvhich is shaken by the work vvhich is made under it . some make use of a bason of litany filled vvith water , and imagines , that the mine is there , vvhere the water moveth , but that is uncertaine as that of the cimbri is , spoken of before , but that of a drum is held to be the best and surest way . notvvithstanding one may make good use of basons , vvhen they are set upon a rampard , as a drum with peas or other things . for by such a meanes one may knovv the place , vvhich is undermined . the use of basons vvithout all question , took its originall from the invention of a kettle , vvhereof vvee haue spoken even novv . a fourth opinion besides these vvhich is in use also ; is a great long iron borer , to bore into the earth , wherevvith those which searched the earth , bores a hole with it into the rampard , & laying his eare to the hole to listen well if he can heare any noize , vvhich is practised in suspected places . many other inventions are invented by necessity the mother of practise . to resist then the mines of an enemie , one makes use of this practise following . after you haue curiously searched out the enemies mines , and that you are assured of the place under vvhich they are hid then you may find them out vvithout all question , & nothing remaynes then , but to make a counter-mine against them , vvhich is made in the same manner as vve haue discribed in the former chapter , treating of mines , to wit , by under-propping the earth vvith posts and laying planks betvveene them , that the earth may not tumble dovvn . now because one is not assured to meed iust vvith the enemies myne vvhich may be made either too high , or too low , therefore you must make many , till by one of them you haue found it out , & are come to the chamber to take avvay the powder . when an enemies myne is carryed so secret , and hidden , that one cannot finde it out , then the besieged must of necessity resolue to quit that part of the rampard or bulwarke under which they suspect there is a mine , and so cut it of invvardly . but for their advantage they make ready also their countermine made in that place , & chambers their povvder attending the effect of the enemies mine , and vvhen he springs his mine , then they retire themselues into their nevv vvorke cut off , and the enemy being lodged in that peece of the bulvvarke or rampart , vvhich they haue quitted , then they blovv up their countermine , and slay all those , vvhich they find in it . the like also is done in outvvorkes , and counterskarfes , vvhen one is driven to quitt them , and that one cannot keepe them any longer . of palisadoes , pales , tvrne-pikes ▪ barricadoes , qvadrant-tanternailes : and beares . the tenth chapter . wee haue often made mention of palisadoes and the use of them , especially vvhen they are struck into the ground about dry moates , for then they serue , in stead of vvater against the sudden assault of an enemie , so that not onely the moates before great vvalls , and rampards , ought to be set with them , but also all outvvorkes must be fortified vvith them . they are likevvise of excellent use in the field , vvhen trenches are set round vvith them , and struck in round about forts , and vvorkes , vvhich lie in the most dangerous places . they are of no lesse use also in fortresses , especially vvhen the beseiged are constrayned to make cuttings off vvithin a tovvne , or fort : moreover they are good to be struck in upon the topp of breaches , vvhereof vve vvill treat in the next chapter . these palisadoes then are made in this manner follovving , one makes choise of good and strong sparrs being some 3 or 4 ynches in diameter , but of severall lengths , according to the place into vvhich they are to be struck , vvhereof some of them may be 5 , 6 , or 7 foote long . novv the lovver end of them must be sharpened and pointed , and the upper end flatt , that they may be driven into the ground vvith a mallet or a beetle : one bores also a hole some 3 or 4 ynches under the head of the palisadoe , & an other some three ynches under the first hole , and a third hole on the side through the middest of the tvvo others , in such sort , that the nailes , vvhich are driven through it , resemble as it vvere the corners . in some also they use to driue in tvvo nailes , so that they are not struck in a right angle , but rises a little tovvards the head of the palisadoe . the length of these nailes , must be some eight or tvvelue ynches , and so bigg , that they cannot be easely bowed or broken , and the head vvhich is driven into the palisadoe is some-vvhat greater , then that vvhich sticks out , vvhich ought to be very sharpe . when you are to use these sparrs , vvhereof you must haue good store , you take first of the shortest size , being but fiue foot long , and strick in a long ranke of them , as you shall finde necessarie . they are driven into the ground the depth of a foot and a half , or sometimes more , according as the earth is conditioned , and thus you shall make your first ranke : then you shall driue in an other ranke of palisadoes , being six foote long , vvhich are set behind the first ranke , to the end they may run in a right line vvith the first , but must be struck in a little sidelings , to the end , that their nailes may fill all places necessarie , and the heads of these palisadoes , ought to stand about halfe a foote higher , then the others : in the same manner you driue in the third ranke , vvhich must be half a foot higher then the second , and thus you may doe , if you vvill driue in a fourth ranke , yea as many as it pleases you . these palisadoes are represented unto you in the 164 figure . for the palisadoes , vvhich are used against assaults there are two sorts of them . the first is that sort of palisadoes vvhich are sett upon the parapets of forts , outworks , and redoubts , for to hinder an enemy that they may not so soone assault or scale a place : these ought to be 3 or 4 ynches in diameter , and some 6 or 7 foote long , vvhereof the half past is driven into the parepett , and the other half stands upright . for the other sort , those great headed piles or pales , clasped together vvith chaines , and plates of yron , vvhich stād alwaies upon rāpards and bulvvarkes covered vvith a little roof against the time of necessity , vvhen as an enemy seekes to assault a fortresse . for by this meanes he is repulsed , vvhen he vvould scale a rampard , because these palisadoes , or logs being cast dovvne a vvall , annoyes greatly the beseigers , in regard of their vveight , vvhich they are not able to resist , though they be armed with head peeces . of palisadoes , pales , vriz-rvyters , cavalliers de frize , called in english turne-piks . the tenth chapter . wee haue observed in our declaration of originall names vvhence , the cavalleries de frize tooke their name : to witt , at the siege of groeninghen in frizeland , vvhere they served for great use , by stopping and hindring the enemies horse , when they came to relieue the tovvn , and then got this name of vrize ruyters in dutch , cavalliers de frize in french , and frize horses or turne-pikes in english , and besides the stopping of a suddaine charge of horse , they are of excellent use , to be clapt on the topp of a breach , or some vveake place of a trench , or a vvall , and good store of them ought to be carryed along vvith an army on vvaggons , to be sett up in some avenus , or passages , to stop and hinder the sudden attempt of an enemy , vvhen one hath no time to cast up a trench . in fortresses they are also of greater use then chaines or barres , vvhich crosseth the streets , for a man may skip over a chaine , and a good horse will leap over it : but being beset and crossed vvith turne-pikes , neither foot nor horse are able to passe over them , seeing they have staves and sharp points through them on all sides . they may be set up also in the streets of suburbs and other places instead of barres , and vvhere some broad places are to be kept , in joyning many of them together , vvhich is done ordinarily in the expeditions of warres . they are made in this manner following , you take a tree of firme wood , vvhich will not cleave , vvhere of the diameter is five or sixe inches , and some 10 , or 14 foot long , vvhich is made vvith six corners , so that it hath six sides , and in the midst of these sides , one bores three or foure inches one from another cros-wise , and thē puts through these holes round javelings , vvhereof the diameter is an inch and a half , or at the most two inches , the lengt of them is sixe or size foot , and so made , that they are all of one length , which are made of a strong and a firme piece of timber , which will not easily bend , nor will be weakned by raine , these are thrust through these holes , so that they are of a just length on both sides , and have as many javelings on the one side , as on the other : so that the turnepike is alike over all , and falleth alvvaies after one fashion , as it lies , and as one vvould have it . both the ends of these javelings are headed , and sharp pointed vvith yron , and the ends of the tree are plated about vvith rings of iron , that the tree of the turnepike may not cleave and in the middest of both ends there are rings and clasps made to tye tvvo or three of these turne-pikes together with chaines , if occasion should serve , all vvhich is represented in the 165 figure . where there are some banks near unto a fortresse or water , vvhere shipping may passe to and again , or vvhere a water may be vvaded through , there are made pales or barricadoes , represented in the 166 figure , which are made vvith sparres of strong vvood , squared out , being some 4 or 5 inches big and some nine or ten foot long , vvhich are set between 2 great posts , about 5 or 6 inches one from another , as ye may see in thee 166 figure . the fouresquare tanternailes is a very necessary thing for defence , having alvvaies one of the points standing upvvard . for they have foure points as sharp as a naile , whereof three stands upon the ground , and the fourth hovvsoever it lies , standing bolt upright . they are of divers greatnesse , for those vvhich are commonly used in this country , are lesser then those which are cast into a moate . the point whereof 3 or 4 , or 5 inches long . a fortresse ought to have good store of them for to cast them into a moate , into a falsebray , or upon a breach , because they prick and hurt shrodly the souldiers feet which strives to enter . they are represented to you in the 167 figure . your dodanes or beares made of stone or brick are set upon a banke by a river side , to keep the water from overflowing , ( or running out of a moat . the dutches cals it a beare , because it represents the shape of a beare , but the french terme it des d'asnes , and of one word corrupted dodanes , that is , an asses backe ▪ because it hath some resemblance of an asses back , upon which disobedient souldiers , who committed some notable offence must ride upon some houres one after another , which we call in english a woodden horse , and hath the fashion of an asses-backe . master symon stephens , prince maurice his old mathematician , in his new booke of fortification , and sluces , makes mention of some great faults committed in the making of these beares , because the foundation , which should sustaine and beare up this ponde●ous work , ought to be exceeding strong , and foundly laid , for otherwise the expence , and the labour which it costs wil be cast away in vaine . for the preventing whereof , he gives good councill to sinke into the bottome of the moate , piles or mast trees bound fast together and of one and the same bignes and length , which wil make a strong and a firm foundatiō , wherupon afterward you may build your beare . it must be made a good deale higher , then the water , when the tides , or the rivers are swolne up to the very bankes , and it must be made so thick , that it may be able to resist the force and violence of the water , and the stones and bricks so laid and plaistred together , that the water cannot eate or soake through it· and because these beares in moates might serve as a way to straddle over and get into the towne or fortresse by , at both ends there is two palissadoes set the one upon the banke , and the other one either side next the moate , as you may see in the 166. figure before which also is struck into the ground , many other small palissadoes of 4 or 5 foot length before mentioned . but the top of the beare is made with a sharpe edge , and in the midst of it a little round turrit to hinder , and keepe backe those that would clime over it : sometimes there are made two round turrets when it is made over a broad water or moate , the figure 168. will shew you the pouretrature of such a beare . of retrenchings , or inward cuttings off , and how one must resist an assavlt . the eleventh chapter . interiour . the art of fortification is not onely of perfect fortresses , provided with all kinde of outward-workes , but also hath besides an other use , seing that it teacheth also how one ough to prepare and furnish a towne or fortresse with new workes , when the others are ruinated . this part of fortification is called in french un retrenchement interieur , in latine recessus , and in english an inward cutting off : because such workes are made to no other end , but to make a retreate into , when the others are lost . for , when one cannot maintain , and defend a whole worke , or a part thereof , because an enemie striveth with all his power to become master of it one must then resolve , when he is driven out of one work , how he may retire into another , and defend himselfe againe , against the assault of an enemy , because it would be very hurtfull to defend one selfe , when he lies open to an enemy . this inward cuttings off is of two sorts , the one in outworkes , the other in a fortresse it selfe . besides , it is in generall or particular . wee wil first handle the cuttings off , which are made in outward works , which are the first , which an enemy seekes to take in , and afterwards the cuttings off , which must bee made in a towne or fortresse it selfe . touching a generall cutting off , it is only used in crown-works , horn-works , or tenailles . the same is also of two sorts ▪ regular , and irregular . a generall cutting off is , when a worke is made in all things like unto that , which is cut off , in such sort , that a crown-worke is made within a crown-work , a horn-work within a horn-worke , and a tanaille within a tanaille . irregular cuttings off of outward works , is that which is that which keeps not the form of the worke , which is cutt off within , yet neuerthelesse shutteth up the worke with a continued parapet . a perticular cutting off is , when a worke is made out of broken workes , or severed one from an other , in such wise that there is made one , two , or three reuelings , in stead of a horn-worke , or two demy bulwarkes . you must observe well , touching every kind of cutting off here set downe , that they may have a good defence , and if it be possible , that they may also be defended from some other places , and that they lie open to that side which lookes into the towne or fortresse besieged . a generall cutting off in crown-works is done as followeth , one fals backward some 20 or 24 foote , yea more or lesse , according as the condition of the place is , and as necessity requires , and one maks the work within it , like unto the other which is cut off . and though his work being cut off , is lesser then the other , yet it will give an enemy enough to doe when he shall attempt the taking of it in . your crown-workes are made commonly after the proportion of a small fort royall , where the proportion of the polygones are of 5550 or 45 rodd , when you resolve to cut off a worke a little more inward , it will become narrower in a regard of the great work , yet will be great enough to defend it selfe the generall cuttings of crown-works , will cost no great labour , which may easily be showne , in regarde it is very common . an example thereof you may see in the 169 figure : the cutting off being made , one is forced to make a ditch , between the worke quitted and the cutting off , which ought neverthelesse to be done , because one takes the earth out of the ditch , to make up the cutting off withall : one must observe also that this cutting off must be made , as strong as possible may be . the cuttings off are maide only , while an enemy is approaching towards you , but also when towns and forts are first fortified . your general cuttings off in tenailles doth not differ from that which is made in horn-works , saveing that one make a tenaile , in stead of a horn-worke . the particular cuttings off of horn-works is after so many wayes , that one cannot shew here all the kinds of them . a cutting off is represented unto you in the 171 figure , where a horn-worke is cut off , and two revelings made in the sides of it , which are defended by a third , which are behinde the others : & though they have a sufficient defence of themselves , yet the defence of the other reveling is added to them over & above , and is defended from the tenaille , which is after it . besides this , there is another kinde of cutting of a horn-worke showne in the 172 figure . in imitating these cuttings off one may make many others , as necessity may permit , and as an enemy attempts upon you , all which is impossible to marke out here . a generall cutting off a great wall or rampard is used very seldome , because the besiegers and the besieged will at last grow weary thereof , neverthelesse , this hapned in the seige of ostend , which lasted three yeares , three months and odd dayes : for assoone as the enemy had got into the wall by sapping and springing of mines , they presenly had an other cutting off ready to entertaine them : in so much that dureing this seige , there were many counter-approches against approches , counter mines against the enemies mines , so that the enemy could not get for a long time sarcely an inch of ground upon our men , for there were above forty mines sprung on both sides & when the earth fel out , men fought for that and turned up the earth against them , for these generall and royall cuttings off , lasted , till the enemie had got more then halfe the towne , before they gate over the whole . and though such a seige , and such a great cuttings off , happens but seldome , yet you shall see an example thereof in the figure 173 , where is showne how one ought to quit a whole part of a towne , or fortresse , vvith the curtaine and bulvvarks , and hovv one by a cutting of a bullvvarke , or a curtaine is more usual , vvhereof vve savv an example at the seige of the bosch in the vucher bulvvarks as also the last year at the seige of breda vvhere both the ginnekeis and haghish hornvvorks , vvith both these bulvvarks , vvere most dangerously cut off novv to represent unto you some cuttings off , vvhich you may see in the 173 figure marked vvith a , b , and c. the letter c shovvs you hovv one ought to quit a vvhole bulvvark , and hovv you ought to make your capital line after a bulvvark is cut off . likevvise other kinds of cuttings off of bulvvarks , are represented unto you in the figure 174 , 175 , 176 , 177 , and 178 , after vvhich manner , you may make many others and change , and order them , as an enemie comes neere you , and as the commodiousnesse of the place shall require . it happens also sometimes that curtaines are cut of invvardly , vven as an enemy may assault them vvith advantage , becaus of their length . you may then cut them of as is shovvn in 172 figure , vvhen you have time enough to cut them of royally . but if time vvil not permitt you to make a royall fortification , then you must make use of traverses . it is impossible to cut of a false-bray , because of the little space , vvhich is in it . notvvthstanding one may cast up some traverses in it , especially on that side , vvhich the enemy seeks to take in , and tovvards vvhich part he vvould advance his gallery , to the end you may not give too much to an enemy , but keep and maintaine the place as much as possible may be . for the besieged may lay hold on the same advantage , as their enemy doth , vvhen he is once got into the false-bray , and though vvhen he is in that they may cover the roof of it vvith planks one may neverthelesse set fire on it , and disaccommodate the enemy on all sides . as for other vvorks as revelings and halfmoons , you may see hovv they are cut of after the same manner , as the bullvvarks are , if the vvorke vvhich is to be cut of be great enough and have place enough in it to be cut off . but forasmuch as all this here showne , concerneth principally the defence , which ought to bee considered in ordinary fortresses , so one must have a speciall care to the materials whereof these workes are made : for in making of them , you must choose the best earth that is to be got , which will make your workes the stronger . in outworkes you may alwayes take in the earth , which is digged out of the moate· but because that sandy earth , or earth mingled with sand , is not so good , it is lyned with rise , or brush , which is layd betwixt and upon it . in great bulwarks , where there is not earth enough , and besides that is sandy , it must bee laid with rowes of brush , driving them in with stakes , and sparrs of houses shot down with canon . but when the ground is so sandy , that you cannot work it alone , then you must lay dung , and straw , and other things betwixt it to make it hold together , and you must wet the earth as many times as is needful . you may fortifie your parapets with gabions , when you cannot make them otherwise , and likewise you may set great musket baskets upon the top of the parapet , that it may be covered the better . in outworks one may make use of the ordinary profile , when you have time enough to make cuttings off , or you may make them long before hand . but the works which are made in great hast , have no certaine rule : howsoever , you must make them as strong as possible may be , and as meanes , and time will give you leave . touching the cuttings off of bulwarks and curtains , one can give likewise no certain rule , only this you must ever have a care , that all inward works and cuttings off , lie open toward the town or fortres with this proviso also , that they be not made so high , but that the great works may over-look and command them : for if the rampard of the cutting off be lower , then the high rampard of the town , then the enemies canon can do it no great harm , because they are defended from the great rampard . againe , the enemy cannot discover the place and the forme of the cutting off , according to which one may governe themselves otherwise . it is certain also , that one cannot beate an enemy from a high place , which is neer at hand because he is blinded and covered with the wall or rampard . all these things being finished , when one is assured , that an enemy is ready to spring his mine , which cannot be found out , one must then strengthen , & double the guards in every place , & bring your canon to those places , where they may most gaul and flanck the enemy . one ought to have an eye , aswell on other places , as only upon the breach , which is made by the springing of the mine . for an enemy hopeing that he may have drawn , the most of the forces in a town or fortresse to defend the breach , may attempt some other place of the fortresse , which is not thought upon & so become master of such a place , which is not provided with a sufficient defence . after that the breach is made , the besieged must expect to be presently assaulted , which they must maintaine and make good as long as possibly they can , by defending the breach couragiously , in doing whereof , they must throw downe from the top of it , abundance of these sqare tanter-nailes spoken of in the chapter before , for to annoy and prick the enemy , when he seeks to mount up and to enter it . vpon the top of the breach also , if they have time they may cast up a brest-worke , as sir francis vere did in ostend , or set up some turn-pikes , to hinder the enemy for entring , and to strike in some palissadoes upon the top of it , having clubs , flails , stones : and ashes , to offend them . it is necessary , when the enemy strives to enter it , that the souldiers fight couragiously , & that the officers should encourage them with their presence to carry themselvs like brave men , that being a place to gaine honour in , by giveing them also premisses of reward , and when they grow weary , to see that they be seconded with fresh men , which stand in readinesse behinde the rampard , to relieve them . when they are not able to maintaine and defend the breach any longer , then they must retire into the cutting off , and take a new courage , and a heart of grace , in fighting behinde a new rampard in makeing resistance as long as ever they are able , and thus much for the second part . two divisions of 25 files of pikes standing in their order in ranke & file making 500 men . ordre de bataille de 24000 d'infanterie , et 6000 de cavaillerie , ordonné en trois brigades , duquel le front de a. b. a 5054 pieds . ordre de bataille en flandres vers nieuport , dressée l'an 1600. le 2e . iuillet . par le prince d'orange maurice . ordre de bataille de l'archeduc albert en flanders vers nieuport le 2e iuillet l'an 1600. ordre de bataille d'infanterie , ordonné par le feu prince d'orange maurice , de tres boute memoire l'an 160● . premiere forme de l'ordre de bataille devant rees , le 23e . septembre 1605. ordre de bataille de 37 compaignies de cavaillerie devant rees , le 23. septemb. 1614. premiere forme d'ordre de bataille devant iuliers dressée l'an 1610. e marchant depuis vorstenberg . seconde forme de lordre de bataille dressée depuis vorstenberg vers iuliers le 22e aoeust 1620 a forme of horse embattailed before gulick anno 1610. ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant iuliers l'an mille six cent et dix an other forme of embattailing horse shoune before rees by his exce 1621 ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant rees , ordonné par son excce . en octob 1621. ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an 1614 duquel le front est : long 2200 pieds , et la bauteur 740 pieds . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an 1614 duquel le front est long 2750. pieds , et la bauteur 1160. pieds . premiere ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant doormick l'an 1621. seconde ordre de bataille de cavaillerie , et infanterie , ordonné par son excce . devant doornick le ●e . de septemb. infanterie en bataille . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille . ordre d'infanterie en bataille pres nimmege . 1624. ordre de bataille ordonné par le prince henry à walwic . ordre-de-bataille de toute l'armeé , ordonné par son altezze , devant le sort de voren le 4e . de iuin 1642. the forme of the battle , which his highnesse showed before breda anno 1634. the front is 8495. foote . the forme of battle showne by his highnesse at maersen the 10e . of iune 1635 : the front is 5050 foote . quartier d'un 〈◊〉 d'infanterie de dix compaignies , selon l'ordre de son altezze : le front à 434 pieds . quartier d'un regiment de cavaillerie de 5. compaignies selon l'ordre de son altezze le front à 430 pieds . figure d'une armée en campaigne ; avec ques sa cavaillerie et infanterie , selon l'ordre du feu prince d'orange . a discourse and defence of arms and armory, shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city: under the two later of which, are contained universities and inns of court. / by edward waterhous esq;. waterhouse, edward, 1619-1670. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96070 of text r204049 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1839_1). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 227 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96070 wing w1044 thomason e1839_1 estc r204049 99863765 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96070) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115979) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 229:e1839[1]) a discourse and defence of arms and armory, shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city: under the two later of which, are contained universities and inns of court. / by edward waterhous esq;. waterhouse, edward, 1619-1670. [8], 232 p. : ill. (metal cut). printed by t.r. for samuel mearne in little britain, london, : 1660. annotation on thomason copy: "july". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng weapons -early works to 1800. armor -early works to 1800. military ceremonies, honors, and salutes -early works to 1800. a96070 r204049 (thomason e1839_1). civilwar no a discourse and defence of arms and armory,: shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city waterhouse, edward 1660 39042 114 345 0 0 0 0 118 f the rate of 118 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse and defence of arms and armory , shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england , from the camp , the court , the city : vnder the two later of which , are contained universities and inns of court . by edward waterhouse esq doctores bonos secutus est , qui sola bona quae honesta , mala tantum quae turpia , potentiam , nobilitatem , caeteraque extra animum neque bonis neque malis annumerant . tacitus hist. l. 4. de helvidio prisco . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . menander . london , printed by t. r. for samuel mearne in little britain , 1660. to the honest ingenious , and generous reader . if this discourse be of a dull and discoloured complexion , thorough the noncirculation of ingenious blood in its veyns and arteries , i do really request thee to impute it to that grief and sickness which immediately succeeding my never to be forgotten wound ( by the death of the best of friends and relations that ever i on earth had , or ever i on earth hereafter expect to have ) has by a malignity of operation on me ever since , indisposed me , to such expressions of quickness and variety , as perhaps my health would have to thy greater content afforded thee ; but since it is the good pleasure of god , to charg the fields of our worldly serenity with crosses latent and patent , which , when sanctified , are ( by heavenly heralds , who can best blazon the intendments of divine providences ) accounted good bearings , it becomes us to accept his chastisement with submission , and improve his instruction with christian prudence . for this tract it is small , and so i intended it , and if it were sweet , and its lines to wise eyes , as the notes of a good composure melodious to musical eares , it would not displease me to be short , for that is true of writing , which agellius writes of speaking nunquam tacet quem morbus tenet loquendi . but such as it is , i hope thou wilt accept , and hereafter , if god spare my life , and recruit my broken regiment of health , if thy candor interpret this and me aright , ( for in earnest , i have no cold zeal to religion , order , learning , honour , to whose josephs sheaf i would , if i could , make every sheaf do obeysance , ) i shall imploy my remaining forces of strength , to dissipate that rebel sadness , which by heading a dissolute crew of ill humours , has bin imbodied to my annoyance , and as god shall assist me with success against that turbulent enemy , present thee with further expressions of my service to thee ; yet ever remembring that of apulejus , et cum dicto opus est impigre dicere , & cum tacito opus est libenter ●acere . e. waterhous . london , 1. of march , 1659 / 60. a discourse and defence of armes and armorie . there is no art so unbefriended , no skill so despicable , but finds some tongue to owne , some pen to plead for it , even the craftsmens diana is mentioned , acts 19. to have more stentorian voyces for her among the ephesians then the doctrine of christ in the apostolique mouths of s. paul and his companions had : and no wonder , for the world of men are more led by opinion then reason , sensuality then judgment , as that old poet said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , few there are that understand , to those many that admire ; & few admire what is indeed truely admirable . there is a principle of policy so ingrafted into our new creed , fortunam magis & providentiam quam amicitiam & justitiam sequi , that no man ( almost ) thinks any man or thing estimable , but what is successfull , and in the scripture phrase , laden with thick clay , as if there were no foundation for happiness , no merit of honour like that of worldlings gain and worldly prosperity . this makes arts sink with their encouragements , and artists tonguety'd at their injuries , least vindications should be mistaken for plots , and apologies for treasons . indeed were artists of catalines spirit , pravissimi ingenii ad delendam patriam conjuravit , as eutropius writes of him ; there were great cause to eye their addresses with jealousie , and answer their offers with silence ; but when they are sober , learned , and usefull , to let them be mossed over with the scurfe of neglect , and to suffer the canker of contempt to dislustre their transparencies , and not clear it off with the oyle and whiting of candor , argues us of this age to be no good samaritanes . on all subjects some have written in these times of trouble , and on this of armes which ordinarily we call heraldry ; but fewer ( god wot ) then have been provoked to it by the indignity cast upon the art , and the professors of it , while men of name and fortune have patronized things that have no direct aspect on peace , order , and nationall civility . there has scarse been any have owned this lady which is the image of order , and ( as it were ) the magna charta of oeconomique regulation , and thence of politique distinction : contemnunt nostri martes haec talia , & naenias , & ludos ea habeant puerorum , as lipsius his words are : yea , there are yet those further , who not through rustick hardiness , but of pure zeal ( as they think ) though i think deludedly , make the author of order , god himself , no respecter of persons , that is , no favourer of distinctions of men : or of any degrees of inferiority and superiority , the chief end of the practice of arms and procedure of honour amongst men : and that which is the right eye in the body of heraldry . i am no champion to defie these goliahs which come forth in this quarrell to revile , not onely past ages and renouned nations , who admired and practised order in the method they discredit it , but also this nation of england , when it was , as livy once said of rome , maximi secundum deorum opes imperii ; yet so far as their confidence to deform the beauty of order , makes them treacherous to the well-being of this nation , i dare avow my self their antagonist . the romans were ( in their time ) the most renowned people for prowess , their professed enemy taxiles acknowledged , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , yet historians make their seven hundred years prosperity , in which they almost had a triumphall victory for every year , debtor to their discipline , ideo praevaluerunt adversus multitudinem gallorum proceritates germanorum , vires hispanorum & dolos afrorum ob retentam disciplinam , saith sarisburiensis : and the same doth also trogus pompeius write of alexander : the symmetry and exact order of which well advised dispensation continuing , brought nations of as great power as themselvs into subjection , and expatiated the glory of their valor almost thorowout the continent . and therefore as those fiery spirits amongst them who introduced their civill wars in which the first instituted government by patritians ; ( men of the upper house and lords of the rule according to the fundamentall sanction ) was suppressed , as to its splendor , and allayed by admitting a plebeian coordinateness , which in time exauctorated the senate , and erazed in a great measure the old nobility and gentry , so did it give animation to revolts abroad , and reduced their vast dominion into narrow bounds , till at last all their former grandeur was obliterated , and they esteemed as spurious to those great and magnified ancestors curius , fabricius coruncanus , metellus , fabius , marcellus , scipio , lepidus , and such like ; yea they became so rude and ruinous by their homebred heats , and the direfull consequences of them , that sigonius says , vix reipublicae romanae forma qualis fuerit posse exponi , quae modo unius , modo paucorum nunc multorum nunc aequo omnium imperio administrata fuerit , atque pro humanarum rerum vicissitudine iterum atque iterum commutata . so he . it is then my designe , by gods assistance , to write somewhat of arms ; not as they are instruments of war and violence , but ensigns of peace and distinction , not as they are handled by men of the field , but as in times of peace , and by the standard of reason and politick prudence , with the great consent of nations by the pens , mouths , and practices of their learned sages , they are asserted , allowed , and accordingly honoured . to methodize which intent of mine , i propose to consider the nature of arms , the antiquity and descent of arms , the use and behoof of arms , in which ternary what i shall ( at present ) write will be conveniently couched : in the discourse on which heads , i shall use a description of the eminently learned sir henry spelman in his late printed aspilogia , for which we are highly to thank master bish , who hath nobly publisht it , with his learned notes on it and upton . the character there by the learned knight , given arms , is this ( which i shall comment upon as a proper text ) sunt insignia decora symbola ad notitiam & honorem latoris a legitimo judice militibus ascripta . this description consists of sundry parts . 1. the subjects insignia . 2. the nature , symbola , and decora . 3. their end , ad notitiam , ad honorem latoris . 4. their fountain or rise , a judice legitimo . 5. the objects whom arms principall , are directed to , militibus . 6. the manner how they become appropriate to those persons they are intended for , ascripta . this is with in the compasse of the knights survey , and to touch these particulars shortly shall bee my task . the first part of this definition is the subject matter which he calls insignia , catachrestically called arms , because by arms in war the knowledge , use , and nature of them was introduced , therefore isidore derives them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from mars the god of war ; though he also allow arma eo quod armos tegunt , men were ever carefull to keep their skins whole , for when they had no defences of mettall , diodorus tells us , hercules , and others of renown , did wear the skins of beasts , which defended them from those primitive weapons of the fist , teeth , and feet , to which lucretius alludes , arma antiqua manus , ungues dentesque fuerunt ; and when they were improved to stones , clubs , and other instruments of contest , yet were their coverings of proof . but victory begot ambition , and successe stole into conquering minds affectation of some habiliments more heroique : hence came targets , bucklers , and engravements and depictions on targets , bucklers and shields ; on coat-armours and other portable utensills which we call insignia , as being the trophies and devices of worthies who charged their shields , banners , and garments with such portraitures of dread and terror as most resembled their own natures , and most surprised with astonishment their beholders , as agamemnon is brought in , whose buckler had this inscription , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . terror est hic hominum , qui hunc gerit est agamemnon . as then men grew proficients in contests and masteries , so did their ingenuities devise weapons both offensive and defensive , swords and shields were inseparable companions , accounted portable castles , covering their whole bodyes or the most part of it , which made them account them the tutelar deities of their lives , and adorn them with emblems of gold and glory , insignia a signo derivatur , quasi aliquo signo ab aliis discretus & separatus , saith festus . hence is it that we read of every more then ordinary thing either good or evill expressed by insigne . virgil tells us of superbum insigne belli , and tacitus of insignire annum cladibus , and tully of insigne flagitium , and insigniter improbus , and livy of dies insignis duplici clade , and quintilian of prodigiosa corpora & monstris insignia : yea , tacitus tells us , that men of merit had of old , ensignes of magistracy decreed them . so claudius caesar decreed to narcissus , questoria insignia . those then that merited insignia , placed them in their shields and bucklers , which the greeks cald by severall names , according to their figure and proportion : a target or shield they called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of orbicular form , for which cause virgil compares the great eye of the cyclops to those clipei argolici he saw in use , which dionysius calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as doth homer and other authors . they also had other muniments and shields which they called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in fashion oblong and of greater dimension then bucklers . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} scutigenus quoddam a magnitudine , that this shield was in use among the romans no man can question , since every author mentions it , polybius especially , who describing the romans armature , writes thus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which his noble annotator lipsius has notably illustrated , lib. 3. de militia rom. dialog. 2. p. 106. so turneb. advers. l. 9. c. 17. and how it came in use livy tells us , romanos antea clypeis usos , deinde postquam facti sunt stipendiarii scuta pro clypeis fecisse , l. 8. so that , by what appears , insignia which we call escocheons of arms , were originally the charges and garnishings of shields , corporall defences , and representations of the bearers nature and worth , figured in the charges thereon , which time and use has transferred to the accommodation and glory of their issue , though not of similar prowess , yet of as significant merit , since there are virtutis laudes , & eruditionis insignia , as well as fortitudinis , and men ought to be honoured as well for councell as courage . yea so far have late times overborn the first institution , that whereas these armes were the embroyderies of shields and upper garments , on which ground they were called in our nation coat-armeurs or coat-armours ? now they are wholly left off to those uses , and become the figures on seals , rings , wals , monuments , and such other concomitants of civill society and order ; and so i proceed to the second part of the description , which is the praedicate , what arms are , mentioned in those words symbola decora . symbola , that 's the cypher that sets out the nature of arms : for the arms or device on the shield is but a representation of somewhat more excellent which is concealed , and to which that is but the fescue & finger ; therefore mr. ferne quotes a definition of blazonry somewhat pat to my allegation ; blazonia est recitatio vel commemoratio alicujus virtutis , & quempiam sub quibusdam signis , abunde & vere laudare aut decorum dicere . suidas terms symbola by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , making the sepiment of skyn which man is bounded with a symbol of his mortality . the ancients also called their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or civil concords between city and city , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which demosthenes speaks of , 7. philip . hence i suppose grew that custom to give rings as earnests to the concord which terence alludes to when he sayes , ut de symbolis essemus dati annuli , and amongst us in the most durable contract of our lives , marriage ; the legal custom was and yet is , to bind it by a ring as well as by other ceremonies of significancy ; these symbols were anciently the only way of expressing the nature and meaning of things , the aegyptians , caldees , greeks , latines , all used them , as lilius giraldus out of jamblicus , plutarch and other authors , hath largely observed . for the world was a great while without letters and writing , only by hieroglyphicks , and such like mysterious resemblances were the minds of men understood , when they themselves were out of place . therefore what plautus and pliny express by tessera and syngrapha ; elder times did by symbola , which are the same in resemblance that parables are in speech . so that by symbola as applyed to arms we understand such an idaea of the bearers mind as charges him to endeavour merit of that he in his shields depiction appropriates to himself , for bartholus well notes , art ought to imitate nature , unde ista insignia debent esse secundum naturam rei quam figurant . and hence i suppose is that affix of modification which the knight here adds , decora , a word of restriction , telling us that arms ought to have analogie and proportion to the bearer , and in a great measure to decorticate his nature , station , and course of life , or somewhat conducing thereto , quae gestantium nominibus alludunt antiqua sunt si non omnium antiquissima insignia , is learned master bish his note , and not without many learned mens concurrence with him . for since names given for distinction were conformed to the nature of creatures , and the emergency of accidents as is evident in holy and prophane stories , and as is clearly made out by sigonius amongst the romans , and is in all nations owned , yea , as in our own land and the stories of it appears ; then ought and ever was the same rule observed in arms and bearings of honour , for it is a maxim , a nominibus ad arma sequuntur argumenta . here then is a fit place to instance some few noted names with the occasions of them and the suitable bearings they have assumed , which our own knowledge may in a great measure assure to us , they being english men and families , prince arthur was a valiant spark , and from his infancy perceived cruell , therefore he had the name arthur , which signifies a horrible bear or iron mall ; briewre the favorite of h. 2. so called because born in a heath as the norman word imports . henry percy called hotspur ; propter suam probitatem , eoquod aliis spori deditis ipse super hostes invigilare consueverat , gravesnour so called from his great skill in , and addition to , hunting . latimer signifies a truchman or interpreter possibly from the skill in languages which their ancestor had ; so also some have been named from bodily remarks , as blunt from their yellow haire , fairfax from their faire bush of haire , some from towns they dwell in , and are lords of , as draycot , wilesley , bishopsheir , malpas , and such like others , some from waters , as the lord stoveton from the river stowre , wallop from welhope , others from corporal defects , as crerequer quasi decrepido corde , of which master cambden every where in his britannia makes mention . yea , there is one that makes the famous family of plantagenest which stored the crown of england ( to use his words ) well nigh the space of four hundred years ; from whence have issued one emperour , fifteen kings , and ten queens , twelve princes , twenty four dukes , and sixty earls , to have taken its name of a plant ; thus for a tast of , ordinary things , and accidents that gave occasion to names of worth : there are also families whose bearings are referential to their names , and have a kind of consanguinity with them ; master fern has saved me some pains herein , therefore he shall have the honour of my acknowledgment , he mentions the bearings of breiwer earle of devonshire , lucy , wil. earlae aquilis son to king stephen , sheffeild , wingfeild , sommershall , quater mayne , tremayne , hanchet , bulloine , calverley , and sundry others . to which i may add thousands more of the like nature , but that i would not clog the discourse with impertinent allegations ; it being indeed hard to find any name of family which has not participated of this prerogative of time , to be and bear what the unavoidable vicissitudes of life , and the pregnant womb of fate has produced them , as some beauteous helens have had the mole of envy to their never to be repayred blemish , so have many zipporahs been coveted as the minions of ages , and floated on the smooth streams of affluence to admiration , it is the will of god it should be so , and it is best it should be what he wills , whose will is the rule of rectitude , that which is to my purpose , is to shew that in the adaption of names and arms to places and accidents , there is a good decorum observed , which is what the description requires in the symbol of a scutary depiction , for it sayes , insignia sunt symbola decora . and so did virgil before my author . clypeique insigne decorum ; this word decora is of a great comprehension , our own language when it expresses any thing gracefully done , sayes , it s done with a good decorum , or a good decorum observed , decorum saith a gloss , quod ita naturae consentanea ut in eo moderatio & temperantia appareat , cum specie quadam liberali . the greeks called decorum {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both valla and tully by it understand tam ipsum honestum quam quod hominibus & communi opinioni honestum videtur & pulchrum & probabile . for besides the dignity of decorum's birth , being derived from decem the magnified number of pythagoras , and called by him {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the number which gives denomination to things of remark ; hence , ova decumana and fluctus decumani ; there have been in all authors notable words joyned in consort with it , tully has decorum & elegans ; and justa omnia decora sunt , and color albus praecipue deo decorus est , and speaking of an orator he sayes , ad rerum dignitatem apte & quasi decore loqui ; and all gratefull things have been expressed by it . nigro crine decorus , so plebs decora cultu , so statius ; aedes decorae , decorus sermo & decorum silentium , frequent in horace , to which add lacrymae decorae and os decorum in terence , together with decora caesaries in virgil , all which notes that by decora there is intended such a temper amentum ad pondus , as is justifiable before the severest tribunal of justice , as in consorts notes answer each other to a symphony , so in armory there must be regularity ; no man at the feast of honour must be his own carver , standing dishes of altess , and dresses of majestique composition are not to be touched , the officer of arms appointed to weigh out doles of reward is sworn to deal uprightly : and in master fern's words , give to every man according to merit , and that with the most aptnesse to the setting forth and signifying of the virtuous desert whereby the first bearer was advanced to the bearing of arms : so he . and if it were otherwise arms would beget , not prevent confusion , for every mans ambition would feed on the daynties of regality , and contemn those proportions that are more becoming them . it is favour enough that they have the wall of the plebs , too much that they scorn an equall , and abide no superiour . for as the lawes of nations , so the particular law of gentility in england , denyes arms to be borne by any but those that either have them by descent or grant , or purchase in the field from the body or badg of any prisoner they in open and lawfull war take , and this it does to obviate that tympanous humour that swells up lawless , and light minds into a rude and arrogant usurpation of the rights of nobility and gentry , of which tribe they are not naturaliz'd : therefore h. 5. by proclamation did inhibit , quod nullus cujuscunque status , gradus seu conditionis fuerit , hujumodi arma sive tunicas armorum in se sumat , nisi ipse jure antecessorio vel ex donatione alicujus ad hoc sufficientem potestatem habentis ea possident aut possidere debent , & quod ipse arma sive tunicas illas ex cujus dono optinet demonstrationis suae personis ad hoc per nos assignatis seu assignandis manifeste demonstret , exceptis illis qui nobiscum apud bellum de agen court arma portabant , &c. and herein the law of arms in england is but in affirmance of the law of nations , and avowes that order which is practised in the civilized world . for as god in the creation and preservation of things , is the great exemplar of order , giving in the compagination of heaven and earth , and the dominion and subjection in them , a document to mortal manageries , which are then only vehiculated to their central point , when conform to the protoplast in the direct line of regularity . so have all ages and people by a plenarty of consent , coincided , to promote distinctions and differences between man and man ; that there be as saint pauls phrase is , no scisme in the body of government , which without could not be avoyded ; the frame of this great world cannot subsist without a god , the light not be , if the sun were superseded , the firmament , the earth not be fertile , if not irrigated , man not live , if not cooled by ayre , and strengthned by food , no more could communityes continue their neighbour-hood without government the first born of order : and this however paradoxall to levelling anarchists , yet has been accounted canon , not only by those elder asiatique nations , whose polity had all the dimensions of order in it , but also by the puissant people of rome , whose practice may be thought most swasive with this high courag'd and military age . for as they intrusted not the poorer sort , which they called proletarii and capitecenses , with arms of war , nisi in tumultu maximo , but kept their militia in the hands of men of blood and fortune , as nabis the spartan in livy ( who opposing the romans custom to the spartans , sayes , vos a censu equitem a censu peditem legitis . ) so did they not indulge mean persons arms of honour ; no , nor accommodations much below them , it was denyed servants to have their head covered , for when once the pileus was put on their head , it betokened emancipation according to that of perseus , haec mera libertas , haec nobis pilea donant , hence when those that were shaven became freemen , they are said by livy , seneca , and others , vocari ad pileum , in which regard when brutus was the best trump in the roman state , he caused mony to be stamped in memoriall of his parricide , cum pilio duobus pugionibus imposito . nor was any man eligible to be tribune if one of the equestrian order , till he had served in the wars ten years , as pedestrians were to serve twenty years . they indeed allowed to merits rewards and admissions to honour by grand paw's and deliberate steps of ascent , yea , to one like sicinius dentatus who served his country one hundred and twenty battayles , and brought from them woundy testimonies of valour ; they thought no honour too great , though the person on whom it was bestowed , ab ortu , was but a terrae filius , or a sese ortus , or a man of the first head as we say , that is of a nuper exorta nobilitas , which pliny calls subita imago , and after whom budaeus . but in other cases the patricians and senators were so jealous of their glory and perfulgency , that they allowed none participants with them on ordinary and nummary accounts . they , they were the men who took pleasure in the adorning the portraytures of their ancestors , and erecting such statues and emblems of their honour as in a kind gave them a temporal immortality , with these were their porches and medalls adorn'd , and with these were their rooms of state made venerable , yea , polybius tells us , to these statues did they annually devote a solemnity . which tully perstringed in that tart passage to piso , obrepsisti ad honores , errore hominum , commendatione fermosarum imaginum quarum simile nihil habes praeter colorem . so he : but this ( with his leave ) i take rather written ad hominum , then chargeable on the roman grandees , for as most of them had great personal worth , so did they preserve this memory of their ancestors , to excite them to a patrization , and to a generous conformity to , if not a transcendency above them , for though it be true that it was one end of theirs to live in the fame of generous sirs , who had been men of honour and office in the state , yet had they this also in their design , ut vitae seriem servantes & juxta imagines cujusque propriam haberent virtutem quos imitarentur , as photius his words are out of diod. sicul. lib. 32. i do not aver the romans had all those things for their insignia , which for a long time have been in use amongstus , for time has enfranchis ▪ d us as ages by longer service for experience may be thought greater proficients in the variety and imployment of fancy ; they had no knowledge of the use of mettalls and colours , posterioris aevi inventum est , saith alteserra , they knew not what blazoning was , that 's modern , about pharamond the first king of the gauls , anno 420. or prince arthurs age anno 480 , it grew in use . as their language , habit , nature , and manner of warfare , in time differed from what it was ; so without all doubt did they vary in their rewards and punishments , and as they differed from themselves , so were they different from other nations ; the world is now a hotch-potch wherein all mankind is blended together , and no nation is so entirely what it is called as at first it was . the romans made many conquests abroad , and to them was great concourse of people , who were roma donati , which made rome linsie woolsey , not of a warp and woof alike , though therefore they might not have arms and devices of emblem which were of personal and genealogick right , by which cognizance is taken of what house gentlemen are , from what branch of that house , whether loyall or spurious , what matches they made , and from whom their issue are descendants , though they might have no action in their law of the twelve tables , against any that should give their emblem in seal or shield , as by latter lawes they had , and as by the lawes in use with us was allowed , though peradventure they had not all these in the formality of latter ages . yet had they things analogical to them , and of identique import and significancy with them . they had their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , their ordo campestris , senatorius , equestris and plebeius suis quemque insignibus distinctos , saith budaeus out of pliny ; yea lipsius out of strabo , herodotus , pliny , polienus , livie , plutarch , virgil , and others , tell us , their chrystae & galeae quae scutis imponuntur , familiarum antiqua digmata , originem habent a multis chrystis , in use amongst them ; yea they had much more instances of approximation to us , lazius com . reip. rom. l. 9. c. 17. mentions out of pliny , that amongst the romans , scutis qualibus apud trojam pugnatum est continebantur imagines . they had their statues and bucklers of gold , which in honour were hung up in publique places , as that of claudius was hung by the senates allowance , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in the court or senate , and his own state was allowed to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the capitol , as i have it from eutropius . they had their arcus triumphales , in which stately marble repository , were monumented the victories of those to whose memory those piles of fame were erected . panciroll tells us of 36 of them which were in rome , and one without it ; of which number six onely yet remain . they had their columnae , of which two are most famous . that to trajan , and the other to antoninus pius , a pair of darling emperours , amor & deliciae humani generis . they had their crowns , chayns , rings like our attendants of knight-hood , & such like other marks of merit and reward , speaking as effectually what they were , and whom they came from , as our arms of families at this day do , which i have from learned budaeus , who ( speaking of our insignia gentilitia , as relating to the same end with those elder ceremonies ) writes thus , pro iis ( ut opinor ) posteriora tempora insignia gentilitia habuerunt quae arma vulgo vocantur , quae ipsa quoque primum ac simile est veri virtutis praemia fuerunt ac rerum praeclare gestarum decora . so he . and because 't is very proper to shew when arms in a distinguishing and gentilitiall acceptation came in use , before i write of the use and end of them , which comes in with the next part of the description . therefore shall i discourse of that as pertinent to satisfie the enquiries of those that are soberly curious . concerning the rise of arms , i would speak modestly as becomes , and as my great masters have presidented me , because as in antiquity and the story of it , decocted thorow so many vicissitudes , and varnished over with fucatious semblances of truth instead of very truth ; there is much doubt begot in sober mindes , to the solution of which there ought to be stanch reason and authority produced : so because there is an impossibility of renewing those characters which time and tyranny has deleted , and wholly absorp'd , 't is very convenient to use a soft pen , and to offer probable truth with no dictator-like confidence . time has a beesom of change , that sweeps away whatever is written in mortal dust ; and t is one of the miseries of this visible globe that deluges of force and age carry all monuments of antiquity before them into the abyss of forgetfulness , what gods mercy preserves the memory of , we only can know , and with that are to be satisfied ; and so much of that as i have learned , and judge convenient to publish of this matter , follows . it is probable that in the first ages of the world , when the paucity of men made their contests small and seldom , there was no use of emblems and characters of discrimination ; but not long after , people multiplyed , and men prog'd up and down for livelihoods and courses of maintenance , then they came in as sea-marks to keep them from splitting on the rocks of confusion . for diodorus says , that the egyptians , who make themselves omnium mortalium antiquissimi , or as lilius giraldus ; se deorum genus primum apud se extitisse volunt : these i say are accounted to have them ab initio religionis , that is from osyris and isis , more then 400 years before the israelites going out of egypt , and diodorus adds how they came to use them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. when the old aegyptians for want of order in their confused bands of men were overcome by their neighbours , they setled their forces in such divisions as were known by their ensigns , every part of them having his peculiar sign . but it pleases me rather to deduce the antiquity of their use from the jewes , jacobs posterity , who growing numerous used them , and that by some thing like a prophetique direction of their genitor , who is said to prevail with god , et nunc quasi supra coelos evectus non in hominis persona sed ex ore dei qualis in longum usque tempora futura sit eorum conditio pronunciat , saith reverend calvin . there is nothing i confess in the text that precisely directs the character jacob gives of his sonnes and the descendants from them ( for them also it reacheth ) to be used as a mark of distinguishment , or a tribuall difference : neither for ought i see is there any thing to forbid it . in that therefore the description of them is fully made , and the number of their tribes and allyances grown great , why then may not their characters be thought to be used by them , as we now do coats of arms in shields and banners ? some of the jewish doctors say peremptorily , that the israelites had four vexilla or magnalian ▪ banners : and that under every of those , there were three tribes , et erant in illis vexillis picturae notificantes tribus quae erant sub illis vexillis , and so tostatus . others conclude their s●gna to be as in gen. c. 49. jacob describes them , but r. abraham , aben ezra , though he will have their banners charged with insignitions of distinction , yet forsooth , the figures on them must needs be those four in 1 ezec. 10. an eagle , a lyon , a bull , and a man ; but that conceit tostatus rejects , and adds a good reason , revelatio illa de quatuor animalibus nondum fuit facta , fuit enim facta , postea per multa tempora cum propheta esset apud fluvium , chebar . though therefore the certain rise of familistique distinctions be not infallibly concludable out of the text ; yet there is much conducing to , not only its probability , but its full proof , especially when thereto we add that the israelites were of noble parentage . of a free stock , whose parents were not in bondage , which tully , boetius and budaeus , make necessary to gentility , ( gentiles sunt qui eodem inter se nomine sunt , qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt , quorum majorum nemo servitute servivit , qui capite non sunt diminuti . ) of great numbers , warlike nature , and aptitude to generation they were , and in these regards needed distinctions which these characters served for : therefore without any violence to truth , they may ( with submission to better judgements ) be accounted users of them , and commendable ancestors to the use of arms in after ages of the world . yea the text of numbers sayes , that the lord spake unto moses and aaron , saying , every man of the children of israel shall pitch by their own standard with the ensign of their fathers house , &c. by which our learned translators intend , no doubt , that as the tribe had a general devise or standard , so every house or family in that tribe had a particular distinction , and of this opinion is lorimus . and because i take this place for a clear proof of the use of insignited banners amongst the jewes , therefore shall i be bold to consider the original and learned versions of it . every one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} super vex illum , so the hebrew , or juxta as the cald. in nota sua sub vexillo , so the arabick version , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies such a standard-bearer , cui subsint decem millia 't is a military ensign , quod magnum , as the learned take it , and the word is so used as a note of prelation , cant. 5. 10. my beloved is fair and ruddy , the chiefest among ten thousand , the word here , a standard-bearer . so cant. 6. v. 3. where christ applauds his spouse he calls her terrible , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the word here , as an army with banners . that is as a standard attended with sundry banners in defence of it : for vexilla properly signifies the standers of kings and chiefs , whose subjects hold estates and offices to attend and defend their soveraigns standard , labari aurei dignitatem , lege apud laz. com. l. 7. c. 5. therefore are they not such as livy , lib. 8. call'd vexilla , used by the roman equestrians , vexilla se suorum parmasque cernere equitum , but large , square , and of noble capacity , to which proprius accedunt vexilla templorum quae in lustratione & processibus anteferuntur , saith lipsius . and if both vegetius and brecman , denominate these aright a velis navium , we must conclude they are no snips or scantlings of display , but as of rich composure , so of ample dimension . cedrenus tells us both what , and of what they were , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which lipsius thus translates , vexilla panni seu vela ex purpura & auro in quadratam formam effecta . et in signis , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that is according to his character , or notable mark of evidence , so the word is used gen. 4. 15. god set a mark upon cayn {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the word here , gen. 9. 17. this is the sign of my covenant , so is the word in the plural number taken , exod. 4. 9. deut. 34. &c. 26. v. 8. &c. 11. v. 3. and in sundry other places . in all which , there is implyed as evident discrimination as can be made by language . in grammat . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} est litera quasi signum externum vocis proferendae character & nota , for it comes from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as if in the note & decyphering there were something coming towards us , which we are to entertain and take notice of : therefore though the 70. read it by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , yet some copies read it by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as suidas observes ; makes the sign as full of evidence , as the sound of the trumpet is an instance of the horsemans preparation to march or to battel . these signa then being their familique banners , or ensigns , were highly valued by them , as after they were by the other nations , especially the romans , as halycarnass witnesseth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , l. 1. annal. so tacit , conversus ad signa & bellorum deos. so he . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} castrametabuntur , a military word , yet has also a signification of quiet repose . god would have his saints skilful in martial order , lawful defence he allowes , and advantagious methods he prescribes , but all his israels militia must tend to peace with men , and with one another . so that the conclusion hence will be this , that if god commanded the jewes to pitch their tents in a military figure , casting as it were , the tribes into four brigades , and in every of them the several families into lesser models , distinct , according to their standards and ensigns : and this the jews did , as appeares numb. 2. v. last ; then undoubtedly the jews are good instances of the military use of arms in national standards , and familical ensigns or banners . and can we think they used not that for civil distinction , which they found so available in military multitudes ? though the holy text be silent in it , on that accompt , yet it being punctual in pedegree , and delivering much of that in divers places , not only of the old but new testament , to clear the descents & rights of eminent persons , of which the jews in their families were very careful . the eldest of every family being the prince , and having the archivae of his stock in his custody , and the nation in general having a great zeal to propagate the honour of their ancestors , as appeares by their expressions of having abraham to their father , and being freemen and not in bondage . john c. 8. v. 33. though i say there be no distinct proof for ensigns personal and gentilicial among them , yet there is much conducing to it , and nothing against it , nay it is probable that the barbarous nations conversing with the jews , ( being in their ascent to glory , which they arrived at more and more , and to the view and admiration of which , strangers came from far to them ) learned from them , with many other parts of useful prudence and invention , this way of military and civil distinction , which has been , yet is , and i hope ever will be in the regular world . this for what i have to write concerning the use of arms amongst the jews . after the jews , stories tell us of greeks , romans , spaniards , germans , and all great nations and personages that used them in their shields and trophies of honour ; sir henry spelman has collected many instances of them which i shall not here recapitulate , but add some other examples of nations and persons , who of old time gave these insignia in their shields : of nations , 't is written the aegyptians bare an oxe , the scythians lightning , the phrygians a sow , the romans an eagle , mars by the thracians , and a bow and arrowes by the persians : the syrians a dove , the indians a dragon , the athenians an owl , the thebans sphynx his head , the rhegini a hare , and the corynthians a flying horse ; and so many nations more , mentioned by cassanaeus ; and for particular persons ; mr. leigh has given us the bearings of many , as of joshua , david , hector , alexander , judas macabaeus , julius caesar , king arthur , charlemaine , sir guy of warwick , &c. le mair tells us of ●emiramis bearing a dove , aeneas a golden branch in a green field , with two silver doves ; so idomeneus the nephew of minos is alleadg'd to bear for his arms on his buckler , a cock of the game . ●lemannus herculus the 11th german king , bore a lyon : wittikind d. of saxony a black and after a white horse , and a cloud of others monsieur columbiere has collected ; yea , the germans to tacitus his time , did observe the use of arms in shields , so did the romans in their cohort and legionary insignia , long before nero's time , as is collectable not onely from their coynes , on which those emblems and imageries are impressed , but also from juvenal satyr . 2. ac nudam effigiem clypeo fulgentis & hasta , prudentisque dei perituro ostenderet hosti . so horace speaking of the scythians conflicts with the argonauts , sayes cuncta phalanx insigne jovis caelataque gestat , tegmina . — after the use of these grew more common , and were called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of which vegetius writes thus , sed ne milites aliquando in tumultu prae . lii a suis contubernalibus aberrarent , diversis cohortibus diversain scutis signa pingebant , ut ipsi nominant {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , si cut etiam nunc moris est fieri . and 't is observable that these signa were no trite devices and vulgar pomps of fancy . but first the images of their gods , then of those heroes and military deities that preceded their emperours , as mars and romulus , after of their emperours , as lipsius out of tacitus , suetonius , and other authours has instanced ; which superstition of theirs , gave occasion to tertullian to cry out , religio romanorum tota castrensis signa veneratur , signa jurat , signa omnibus diis praeponit , yea , because the romans grew so doting on their fortunate warring , that in signis militaribus ardorem & religionem omnem suam posuere ; therefore did they descend to the fatuity of bringing wild beasts into their gods and emperours places , for such at last they stained their insignia with , as tacitus and pliny both testifie . by all which it appeares , that escocheons of arms were introduced as a help to the right use of arms ; for if the end of warre be to oppose enemies , and defend nations and neighbours in amity , who without differences of knowing , may fall foul each of other , and not do the duty of right to those they owe it to , then what is a remedy to prevent and to hinder the contrary , is of much use , and this doth arms in standards , ensigns and shields . and therefore though it be true , that these insignia were at first military , used onely by those in action , and upon the prealledged grounds , yet have they been for many hundreds of years , not onely the rights of souldiers , but also of their posterities , who are dignified for their prowess , and hold estates of their princes upon tenures of service of warre either in their persons or purses , or in councel , which is of equivalent acceptation and consequence . so that which way soever we cast our eye , though as to the determinate time of the origination of arms , there be more mist then clear skye , the probable dawnings of tradition , rather then the noon-light of history , some ascribing the first use of them to the jewes , others to hercules , others to the caryans and argonauts , who accompanied jason to the conquest of the golden fleece , about anno mund. 39 21. & brought back with them charges on their shields , in token of their victory ; of which opinion hyeron bara is , as others are that it commenced in the trojan ages , in alexanders time , under julian , in his conflict with the moores , the goths and vandalls irruption into europe , the times of theodosian , charles the great , barbarossa and others . yea , and as well the germans as any ; though i say in this doubtful and not to be determined case , every one being restive in his opinion , there can nothing infallibly , as to the time , be concluded . yet this is without doubt , that when , or by whomsoever arms on shields , or coats or banners were brought in use , it was upon grounds of inconvenience found without them ; for confusions are often parents of order , and mens sufferings lesson them to methods of regularity , which till they have smarted , they cannot so readily learn . god in the creation rescued light from darkness , and garbled order from the confused chaos , and nations are ever most ingenious to prevent those evils they have most bin injured by . therefore though in the breaking in of saracens and rude barbarians into christendom , great havock was made of sacred edifices , antick utensils , and monuments of honour ; yet at that port ( probably ) came in the more generall use of arms and banners military and gentilicial , because against them were the great confluences of christians united , and in the expedition against them randevouzed . and hence also 't is probable , that arms grew appropriate to families , for either those that were in command in the holy warres , and used arms in their banners , shields , or outward garments , upon their return from that service , took those devices or arms as their due , ( for then it was permitted to every man to take what arms he would so none bore it in his own nation , and he adds his reason , nam sicut 〈◊〉 sunt inventa ad recognoscendum homines , ita arma & insignia , ) or else had indulgence from their soveraigns or his chieftains to bear them ; which time and use has improved into a customary legall and rightful appropriation to their issues and their descendents , and to no other in that nation , without the deserved censure of usurpation , for which an action of injury lies , & tryal by battel was allowed and performed , and was frequently practiced in this nation , and other countries yet allow it . it remains now , that somewhat be mentioned of the origination of arms , gentilicial and familicall in our own countrey , england , which i doubt will prove of a latter date then many of our gay boasters say they have born them in their families , there are some that with those romans plutarch speaks of , call themselves {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , elder then the moon . no pedegree pleases them , but that which is ab evandro & arcadibus . i am a great admirer of antiquity , and honourable auncestry , but reason and history shall sway me beyond any passion or opinion ; for if consideration be had , that for some hundred years , this nation was under the harrass of warre , and in the storm of forraigners assaults , and after troubled with the cholique of civil uncivil warre ; there will be little reason to be over confident in matters of pedegree and arms , much beyond 400 years . i have it from the learned knight , who adds too , neseio an ea prorsus antiquitate . yet when ever ( as about that time i conceive its rise ) the first users of arms , and the first that had originall right to them , were such of the brittish nobility and saxon line as kept their honours , fortunes and seats , or some of them in the changes of government ; they being fortunate , and not frown'd upon by the conquerour and his sons , kept their stations , though his normans had the place and power in court and camp , and as these grew more and more habituated to his government , and he abated of the rigour of a victor , and made by peaceable government more calm , so these shewed themselves more openly , owning their rights with greater freedom . from these , and from the lords of the new model , sprang twigs of honour , which after became tall of growth in the springs of honour , most of the families of our now ancient gentry being issues from them , dependants on them , or preferred by them , yea dignified with badges of trust and honour , neerly allyed to those great mens bearings : so true is that of giraldus cambrensis , where speaking of the great men , he sayes , clientes hos suis quasi armis instructos armigeros suos forte vocant , & militum foeda cum armis suis , suis armigeris dedisse ; thus as the romans of old called their best and most noted servants gentiles , as we read of bruti cassii ciceronisque gentiles , as tully himself calls servius tullius , ( after king of the romans ) gentilem suum , which i take to be as much as pliny meant by marcipores & lucipores , which were the servants of marcus and lucius ; it being the honest and just custom of antiquity , not onely amongst us and the romans , but even in the primitive jewish times , to account faithful and worthy servants next to children , and accordingly to reward them , as appeares in that passage of the patriarch abraham , where eleazar of damascus his steward is by him declared his heir , he being childless , nor must it seem strange ; for who merit so great respect , next to those a man begets , as faithful servants that attend them and theirs with love and trust ? mr. cambden tells us of ja. l. audley , who attending the black prince at the battel of poictiers , was there sorely wounded , the prince rewarded him with a gift of 400 marks of yearly rent , who presently gave the princes gift to his four esquires , saying dutifully to the prince , sir , it is meet that i do well for them who deserved best of me , these my esquires saved my life amongst my enemies , and god be thanked , my ancestors have left me sufficient revenues to maintain me in your service . and if it be usual in story , to read of brave spirits remunerating valour , even in enemies , as edward the third did sir eustace ribamont , a french knight , who personally encountred the king , and held him tack a long while , till the king twice beat him on his knees : at last the king took him prisoner , with these words , sir , you are the knight in the world that i have seen most valiant , either in assault of enemies , or defence of himself , whereupon he gave him the chaplet of pearl he had from his head : for which cause , the said sir eustace gave 3 chaplets garnished with pearl . if friends have been rewarded ( as was r. steward , d. de aubigny marshal of france , by lewis the 11th who had given him the royal arms of france with buckles , or , in a bordure gules , as cambden instructs me ; and as albeney was by h. 1. to whom he gave 140 knights fees in england , and 120 in normandy ; ) why is not the merit of servants and dependants , who spend their youth in faithful drudgery , and own no parts or worth but what is at their lords devotion , to be amply repayd them , where masters have opportunity and power ? truly i see no reason , but it so should be , and so accordingly did our honourable an ceors now with god , do , and by this grateful bounty of theirs , have the families of the lesser nobility in a great measure been increased . no man acquainted with story , but knowes that of old most of the great estates and commands in england , were in the hands of such favourites of the conquerour and his issue as they granted them to , who by tenure , in their persons and with their tenants , servants and dependants were to attend their soveraigns in their warres : these great men granted parts of their tenures to persons , either related to them by match , service , or affection , upon such termes as they themselves either were obliged to the first grantor of them , or else on other conditions of advantage to them , giving them also coat-armour ; either parts of their own , or some other as to them seemed meet . thus did many of the great houses of cheshire grow from the earls of chester , who had power to erect baronies and other titles within their limits , which they did , and granted them over to hold as freely of them as they themselves held of the crown : thus also grew from the houses of albany , vere , strange , vfford , many noble families in norfolk ; and so others in other parts of the nation . hence probably came in the titles of knight , esq ; yeomen , which were at first badges of personal service & domestique relation ; for though miles which we render knight , be understood generally to import a choyce person , quasi ex millibus electus , one of a thousand as we say , a brave person picked out of a multitude , and furnished with a noble horse chosen out of many , clad in armour and cooperizons , tricked and adorned with gold , which some think is the reason they are termed equites aurati , as others conclude them so named from their guilt sword and spurs ; though i say miles be acknowledged as a noble dignity , and the great orders of majesty in the world be those of knighthood , yet anciently it was a name of service , not onely in order to tenure , the greatest estates of england being in knights service , to which i suppose upton has an eye in those words , miles est quasi servus reipublicae , but also in regard of attendance on the body of some lord , peer , or great person on horseback , who from being his a●mour-bearer was stiled knight , or in saxon cnicht , of this fort were knights bannerets , who are by mistake written barronets , but they were not inheritable , but of personal office , of these there are many parliament records , cited by sir edw. cook , 2 instit. p. 667. on the statute of additions , which is as much as , a lusty young man , a servitor and minister , not accounting himself adorned with rich clothes , precious jewels , and carpet toyes , sed in scuto divulso , fracta galea , gladio hebete , facie vulnerata , as vigetius his words are . these knights are called by bracton , radcnichts , gallants bound by tenure and service to attend their lords on horseback , as esquires did on foot . hence the phrase esquires of the body , an office well known in the court , ut pote qui antiquitus militem a latere insequend● arma ejus ut commilito fedissimus tulerit , saith mr. mills . therefore gentlemen or esquires , ( which differ little in antiquity , ( are both called scutiferi and armigeri , and till edward the fourths time , lords ( if not knights ) were but stiled armigeri , bearers of the arms of their chiefs , in which regard a king is called ( jovis armiger ) by cerda , and by them dignified to bear arms in their own right , it being usual in elder times for great men both of the clergy and laity , to give honour , not onely that of arms bearing , but also knight-hood , as is noted by the learned selden , though of late it be onely restrained by law to soveraigns and their deputies or to supremes in their respective dominions . after as this nation grew more setled , men of vertuous ambitions , sought to deliver themselves from dependencies and service , addicting themselves to such studies , imployments and courses of life , as they judged most conducing to their speedy emancipation , and peace , proving no shambles of youth , the increase of their number necessitated a more then ordinary industry ; and the brave spirits which were monopoliz'd by great men , and which breath'd out their lusty blood in warres , became diffused into all quarters and conditions , the court , the city , the law , the schools , as well as the warres , and the houses of great men , shared them amongst them , and by these grew thrift requested , and the effects of it reached great honours and purchases : so that as great men of fortune and favour rose by industry and gods blessing upon it , as either were of the original brittish , or of the dignified norman race , yea and in few years , the lands , arms , honours and fortunes of the normans severe lords of the nation , came with their children in mariage , to those ▪ honest english gentlemen who were once their unfortunate vassals , or to their issue , whom time and national change had made freemen . thus ( besides many others ) i read of the ancient family of fitzhugh ( lords of the castle of ravenswich , before the conquest ) that they continued still their splendor to the time of h. 7. per connubia cum haeredibus duarum familiarum normannicarum forneaux & marmion . the consideration of the advantage industry accomodates the nation with , and the justice of returning laborious ingenuity a just reward , as it has made the common law of england disfavour perpetuities of lands in infinitum on families as tending to the eclipse of industry , since if lands may be entailed on all of a line , then those families that have land , must necessarily alwayes have it , and no others ever after purchase it , which seems contrary to the pleasure of god , who appoints worldly revolutions , giving and taking away at his pleasure ; so also doth not the law of arms in england , favour engrossing arms to the gentry of one age and not of another , but still leaves a latitude of admission to all men of merit , whom the supreme power either immediately , or mediately shall think fit to dignifie with arms , provided such emblems and badges of honour be not injurious to those that bear the bearings , ( through mistake given them ) with greater right , for princes as well as meaner men , may erre by misinformation , and justly recall their grants as a punishment to the insolent falshood of their deluders . ) and in other mens cases the rule of law is determined by baldus , si quis assumit arma seu insignia alterius qui eis longo tempore usus fuerat tenetur poena falsi . and this the officers of arms who are ever privy to the transactions of these things , are well to look to ; for though no man of honour ought to have an evil eye because gods is good , but give suffrage to , & approbation of rewards of vertue , even to persons of mean and base origen , like the flavia gens , of whom suetonius writes , obscura illa quidem ac sine majorum imaginibus , sed tamen reipub. nequaquam paenitenda ; for as much as the vertues men express are the gifts of god , who often exalts men of low degree , as saul , david , praemislaus , tamberlayn , tullus , hostilius , theodosius , servius , archelaus , marius , valentinian , telephantes , bonosus , chongius , and multitudes of such like in all ages and countries , who being above the vulgar , nay above their own births and parentage ; ought to have , and have had a great share in the honour and esteem of men and nations , though i say no man ( of wit and worth ) denies these their right to arms , yet men of blood and honour , who have not attainted their stocks by disloyalty , will be ever impatient to have their rights given to others , while they have right and possession of their arms and badges of gentility : and battel was allow'd for tryal of right in this case between harding and saint lowe , an. 1312. by leave of robert the scotch king , for the rule is , id quod nostrum ( si enim prius est nostrum ) sine facto nostro , a nobis auferri non potest , and another rule there is , nemo potest arma amittere nisi propter infamiam ; as deservedly did andrew harkley , created earl of carlile by e. 2. loose by his infamous disloyalty , not onely his arms but his knight hood , for he was degraded , and all his military trophies taken from him , and at last drawn upon a hurdle to the place of execution , and there hanged , beheaded and quartered . in this case when as arms and honours are forfeited by treason ▪ or return into the supremes hand by act of death , a family being eraced , and the title to the arms dying with the last of the bearers , then the supreme not onely as ultimus haeres , but as fons honoris , may grant those arms and honours to any it pleaseth , without injury to any subject , or , to its own honour . so that the result of what precedes upon this head , amounts to this , that arms as honourary dignities , and generous distinctions between family & family , and person and person , have bin undoubtedly born from the time of hen. 3. since which there is sufficient proof of them ; and though long before that , many families might be rich , potent and noble , yet some of them either had no arms , as many yet in ireland have not , though ( in sir henry spelmans words ) nobiles e primariis familiis , and as in the contest between hastings and ruthen , which endured from richard the seconds time , to hen. the sixth , one of the deponents in that cause , who was estirpe nobili , said , nihil sibi insignium accidisse , quia nec ipse nec majores sui in bello unquam descendissent ; or else kept no constant coat , but gave now this , anon that , sometimes their paternal , otherwhile their maternal or adopted coats : which variation causing much obfuscation in history , 't is not easie to fix ( upon true warrantable grounds ) the constant lineal bearing of coats in a line of unchanged descent above henry the thirds time ; since which civil warres and riotous commotions , jack straw , wille waw , and their companions in richard the seconds time , cade and gate in henry the sixths time , the bastard fawconbridge in edward the fourths time , perkin warbeck , and the black-smith , in henry the 7ths time , all these ( saith leigh ) with their accomplices , have defaced law and arms , and i doubt our late troubles have repaired neither , for as that grave civilian bocerus has notably observed , bona quae bellum aufert sunt liber christianae religionis usus , reipub. tranquillitas , studia literarum , possessiones agri , vineae , praedia , domus , agricultura , mercatorum navigatio , pecora , aurum , argentum , milites etenim castra sequuntur saepe , non ut bonam & justam causam defendant , sed ut spoliato & exuto omnibus fortunis adversario , ditiores domum redeant , pileis inter se nummos distribuant , holosericum non ulnis sed hastis metiantur . so he , and so i have done with the nature of the subjects symbola , and the modification decora . the third is the end , for which arms and devices honorary are given , that the description termes double , ad notitiam ad honorem latoris , by this then it seems , that these apposite symbols are not toyes and insignificant nothings , but emblems of real , though tacite language , and the conjunction of them here lessons us to observe : first , the order and locality , second , the import and nature of them both in the common and select interpretation . as to the order and gradation the description has been very regular , for notitia is the first step to honour , men must know before they can venerate , god sets up light in the soul as the inlet of faith , love , adhaesion , in which sence the scripture saith , they that know thy name will put their trust in thee , for knowledge is the centinel that examines all approaches to the main guard of the affections , and it is seldom seen that a true esteem is fixed in the heart when the understanding is not convinc'd of the nobility of the object . it is true , there is no demonstrative reason to be given of love and respect , that is , there is not alwayes such a concurrence of praeliminaries and worthiness in the objects of love , as justifies our love to be placed with judgement and choyce , approving it self to the rationality of humane nature , for what reason is there , that men love and hate things that they have no experience of the good or evil of them ; yet is there an ictus or impulse occasioned by view , narrative , or some other accident , which hath cogency and force of conquest on the apprehension , which by gaining that advantage , proceeds to prevail on the affections , and thence on the outward man , from which it obtains that which is called respect and honour ; so that as in all naturall operations , there is cause and effect , which in order of time precede each other , so in knowledge and honour is there an order to be observed . since the honour we give to any thing or person , is but commensurate to the knowledge we have of that thing or person , and issuant from it as the tribute we give to that excellency of worth we apprehend . secondly , the imports of notitiae and honour both in their common , and in their select acceptation is notable . for there are many things that are notitiae , as well as arms , which yet are not of such personal and familical honourable intendment as arms are . in all ages , and nations , there are notices of distinction , both for persons and things . and some are allowed what others are not , because they are of more conspicuity then others are , and therefore sacrated and separate from vulgar familiarities . suetonius tells us , of severus , nunquam libertinos in equestrem ordinem redigisse ne equestris ordo commacularetur , the names of heroes were not to be given to mean persons . the athenians had the name hermodius and aristagiton in such reverence , that they made a law ne illa servis indere liceret . and domitian punished metius pomposianus , for giving the names of magon and hannibal to his servants , tanquam clarissimorum virorum nomina servili contagio polluisset . the agrarian law began thus , et in hoc more positum ( quirites ) institutoque majorum , ut hi qui beneficio vestro imagines familiae consequuti sunt eamprimum habeant concionem , qua gratiam beneficii vestri cum su●rum laude conjungant , there is a casual difference which results from the instability of mortality , which makes time , through the versatility of men that live in it , of a various nature . that which is fashionable , religious , legal , loyal in one age of the world , is exploded as singular , prophane , irregular , foedifragous in another , one arian emperour makes the world arian , and a constantine recalls it again christian . in maximinus his time , souldiers were so moderate , that a souldier after the persian warre , finding a parthian bagg full of precious jewels and orient pearls ; threw them all away , least they should corrupt his mind , solo pellis nitore contentus , saith salmuth . and polystratus , a macedonian commander , prosecuting darius , and being athirst , called not for silver or gold to drink in , but drank out of his helmet ; but in . julian the apostates time , these hectors were more dainty and braving , ( miles quasi mollis per antiphrasin ) armato saxum non erat cubite sed pluma , & flexibiles lecti , et graviora gladiis pocula , testa bibere pudebat , domus ac aedes marmoreas requirebant , they are the words . of ammianus marcellinus , a souldier and an historian , these and such like accidental notices there were between man and man , age and age . but the notitia's of most remark , are those which are design'd by polities , and canoniz'd by lawes and national usages . the romans had their annulos aureos to distinguish equites a plebeis , who wore iron rings , they had their notitiae , and other things which they called senatoria ornamenta , or after ulpian , magistratus insignia , because the proper endowments of the senators , who were accounted speciosae & clarissimae personae . to these magistratique attendancies , prudentius alludes in his enumeration , — nonne cursim transeunt fasces , secures , sella praetexta toga lictor , tribunal , & trecenta i signia , quibus tumetis — they had besides these their latisclavius , or loose purple studded garment , for which cause they are called laticlavii senatores , their calcei lunares , or half moon'd slippers , to teach them , that though they were patritii , yet lunares , men of place in the moon , the mistress of inconstancy , they had their perones , which they wore as no other citizens did ; for theirs were lapillis quibusdam gemmisque praecicosis exornatos , according to raevardus , which tertullian mentions latent in ( singulis smaragdi , & cylindros vaginae suae solus gladius sub sinu novit & in peronibus uniones emergere de luto cupiunt , these and such like marks and notices had the romans , and at this day have all nations ▪ and all orders of men in them . the clergymans canonique habit , the peer , knight , gentleman , burger , arts-man , are all , ( in orderly times , ) distinguishable by their habits and attendants , which were their notitiae or credentials , where their better authentiques to esteem , were not necessary to be produced . and where as common burgers and arts men were not allowed arms , either in shield or seal , yet the law justified their use of marks , by which they distinguished their property ; and who ever used their marks other then by their privity and warrant , was accountable to them for it . and bartholus instancing in smiths , or makers of paper , who to distinguish that they own from other mens making , set their marks on them , adds this reason why it is not lawful for one man to use anothers mark , quia ex hoc populus laederetur , acciperetur enim opus umius pro opere alterius . as then there are other things in notitiam , as well as arms , so are arms in notitiam , as well as other things ; for notitia being a forinsique word , & coming from nosco , thence notio , and notitia as much as cognitio , reaches whatever intimates more then it expresses in the outside character . arms in seals or coats , walls , and windows are notices , that the bearers of them of generous extract , were owners and masters of that their arms are fixed on , or to , and that either by right , as of foundation , inheritance , or purchase . or else of custom and possession : and he that removes an arms , and usurps a seal of any gentlemans , giving it as his own , is to answer the injury at the law ; for the lawes of nations give every gentleman as true and distinct a title to his arms , as to his blood , and as in case of lands , the evidences of them are as rightfully the heires or purchasers , as the lands themselves . so in causes of honour the law judges arms the gentlemans right , as truly as his blood in his veins ; hence is it , that gentlemen bearing arms , for some are asymboli , not onely those heretofore mentioned , but those also which some civilians call nobiles asserti , concerning which cass. cites much out of lucas de penna , and bonus de custilli , with others , ( and such are gentlemen by courtesie amongst us ) ought not to debase themselves in giving marks ; for that is if not laesio nobilitatis , yet diminutio , a kind of temporary degradation of themselves , and a vilipending of their dirth-right , and of the fair and flourishing character of it . a gentleman is a brother in arms to a prince , and is not to part with any punctilio of generosity , to comply with petty degenerous conveniences , unless it be in the pressures of life , and under the straitness of fortune , where to blazon ones birth , is to heighten ones misery ; for as the lawyers say , omnes descendentes admittuntur & habeantur pro nobilibus , donec perveniunt ad paupertatem , vel arte viles , & tunc incipiunt esse non nobiles , to which the philosopher assents , nobiles sunt quibus assistunt progenitorum virtutes & divitiae . if then the supports of honour fail , better admit silence to the claims of honour , during the eclipse and absence of riches , which should honourably support it , then own it to its contempt . among the romans there was a value set of the estate that a man must have , that would be equestris ordinis ; and if any man had not that estate in value , he was not eligible to that dignity ; and if after he was in it , he spent his estate una desinebat equestris dignitas , his dignity determined ; for as the judgement in the case of mountacute marquess of winchester , degraded for want of estate , mentions , baro non potest dici baro nisi sit potens ad arma tenendum . as then arms have a conjunct import with other notices , so have they a select one , being given not onely to distinguish , but to adorn and beautifie the bearers , as meritful instances of vertue , or descendents from such as deserved the honour of generous trophyes , to their posterities coruscation and ennoblement . undoubtedly 't is a brave thing to be well born , the greeks couple {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} making virtue & worth the best indications of noble birth , which nicostratus had an eye to , when he told archidamus who boasted of his descent from hercules , and yet tempted him to betray cromnus , promising him a great sum of mony , and lucaena the beautifull , to wife , o archidamus , i perceive by these juggles and degenerous actions , you are no descendent from hercules , for he went about the world to root out bad men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but you are industrious to make good men bad . let therefore spightful high shows , and sots of yesterday declaym against nobility and gentility , yet all sober men and times have made it a great step to trusts and commands , the roman salii ( or priests to mars ) were men of greatest authority , and of most leading note ( such as appius , claudius , scipio , africanus , l. bibaculus , antoninus ) and sundry others of the grandest renown ) yet these were to be ex patriciis , liberi , cives & qui neutro parente orbati essent . and when to this advantage of blood , they joyned that other of personal vertue , making that a conspicuous plume in the cap of generosity , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . such an one deserves prayse for his advantagiousness to mankind , the poet tells us that vertue is the merit of fame . non census , non opes nec clarum nomen avorum sed probitas magnum ingeniumque facit . and tully vindicates himself against salust thus , sanctius est me meis gestis florere , quam majorum auctoritatibus inniti , & ita vivere , ut sine posteris meis nobilitas initium & virtutis exemplum , yea , when envy and ill will has spit out her poyson , worth will have compurgators from the breasts of enemies . photius leostenes , when his detractors spitefully asked him what good had betided the common-wealth in his pretorship , replyed , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ye have ( replyed he ) saved your breath and spent none of it in sad orations bewayling mens unfortunate deaths , but every man has been buryed , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with their fathers , not forced to abandon their houses , and live and dye strangers to their own land , but preserved in peace and justice to a sober and sacred serenity of life , which is the crown of government , and the commendation of the governours . no doubt then , but there are vertues suitable to particular persons and callings , as piety to a divine , fortitude to a souldier , industry to a tradesman , learning to a philosopher , memory to an orator , justice to a magistrate ; but to a gentleman well born and well bred , all , or most of these , are in some degree or other requisite . and the law of honour in all nations , as it qualifies a gentleman for any conferrable honour ; ( the greatest title of honour being but an improvement of gentility ) so it requires the choyce of men to fill up that roll , out of which the select jewels of nobility are extracted , nihil aliud est vera nobilitas quam vita humana clara virtutibus per electionem et habitum animae intellectualis exterius operantis , saith vpton , therefore all supremes in their patents and grants of dignity , have these or suchlike passages : regalis nostrae dignitatis fastidium non solum ornari sed & augeri etiam prospicimus dum viris virtutibus claris et in rebus gerendis strenuis honorum titulos dispensaremus , or after the mention of the justness to reward vertue , praesertim quos parentum praeteritorum nobilitavit memoria & propriarum virtutum merita clara obedientia condecorant ut praemiata virtus roboretur intrinsecus , & multos alliciat ad virtuosos actus , to shew to the world , that they hold none meet subjects of honour , who have not vertuous minds as well as great estates : therefore budaeus out of aristotle , calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and proposes three contenders laying claim to it , liberty , riches , vertue , some will have them in other terms , riches , lineage , vertue , science , so mr. leigh . i shall consider honour in england as having this threefold rise , the camp , the court , the city , these with their appurtenances have been the trojan-horse , out of which have appeared the great actors on the stage of nobility ; for unto eminent persons arising from these is honour due , and to such there will honour be ever given . — for god forbid either the mean originalls of brave men should betray them to a stupid neglect of concurring with that providence , which may open the prospect to their future felicity . tullus hostiliur wore out his swadling clouts in a poor cottage , and spent his youth in tending cattel , et validior aetas romanum rexit imperium , or the heroique spirits of men , well born , and nobly set out to display their merit , should not have encouragements {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to make them contemn danger ; which polybius sayes , wrought so mightily with the roman youth , that they expressed more joy to hear their general recite at the head of the army their valiant acts , and be themselves beheld as deservers of their coronae , hastae , armillae , torques , phalera ; spolia , and the rest of their manly renumerations , then fear of danger or death , in those atchievements they undertook . honour there is no doubt , is the reward of vertue , and vertue the stimulation to valour : learned men have spent long treatises in the definition and prayse of honour , as that golden fleece which attended by dragons will be assaulted by magnanimous jasons , 't is the great minds dalilah , and sampsons of courage will buy it at the price , not onely of many other mens , but of their own lives . sabellicus makes fame the tinder which kindles sparks of mettle into flames of action . this roused up those early knights , romulus and numa , to shew themselves , ambo sperarunt diversum a mortalitate , yea , and of hercules he writes , haec illi vel noverca infestior quae nunquam passa esteum quiescere , haec durior quam ille imperiosus eurysteus per quem tam varie exercitatus est alcmenae filius , deinque fuisset ille nunquam tantus , si spem de immortalitate famae ▪ nunquam animo concupisset ; o honour , thou art the wind in the sailes of industry , which brings it to its port ; thou art the musique of the spheares , the sweet notes whereof , those early queristors onely hear who are by the prayses of myltiades , kept alwayes waking , thou art the mortall moveable heaven for which men contend to , and comfort themselves in death , collige●te hieronime stabit vetus memoria facti , mors acerba , fama perpetua , was spoke like a roman . in a word , honour branch'd out into divine , moral , politique , is a large field , & histories abound in instances of it coming in upon the spring tydes of opinion , and carried aloft upon the wing of providence , the arbiter of this universe : some we read courting honour as their chief good , and bayting all the hooks they ●●ve to catch advantages , when they are but nibling and smile upon them onely with a half face ; valour , beauty , learning , fidelity , temperance , justice , and all sorts of excellencies have been exchang'd for fame ; yea , some artizans have been so transported with the thoughts of renown , that they have coveted no better pay then perpetuity for a master-piece , in which they have expended the flower of their lives , egnatius tells us , that the venetians being to build that famous church to st. mark , invited with great promise of reward , a famous artizan of constantinople , a greek born , to be their architect , he promised to do it , for no other reward then this , that he might have his effigies in marble , set up in oculatissima templi parte ad aetern●● sui memoriam , which he had , yea eudoxus was contented to be burned in the body of the sunne , if he might be permitted to come so near it , as but to take the scheme of it to leave to after-ages . no wonder then the philosopher calls it externorum bonorum maximium , and that lawyer , cunctis rebus praeferendus , nummario precio non aestimandus , no wonder though scipio find it so speedy a scalado to spains carthage , when it is the circaean cup that enchanteth all men , and leads them upon attempts of gaining it , though never so desperate and improbable . to these ancient marks of honour , the visible emblem are arms , which is chiefly due to the souldier , as being the first born of merit . honour sprang originally from the field , for it being the effect of power , and power creating right of empire , honour must be concluded to be purchased by venture and a high mettled courage , like that of nimrod , who is called a mighty hunter before the lord . it being usual in scripture , as to call men of savage and tyrannous natures , men of the field , as is esaw , from whom those many dukes mentioned in gen. 36. are said to be descended , so to describe their recreation and imployment of life to be hunting of beasts with bow and arrow rather then with snare and catch , that thereby they might be the more active , and better trained to the domination and overcoming of men , and the greatest conquests and first empires of power , were those asian ones , the weapons of which for a long time were , and yet in some degree are , according to the use of hunters , bow , arrow , short sword , dart , and in those times , as to the most valiant the right of power fell , so to such as had any degree of eminency above the vulgar , were rewards apportioned . all could not be kings , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all could not be captains of the hoast , all could not be princes standard-bearers , all could not attain scylla's honour , to have a statue of gold in publique inscribed cornelio scyllae imperatori fortunato , but all that merited might have rayes of dignation , even in israel there was a kings daughter in mariage , and making an obscure house splendid and free , offered by saul to him that durst encounter goliah , which david , by gods spirit , entertained , and for which he had with the kings daughter , her fathers kingdom ; so amongst the greeks in their certamina olympica , and their athletary agonies , there were vast and various rewards . the romans also had their encoragements to worth ; for though they admitted no mean man to magistracy , till he were emeritus , and had attained 50 years of age , when they were permitted , ( till they were rewarded with commands or pensions to be sub indulgentiori militia , & sub vexillo , as budaeus his words are ) though in ordinary cases they gave no testimonies of acceptation , but upon great experience ; yet did they with all freedom venerate the senatorian eminence , in their issue , whom after their deaths , they call'd patricians descendants from the first senators who were called dii majorum gentium , as those that were from tarquins time chosen into place , were dii minorum gentium . they had their equestris ordo , which consisted of chosen men of singular fidelity and fortune , illi vetustissimi & proprie & soli equites olim dicti , saith pliny , lib. 33. c 1. nobiles qui vadunt in equis , so upton , or as varro , miles quasi millessimus quisque , so connanus . such were these , that not onely the fourteen orders of the theatre was under their correction , as was the orchestra within the senates charge , but they had their rings and chaines of gold ( as before has bin remembred at large ) to be their vouchers where ever they came ; in place whereof , our eques auratus at this day is , which is our knight bachilor , possibly the same which olimpiodorus mentions in honorius his time , to be called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} bucellarii , men of merit , not only romans but other souldiers of stoutness & activity in amity with them ; for though our common law use miles rather then eques auratus , yet because knight-hood is properly a horse dignity and duty , and miles tam gregarium calligatumque peditem significat quum equo militantem & honoratum , many judge eques auratus more proper to signifie a knight ; for as the great estates of england were held in escuage and knights service , so that service is most performed on horseback ; and those that found horses of warre , were to be men of gentility and value , our english papinian sir edw. cook tells us , lex angliae nullum sentagium aut servitium militare de socmanis aut burgensibus expetit : therefore the better to enable the gentry to perform the service of their tenure , lands in knights service were never in gavelkind or socage , nor could they be chargable with what should disable the tenurer to do his service , because those lands by original designation were not in servitium socae sed belli , till by the 31 h. 8. c. 3. some alteration was made , nor till near h. the fifths time , were gentlemen distinguished by any title or addition , but by their forinsecum servitium , which was knights service . to omit then the account of that military honour called knight-hood , which forraign nations have , and what cassanaeus , bocerus , patricius , bartholus , bara , lazius , vpton , and the rest say of them , together with the annumeration of their priviledges and qualities which mr. fern out of them mentions at large , i shall onely touch upon the dignity of it , as in our nation , and by our law and custom it is acknowledged , for that is the best rule of every place , illud quod in observantia & moribus utentium observatur , est tantae efficaciae quod tollit statutum in contrarium , saith jasius . the prementioned oracle of our law , sir edw. cook agrees knighthood to be a name of dignity , and fern a dignity of regality , a reverend order and an honourable , milites and principes in elder times , were accounted almost synonomous , in king stephens raign , when david king of scots came into the northern parts , brompton tells us , milites & principes angliae boreales animo si cum insigni comite de albemar lviriliter restiterunt . britton also termes a kt. noble , and in the record of 9 ed. 1. sir j. acton hath the addition of nobilis , and nobiles sunt qui arma gentiliciae antecessorum suorum proferre possunt , therefore though the order or statute of 1 ed. 2. did call every man that had 20 l. a year in fee , or for terme of life to knighthood , which was ad arma militaria suscipienda , yet by that authority , the yeoman or handicrafts tradesman could be compelled , because he ought to be a man of blood , and to have a fortune able to support the charge that dignity would contract . ne dignitas hujus ordinis vilesceret : therefore by the law , he should have a knights fee , which is about five hydes , and in measure is 480 acres , reckoning 96 acres to the hyde ; and if men were not thus estated , they were incapable of this dignity , as were they also of being coroners , or to serve for parliament , or to enjoy other freedoms which knighthood had , which was instituted ad arma militaria suscipienda & pro bono publico , saith sir ed. cook . after as the nation grew more numerous , and honours appeared in request , ( that every back might bear its own burden ) and one man of a name not bee injuriously molested for another , this statute of 1 of hen. the 5th , enjoynes that all gentlemen and other persons , should express their additions , thence came the addition armiger and generosus to be in use as gentilicial affixes , for they were primarily military , and have become distinctions civil , onely by the adoption of custom , and the prevalence of peace , whereby the gown hath brought the helmet to the barre ; and trains of artillery have vailed bonnet to the trayn of councel , and owned the senatorian robe as the fountain of that legal being they had , and the security of that pay they could expect . 't was so amongst the romans , till their souldiers grew lawless , and lost the honour of their promises ▪ and when carthage so much doted on military designs , sacrosanctarum legum , justitiae , politicarum rerum cultum aut abjecerat aut neglexerit , which servilius mentions as the cause of her ruine , and conclusive downfall . and therefore well it becomes the civil magistrate to be head . for in him are lodged the nations brain , its vital and animal spirits , in him is the life blood which assists to all heroique and important affaires , and carries government afloat from the rocky shoares , and fatal catastrophe's of anarchy and tyranny . the holy oracle tells us , councel and strength are for the warre , first councel , then strength , councel to design , and strength to execute , councel to command , and strength to promote obedience . for in that the orator is brought forth , as saying , ego meis majoribus virtute mea praeluxi , & si prius noti non fuerint a me accipiant initium memoriae suae . i am thorowly confirmed in the conviction that nobility , and honour of gentility and arms bearing , is as worthily merited by learning as by courage . far be it from me to curtail that honourable esteem which our ancestors gave souldiers , and equestrian spirits , that were an ingratitude to those lines from whence mine own ancestors came , and a baston of allay to that gentleman who should extenuate the merit of military grandees ; our land , lawes , liberties , were of old , effects of that vertue , courage and constancy , the noble gallants of england expressed in the field against the enemies of their governours and government ; and peace being the consectary of gods blessing on that laudable resolution which gives being to the life and lustre of arts and professions of civil conversation , ill expresses her self to her genitor , if she do not bless the womb that bare her , and the paps that gave her suck . if the world rang of english prowess , when our ancestors engaged in the holy land , and made conquests and gainings neerer home , 't would be a shame for an englishman to declame against a souldier , or to account furs and emblems of councel better armory then habiliments of warres , such as are sword shield , lance . 't is written of johannes galleacius , that he so loved valiant men , that he would purchase them to his party at any rate , profiteri enim erat solitus nihil esse ea mercatura nobilius qua viri insignes pararentur . for without question , while souldiers are choyce men , who with the gospel centarion , love gods nation , and rayse and uphold synagogues to his worship ; they are worthy to give the lyon of the tribe of judah in their banner , and such crucesignati may expect the king of saints their protector ; while they are for him the defender of the faith ; they will not dare to do violence to what ever has his image and superscription on it , nor need they fear to suffer infamy or losse of life , or member . there is an act of indempnity secures them , he that honours me i will honour , while they are promoters of order , and a refuge to gods exiles , as were by institution most military orders , they ought to be companions in government with the gownmen , and they have thriven the better for such companions and councellors in their conduct . alexander was no puisne in the worlds militia , when by the 27 year of his age , he had subdued the most noted part of the world , and wept that he had not another world to conquer , yet he regulated his motions by the councell of learned men , and thought achilles who had homer the trumpet of his glory , more fortunate then himself whose memory could not be kept but in the urnes of their wits , and the repertories of their writings . t is true , souldiers have the start of scholars in their eagled strength by the confidence of which they soar high , making , as they think , their nest above controll , but their egs may be sucked by industrious ants , and their enterprises become addle thorough the diligent and accute vigilancies of those pen and inkhorn men , which some pseudomilites and reputed martialists do vilifie . indeed there have been souldiers , oppressors of religion and learning , and their professors , who have come in with attila's motto , ira dei ego sum & orbis vastitas , and have sacked countries , rifled academies , and disbanded convents of devotionaries , no exception of rome , or his holiness in her , to whom the castle of st. angelo became no refuge , nor was any reverence expressed to his pontificial robes : neither has the world wanted examples of the danger of armed men , who with john of leyden , force their pretended setting up of christ to be believed , while they intend his suppression in those two great offices of magistracy and ministry , which he has appointed , and they would annihilate : these milites do therefore not deserve the renown of warriors , quia non habent virtutes necessarias ad militiam . for a true souldier ( and no romulus , caesar , or alexander , is too big for this name ) is a man of liberal and insordid principles , true of his word , f●difragous to none , of a justice , like that of marshall bauciquaut under charles the sixth of france , who being governour of genoa , expressed so signal justice , that it was usual for men to say to those that had injured them , if you will not right me , my lord marshall will , and so abundant in pity this brave souldier was , that he instituted the order of the white lady , for defence of afflicted ladies . a true souldier must be pious , he dare best look death in the face , who dies daily to sinne , and for whom that king of terrors is disarmed by christ his saviour : 't was no mean honour to the memory of bernard , count of longevil , constable of france , when it is recorded of him , that he would undertake no warlike action , before he had offered his soul , body , and arms at the altar at a solemn mass ; a severe walking up to the rule of his religion , doubled the fame of renowned tilly . the holy story tells us of famous souldiers eminent for piety , joshua , david , ezechias , since them of charlemain , st. lewis , godfrey of bulloigne , wencelaus and amideus , besides them of christian souldiers , who have been devout , even to martyrdom , fusebius , nicephorus , theodoret , sozomen ; and baronius , mention , mauritius , exuperantius , sebastian , marius constantine and others ; yea , if the design of loyola , the founder of the jesuites order , were , ( as it is said to be ) propogative of the faith of jesus , and purely for his honour , it was an instance of a military mans devotion , matchless ; a true souldier should be generous and free , a despiser of money , and of living by rapine and plunder , such an one was terrail , called chevalier bayard whom causinus mentions to have lived under francis the first , who after 32 years service of 3 kings , and in places of great command , yet died almost as poor as he was born , not but that he had great advantages , but because he despised to be rich with other mens ruines ; or be bought out of his grandeur of mind , by a bribe . and such souldiers england has of old had . but souldiers like other men , vary with their interests , and when they break out in defiance of discipline , prove troublesom ; gaguine in the life of charles the 7th ; reports that the french army grew so afflictive to the nation , ut dissoluta militari disciplina , milites petro mariscallo non audiebant , pertulce illiberaliterque viventes , praedas non mitius a francis quam ab hoste facientes , mulieribus injurii , monasteriorum violatores & contemptores religionis . as for these vermin of the camp , they are no guests at prince arthurs round table , arms were never appointed for their trophies , who abuse themselves by such sordid debaucheries . my prayer shall be , that there may be such an unanimity between arts and arms , that both may sing glory be to god on high , in earth peace , good will to men . and when souldiers , are humble , harmless , and loyal , as they are great encouragements to men of art , who in profiting by study , hope to be accepted , protected and preferred by them ; so have they the grateful returns of learned pens to their publication and perpetuity . no authour mentions an heroique candor and friendliness to men of learning and gravity , without some emphasis which has a top and top gallant display in it , cuspinian notes of alexander severus , that valiant emperour , that he would ever have learned men present at his councels , adding the reason , plurimum timens ne quid de se asperum scriberent , the like did constantinus ducas , but upon another ground more ingenious , solebat dicere malle se literarum gloria quam imperio illustrem esse . and certes , these two compounded , make the reason why learned men have been minions and bosom friends of souldiers . thus philip of macedon , favoured aristotle theophrastus and plato , alexander anaxarchus , the gymnosohists and multitudes of others , demetrius poliorcetes stilpo . lucullus not one or some , but all the knowing race , ut domus ejus grecorum roman venientium prytanneum diceretur , cato major zeno's statue , cato minor athenodorus , pompey the great possi●onius , augustus caesar , varro , cicero , livy ( innumerosque alios doctos uno tempore ) and ●arolus zenas vergerius and thomasius , to name no more , and if the learned have been favoured by the greatest hectors , there is reason they should requite them with memorials of perennity . and that they do by proclaiming , not onely their personal worth , but the nobility of their profession ; and so we conclude the camp the first rise of arms and honour . next to this is the court , which i give the second place to , as it is in the order of honour ; for as in old time , the greatest honours were those of the field ; so the residences of princes were in tents and agrestique pavilions , till cities were built , and pallaces receptive of majesty erected , no court paradoe . or munificence was read of ; not that i restrain the court i write of to the courts of princes and great men , which anciently were ●ampus martius's , as well as bacilicae civiles . for then as great mens servants were chosen for their proceritie of person , strength of limbs , activity of manliness , so were their halls , courts and stables , randevouzes of men at arms , who there did exercise feats of chivalry , and were breathed to encounters of sturdiness . these grandees of noble part had , by the appointment of the lord marshal an oeconomy of symmetry with that of majesty . to these notwithstanding , i restrain not the court , i make a rise of honour . nor do i exclude these from the court i intend , ( but as i take them in , so with them courts of law , as in the head of cities , i intend schools of learning , usually kept up , and flourishing in cities and corporations ) the service of princes in their courts no man can doubt to be less then a kind of nobilitation , so the rule of honour is , adhaerentes lateri principis & eidem in officio quocunque minimo ministrantes nobilitantur . soveraigns are in their dominions fountains of honour , and where such a constellation of nobility is , there must some sparklings be diffused which will take kindling in the tinder of minds , pursuing glory with a jehu-like fierceness . all men love to draw the curtayn of obscurity from before their ancestors , and by degrees of enlargement to make the prospect of their persons more pervious . no field so fayre and probable for this as the court , which had a weight for every action , and a calculat of the meridian of every actor . there was a market for all staple rarities of body and mind , and no price was thought too great for a darling introduced by virtue , and there kept up by the steddy practice and unchangeable motions of vertue . the favour of a prince is such a sun of influence , as makes a shrub placed in his court , and under his royal eye and observation , quickly of a cedars growth . 't is such a benign umbrage as expatiates little spires of grass into the magnitude of lawrels , and to speak before a prince , gives an orator ( who has a noble and a notable confidence , and whose fontenel sends forth matter with words ) such an occasion of ingratiation , as life meets not with in sublunary professions : this made the graduate divine from a chaplin in ordinary , become a prefermentary extraordinary , arch bishop , bishop , councellour , yea sometimes all , a favourite . this made the wellbook'd lawyer , who had a ready tongue to serve every clyent that would fee him , made a serjeant , attorney , solicitor , justices of the benches , sometimes lord chancellor , president , treasuror , all advances to honour and gain ; such an one was henry audley in hen. 3. time , who had vast lands given him by the king , lacy earl of ulster , and sundry others , and of whom mr. cambden sayes , he was doubtless , either a man of rare vertue , or a gracious favourite , or a great lawyer , or all joyntly . this ( the court ) gave rise to many younger children , who born of noble families , and of good beauty , and grace of beheaviour , were here trained , and by the favour of the two great luminaries in that tyssued firmament , bestowed in mariage to persons of honour , endowed with ample presents , and promises of favour , promoted to great offices of profit and income , dignified with honours of familical as well as personal splendor . in a word , no man has come to , and continued in the court a worthy man and servant , but he had preferment in a courtly order , and as corresponded with the opinion of desert there had of him , unless he were one so transparent , omnibus inducturus caliginem , that jewels in his presence abated to chrystalls , and gold became nothing above a sediment of faeculency . in this case envy may retard the speed to advance , and infect princely ears with prejudices , which are often ruinous , before revealed , and the fucus and falsity of them detected , but otherwise the court of a prince was a visible step to glory , and a tyring-roome out of which have come into the theatre of view royally clad in the robes of favour , not only the minions , parasites and favourites of princes as high in their masters love as merit or flattery could make them . such as lupus earl of chester with the conqueror , brewier baron of odcomb to r. 1. hubert de burg. to h. 3. peirs gaveston to e. 2. delapool earl of suffolk to h. 4. brandon and cromwell to h. 8. and many since . but also infinite others , who there have grown noble , rich , and happy in the ordinary account of felicity , so that its felicity caused the lillies and dazies to outglitter ( as it were ) solomon in all his royalty . if soft rayment , and cloths of state had bin badges of regality , they might have been judged almost as many kings as men ; for therefore doth the law of nations fix rule in the sun , the noblest representation of the light and lustre of soveraignty , quia in curia sua sunt & esse debent praenotabiliores homines mundi in quacunque facultate . and as the court of the supreme , so the inns of court with their appurtenances , have been generous academies of noble and brave spirits , for though therein have been admitted of late years , many men of the first head , who either have had fortunate fathers or friends , or have been bred clerks , and transplanted themselves from the inns of chancery thither , ( which i mention not as their reproach or diminution , having my self known very brave ingenious persons , and noble students of this mould , who profiting to good purpose , have by that limbique from the simples of their origen , extracted many cordials to dying glory , and given such doses of aquavitae , as has fetcht their dead ancestry to a new and better life ; ) yet anciently , no man was capable of an entry there , but a gentleman of arms and blood , and mr. fern sayes , he has seen an alphabet about the end of henry the fifths time , in which were the names and arms of the house and family of all those who were members of an inn of court , who exceeded not the number of 60 all gentlemen of perfect descents ; and fortescue tells us , that in h. 6sht time , the inns of court had in them 200 or near ; and because the expenses of living there was at least to every man 20 marks a year , ipsi nobilium filii tantum in hospitiis illis leges addiscunt . a notable means both to preserve a royal race of wits , and a generous emanation of them in stout and resolute profession of the law , to the defence of justice and right ; for there is the athens of law , in it reverend judges and grave serjeants , sage apprentices , learned barristers , ingenious and florid students , viri omnium horarum , who though they come thither to study , and with presumptions of the ayming at further and future advantage by the law , which they are thought to read in order to practise , yet are not tethered or limited , but give themselves a latitude of following that which is most congenial to them , and has the directest line to accomplishment and generous politure . as all faces are not alike , but all have figurations of the creators power and wisdom , visible in them ; so are not souls and addictions of one and the same peece , nor is there a uniformity in the expressions , delights and sameness of the objects . in some there is more ballast then sail , in others more fire then earth , and accordingly are the objects of their complacency . these inns of court are fitted for all , here the plod and studious cato may read littleton , till he be in little tune for ought but musing , and the more facetious and planetary spark meet with quick tasted and more delicious choyce and well cook'd learning to busie him ; and if to any other art , or to all other arts , gentlemen of an equilibrious soul are addicted , they may here have opportunity to buy authours that treat of all subjects , and converse with proficients in all sciences . for london is near , and that being the metropolis of the nation , has a daily flux , & reflux of persons and things to and from it ; which is the reason why i suppose these inns of chancery and court are if not in , yet very near london , as the cause of the building of london is said by dunthorn book to be , the river of thames ; for as the river gives advantage to trade , so doth london to study , practise , and all other gentile embehshment . hence is it , that these inns of court have been the schools of civility and chivalry , as well as law . for the country gallant is here first principled to his after improvement ; here by reading both books and men , here by knowing wisdom and folly , he after becomes a luminary in the countrey firmament . an oracle of the justice bench ; a worthy representative to parliament ; and here his juvenility acquires him such a weapon-skill and confidence , as ever after renders him , though retired to a country privacy , disdain a baffle , or be deservedly censured for estrangement to a noble bodily beheaviour ▪ and deportment . and therefore it was wont ever to be a commendable addition to any man , to call him an inns of court man ; for such were never accounted lesse then honourably accomplish'd , their revels , masques , and solemnities of gallantry and entertainment were ample orators of their compt breedings . it is true indeed , these societies were instituted for nurseries of law and hosteleys of the students and professors of it , who there lodged and read the municipe laws of this land , and had mootes and publique disputes and reading , by which , and by conferences each with other , upon perlection of authours , and perusal of records and entries , the students became worthy degrees of pleading , and after in their due place of further procedure and honour ; yea it was wont that some great masters of knowledge in the lawes , did institute the younger frye in the methods of study and intelligence , as by name did learned fortescue , chief justice and chancellour to h. 6 , a man of rare parts , as appears by his polite treatise of the lawes on which by gods blessing i shall write more in my intended , and in some degree formed commentary on that subject . he i say was learned in both the laws , a great antiquary , and devoted his parts to students who frequented him . but that way of institution is obsolete , and now students are left to their own methods , and to such helps of conduct , as arise from conversation one with another ; and i believe that professors of the law of this last 100 years , are not lesse famous for their authority and grave judgements , then former ages ; nay the names of plowden , dyer , fitzherbert , and cook , do deserve to be in a line of parallel with bracton , fleta , glantill , littleton . yea there have risen out of these societies of late , three such behemoths of learning , sir thomas moor ; sir francis bacon , and mr. selden , all lawyers by profession , as this nation in their several times and perfections , could not exceed , i quote not their eminencies for law , but for all kinds of excellent learning ; and more i could nominate of vast reading , and great curiosity in arts , whose names , because i would not either displease them , or their enviers , i forbear now to mention , onely i must not have that of a great master , be unmentioned . all these , ( saith he speaking of the inns of court and chancery ) altogether do make the most famous vniversity , onely for profession of law , or of any one humane science that is in the world , and advanceth it self above all others , quantum inter viburna cupressus . so that there can be no wonder at the nations civility to the members of these societies ; for in that the students admitted , are counted ipso facto gentlemen , though they are not natively so : the baristers of all standings esquires , and the serjeants of the coyf a state and dignity , as is that of knighthood , and have robes and solemnities somewhat ad instar sacrodotis , as fortescues words are , c. 5. yea inasmuch , as the via lactea of the nation is ermind with hundreds of families of great estate and blood , whose either founders or amplifiers were lawyers , ex judicum sobole plures de proceribus & magnatibus regni huc usque prodierunt quam de aliquo alio statu hominum regni qui se prudentia & industria propria , opulentos , inclytos nobilesque fecerunt , and whose ancestors ( to use sir edward cooks words ) have obtained a greater blessing and ornament to their families then any other professions ; yea since the lawyers , though men plyable enough to all powers , and not often martyrs for the lawes ; yet have ever been zealous for their habits , and the external decencies of their professions , and have mannaged their interests with men in place , to the advantage of their calling , as appears by their complyance with all changes , and by what the chancel : fortescue councels the prince concerning them , qualem habitum te plus ornare optarem , cum potestas tibi fuerit ad decorem status legis & honorem regni sui . it is just and right to allow , the inns of courts and their appurtenances , rises of honour , and seminaries of gentility . now the 3d parent of men of honour & gentility , are cities & corporations with their relations , and because academies and schools of learning are not now in places of retirement , but in and near cities and towns , most opportune to hospitat resorters to them ; and those to accomodate with all sorts of necessaries . therefore do i treat of them under the head of corporation ; and forasmuch also as they are to corporations , as the soul to its body , the more noble part , therefore shall i marshall them first , and crave leave of corporations , to give precedency of treaty to the schools ; and this i the rather do , to obviate and confront the ages malignity against them , who every year contribute more to the nations order , piety and augmentation , then in a myriad of ages their enviers and detractors will do ; whose work it is to bring a mist of ignorance on mens mind , and by that obcaecation , to lead them captive to barbarism and superstition , and to rifle the charities of deceased patrons , to feather their own deformed and voracious nests . to the schools then be ever reserved their due honour , they are the mines of learned oare , refined into massie bullion , currant coyn in england . they are the colonies of polite literature , the foments of subtle wits , the inextinguishable virgin lamps in the temple of vertue , thorow which is the march to that other of honour . 't is true , the hand of the lord is not shortned , nor his wisdom limited more now then of old , he can call prophets and apostles , yea princes , judges and priests , from mean callings , and instantly qualifies them with parts and principles suitable to his call , and their designation . but in that he now works mediately , and gives men helps of gradual accomplishment , by languages , study , and learned conversation . it becomes us to value these mercies , and not contemn this mannah , because of its plenty and our easie procurement of it ; had we not schools of our own , we should be constrained as of old , to wallow in ethnique barbarism , or else take tedious journeys to kindle our vestal fires at forraign altars . did that evil tread on our heels , how nimble asahels should we be , to out run the darkness that pursued us ? what a value should we put on schools ? in them are taught languages , arts , sciences , by the key of language , brave wits open the cabinet of art , and there view the contexture of nature , and the harmony of her dependence , in the glass of her ornature they view the complexion of arts , and in her crucible assay the loyalty of her maxims , and after a long search into , and disquisition of authours , they become in mind , so deep an ocean of speculation , as deserves almost the name of that infinity of apprehension , which we call knowledge and wisdom , the abundance of which , made three princes , stored above their fellows , more famous then the vastness of their empire , to which it also was auxiliary , solomon , marcus antoninus , and our late king james , a triplicity of unparalleld majesties , and glorious ornaments to schools . from these schools of ours , have proceeded those renowned names of bede the venerable , halensis the accurate exact aquinas his master , scotus the subtile , bradwardine the profound , ●ckham the invincible , hooker the judioious ; from these have issued forth those gentlemen priests , evangelique heroes , noble martyrs , and venerable bishops . cranmer , ridley , lat●mer , philpot , ferrars , and their successors , in order , learning and sincerity , arch bishops , bishops , doctors , and other graduates of divinity , men of rare parts , and of signal generosity . stupor mundi clerus anglieanus , many of whom have not onely contemned their lives for their countries service in embassies , treaties , and studies of an indefatigable nature , but also their posterities and worldly remembrances , to make the religion of the nation their executors , and the poor their heyres , and others of them , so free of their pains to preach , write , and entertain their auditors , neighbours or strangers , that they seemed to keep an all the years open house of civil charity ; yea ( the foundations of kings excepted ) none have been more august then the charities , and institutions of ecclesiastiques . and because the old civility of the nation , allowed the praelacy of england the estimation and dignity of peerage , giving them place and vote in their supreme councel , and for some hundred years , taking as it were the laws from their mouths , ( they being judges of most courts of justice ) and being great masters of the knowledge of the common , civil , and equitable lawes of england , till of late years they have bin superseded , and suffered an eclipse next door to annihilation , therefore shall i originate the honour of men of the schools from that which is the proper culmen of the schools dignation , the degree of doctor , which is by all the insignia of it , magistratique and honourable . they are invested into that degree after solemn act kept , and many inferiour degrees gone thorow ; which scarlet ring , cap , and other ceremonies of respect , yea our civilians , a race of brave parted men wholly ( the more 's the pity ) neglected in this teechy and versatil age , have had names as famous as papinian , ulpian , bartholus , jasius , lazius , budaeus , grotius , who enjoyed priviledges to be counts fellows , called illustres , & other immunities , to the number of 130 , if lud. bologninus do not mislead me . these with doctors of divinity and physick , reputed highly of in the eyes of nations wise and worthy , are the superexcellent and graceful darlings of universities . in short , from these the learned nobility and gentry , who here are first tutored and nourished , and from this their mothers milk , grow to be succulent philosophers , great historians , acurat orators , exact pen-men , to whom , as well as to others , the nation and world will be ever debtor for their great proficiencies in arts , and their free and noble communications of their labours to these and succeeding ages . these many in number , and of very great worth , being sprigs from the academique stock , must argue her a noble plant , and deservedly accounted a worthy parent of honour . as therefore all students in the inns of court are accounted gentlemen , and the graduats esquires as before is expressed , so is the like civility applyed to the students in universities . a student there is a gentleman in title , though he be not so born ; but if he have taken degrees of perfection in the arts his degree is his addition , and upon his demand , heralds cannot deny him a coat of arms , if none he hath ▪ for advancements in arts , argue a meriting of that ensign of honour , arms bearing . and it has bin a common tradition and a received rule , nulli docto , nulli in scientiis liberalibus excellenti honoris insignia sunt deneganda juxta illud virtutis alimentum honos . if therefore the schools do so 〈◊〉 accomplish many generous wits , who thither come for entrance into learning , and there stay till either they be transplanted to the inns of court , or else called abroad to travel ; yea if many thousands are to them brought meanly accomodated , onely sharp set on study ( as the mint and mart of their after fortunes ; and there have behaved themselves so worthily , that no scholastick preferment has bin thought too much , rather not enough for them : but their prince , privy to their merit , commanding them thence , has delegated to them trusts of a more courtly nature , and a more eminent conspicuity . do not these ( though meanly born , and poorly friended ) deserve a name in the display of armories ? as their persons had , and have great respect , so ought their issues to be sutably regarded ; for a brave man of parts and councel , is fellow to any master of courage and conduct , non viribus non velocitate corporis res magnae geruntur sed consilio , authoritate & scientia , saith tully ; and trogus , sayes of alexander , victoriam obtinuit qui consilio gubernabat exercitum , for true courage has no allay from learning , but rather a clearer prospective by it , to those advantages which unite the means with the end , and crown the valour of men with all desirable encomiums which are of proof against envy , as were those paire of perfect gentlemen , sir philip sydney , and sir walter rawleigh , tam marte quam mercurio nobiles , noble personages , civilly learned , and militarily valiant , of whom t is hard to say , whether their characters are more illustrious for valour , or for learning ; but this i am confident of , both of them have left greater donaries of learning , to this and after ages , then ever they communicated of martial discipline to any race of men , that should endeavour to cause a high silence of their renowned atchievements , as the opportunity of their own access to credit and popular fame , which is seldom a fixed starre over the families and memories of us planetary mortalls , but a wandring and wanton comet which blazes for a while , and then sets ( as to this world ) in a deep dismal tenebrious cloud of forgetfulness . next to the schools , come corporations to be considered as a step to honour ; and here should i call to mind , the fruitfulness of cities and burroughs ; in production of men of all ages , merits and professions , who have honoured this their nation both in affaires of warre and peace , in manadgery of ecclesiastical , civil , naval , and land trusts . i should exceed my intendment , and appear troublesome to the facetious reader , whose skill in history , furnishes him with the view of many flowers of lustre and odour , which have grown out of every corporation and city in england : great souldiers by sea and land , grand clerks , theologues and historians , orators , physitians , learned men in both lawes , industrious antiquaries , men of all excellencies , have no lesse risen in cities , towns , & aggregate bodies of men , then in counties and places of solitude and retirement : i shall therefore as a confirmation , of cities and corporations to be rises of honour , treat onely of london , the metropolis of this nation , as that which hath been very succesful in impregnating , not onely it self , but even every county and condition of england , with men of fotune , and all other generous qualifications . and here i crave leave of the sober gallantry of this nation , to write somewhat of this noble city , the place of my birth , which though she is the object of many mens contempt and censure , yet has such constellations of beauty , order , and importance in her , as render her a considerable poy●e and an interest of influence on all the nation . i have not so perfrict a forehead to justifie london in all her demeanors ; nor am i so deluded by love , that i cannot see her division , and the fatal issues that are menaced by it , let the world have their freedoms to judge her distempers , far be it from me to take offence at their just exceptions , nor can knowing men justifie her , where where she has acted unjustifiably ; but let not london be rashly judged and condemned as guilty , before her charge be duly and legally proved , let not the gravity of her citizens be blasted for the intemperance of violent parties in her , who use her name as their credentials to renown , and terme their actions by the name of londons actions , when as they are in no sober sense londons , nor are what those phaetons of fury do , to be charged on london , but with regard to the deluge of necessity , which prevailing , carries all before it , and has had a similarity of empire on all the nation , and hurried every part into a paroxism , next door to anarchy and dissolution . allow her then but some proportions of candor , and she will appear not unworthy their value , and my veneration , which i would here testifie by some short notes upon her , as the epitome of this our english government , in the legal and most acceptable representation of it . london is the england of england , a city famous for her antiquity , prius condita quam illa a remo & romulo , according to stephanides , called nova troja , because modelled instar modum veteris trojae . so jeffry monmouth . ab. westmo computes it about the 2855 year of the world , knighton about the time of ely and samuel : famous it has been for its trade , and frequentation of forraigners to her ; which tacitus hints when he sayes , copia negotiatorum & commeatu maxime celebre . bede termes it , multorum populorum emporium terra marique venientium . this london having all those three priviledges , which thucydides requires to a free city that it be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , use its own laws , it s own judgements , it s own magistrates : & having citizens in her like those of tyre , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the honorable of the earth , as the phrase is , isa. c. 23. v. 8. hath ever been highly accounted of as a pregnant rise to growing honour and nobility . for it has of old bin acknowledged camera regis , and the citizens ( freemen of the same ) termed by hen. 1. barones , which terme , signifies viri fortes , or according to bracton , robur belli , and m. paris , adds they were so called , propter virtutis dignitatem , & civium antiquam libertatem , thus h. 3. stiles them all his time , as appears not onely in his charter anno 9. but in m. paris , p. 749 , 863 , 974 , &c. the like is storyed in malmsbury , londinenses sunt quasi optimates pro magnitudine civitatis in anglia ; and a little after , non decere ut londinenses qui praecipui habebantur in anglia sicut proceres , &c. and if any honour result from the place of birth and residence , to the person born or resident as all the doctors agree , nobilitas causatur ex loco quoniam civis ex urbe splendida oriundus nobilis est , as the rule is , and as cassanaeus alleageth many instances ; and if that custom of allowing those quasi nobiles , and entitling them barones , qui hahent jurisdictionem in suis oppidis & castellis , as the neapolitans hold it , be good authority , the citizens of london , qua such ; ought not to be depraeciated , or suffer degradation from that esteem and regard , which upon the premises considered , is thought to be due to them . let no man envy london , its old deserved honour : it obtained it when , and kept it , while it had it , upon as brave termes as any place before it . it valiantly resisted the brutish dane , when of old he assaulted it . and after in king etheldreds raign , a second time besieged by them , sed a civibus probe defensa , and when swayn had mastered all , and made the then king flie , soli londinenses regem legitimum intra maenia tutantes portas occuserunt . to these add their loyalties to h. 1 , to rich. 2d in disclosing ferrars treason , their discomfiting wat tyler , resisting the bastard fawconbridge in edward the fourths time , and cade in henry the sixths time , yea by the statute of 6 r. 2 c. 12. which admitted all to pardon , who adhered to the kentish and essex , or other commotion , except certain persons , of which there were three citizens of london , the reason of whose punishment , in being excepted , is there rendred ▪ for that one of them did first and principally let william walworth , late maior of london , and certain other the kings faithful people , to shut the gates of the said city , against the commonalty of kent and essex , then traiterously in the said insurrection assembled , that they should have none entry into the sa●d city , and to defend the same city from all traitors . and the other two were arraigned of that that they should have bin the first and chief councellours of the said traytors , that they should come and enter the said city , and leaders of the same traytors within the said city : by which words of the statute , it appeared , that the parliament then accounted the city their jewel , which was not to be touched , but by the soft and gentle hands of good men and true . and as the city in general , have performed acceptable service to its supremes , so have those their great and magnificent masters , dignified the officers of it , with signal expresses of honour , making the maior ( who is a freeman , though the head and noblest part of it ) a kind of vice-roy , allowing triumphal solemnities , and resemblances of , and allusions to , those of a coronation , at his inauguration , furnishing him with ensigns of supreme power within his limits , as sword , mace cap of maintenance , ( all which boren before him , remember me of cassiodorus his words to the senate , sume mag●sterii infulas dignitatis , usurus omnibus privilegiis quae tuos habuisse constiterit decessores ) with a great councel , grand priviledges , and accepting him not onely as their deputy in government , but as a noble tenurer to whom a chief office of honour belongs of right at coronations , for in the register of the officers of the coronation in rich. the seconds time thus it is written , major londini clamabit officium pincernae & debite executus est , habens cyphum aureum in manu dextra ; these with other such like favours , argue the lord maior to be highly accounted of , and when consideration is had , that not onely in one time , but in the various successions of ages , high account has bin made of this officer , his dignity will thence receive some addition . in king johns raign , when things were much out of order , an agreement was , that certain great persons should be intrusted to inspect the actions of that king , and secure the peace of the nation , the major of london was one : in rich. the seconds time , when persons of all ranks were to be rated according to their degree . the lord maior was put at 4 l. the rate of an earl , and every alderman at 40 s. the rate of a baron ; and when rich. the first in captivity , was to be ransomed , the lord maior was one of the five trustees for dispose of the monies levied to redeem him . yea , & when the death of qu. elizabeth and king james his absence here , had made a kind of interstitium in government , and it was thought fit by the great men of the realm , who being officers by commission , abated by the death of their appointer , to make a publication of their fidelity to king james , and to notifie to the nation whom they should expect , and ought to pray for as their lord and master , to this publication solemnly proclaimed , the first subscriber was ro. lee maior , and after him john cantuar , tho. egerton , c. sigill , tho. buckhurst treasurer , and so in order the rest of the great men ; as ( no doubt ) conceiving the lord maior the most fixed and conspicuous magistrate in revolutions and changes . and as the maior hath been thus honoured with high esteem , and had for a long time the reward of knighthood , ( if not a knight before ) at the expiration of his yearly office ; so have also the sherifs and aldermen , ( his peers as it were . ) for the maior , sheriffs , and aldermen are by the stat. of 11 ed. 3. c. 10. said to have the government of the city ) bin reckoned non inter milites gaudentes & milites histriones , as bartholus termes some , qui non sunt nobiles , but deservers of knight-hood upon that accompt that salust gives of pompey , who did cum alacribus saltu , cum velocibus cursu , cum validis valide certare , thus did 1● . of them obtain knight-hood from e. 4. william walworth and five more from r. 2. eastfield and others from h. 6. horn ●ate astrey from h. 7. and others of them have bin made councellors to their princes , so was feilding to h. 6. and ed. 4. william fitzwilliams , and sir john allen to h. 8. yea , and the grandfather of that virgin lady and the mirrour of her sex , queen elizabeth , ( the once glorious mistress of these islands ) sir jeffry bullen descended from the famous house of norfolk , was in anno 1457. lord maior of london ; and then is said to have to wife , one of the daughters and heires of thomas baron of hoo , and hastings , knight of the honourable order of the garter . further as to the maior , aldermen and sheriffs of london all citizens , these largesses of bounty have been expressed ; so has time and common approbation admitted other members of the city into title of gentility , as well as grandees in law or schools ; for as to those that either have held the place , or fined for aldermen , the title esquire is given ; so to all citizens of london , though in the city the addition of their mystery is most usual , yet the title gentleman , where natively they are not such ( for there are many of both base and noble origen ) is by the national courtesie given to such of them as are of creditable professions and fortunes : which civility and grateful goodness of the royal government of this nation , has been repayed by the city in all ages . no part of the land affording more brave , free and well advised spirits , then here have bin born , bred , and provided for , to spring from a thriving younger brother , who has an elder brothers fortune , when he has prodigally wasted it , or to be the first of a stock , whose rise is not by blood and baseness ; is no lesse honourable , then to descend from hercules , and want the noble qualities of his issue . and yet london alwayes had , and yet has more defiances from the issue of her citizens , the more is the pity , and their shame , then from all persons of high blood and honourable ancestry . yea , though she has had many profitable offices to give , by which many have lived plentifully , and raised great estates , and had good opportunities of requiting her , by publication of her lustre and renown : yet none of them that i know of , have publiquely done it , bale and pits indeed mention one robert bale , or balaeus senior , a citizen born , who did omnem suam operam , omne studium eo dirigere , ut ejus splendorem magis magisque illustraret . but the works that he is said to write for londons honour , are lost . nor does london encourage any of her own to appear this way in publique for her , many monuments of antique honour and order , undoubtedly she has , which neither any abroad , nor she her self knowes of , that sword of goliah is wrapped up in a repertory of secrecie , lying by the walls , as a meet companion for dust and cobwebs . o london ! thou hast ever been the glory , but the envy , the oxe that has been muzled , yet ever hast trod out the corn of profit to the nations advantage . thou hast bin the candle that hast lightned others out of the dark of obscurity , into the morning brightness ; and yet hast bin condemned as dulsighted to the perception of thine own interest , and the glory that attends the due and devout improvement of it . men say thy purse predominates thy councel , and when they look upon thy wit , they wonder at thy wealth . this is thy censure from thy detractors ; but for all these speeches of anger and mordacity , london has bin , & i hope yet will be london & flowrish with that crowning mercy of orderly and peaceable government , when her enemies shall be cloathed with shame . gods blessing and the river of thames , are such demesnes about this capital city , as will supply her , maugre the ill will of all her opponents . thy name , o beloved city , has bin too much acclamated , thy officiousness to general good , too much anciently owned , to suffer a final and total infamy for some demeritings . let thine accusers first prove themselves innocent , before they cast the stones of punishment on thee ; and while thou hast the merit of thy predecessors valour , of thy magistrates bounty , of thy citizens riches , and of their posterities flourishing in all parts of the nation ( who are not lesse fortun'd , and bred in points of honour , then becomes the condition of gentry ) keep thy spirits about thee , to recriminate thy reproaches ; and if thou couldst keep thy purse , and match within thy self , those that revile thee , would soon be deeply in debt , and hopeless how to rid themselves from danger . for it is the honey drops of thy wealth which enlightneth the eyes of many well descended jonathans , whose lands would not long own them for their lords , did not thy widows and daughters portions , pay off their encumbrances , and clear up those mists which hinder their view of them as their own , till they be removed . shew me o ye contemners of cities and corporations , wherein ye exceed citizens , and the issues and products of them . is there any part of the world or this nation , more hospitable then london , whose families ? whose poor are better provided for then londons ? where are there any subjects in england , that in plenty and variety of entertainments , exceed the maiors and sheriffs tables ; to which all commers that are of fashion and worth , though unknown , are welcom , was not that table ( think ye ) well furnish'd , which in one day entertained edward king of england , the kings of france , scotland , cyprus , edward prince of wales , with a grand train of nobles ; and was not he a brave subject , who then also kept his hall for welcom of all commers ? this did henry piccard , maior of london , in the year 1363. and to make the solemnity more ample , his lady did at the same time , maintain a treatment apart for all female honours of noble degree ? are there any charities in england ( surviving that furious deluge of hen. the 8th ) which are more extensive and liberal then those of londons fraternities and hospitalls , both in london and other parts of the nation , all which either were founded or augmented by citizens , some few there have bin erected by other persons of great honour , charity and worthiness , whose devotion therein , i doubt not but god has accepted . but though i dare not presume to write that the gleanings of londons ephraims , are beyond the vintage of those abiezers , yet i may modestly and truly aver , that london , both in the number and exact care and government of them , according to the statutes of their foundation , is more exact and remarkable , then others are ; and those that trust them shall upon search , find them the best executors of trusts ; mistake me not , i am no conjured creature of londons , wherein truth and justice , religion and order , defie her , i must not justifie her , magna est veritas & praevalebit , if the faithful city become a harlot , if its silver become drosse , and its wine be turned to water , as once god by his prophet complained of jerusalem , far be it from me to endeavour her defence . but if she , when most disfigured , and in her least commendable dress , has witnesses of gubernative honour , and pristine fidelity , though she has apoplectique fits , and is under the rigour of storms , which role her up and down from coast to coast , till her pilots seem to forsake their compass , and her commoners their sails and tackle . god forbid any christian , any englishman should wish or hope to see her in ashes , god forbid any one that is written man , should so indulge the gourd of his passion and transitory greatness , which perhaps came up in a night , and may perish in a night , as the phrase is , jonah , c. 4. v 10. as to repine at gods merciful sparing of that great city , wherein are more then sixscore thousand persons that cannot discern between their right and their left hand , and also much cattle , v. 10. o london , i wish peace may be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy pallaces , that religion , order , trade , charity , may never suffer a finall eclipse in thee , that the riches of thy citizens , which popes have termed , puteus inexhaustus , may rather be the delight of scholars eyes , who with pope innocent , shall desire to see divitias londini & delicias westmonasterii , then of a ruffians fists , who would desire to plunder thee . and blessed be god for thy riches , and the good provision thy citizens thrift has made , for not onely their children , but for the ample maintenance of the churches and churchmen in thee ; for as thou art abundant in sacred edifices , ( so that the great cambden , thy learned sonne sayes , templis undique & aedibus sacris ita fulget ut religio & pietas sibi delubrum hic collocasse videatur , ) and those so nobly kept and adorned , as little more can be desired to their ornament , unless st. pauls , thy viduated mother church , might be repaired , which in these sad changes by being unchaptred and revenueless , is now in a great measure , ready to be a colluvies of ruines ) excepting onely this venust monument of antique christianities devotion . this st. pauls at london , once not inferior to that st. peters at rome , though now likely to have no long duration , but in that paper monument which a skilful , painful , and well accomplish'd antiquary has erected to her perpetuity ) all the parish churches are in a comely dress , worthy that orderly religion the citizens profess . and the ministers in them , ( maugre all the malice of fanatiques and antiministerial dissenters ) are better provided for , then in most parts of the nation besides ; for though some curse the patrimonium crucifixi , and would dip their morsels in potions like that of the jewes to our lord : yet others , more in number , weight , and worth , with holy moses , bless their basket and their store , and let their bounties run most fluently to those secondary apostles , as the precious remains of christ the churches high priest , which he hath left to negotiate the conversion of souls , and to propatage his gospel , till the number of his elect be accomplished , and till he deliver up the kingdom to god the father . but i return to london , which i find of great consequence to her supremes ; for when the lords and great men had her to back , the lord marshall ▪ s words to walter alb●net , are , bene scitis quam magnum comm●●um est vobis & nobis servare civitatem londoniarum quae est receptaculum nostrum . and when king richard the second , favoured her in so unusual a way ●o indulgence , as sir edw. cook notes , confirming her liberties , licet usi non fuerint vel abusi fuerunt , it concludes , that she has ever been esteemed the darling of her royal governour , and the nonsuch of england , in supply of accommodations for peace & warre . so that london so ancient , and so magnificent a city , so abounding in rich , stout , grave , and well moderated citizens , so dignified with freedoms and franchises of exemption from vassallage , so prosperous and contributive to the structure of english honour , being the parental ayre of princes , prelates , peers , knights , gentlemen , and others , who in regard of high desert , are not unworthy their company , must not be omitted in the roll of honour , as she is none of the lowest steps to it . for in the saxons time , estate in land or money , made men pares cum thayno dignitate , and estates have ever been gainable in london , if anywhere ; and that not onely by ungentle practices , such as mr. fern termes , doubleness of tongue , violation of faith , with the rest of their trumperies and deceits , for which , ( saith he ) they must be contented to stand included under the base and unnoble state of people . no nor by betraying trusts , as did cneius flavius , who by discovering the patricians secrets in the dies fasti & infasti , was by the popular par●y preferred , cum ingenti nobilitatis indignatione , ita ut plaerique nobiles annulos aureos & phaleras deponerent , as both livy and agellius testifie ; but by gods blessing upon their careful and provident industry , which by commutation of one thing for another , and transferring the property from person to person , works out a benefit to all conditions of men . for merchandize , which is the common title of all trade , whether in gross or retail , is no tri●ling mechanique and indign imployment , to which onely abject and mercenary spirits are condemned ; nor is it carried on by fortuneless and needy persons , such are rather a refined sort of pedlars then merchandizers ; but as diodorus ascribes its first discovery to mercury , and its first use to the phaenicians , whom tully and polydore make importers of the forraign extravagancies into greece , and we may allow occasioners of learnings discovery to us , whom the phaenicians ( almost the earlyest artists of the world and such as had colonies in every nation , and were called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by lucian , because they , by their general traffique were ubiquitaries , ) visited , by coming to our islands for tyn and other mettals , as bochartus has to my hand observed , & with variety of learning illustrated . so may its increase and propagation be attributed , next to gods blessing , to those persons of renown and lustre , who either by natural inclination , or impulse of necessity , have engaged in it , and by their succesful dexterity , prove great advancers of national profit , as well as their own and posterities fortunes ; for as in solons time , the greeks accounted trade , as that quae commoda ex regionibus barbaris ascisseret , amicitias cum regibus conciliaret ; & multarum rerum conferret peritiam , so in this nation , the wittenagemote and great councel of our wisdom , in the preamble to the statute of 43 eliz. c. 1● . acknowledgeth it to have been the policy of this realm , by all good meanes to comfort and encourage the merchant , thereby to increase and advance the general wealth of the realm , her majesties customs , and the strength of shipping , so are the words of that statute . and therefore though in trade as in other courses of life and professions of ingenuity , there are some debauched and sordid persons , who by sinister and undue meanes , dishonourable to god , and of evil report amongst men , acquire estates , and in solomons words , making hast to be rich , cannot be innocent , but live the shame of their professions , and depart the stage of life , as bad actors hissed at , and declaimed against by all that knew them : yet are there of traders as currant , generous , stanch , simple hearted , and liberal living men , most of whom are descended out of the best families of englands gentrey , as the land affords ; such as support their families and relations , as splendidly , and leave them as fair foundations of grandeur , as merit can wish to work upon : yea of all orders of men in england , absit scripto invidia , none do more bless their wives , widows and children , with the fruits of gods blessing on their thrift and augmentation , then citizens do , who as joyfully spend their estates on their wives , widows and children , or for want of these , on charities both living and dying , as ever they carefully accumulated them ; and therefore there rising from these , men of great estates and good breedings , their children , whom though they make not princes in all lands , yet they render conspicuous in all counties where they reside , and they being descended from , and entermarried with , daughters of generous families ; and having also the younger sonnes of gentile families , not lesse gentlemen then their elder brother , to their apprentices , who in time , prove great and grave citizens , not only fellows in fortune to their elder brothers , but purchasors of their wasted estates , and second founders to their antiquated families and fortunes , which in them have a new , and perhaps better resurrection . it is but meet the city which deserves as well as rome , to be called urbs aeterna , in which these budds & blowings of nobility and gentry are nourished to their after increase and procerity , should be accounted a co-partner in the rise of honour , to which i hope , london and other corporations , will be ever contributors . if either the storms of anarchy do not kill their sap , or the fire of dissention burn their hives . and so i have done with the third part of the description , the end why arms and ensigns of honour , were instituted , which is said to be in notitiam & honorem latoris . the fourth thing considerable in our knights definition , is the fountain or rise of arms in those words a judice legitimo . and this is well added to exclude the presumption of self-creation , or of acceptation from any hand but that of the right owners . there , there onely is honour lodged where empire is , and if par in parem non habet imperium , then honour cannot come from the plebs ; but springs from the womb of the morning sun , the orient gyant of majesty , who fixed in his orb , runs a constant race of motion , diffusing beams of lustre & vivification amongst all the subjects under his aspect , honorem distributio principum est , & hinc uti ab ipso fonte aut per rivos , hoc est per ministros deducenda alioquin spuria & inanis , saith my learned textmaster , yet not without good company , for all the doctors agree the same a principe tanquam a capite in omnes inferiores honorum & potestatum munera diffunduntur , so cassanaeus quotes it out of them . this judex legitimus then , is purposely added as a rampier , and mound to magistracy , apt to be invaded by arrogance and levity : therefore the learned oppose legitimus to what ever is new , unconstituted , and of a spurious birth . thus is legitima cogitatio opposed to spuria ; legitimius senatus , to indictus senatus ; legitima judicia to judicia malis artibus parta ; dies juridici , which our lawyers call temps covenables , to dies non juridici ; so careful were wise lawmakers , that they left nothing unsetled , that might make any flaw , or seem ununiform in the fabrique of national polity ; and because the senate was in the roman commonwealth , the centre of majesty , the senators to prevent all suspition of themselves , and to beget a reverence of their transactions in peoples mindes , ordered , that lawful senates should be kept upon appointed dayes , and those were but twice in a moneth ; and agellius adds , that no lawful senate should be nisi in loco per augures constituto quod templum appellaretur , that is but by a lawful appointment , and in a place appointed , which was their temple . so that judex legitimus , here excludes uptons libertine , who takes what arms he pleases , since arms are not in nudam notitiam , but in honorem also . and therefore it must come from the fountain of honour , who is called animata lex , and terrestris deus , being as the soul in the common-wealths body , the right eye in the polyphemiz'd statue of popularities , which sweetens their visage , and renders them of deformed monsters , amiable objects . this is the primum mobile , which carryes about all orderly motions . for this cause the apostle commandeth by the spirit of god , and his apostolique authority , that prayers and supplications , and giving of thanks be made for all men , for kings and all that are in authority under them , that under them we may live peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty , and when holy david , sau's successor to the kingdom , not by inheritance , for so jonathan would have been , nor by usurpation , for so he himself durst not have been , for if his conscience smote him for cutting off the lap of sauls garment , and he in a holy passion cryed out , the lord forbid that i should do this thing unto my master the lords anoynted , to stretch forth mine hand against him , seeing he is the anointed of the lord , as it is v. 6. what would have become of him . if he had pull'd by sacrilegious hands , the crown from off his masters head , and put him to death to consolidate his title to his throne . ) but holy david , though a man of valour and victory , was a man of justice and honour , his right to be saul's successor , was of divine donation and especiall appointment of god , whose all power is , and who stated the government in him , as appeares 2 sam. chap. 12. vers. ● . and 8. and yet though god had determined his pleasure both as to sauls life and kingdom , yet this blessed king who had entrance by his oustre , calls upon the most tender and pensive instruments of passionate sadness to weep , weep ( saith he ) ye daughters of israel over saul , who cloathed you in scarlet with other delights , who put ornaments of gold upon your apparel . for surely he must be a very bad king , who is not worthy peoples prayers , when he is alive , & their teares when he is dead . the supreme power was then firstly and chiefly one , as in the elder governments , and as in the polity of god over the world ; for though he hath in the upper house of glory archangels and angels , who infinitely transcend us men in intellect , power , and dignity , yet are they no participants in rule , but ministring spirits to his elect , the members of this moveable house of commons here on earth ; or in the largest concession , they are but tutelary of us gloworms of ostentation , and puffs of nullity ; the paramount power is gods , who termes himself a great king , and who exercises his regality , in ruling over the kingdoms of men , and giving them to whomsoever he will , as the voyce from heaven declared , dan. c. 4. v. 30. but though the supreme power be one , yet not onely one , for there have been plures , who like many figures in conjunction , have made numeralls of great duration and augustness . amongst the graecians , when of aristocratique constitution , they gave honours , and therefore were held lawful judges of merits , nobilibus athletis qui olympia , pythia , isthmia , nemaea vicissent graecorum majores ita magnos instituerunt honores uti non modo in conventu stantes cum palma & corona ferunt laudes sed etiam cum revertantur in suas civitates , cum victoria triumphantes quadrigis in maenia & in patrias invehebantur , saith budaeus ; so lazius reports the romans to do , and so above this 1200 years have the venetians , and for a long time other later governments . but such almanacks of honour are not calculated for every meridian . there are nations that will be dull scholars to learn any lesson antimonarchique ; for resolution , like the rock , yields not to any stroke but the rod of omnipotence , and when god utters no voyce from heaven , against nationall lawes , ( not diametrall to the revealed will ) his word . there is a maxime of the law , swayes much with many , neminem opportet esse legibus sapientiorem . as then the legitimus judex in our case of honour is the supreme , so next to these originals , are the illustrious copies drawn by their fair and magnified hands , such as are vice-royes , generalls , marshalls , their civil and military representatives ; for there can be no doubt , but that military rewards and honours , as arms and knight-hood , are included in their intended powers ; for there is no argument more prevalent to elicit souldiers valour , then this of remuneration . thus i read in the fourth of richard the second , the duke of buckingham made many knights when he entred france , and again after battels well fought , rewarded deserving gallants with knighthood . so the l. admiral howard , in his voyage into britany , 4 h. 8. anno 1512. and upon his winning morleis 14 h. 8. anno 1522. so the duke of suffolk , 15 h. 8. when he gained roy , and the earl of hertford , 36 h. 8. at leith , after the burning of edenburgh . the like 1 ed. 6. was done by the duke of somerset , protector of the young kings person , who anno 1547 made above 50 knights when he went for scotland ; so did the earl of sussex , 12 eliz. and of essex in cadiz voyage , and there is good reason for it ; for take away the power to give a badge of honour to a sonne of honour , and the best rounds in the scalado of great attempts , are removed , si non pro fama pro nihilo est demicandum ; good pay indeed , and great plunder , works most an end with the vulgar and ordinary stipendiary , who having bruital ayms , is satisfied with low and mean compensations , but a spirit of elixerated mettle , purely extracted from the oare of avarice , and quintessentially fixed upon the attainment of fame , and the enamouring companions of heroique vertue , acquiesses in nothing but in the indubitate badges and testimonies of emeriting , which his principall gives him ; for the courage which vehiculates his attempts , and occasions his glory , is gods royal donative : therefore the bravery of such a martial soul , is of an immortal origen , and has no lesse nobility then a divine participation , not essential , but communicative . the acceptation of the performance , and the attestation of the gallantry of the subject acting it , being made known by the notices and badges of conferred honour , which are personal and gentilicial . for where actions performed by men do benefit posterity , 't is fit the posterity of such actors should be dignified by their predecessors merit . so st. leo , ad humanam pertinet laudem ut patrum decus in prole resplendeat . so st. ambrose writes of one , caepta patris dignitas in filio nobilitatur , and plyny for them all tells sonnes , magnum in gloria patris ornamentum . yea he is no man of honour , who if worthies die issuless , as often they do , denyes them a monument , in the minds of their most conspicuous coaevals , and a perpetuation in the intemerat sheets of historique veracity , by which have bin preserved the memories of worthies in all ages , who yet are extant in the traditional lineaments of their virtues , visible to the learneds eye , who view them with delight and study to publish them with additions . and now i come to the last judex legitimus , in common understanding amongst us , to wit , the heralds , who though disrespected in these times , and in truth not so regarded ( as they ought ) in any time in england , which caused a man well versed in that art , to write deploringly , nunc adeo heraldicae arti detractum est ut neglecti plane & paene prostrati ubivis vivunt . ) yet are of ancient , honourable and useful institution , yea and have been judges of the great debates of nations . and though i would not hyperbolize with mr. leigh , who compares them to angels , and to aaron : yet i must acknowledge them publicae fidei intermunii , a kind of propitiators between nation and nation . the greeks called them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and eustathius gives the reason , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they were accounted priestly , & had to do about the sacrifices of the gods ; and the regard that was given to them , made them the instruments of publishing whatever was of a publique and extraordinary nature , and associates to persons of the greatest remarque , yea in homer the scepter is said to be given to menelaus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , nor had the latines lesse accompt of them ; for they called them by divers names , alluding to their office and use . priscian termes them , praecones a praecinendo , quasi praecanes quod ante canant & anuncient quod est faciendum , which plautus alludes to , when he defines them to be such as qui jussu magistratus publice aliquid ore denunciant , qui auctionem faciebant & qui audientiam in theatris indicebant , and tully , exurge praeco fac populo audientiam . the romans very much set by them , numa constituted faeciales sacerdotes ; and both festus and nonius derive feciales a faciendo , quod belli pacisque faciendae apud eos jus erat . varro and livy , call these faeciales legatos , and there were 20. of this order , who judged of warre and peace : some of which , were ever sent to any nation from whom the romans apprehended they had received injury , with this message , ego sum nuncius populi romani juste pieque legatus venio . hence the civilians call'd them , patres patratos , or nuncios legatos , and the law of nations gave them priviledge to pass and repass as common intelligencers , negotiators of accord , and judges of debates . for then they were of those milites emeriti , who by long service in warre , knew the lawes of warre and peace , and were well read in the lawes of nations , which determine right and wrong . in later times , they have not onely been used as wontedly , but also as instruments to convey civil honour from supremes to subjects ; and that they might not be senseless of honour , but have quick touches of it in their breasts , as well as faculties of bestowing it in their offices , and badges of it on their coats , the custom of nations , was to appoint men to such place , who were generously born , as well as so addicted , and handsomly accomplish'd by breeding , to execute aright this honourable trust . a rare caution against ignorant , sordid and ridiculous heralds , who are distinguishable from the faeculent plebs , rather by their gay coats , then any skill , ingenuity , or grandeur of mind they express in their actions . but i intend no inlargement on heralds , because a better pen has long since promised it , onely i could wish , ( if god and the powers concur'd ) that a brave marshal like to the duke of norfolk , or the old earl of arundel , were revived , and such order , in matters of arms and honour , constituted , as may reduce eccentriques to their fixation . and that such men may be officers of arms , as are of learned language , compt morature , oratorique utterance , skill'd in the lawes of nations , ready in the descents of families , sincere in maintenance of right , and that these ( if owned judges of honour ) may be men of blood , family and fortune ; and that such pensions may be annexed to their offices , as will support them creditably . for there is nothing that prompts men to profligate & degenerous courses , more then need and indulgence of fortune , which often warps brave minds from their natural evenness , and distorts them into a sordid complyance with any offer of accomodation and advantage , though it be as vain as that mistake of quintus fabius was , who not content to be nobly born , became a painter de claro genere faciens se sordidum , ut nomen suum in publico pingens faceret aeternum , or that royster pau●●nias , who would kill philip of macedon , ut tali parricidio immortalitatem sibi compararet , or as herostra●us and others , of whom cassanaeus has given instance , who have done supersuperlative wickednesses , to bring about their heady and ill humour'd purposes . and therefore i accompt it a well advised petition to god , that agur made , give me neither poverty nor riches , feed me with food convenient for me , least i be full and deny thee , and say , who is the lord ? or least i be poor and steal , and take the name of my god in vain . for those two evils , a high mind , and a low estate , are not often reconciled in a spotless integrity of life ; and therefore to have food and rayment , and a mind contented therewith , is no mean mercy , especially now , when unde habet quaerit nemo sed opportet habere , is rather owned for canon , then budaeus his paradoxall truth , praestat egregiis viris in secessu latere , aut in vita privata consenescere quam turpiter & obnoxie in pertexta innotescere . and when in this iron age , religion has no veneration , law no esteem , justice no patron , property no protector , heraldry no rule , but every man does that which is right in his own eyes , as once was israels calamity . all estates of men have no other refuge but that judex legitimus in heaven . for though times and men may be like what clemanges describes , quis locus remediis ( saith he ) aut quae spes salutis ubi nec de salute loqui nec de remedio concessum ubi qui cladem & plagas inferunt probi insignes egregiique viri , omni laude & praemio digni judicantur , & qui talia avertere nituntur scelerati , perfidiosi , nefarii dicuntur , what , i say , though god let us live to see further changes and declensions , to those many stupendious ones , we have with grief and amazement beheld , yet so long as jehovah keeps his throne , our faith ought not flag ; for when gods time is come , he will arise and plead his own cause , and from him as the onely judex legitimus , there will be no appeal . and so the fifth part of the description comes next , to hand the objects to whom arms are principally directed , militibus to souldiers . but of souldiers , i have written somewhat in the preceding sheets , that which remains , is onely two limitations . 1. though arms and honour be the proper reward of souldiers , yet not onely of souldiers . 2. though they be the rewards of souldiers , yet not of all souldiers . first , though of souldiers , yet not of all souldiers , for if as great designs of conquest , and conservation of dominion , has been effected by counsel , as by force , then are the remunerations military to be divided between the co-heires of merit , courage & councel . the souldiers ( indeed ) as the elder is to make first choyce of the divident , but the gown man is to have his allowance as equal as justice can apportion it . when nimrod first forged his engine of oppression , by which he became as terrible to men , as the hunter is to the pursued beast , then was there no rival with , no counterpoyse to power ; but after when councel made snares , and fixed harping irons in leviathans of rule , then was councel owned , as a conservator of the peace of nations . then princes appeared in robes and vests of calmness , distributing their favours under representations of peace , the daughter of counsel and prudence , rather then in tokens of warre and ferocity , deriving dominion from the lawes of learned justice , and not from the form of armed strength . 't is fit indeed , fortitude should be encouraged , all ages and nations have need of it , and are made happy by it , therefore ought to reward it , and so have done , and so ( for example sake ) will do ; but other vertues of equal merit , must not be exhaeredated , or become spurious , to advance its legitimation . it was a brave spirit of numa popilius , to promise mamurius ( that famous artist , who made brasen shields like that which fell from heaven , on which was inscribed the roman fate ) that he would give him whatever he could wish , or would desire of him , and 't was as bravely requited by a modest and candid request , ut a saliis sacerdotibus martis , cum jam saltantes canerent in fine carminis mamurii artificis nomen etiam pronunciarent . some mens virtues vigorously confront the ghast looks of death , and judge no bed of honour , no manner of dispatch like that of a cannon shot , or an instrument of steel . others resolving to adorn their lives , with actions contributive of good to men , study not onely their own , but other mens preservations , inclining actions to peace , the halcyon dayes of art , and the spring of learnings verdure and slourishing . both these are good stewards of their ●alents , and deserve euge's from , and shares in , the joyes of their lords . if then the scale of favour , and the evidence of approbation , incline to any one where it ought to be equilibrious and impartial , there would be too much ground of outcry on injustice . let then the souldier be rewarded , let him have the trophies proper to him : the gownman onely claims such a share in this worlds lustre , as is commensurate to the officiousness he ( to publique good ) expresses . and if he , upon the crabstocks of emnity grafts the cyons of concord , and serve a gospel reformation , by accomplishing ( as much as rests on mans part to endeavour ) that promise which points out civil as well as religious prosperity . they shall beat their swords into plow-shares , and their speares into pruning-hooks , nation shall not lift up sword agai●st nation , neither shall they learn warre any more , &c. and if this be done by gownmen without blood , force , violence , the unavoidable methods of warre and the pleasure of camps , as great a portion , and as notable a fee of arms and honour is to be imparted to the scholar , as sword-man ; for incruent victories are least offensive to god and man , since they are rather well studied and thorowly improved providences , then acts of vehemence , or compulsions of a bruital and irrational contexture , and were not encouragements to sober diligence , and vertuous industry suitable to those of centaurean fierceness , men of great spirits and noble mindes , would either become the prey and spoil of salvages , or die under the discontent to be overdripp'd by such as are first tigres and lyons in their natures , and then act as such , against all , whom god and nature have polish'd to a more pleasing complyance with humanity and civil conversation , the onely soder of friendship , and the contentful harmony of life . though therefore arms and honour be primarily the right of souldiers , yet not only and exclusively their right , others are fellow commoners , and of the messes of honour with them . no nor secondly , are all souldiers included in this beneficence of the fountain of honour , which the learned knight calls judex legitimus , for there are some that creep into the wedding feast , who having not the wedding garment , ought to be asked how they came in thither , such souldiers as marcellinus and vo●iscus calls milites ordinarios quos excitabant inopia & feritas , are not within the care of our judex legitimus , for he respects onely those that are milites legitimos , because engaged in militia legitima ( the lawful expression of merit , which is to be rewarded by ( the lawful judge , being onely in a lawful warre ) st. bernard giving encouragement to the christians undertaking against the infidels , writes thus , cum occidit malefactorem non homicida , sed ut ita dixerim , malicida , & plane christi vindix in his qui male agunt & defensor christianorum reputatur . and therefore though there be much daringness expressed by men that rush into action , like the horse into the battel , not caring what side they take arms for : yet advised and pious souls , consider the cause , and resolve to stand by the crown of glory though it be fixed to a rotten post , all the ignominies that this wretched world entails to the good fight of faith , christs faithful souldier & servant contemns . the forecited father has this passage to the knights templers si bonafuerit causa pugnantis pugnae exitus malus esse non poterit , sicut nec bonus judicabitur sinis , ubi causa non bona & intentio non recta praecesserit , si in voluntate alterum occidendi potius occidi contigerit morieris homicida , quod si praevales , & voluntate superandi vel vindicandi forte occidis hominem , vivis homicida , so that father , a notable quel to the rash engager , who neither a victor or a looser is guiltless ; the souldiers then that fight for honour , must fight according to the lawes , and for the well-being of honour , and then they will deserve primum locum in acie occupare & ante signa cum principibus stare . as did the roman antesignani , yea and be accounted meet vessels of honour , for baldus is positive , creandus in militem non sit servilis conditionis , yet most an end it is seen , that in unwarrantable fewdes , and civil disturbances , the great instruments of alarum , and masters of misrule , are men of trite note , mean birth , despicable breeding , who with the vultures , are in publico malo faelices ; but because these are not within the purliew of the text , i will pursue them no further but proceed to the last part of the definition , to wit , the manner of arms and honours appropriation to those persons for whom they are intended in the word ascripta . ascripta , a word of more significant capacity , then a bare title and claim ; for though in our usual mother speech we by ascribe , mean no more then give or render , as ascribe the prayse or doing of such a thing to such a man , is no more then to mention him as the deserver of the prayse of such a work ; yet ascribe , as it comes from ad scribo , and thence for euphony ascribo , whence ascripta the word here , has a sense of complication , suitable to its verbal conjunction , and i take the emphasis to arise from the composition of the praeposition with the verb , and to imply a more explicite notice then is in the bare verb ; and this i humbly conceive ( yet alwayes with submission to the learned ) to be clearly the sense , not only of our knight , but also of other authours , who make ascripta to surpass data and concessa , as that which contains them , and some other testimonial beyond them , as much as a record and indubitate authentique warranting the claim to , and assumption of them : therefore the greeks read this by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which may be well rendred , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ought to be , 2 luk. 1. 2. & 4. v. by listing and enrolling , rather then taxing ; and in this sense of listing or enrolling , i understand ( but i crave pardon if i mistake ) the orator in his phrase , ascribe●e in legibus & in legem , so adscribi in civitatem , or in civitate for recipi in civem , which pliny much as adjungere vel addere quovis modo . men when they are entred freemen in the chamberlains office , having had an addition to their native right , or a publication of their acquired priviledge , are said to be ascripti cives , to have jus in re , as well as ad rem , to be freemen and citizens , compleat and past all question ; so tully expresses himself in that passage , qui thucydidem laudant ascribat suae nostram sententiam , and pliny in making ascribi to amount to canonizari , or annumerari , attributes to our texts meaning , as much as can be wished , that is a record or testimonial of the grantors pleasure and end in the grant of them , which is ever upon some vertues in the claimers , for which they were thus rewarded . indeed of old , when arms were not hereditary and fixed , there needed no justification beyond that of the devisors genius , who gratified himself with such trophies , as lacquied most to the pomp of his phantasie , which commonly rigg'd and trim'd this perewig of hawtesse , with much of her ingenious variety . and when soveraigns gave donaries from their persons , as jewels , swords , speares , sprigs , helmets ; armours , usually worn by them , and by them delivered as gifts to persons , with indulgence of them to be born by their issues , and did this before great appearances of men , and at the head of armies : there needed no further testimonials of the bearers right . for time being by these ( dispersed in all corners of the nation ) informed of the occasion and intendment of it , lodges the bruit of it in mens mindes , till by usage time out of mind , it becomes law , and prescribes against any thing to the contrary . but in as much as arms and honour do give dignity and precedence which will not easily be assented to by those who hold themselves agrieved , and are loath to cooperate to their own degradation . the rights of arms and honours gentilicial , ought in reason to appear upon record , and the grant or certificate rest with the person dignified . the law of nations suffragating to the unquestionable right of supremes to grant , within the limits of their power , rewards to merits , and arms to such as are worthy to be distinguished from men of meanness . and though in cases of long use and possession of many descents , as in title of lands , so of arms bearing , not evidences or productions of the commencing right is required , because subsequent acts have ratified and lawes of latter ages barr'd disturbances , and made possession a fair advance to right , & quae ab antiquis sunt temporibus praesumuntur solemniter esse acta , yet in case of honour & arms of late date & donation , the evidence of their right is to be produced , if not known , before the priviledge that comes by it , will be willingly assented to . and therefore i conceive our learned knight , here treating of arms , as in their regular aspect they are diffused , as tokens of the acceptation of the actions and persons performing them ; and the supremes bounty towards them for so doing , concludes them to be à legitimo judice militibus ascripta : and so i have shortly treated of the parts of the definition in these words , insignia sunt decora symbola in notitiam & honorem latoris a legitimo judice militibus ascripta . the epilogus , or conclusion of the authour , is to beseech almighty god , to take the cause of honour into his own hands , his own honour i mean , which is now much entrenched upon by formal hypocrites , prophane athiests , and covetous mammonists , of whom that just complaint of gods against israel , is most true , this people draw near with their mouth , and with their lips do honour me , but with their hearts are far from me , and their fear towards me is taught by the precepts of men , for there was never any age wherein the name of god was more used , and the fear of god lesse practised then now ; but such as men sowe , that also shall they reap , there is a spirit in man , which he himself knowes not of , till it brings him to shame and sorrow ; for god often punishes mans prevarication with him , by a disgrace and denudation , which he occasions to himself . charles the bold , was never happy but when he had armies about him , and had begun warres upon his neighbours , at last being overthrown in a battel , and endeavouring escape , he was slain , and the epitaph on him was te pacis piguit , te taeduit atque quietis carole , sicque jaces , jamque quiesce tibi . ranzovius with his catalonians , were entertained auxilaries to the greek emperour , but the emperour being in the wayne , ranzovius and his men did more harm to him and his friends countreys , then the enemy did , against whom , he and his men were brought into the field ; the pretence was , that the souldiers wanted pay ; and ranzovius their general was necessitated , as he declared , to bear with them more then he ought , or otherwise would ; but it was thought he had a divident in the plunder of those merciless inquisitors , and his fate was to be a sacrifice to their insolence . 't is an ill chosen thrift , to meditate that an opportunity of our own glory which god intrusts us with , to inaugurate his , if men promoted by god , to purposes of universall good , degenerate and interpret his providences to be prefaces to their own advantage , god either meets with such by his ●errors in their conscience , or by countermining their councel , and making their device of none effect . ferdinand king of arragon , was a wise and politique prince , making havock of his conscience and honour , to make his sonne the greatest monarch in the world . but vain prince , he lived to see his darling sonne die before him , and that in the flower of his age , and his wife great with child , die together with her untimely birth , and both buried together . gods ulysses's must stop their eares against this worlds syren notes , for if once they lean to an earthly requiem , and look upon the forbidden fruit with delight to , and desire of it , then farewel god , religion , honour , conscience , all these are physicians of no value to him that is thus distempered in his brains , and so dementated , that he may be ruined , and that unlamented ; cossi was a brave commander in ottoman the first his army , having for a time large rewards , and quiet abidance given him ; but ottoman knowing he was by profession a christian ( though god knowes a loose one and in no sort valiant for the truth ) sent for him to come to the court , pretending he had some service for him , but with intent , when he had him there , to make him turn turk , or have him murthered . cossi understanding the emperours drift , to keep in his favour , and preserve his own life , turned turk . men must have not so much sauls armour , as davids faith , that would overcome goliah like temptations . no coat of mail like to confidence in god , no weapons of offence like to those little smooth stones we gather out of the brook of self-distrust . he that fears himself , annihilates satans plot , and gives a call of faith , which brings in comfortable ayd ; for the lord is nigh unto them that call upon him . and therefore interest in god is the best sanctuary , in dubious and deceitful times , 't is the noblest subterfuge that we can fly to , and the safest harbour we can anchor in , when the world as it were , is on fire about our eares , and we are burning in it , and when storms and commotions menace overthrow , and dissolution of all . there is a famous story of a sorceress in scotland , called the wise wife of keith , who in anno 1591. being apprehended as a sorceress , upon examination , confessed that bothwel , a notable traytor , had moved her to enquire , what should become of the then king , how long he should-raign , and what should happen after his death , and that the evil spirit with whom she confederated , having undertook to make away the king , after failer of performance , being challenged by her for so failing , said , it was not in his power , speaking words which she apprehended to be il est homme de dieu , he is a man of god ; for though god has given the prince of the ayre a large territory , yet has he kept the paramount soveraignty to himself , that is , the security we have from him , that is our enemy , whose enmity is ●ersans circa totum genus humanum , that god sayes to his proud rage , hitherto shalt thou come , and no further , et in tuto haereditas ponitur , quae deo custode servatur . and therefore if god have any delight in us , he will draw our hearts off from worldly objects , and intend them on his glory ; concerned highly in the welfare of religion , i say religion , such as st. james calls , pure re●igion , and undefiled before god and the father is this , to visit the fatherless and the widows in their affliction , and to ●eep himself unspotted of the world . for religion thus qualited is a beauty , meriting the best jewels this world can purchase her , 't is the pearl worth all merchants wealth , the prize worth all combatants hazard , a blessing compensating all devotion , though it be giving ones body to be burned . 't was royal divinity that a noble mouth once in this nation uttered , that soul is not worthy of the heavens joyes , whose body cannot endure one blow of the hangman . next to gods preservation of his own honour , the authour is an humble orator to god for his merciful defence of this nations honour , which is in a great measure decayed , and of ill report , abroad . it was once said of england , regnum angliae regnum dei . but how , o thou lucifer of our honour , art thou fallen from heaven , and hast exchanged thy morning clarity for night-shades , and dresses of dismal aspect , jam non lucifer sed noctiferet mortifer , once o beloved countrey , thou wast like capernaum , the envy and glory of nations , now thy widow-hood and old age deformity make thee unacceptable , thou wast once as a city united within it self ; but now thy differences have begotten hostilities , which spur and switch to ruine , ecce in regione nostra hipponensi quoniam eam barbari non attigerunt , clericorum donatistarum & circumcellionum latrocinia sic vastavit ecclesias ut barbarorum jortasse facta mitiora sunt , was st. augustines complaint to victorian , and i pray god england has not cause to say , that what forraign enemies could not bring about to her ruine , homebred enmity is like to do , discord is the port at which in vasion and conquest enters , the goths came into spain and narbon , ruina videlicet romani status & frequenti mutatione principum animati ; and if england would escape those harasses she has formerly suffered by , she must avoid division , and adhere to wise , worthy and legal settlements , while the egyptians kept to the constitutions of the gods and their heroes , ( to speak after diodorus ) they did well , and were oracular to the world ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , when macedonians were their lords , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then what was thought well setled became null , and egypt grew base and contemptible ; my prayer is , that england may live in gods sight , that is , in job his words , that it was with us as in times past , in the dayes when god preserved us , when his candle shined upon our heads , and when by his light we walked thorow darkness , but i have no hope to see this till religion be more our practice then prattle , till meeknesse and moderation one of the most beauteous fruits of reformation , be ingratiated with us . o did men know the high notes of supernal musick , and superspherical harmony that are in the souls of peace makers , they would never leave off prayers and tears , till they had the testimony of their consciences that such they were , our lord jesus pronounces a blessing to , the meek , blessed are the meek , for they shall inherit the earth , and a second to the peace makers , v 9. blessed are the peace makers for they shall be called the children of god , and if any passionate and furious christian thinks to merit mercy by his heat ; vowing to be revenged of his enemyes ( and perhaps such he thinks so , as wish his soul fortune and family secure and prosperous in gods and a just way ) though with philip the second of spain , he sel his altar plate , or what is as sacred and dear as that was , to succeed it . let saint basyl charm him to a more jesu-like calmnesse . who treating of heaven and of the graces that lead to it ( amongst which he mentions meeknesse and moderation ) sayes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the heavenly jerusalem ( saith he ) is not the spoyl of warrious , not the reward of hotspurs but the hoped for inheritance of patient martyrs and long suffering saints . if this sway with us . our peace may be prolonged , and we of this age , who have long been in the wildernesse , may hope to see an earthly canaan in england , but if god , for our sins , make our wound incurable , and let us loose to ruffle and civil broyles , i look for times like his of whom suetonius writes , vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique ademit torquato torquem , concinnato crinem cne : pompeio stirpis antiquae magni cognomen , to prevent which , it becomes all true english men to pray devoutly in the church of englands word ; that all they who profess gods holy name , may agree in the truth of his holy word , and live in unity and godly love . e q s amen , so be it . finis . errata . fo. 9. l. 8. for jud●● r. judice , f. 13. l. 17. for scutigenus r. scutigenus , f. 23. l. 13. for consentanea , consentan●um , l 16. for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , f. 27. l. 3. for demonstrationis r ▪ die monstrationis , f. 28. l. 9. no . ( , ) at supers●de but after firmament , f. 31. l. 4. for perfulgency r. pr●fulgency , l. 8. for che r. the , l. 21. for fermosarum r. fumosarum , f. 32. l , 2. r. for hominum hominem , 36. l. 2. state r. statue . f. 44. l. 22. and 23. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} f. 45. brecman . r. becman , 47. l. 15. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 47. l. 18. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , f. 88. l. ●2 . custilir . curtili , f. 89. l. 19. arte r. aries , fo. 93. l. 5. nobilitas r. nobilitatis , 108. l. 16. gen●iliti● r. gentilic●a . 109. l. 1. ( not ) must be added before be compelled , 119. l. 13. a most r. almost , 129. l. 8. felicity r. fertility , 135. l. 8. hostelyes r. hostelries , 137. quotation , cook preface to the 3 rep. 147. l. 0. philosophers r. philologers , 177. l. 17. for to read of , 186. l. 17. legetimus for legitimus , 202. l. 4. indulgence r. indigence . l. 81. for notitiae and honour , r. notitia & honor . fol. 95. l. 20. for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a96070e-180 lib. 1. c. 51. 15. ●en . 37. 7. notes for div a96070e-340 plutarch . in lucullo . policrat . lib. 6. c. 1. cass. cat. g. mundi p. 331. trog . l. 11. in praefat. lib. de fastis & triumph . rom p. 6. edit. sulburgii . aspilog . p. 2. bella movet clypeus , deque armis arma feruntur . ovid . in verbo . lib. 1. polyd. lib. 2. c. 11. de inventione . cass. catal. gl. mundi p. 45. 8 aeneid . lib. 6. lib. 24. lege lazium reip. rom. commentar. l. 9. c. 17. p. 793. 2. part. gl. generos . p. 164. in verbo . lib. de symb. pythagorae & partis secunda p. 460. cass. catal. gl. mund. p. 58. tract. de insiguiis & armis p. 11. edit. biss . notis in vptonem , p. 51. bochartus geograph . sacra , p. 56. 57 , 58. de roman . nominibus . c. 1. p. 341. zuinger . theat vitae a p 3085. ad 3092. fern . p. 225. camb. brittan , p. 229. knighton de eventihns angl. p 2728. cambd. brit. p. 604. cambd. brit. 587. 603. to 609. p. 262. fern . glor generos . p. 226. p. 231. 2. aeneid . valla lib cic. 1. offic. 136. malchus in vita pythagorae . lib. 1. divin. lib. 1. oflit . lib. 2. de leg. lib. 1. de orat. horat. 1. car 1. syl. 6. 1. aeneid . p. 83. lacies nob. an : 5. regni memb. 15. dorso in archivis turris . i'lipsius p. 19. de milit. rom. ex polybio dionyseo & agellio . lib. 6. ep. 47. salmuth . i● panciroll . tit. de fibula 44. p. 178. l. girald . synt. 1 hist. de●●um . lipsius l. 1. milit. rom. p. 15. salmuth . tit. de cellis 2. 25. p. 63. lib. 1. ep. 9. in pandect . prioris , p. 176. edit. basileae , a● . 1534. lib. 6. c. 51. budaeus in pandectas priores p. 174. lib. de col. & metal . summar●e armorial imprim . a paris l. 138 p. 3. & 5. in priores pandect p. 376. lipsius de milet . rom. dialog. 5. p. 126. et in analectis . p. 24. ad dialo . 51. lib. 9. p. 122. memorab . tit. 28 salmuth p. 96. e palladio . budaeus . p. 225. in paudectus priore . sp. 117. syntag. 1 hist. deor●m p. 6. bibliothe . l. 1. fol. 77. in cap. gen. 49. v. 1. vpton . lib 3 de colore albo . p. 103. in cap. num. 2. budaeus p. 151. num. 2. v. 1. 2. in locum . biblia polyglotta waltoniana . vexillarii nominati sunt qui sub uno vexillo in centuria necebant . lazius com. l. 7. c. 5. lib. de milit. rom. p. 170. p. 176. pagninus in verbo . hist. lib. 6. 1 annal. in primogeni●● tanquam in capite stat et remanet splendor geniturae . baldus . p 30. aspilog . cat. gl. mund. p. 20. 58. ac●i●ence armory . p. 23. p. 112 , 113. in illustrat . galliae lib. 5 , pausan. lib. 5. la science heroique chap. premier . l●zius comment . reip. lib. rom. c. 17. 6 argon . lib. 2 c. 8. scutis qualibus apud trojam pugnatum est continebantur . imagines , plin. l. 35 lazius in com. ] c. 17. de milit. rom. p. 168 , 169. apolog. c. 16. sir h sp. aspil . p. 136. tacit. l. 14. plin. l. 10. c 3. clypeus quemadmodum in praeliis munimen militum erat , ita pace parta suspensus atque obtrectatoribus objectus , ormamenti quoque militaris locum accepit in quo & quae cuique imagines , exprimebantur , ut hodieque fit , lazius com . reip. rom. l. 9. c. 17. bartholus de insigniis & armis . p. 1. vpton de officio milit. l. 1. c. 18. p. 59. mills catal. honor . milit. & civil p. 157. baldus 1. c. 1. circa princ. 5. de pace tenenda in usi●us seudorum . in gloss . ad verb . arma . in itiner . cambr. c. 10. p. 851. budaeus in relig. pandect . p. 304. lib. 33. gen. 15. 2. in staffordshir● . p. 584. britannie . in scotland . p. 26. fern . glo. gener . p. 304. spel. in aspilog . lib. 1. c. 2. p. 7. lib. de nobil. p. 147. 2 inst t. p. 665. in virgil . lib 5. p. 527. titles honor . p. 667 771. vpton . lib 1 c. 2. de off , milit. p 7. biss . in vpon . p. 46. in lib. 2. cod quaeres ▪ vendi : non possunt . in vespas . regula juris . clypei in funeribus & parentaco●ibus pompae praeferuntur , quod denique extincta prosapia clypei ex suggesto dejiciuntur haec romanorum cuncta vestigia esse . lazius in praefat. ad com. reip. rom. accidence armory . p. 78. de bello & d●ell● . lib. 1. c. 29 ▪ p. 219. alex ab alex. lib. 3 c. 20. p. 164. curtius . lib. 5. lib. 22. tacit lib. 18. a●nal . vlpian in l. specios . c. 100. de verborum signif. lampridius i● alex. scuet . lege cassiod . l. 6. epistol. suetonius in augusto . c. 38. plutarch . in qu ▪ rom. p. 282. edit. paris . variar. . l. 1. p. 8. lib. de habit. virg. tract. de insigniis & armis , p. 8. catal. gl. mundi . p. 312 , 313. vpton lib. 1. c. 19. p. 61. edit. biss . 5 polit. constat jucundum esse rerum bonarum saporem & utilem ambitum laudis qui appetit●r per augmenta virtutis . hoc nos studium proinde liberalitatis infundimus ut major sit cultus morum dum crescunt desideria praemior●m . cassidor lib. 7. variarum . plutarch lib. de vi●ioso pudore . p. 535. edit paris . alexand. ab alex. l. 1. c. 26. zuing . theatr. vitae ●uma . p. 2872. plutare●u● lib. de laude sui , p. 546. ovid de ponto lib. 1. epist. ten●l . apud plutarch . lib. 1. c. ult. p. 64. edit. biss . in prior. pan● dect . p. 200. accidence arm●rie . p. 13. lipsius de milit , rom. p 328. and 330. sabellec . l. 5. c. 5. tulgosus . lib. 8. c. 15. de olgiato . lib. 6. c. 5. baldus . lib. 1. polybius . lib. 2. coronas a privatis gestatas fuisse in rom. republica quibus vel ob merita imperatores illam concessissent veb qui in bello ob praeclara facinora eam fuissent adepti . lazius . com. reip. rom. l 9. c. 18. edit. basil . 1 sam. c. 17. v. 25. a●ri agoni●●●● 〈…〉 de mi●● rom p ●7 . lib. 5 de ass . budaeus in prior pandect p. 214. lib. 1. c. 3. de ●fficio militari . commentar juris civilis . l. 9. c. 5. num . 1. budaeus . p. 219. photius in exc●rps ex olympiod . p. 853. edit. si●b . 2 instit. p. 595. vegetius . l. 2. c. 5. jasius . j. c. 2 instit. p ▪ 594. glor. gener . p. 102. cap. 2. to 49. edit. lond. p. 1026. fern . stor . gen. p. 118. 2 instit. p. 597. the like doth 8 h. 6. c. 10. 6 h. 8. c. 4. 5 ed. 6. c. 26. 31 eliz. c. 3. & 9. vox laudantium prima senatus erat , deinde equitum , postremō exercitus . lazius com . lib. 3. c. 18. lib. de mirand. antiq. operib . jovius in vita ejus . 1 sam. 2. v 30. cass. catal. gl. mundi . p. 331. p. 121 , 122. lib. 10. p. 215. histor. aelim . lib. 4. plutarch in alex. sabel . l. 2. en. 4. plut. in lucullo . strabo . lib. 11. plin. l. 7. c. 30. strabo . lib. 14. egnatius . l. 8. c. 13. in staffordshire . p. 584. cass. p. 272. epror nico . constit . glo. gen. p. 24. c. 49. situatur autem studium illud inter locum curiarum illarum , & civitatem london quae de omnibus necessariis oppulentissima est omnium civitatum , & oppidorum regni illius , fortesc de laudib. . legum angl. c. 48. ad finem . londini igitur jus tum civile tum municipale publice docuit habuitque auditores nobilis simos juvenes quam plurim●s pits . in vita ejus . p. 649. cook reip. cook preface to the 3d report . mills de nob . polit. et civilii . p. 148. fortescut . c. 51. preface to 2 rep. c. 51. diodorus . 〈◊〉 p. 33. and 44. lib. 1. de senect . historia . brit. l. 1 , c , 10. de eventibus angl. p. 2484. edit. twisd . annal. lib. 14. eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} thucydid . lib. 5. lib. ramesy . p. 863. in novell . l. 2. p. 206. catal. gl. mundi . p. 314. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hegesius i● strabone . hunting . lib. 6. p. 208. malmesb. lib. 2. p. 35. houlden . p. 38. p. 418. rast●lls . statutes at large of anno. 1618. 1 vol. 〈◊〉 & digni●●● sunt in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ione ejus qui potest 〈◊〉 digni●t●●●●● & nobili 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpton . l. 1. c. 18. p. 60. 〈◊〉 preterea 〈◊〉 ceteraque o●nia supremae dignitatis in●●●●●● herodiar . l. 3. de plauti●●● prafecto . in epist. ad se●●●●●● urbis . l. 3 m. paris . p. 260. rot . 2. r. 2. hoveden . parte poster . p. 414. book proclam . jacobi 1. proclam . indict . h. 1. c. de dignit . survey p. 570. holingshed . p. 536. preparation to the annalls . qu. eliz. p. 654. 1 sam. c. 21. v. 9. 1 sam. c. 14. v. 29. isa. 1. 21. v. 22. britan. edit. lat . rond . p. 274. mr. dugdale . m. paris . p. 265. 4 instit. p. 250. rot. parl. 7. r. 2. nu. 37. mills nobil. ●olit & civil . p. 132. e. lambardo . glory generos . p. 7. lib. 6. c. 91. mercatura nihil aliud est nisi actus quidam emendi vendenque merces . plin. l. 7. lib. 6. lib. 3. de republ. in toxari . partis 2d . l. 1. c 2. & 39. p. 719. plutarch in solone . spelm. in aspil . p. 4. catal. gl. mund. p. 251. budaeus in prior pandec . p. 206. cook . 1 instit. p. 135 : sueton : in augusto . budaeus . p. 13● . in pand . ● tim. c. 2 , v. 1. and 2. 1 sam. c. 14. v. 49. 1 sam. 24. v. 5. 2 sam. 1 c. v. 24. ●●●●●dect . 〈…〉 4. 〈◊〉 . 9 com . c. 1. sen. 6. nativ . ep. 6. lib. 6. mills de nobil. civili & politie . p. 153. accid . armory . p. 41. p. 112. & 726. ilyad . paenul . 2. 11. cicero 3 ver. polyd. virgil . lib. 4. deinvent . de vita pop. rom. l. 2. livius l. 1. dec . 1. rocerus lib. de bello & duel●o . p 49. byss . in vpion . p. 28. valer. tit. 8. de cupid . gloriae . catal. gl. mundi partis primae consid. 58. prov. 30. v. 8. & 9. p. 600. edit. basil . judges 17. 6. epist. 9. ad ●erson . dyonisius . lib. 2. sabellic . l. 3. enn. 2. sepult●ra regum consulum & imperatorum erat in campo martio . sueton. in augusto . isiah 4 4. m●cah 4. 3. joel . 3. 1● . lazius com. reip. rom. lib. 4. c. 14. basil . c. 3 de nov● militia . serm. 1. ad milit. templ. . c. 1. lazius lib 4. c. 14. super rube . p. 10. orat. pro cecin . de opt. gener . orat. lib. 2. c. 7. reg. jur. isaiah 29. v. 13. tantum inter stoicos & caeteros sapientiam professos interesse quantum inter faeminas & ●ares non immerito dixerim senec. de constant . sapient . c. 1. huraeus in vita ejus . p. 448. turkish history . p. 150. turkish history . p. 144. bishop spotswoods hist. scotland . p. 382. sanctus cyprian . ad martyres . jam. 1. 27. epist. 122. lazius com. reip. rom. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 113. diod. sicul . p. 85. edit. rodomanni impress hanoviae . ch. 29. v. 3. mat. 5. 5. sanctus basili●s . in psal. 33. in caligula . in the communion service , in the prayer for the whole estate of christs church militant here on earth . select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning concluded with the art of war, or, a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer / by william freke, esq. freke, william, 1662-1744. 1693 approx. 347 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 150 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40443 wing f2165 estc r483 12685994 ocm 12685994 65770 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40443) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65770) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 354:6) select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning concluded with the art of war, or, a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer / by william freke, esq. freke, william, 1662-1744. [13], 285, [1] p. printed for tho. minors ..., london : 1693. "imprimatur, decemb. 27, 1692. edmund bohun"--p. 1. errata: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in british library. includes index. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng learning and scholarship -early works to 1800. military art and science -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , decemb. 27. 1692. edmund bohun . select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning : concluded with the art of war , or a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer . by william freke , esq ; london , printed for tho. minors , in the inner-temple-lane . 1693. the author's apology . deo , patriae , tibi , seems a common motto , that all mankind are equally fond , and ambitious of ; i will not say , that they all answer it ▪ alike : but the character which is so universally approv'd of , surely ▪ needs no apologies for its entertainment : and yet , after all , i know a censure that will as naturally , as unjustly , follow it ; what! saul among the prophets , or a man attending business in print ? and so , o sir ! you are an author ! and why not ? what is the shame of it ? is not a good author a master of as great charity as an almoner ? an author not licens'd by common vogue , as well as authority ▪ looks like one with the plague-sore upon him ; and every one that passes by him , is ready to write , lord have mercy upon him on his door ; and not a man-gossip , but what is for passing his verdict upon him . but , whatever others imagine , for my part , i am none of captain tom's followers , nor ever will be : i shall never think any man , for that reason alone , to be reflected upon in his business , because withall , he is a master in science , and notion also . besides , it is no more agreeable to my constitution than my inclinations , to glide away insensibly , and leguile my self of half my time at a tavern : i know there are a great many petty arts full as advantagious , as real skill in professions ; but use them who will , i am resolv'd not to ●n-man my self for interest : and i neither can , nor will buy ▪ favour at the rate that 't is beneath me , to purchase it at ; if it come in a more regular w●y , 't is welcome . 't is a much more pleasant exercise to me , thus to bestow my leisure hours in curing the several errors of my mind : and , whatever others may fancy , i shall never think it loss of time , nor barely a diversion , pertinently to improve my vnderstanding : true sense is a sword to him that commands her ; and he 's an ill master of her , that having once got her , is not able to turn her to all advantages upon occasion . i know 't is a prudent rule in life , not to ramble out of the way in needless excursions : nor do i think that in this i have transgrest it ; it is my design but to perfect my notion , and in what is absolutely useful , and not to run to either folios or trifles : nay , and even this is not a vvork as of to day with me . the papers i present the reader with , are not new , i have had them years by me ; and what i have done of late , has been only to correct and revise them a little for the press . but , do i seem too pert , or pragmatical in what i write , in pretending so confidently to instruct our seniors and masters ? why i have just the same excuse that all other authors have had before me : you may be sure , i had never wrote what i have , had i thought it had been , impertinence and arrogance only ; and , after all , vvill you say i am deceiv'd ? truly i have no other answer for you neither , than that authors seldom call a council , to know whether what they write , be all just orthodox or not . so , do you think , in humility , i ought to have forborn presuming thus ? why truly , and as to the point too , i am a little conceited , i must confess it ; nay , i were an ass for printing what i have done , if i did not think it to the purpose . but what ! after all , i am mistaken in my mighty imigination ; and it may be so : but surely then also , i have done no more , than what a whole heard of fools has done before me . and yet , after all , the world may be deceiv'd , and find my matter better than they expect it : all perfections are entail'd on no man , and there is many an excellent spokesman that makes a bad writer , as well as there are a great many good writers , that , as st. paul and moses write ▪ of themselves , are neither of voluble tongue , nor extraordinary presence . it may be too , you think my stile too light ; and truly if you do , i shall not alter it , nor quarrel with nature for not giving me another genius , or disposition : alass ! our stile is like our stature , no more to be altered by our thought , than our bodies : suppose , with the same reason , you should quarrel with the features of my face , or the gate or meen of my body ; and why may not i , with as much reason , complain , and be aggriev'd at the sight of yours ? after all , mr. johnson , and mr. rimer's mettled stiles to me , look with full as much native beauty as ever a slow-pac'd don 's in the vniverse : every thing in its way ; 't is as natural for the cholerick , and the sanguine , to be daring and sprightly , as 't is for the melancholy and phlegmatick to be heavy and dull . but will not all this please you neither ? truly , i shall not cramp my self to a spanish cutt to do it ; if it won't , i have wrote what i have , and i have thought it worth publishing : accordingly , i have publish'd it ; and i hope , i have no need to be asham'd to father it ; i have deliver'd it in my own way , for i am resolv'd never to turn fool by an unnatural imitation . after all , i have made my title , apology , and book , all of a piece ; if thou likest it , 't is at thy service ; if not , i am resolved not to be melancholly upon it : i won't say , ad captum lectoris habent sua fata libelli ; for i am willing to submit the judgment of my book to the readers , and to allow it no greater weight than he is pleas'd to standard it at : but surely , i might add also , that a great many good things have been lost in the world , because men have not known the value of them . and , however the world may rellish it , yet surely , i think , i may say too , that there is a gift of thinking and digesting , as well as flourishing and bantring , or writing tedious tomes or volumes either ; 't is not every tall boy that can jest with flashy wit and thought at random ; nor every author that can appear in folio , that can either speak , write or judge of good sense , or true wit ; and though even such may prove master criticks in a coffee-house , or well-titled in a booksellers shop ; but then , ne sutor ultra crepitum . in plain terms , the haughtiest combatants through the meer dint of extempore natural parts only ; and the greatest mountebanks disguis'd with the false paint of learning , prove but as pigmy drolls to a moderate man at arms , and one truly accoutred with the weapons and defence of good thought and literature . non cicero , cicero , nec appelles , natus appelles ; id , quod uterque fuit , fecit utrumque labor . after these , i know no other considerable apology , but that thou pass by some roughness . perhaps thou mayst be offended at too frequently in my stile : i tell thee before-hand , 't is greatly collective ; in the temple church there are stones that they say are cast , and many compos'd out of one ; alass ! we have lost the art : and when thou considerest therefore , that the building i am rearing , lays it's foundations as wide as all the knowledge of the vniverse , thou needst not wonder that every stone in it is not melted or cemented as into one , or carv'd , or gilded and adorn'd , like bawbles in ladies closets . surely , he 's a good workman in such case that joints his building well , and that handsomely pursues his draught and designs : if therefore the sense and sincerity of my work has been full and just , i think i may well leave the fretwork and chequering it to an after part . perhaps i know as well as another man , what it is to have my stile heavy , bodg'd , and incoherent ; but he must be more than a man , yea an angel , that can perfect so laborious a task as i have design'd , without such faults . to be short ; as to the substance of my attempt , i hope i have answer'd it to the full ; as for the rest , reader , use thy pleasure ; thou seest i unde●eive thee before hand ; and therefore if it displease thee , be angry at thy self , and not me : and yet , i hope , i shall not vex thee so much neither by it ; for i have not taken a little pains in the matter , to make my coherence as polish'd as needful . to shut up all ; are you offended that i write so little of logick , and so much of censure and reputation ? heads that seem to be but as trifles , when compar'd with a science ; and so in many other the like cases . why truly , at present you must consider , that you are with one that sets up for a reformer , and perhaps at last , thou mayst be convinced by him too ; not only that too many of our sciences are trifling , but that there are many other subjects that require far more of our care than any of the little kick-shaws , that the schools have dress'd up for us ; if not , i can but again tell you , the reformer may err as well as the science-maker . to conclude ; after these , i might add , i expect a whole troop of petty carpers , criticks of the most noise , but just of as much judgment as to be able to make errata-men for the press ; and truly , as for these , the author is willing to let them applaud themselves in their kackling ; their censure is not likely to do either much harm or good ; if it were , he would tell them , he does not pretend to be able to correct every comma , letter , or little variance in his very sense , by the press from his copy : but , as for these men , the author is rather of opinion , that they want an apology for what themselves do , than he in vindication of himself against them . and so he bids all farewell . the entrance or the digester . the turkish spy tells us , the arabians say , that a man must forget twice , and learn thrice , e're he can expect to be perfect . if that be a good rule , i am persuaded these essays will please ; for if to perfect and lay by , and then to mend and lay by , and then to correct again and lay by , be the way to render a book compleat and useful , i am sure these essays cannot be defective ; which like the venetian vessel , have suffered through time , so many corrections and alterations , that the author himself hardly knows , whether there is ever an original piece lost in them . painters ordinarily present you with your picture after twice or thrice sitting . books are the draughts of our souls ; and why then should we be less curious in the pourtraictures of our souls than our bodies ? some men again think it enough , if their porch be well adorn'd , and their reader when first usher'd in by a brisk sally , wheedled with the hopes of an entertainment accordingly ; but surely , how agreeable soever such methods are for the interest of the bookseller , the author gets no reputation by such arts : for my part , i declare , there is not an essay herein , that to the best of my knowledge , has not cost me full as much pains as this entrance ; and i don't know of one thought that i have inserted throughout , that i would not have expunged , if i thought it would nauseate with my readers ; that in some cases i am a little larger in explaining my self , surely may be very well allow'd : are all mens capacities either equal to receive instructions , or their prejudices easy to be rooted out ? as for the design of my book , it may seem to interfere with a great many lately publish'd . we have every day journals of abridgments , and the philosophical transactions , the authors of the vniversal and historical bibliotheque , together with the athenian society , have obliged us with large volumes of abstracts ; but none of all these is what i have here propos'd and design'd . they abridge books , i subjects ; they refer you to authors at large , and analize several on the same subject ; i on the contrary have endeavour'd to extract the marrow of all , by all to render each subject entire , and to trouble the reader with neither catalogues of authors , nor quotations , but purely the very heart of his subject entire , or reflections in what is useless in it . and shall any one after this , acquaint me , that my performance is short , that my design is large ; alass ! he forgets what i propose is but in essay , nay , that the perfection of knowledge is more than human ; and that more than essay is not modest . if therefore by these short essays , i can prove a faithful remembrancer to the learned , of the present state of knowledge , and a happy guide to the student , through the several useless labyrinths , introduced by pedantry into human knowledge , to keep him from those unhappy rocks , that have shipwrack'd many excellent parts , i think my brevity in it will be the more acceptable , and my design such , if well answer'd , as all the world must cherish . for my part , i could wish i were even yet shorter than i am , 't is the bane of good books , when their length makes them tedious : but to be more brief , i as much despair at , as to be more perfect . the whole field of wisdom and science is my subject . what man so vain , as to think to contract it in a sheet ? so that body of knowledge that has puzzl'd whole ages of the wisest , who is so weak as to arrogate the masterdom of it alone in himself ? surely , one might as well expect to decipher a court in a cottage , as universal science in a little tract ; nay , the bounds of universal wisdom are such , that the best of us know but in part ; and god has made it one of the bonds of the universe , that we mutually rely on one another in our imperfections . but to pass by all further apologies , and to descend into the very reasoning of our methods , both of our writings and studies , let us consider a little : we study , but why ? that our knowledge may be profitable to our selves and others , and benefit posterity . but instead of this , and for want of a due method , what do we do , but intangle our selves in the cobwebbs of nicer notions , and even confound all that follow us ? alass ! the very source of wisdom is almost corrupt amongst us ; and a learned man is a chimera we have now no idea of . shew me one in a million that can tell you the bounds of learning , that can tell you abstract from pedantry , how much is fit to be known , and that can satisfy the mind , that all further enquiries will be needless ? a youth that is now bred a schollar , is like a vessel launch'd at rovers , and in the midst of the ocean , without either pilot or rudder ; he may do well or not ; but if he does succeed , 't is through the vigour of his own parts : for , as for the directions and helps he is to expect , they will rather amuse and distract , than lead him right . we enter upon languages , and their criticisms are infinite ; so we proceed to sciences , and there we are lost in a wilderness of subtilties ; our metaphysicks puzzles us , our logick fetters us , and our nice mathematicks is a field , where even our greatest masters are lost . nor is even our morality better ; our vertues and vices are lost in endless schemes and subdivisions ; and our divinity is wrangled to pyronism , so that when we look about us , we know neither where to begin , nor where to end ; and when we would proceed , we do not know where we are . hence also , if a man be learned , yet he is never known ; there is no standard to try him by . and hence it is , that there is no encouragement for real wisdom ; all that the world looks for , or knows how to esteem , is but the little cant of pedantry ; and if a man leave that , tho' on never so good grounds , he is more likely to get the name of a proud illiterate , than of a schollar or wiseman . but where is all this while then our real improvement of wisdom ? alass ! this is but a more perplex'd and subtle ignorance , and a chaos of literature . and what does not this lumber require a digester then ? indeed a man of vigorous parts himself may dispose it some way to his use ; but how many become meer schollars , and are lost in the confusion , and that dare not so much as look out of this cloud ? what a shame 't is , that man that was made to be as a lord of the creation , should thus be lost even in his dominions over his own notions ! and what shall we call this art that leads us thus ? no , 't is a laborious distraction . were this an art , 't would facilitate our actions ; whereas , instead of that , it clogs them , and impedes our natural force . a bird that 's wild , sings better than one ill taught . besides , can that be an art for the use of life that would require even two ages of us , if we had them to attain them ? or shall we ever esteem that as an helpful speculation that must drown us in the theory , before we can come to practice ? and is not this too true in the common circumstances of learning ? is not what we call a moderate competency of knowledge , now become almost even a work for our lives ? who can almost enumerate , much more think to peruse the infinite volumes of science ? nay , let us but state any one of the arts and sciences in the whole enciclopaidion , and let us see who has the command of all her branches , and to whom we may not add ; nay , let us see , how many are imperfect plagiarys , and how much is wanted in the best , that might be added on the perusal of all . let us see likewise what vast bodies the sciences even contracted compose , is alsteds epitome , in his enciclopaidion , fit to be enlarged : or can we reduce the schoolmen to a nut-shell ? nay , or can we complete the usual tables , much less an absolute curses mathematicus , in one managable volume ? and what then ! are all these fit for a schollar to study ? or can we not obtain a competent idea in these things without our leaders melancholly schemes and niceties ? alass ! if we cant , we had better banish studies , and burn our books , and live like true philosophers altogether , secundum naturam . the mischief of it is , we have a sort of men title and table learn'd , who because they can manage the inconsistent scraps of authors , to get themselves a reputation by it , cry up , and endeavour to support this gallimaufry ; and without one had a 1000 mouths to out-cry the little beagles , that these men raise up to support their reputation , one had as good save ones breath as speak , tho' with never so just a cause . i must confess for my own part , i have not been wanting to study , and may be as much as the best of them , and that in the whole body of learning too ; and whatever mountains others can espy in it , i declare , i am unfortunate and thick-sighted , for i can find but few . this i find indeed , that the weight of universal learning , as it now stands , is too great for mortal shoulders , too long for their perusal , too nice for their memory , too various for their imagination , and too confus'd for their judgment ; but this i must declare withal , i see not why it may not bear a rational contraction ; for the most part of it is meerly curious and impertinent , or at least it seems so to me . so curious may i say , that could any man foresee the fruitless labour that our pedantry would cost him , before he would be able to lay by her spectacles , as he should do , he would as soon go into an house of correction , as undertake so irksom a task , as to be a schollar , and so impertinent . that in the most of his studies , could he but judicially see what he was doing , he would as soon busy himself in catching of butterflies . but the matter is , when a man enters thus amongst the crowd of learned fools , 't is a thousand to one , if ever he keep his senses longer for to be able to bring him back again . and hence it is , that we have few or none to lead us from it , whilst we have almost infinite examples to encourage us in the dotage . and thus when i first begun my studies , i could quickly see that there was a world of pageantry that ought to be laid by , that our books were even compos'd of a specious empty vein , and which beguil'd us with appearance in stead of substance : but how to separate this dross from the finer oar , or how to cut off the excressence , and preserve the body , that seem'd a work almost as difficult even as alexander's in conquering the world , i may say herculean , and harder than to cleanse the augaean stables . i plainly saw also , that as the present state of learning was a vail for the hypocrite , being too dark to let men really ingenuous , be otherwise than modest , and leaving full room for confidence and ignorance to vent their pretences ; so i saw plainly that there was a sort of men in the world , that would oppose any such attempt , were it only to keep their own blindness from being expos'd . but as withal i saw , that if such a work were finish'd , it would even force its own way in the world , and illustrate its self ; and , through its use , turn its own advocate in proving so beneficial to mankind ; so i was resolved to see what i could do about it ; and as i was satisfied of the lawfulness and charity , nay , and i may add , goodness of my attempt , so i durst trust the success of it to god , in duty to whom i design'd it . as for my method in it , i have not exactly followed the excellent des cartes , i never yet engag'd my self to a nine years oblivion of what i formerly read , nor have i tied my self to any principles whatever , absolutely , whether divine or moral ; i always thought both those courses of little advantage to him that studies wisdom , in truth rather obstacles than assistants . indeed in this i have imitated him , i have meditated most freely ; but withal , i have both read and heard too : for my part , i have neither fear'd errors , nor been jealous of my genius ; but i have trusted it freely , as it were upon a promise , in my judgment , that at all hazards 't would be sincere to me , nay , and in all cases , and against all prejudices whatever . and to this purpose i perus'd all the books i could come near ; nor did i care on what subject , so they were excellent ; for my designs were after an entire reformation of learning ; and tho' i design'd , in a manner , to re-build all a-new , yet i did not think to be so ill an husband , as to tear up all the old foundations , where i found them sound and ready before me . so that , by this means , i collected almost without end ; i took the notion , and left the dress ; nay , and i carefully separated what i thought might be of use , and left what i saw as needless : i did it but in sentences indeed at first , because i looked for only matter , and not form : but then i did it carefully , that if possible i might not leave any thing material that i should not reduce to its proper head. indeed , in my method how to deliver it to the world , i was not a little confounded ; for as i saw that to heap up precepts without order , were to make them useless : so on the other hand , i observ'd , to tye my self to a clear coherence , were a burthen intollerable ; and besides ▪ not consistent with those perpetual additions that would be necessary to a growing idea . i chose therefore a mean for my digester , and as such a loose essay , a body that could either retract or dilate , so i chose also rather to deliver my essays in confusion than order ; for since so vast a subject could not rationally seem to bear an orderly coherence ; i did not see why i should affect it , especially when i consider'd , that such a careless change and variety , would not only ease and delight my self , but my reader also . to be short , wisdom , in full perfection , is too great for man : and , as one would reduce that useful part of her , that is within our capacities , to an apt and pertinent brevity for use , so withal , one would not arrogantly think to force her to bounds too exact for the reach of mortality : as i despair'd therefore of ever attaining any preheminence in her , by the vigour of any single attempt , so i rather chose to leave my method freely to an easie loosness , that might be apt for any addition or amendment . whether what i have now done , may be ever done fuller or better , i cannot tell ; i am sure it has mine own full vigour in it , and i should have been glad with all my heart , could i have met with a companion , to have improv'd and assisted my designs : but 't is generally the misfortune of men , who are charitable in so great and laborious undertakings , to be forced to walk alone . i have no more to trouble thee with in this place , except it be that thou excuse the roughness of my stile ; remember 't is collective , and though by pains i might make it more correct , yet i hope already 't is sufficient for use , if not for ornament . oratory was never agreeable to the rigidness of my genius , i could never yet leave matter to catch at butterflyes , and gather flowers . besides , the niceties of curious discourse are infinite ; and i am sensible , that after my greatest care , i must write with a style and method imperfect , or not venture at five words a day : pure perfection in all things in only god's ; and when a man has once atchiev'd in any thing the full strength of his genius , what he attains after , is but by sallies , and at best makes but abrupt , imperfect , and incoherent efforts . but why should i court thee thus with apologies ? if thou art ingenious , thou canst not but follow thine own advantage ; if thou art humoursom , i had as good endeavour to embrace the wind , as to move thee . whether therefore thou likest me or not , i am not deceived in thee : that man must think of reconciling contraries , yea impossibilities , that aim at captivating all men , the perverse and tractable , the contradictious and the modest , the virtuous and vicious , pious and wicked , learned and ignorant , with the same discourse . of books . a good author should have the stile and courage of a captain , the integrity of a dying man , and so much sense and ingenuity , as to impose nothing , either weak or needless on the world. some men thrust out their bratts amongst us , e're they are at the stature of wisdom ; and not knowing the present growth of learning , oblige men with crudities instead of discoveries : but who suffers most by it ? the reader can easily lay them by . so some even fire the state to get books suppress'd , and they 'r in the right where they are seditious ; or else sure man has an equal right to writing as speaking ; or , if not , why one more than another ? does the variety of books offend you ? surely it has at least this good in it , it hits all humours . do they overwhelm you with their number ? certainly you mistake ; and rather want judgment to discern what are proper for you . so , does an ignoramus present you with mushrome thoughts , and cannot you lay them by ? must none but civit-cats have leave to sh — ? and , if not , who shall sever the bad , without endangering the good ? nay , i may add , the best of authors are not without their faults ; and if they were , the world , i fear , were too purblind to entertain them , as they would deserve . enoch's , the first and best of books , are lost . thus one , by a long preface , cools the fancy e're he entertains it ; a second frights his reader by his voluminousness . alass ! we must consult the weakness of man , as well as the meer extent of our subjects . nay , did the real dignity of our subjects lead books , they would be short enough , while sprightly hints would more delicately pourtraicture our minds than the largest circumlocutions . and surely therefore i may add , there is an empty wantonness in all the profuse embroideries of authors . and what are our legendaries , our varnish'd comparisons and explanations , but a beggarly and tedious tautology in a better dress ? thus the pedling canter never wants a nosegay of vertue or religion , be his text never so barren ; and there is not a subject that he shall not screw in his whole stock of knowledge upon it . on the contrary , your finer poets have made but six verses a day , and a late famous author would return back to his study again , but to secure some more excellent notion from oblivion ; and yet there is an error even in this also . one keeps his book seven years by him ere he prints it , as if it ripen'd by lying , and not care , examination and perusal . a second cites euclid , to prove a circle round ; and a third condemns the whole body of wisdom for some little pedling nostrum . a fourth enamour'd with the whimseys of the ancients , had half his book quotations , and creeps along by the shore of authors , as if he were afraid to trust himself to the free compass of reasoning . surely i would no more quote authors by tables thus , than slight their assistance altogether , by laying new foundations . when thou readest my book therefore , i expect thou look for my sense , not aristotle , or st. austin's . so shall i write nothing that is not purely my own : alass , there is nothing new under the sun ; nay , and why have not i as much right to my thoughts , as he that wrote them a 1000 years ago ? should i say , i borrow nothing from no man , who could gain-say me ? i have the same circle of creatures , and i must needs therefore track after others , and surely therefore our invention about them is equally ours also . succeeding ages feed upon one another ; and the sense and flesh i have digested , are as much mine , as they have been others before me , or else may be i cannot say i have either sense or flesh at all . vve have all our appointed seasons to enjoy vvisdom , and the sun in ; our ancestors have but beat the track before us , where our posterity would follow of course ; and who can claim a common road ? vvhere then is the injury of plagiarism , does an author deserve his merits must preserve him , nay and they will too , if he has them : vvho shall add to a picture of apelles ? ex pede herculem . at worst , is honey the worse for being gather'd from many flowers ? indeed to theive meanly is ungenerous , and to follow parties , corrupts all ; or else is not my diligence in collections to be preferr'd ? but alass , after all , the fountain errour of authours is vanity ; and that which puts them upon the tenters , is , that they seek eternity ; but surely 't is one thing to have it , and another thing to deserve it . you think your truths will make the world commend you whether they will or no ; alass , you must prostitute you honour to obtain the common vogue . a man had as good be a common hangman , as an impartial moral monitor : and as for speculative knowledge , the man that found , but that the world was round , was treated , even by st. austin , as an heretick . as my lord bacon rightly says , the world , like a river , bears up things swoln and empty , while gold and jewels sink ; and thus vain-glorious and romancing ovid no doubt survives many a better author . of criticks . a critick to a good author , like the refiner's fire , but purges his imperfections to make him shine the brighter , whilst the answerer , like don quixot , exposes himself with post-absurdities . shall we say of a garrison'd army of thoughts , that'tis taken , because the enemy has defac'd the walls with dirt , when the truth is , the answerer like the viper , by gnawing the file , has but bit his own teeth away . criticks , like bald-pate boxers , while they attack others , generally take care to print nothing of their own , they malitiously root up all they can , thought they plant nothing in the world of learning themselves . criticks , the robbers , are only excellent in a plunder , and in which case , their onely game is to magnifie themselves by exposing others ; their armory the whole field of malitious rayling and vvrangling . surely if our brother is weak , we ought rather to pity him , than abuse him ; nay , is he perverse and fallacious ? yet can it either become us , or our cause , to confute him otherwise than with humanity : that conquest is to our credit , where our adversary is duly magnified . what says the scripture of pious frauds ? will it let us hold the truth in unrighteousness ? no , we may not do ill that good may come ; if we do , we are assur'd our damnation is just . some men indeed are so linked to their errors , that charity , which loves to answer all with tenderness and softness , would be glad to part them ; he that errs , through frailty , is at least out of the harms-way of errour ; but he that offends presumptuously and obstinately , must need fall together with it . but the meaner critick that even hunts for slander , and delights in contumely ; the generous mastiff should teach us to scorn such currish yelping ; indeed 't is a reflection on a man of sense , to give a common rayler but the hearing . of divination and astrology . there are certain truths enough in the vvorld surely , to improve our understandings by , that we need not confound our selves so much by conjectural ones as we do ; 't is true , the influence of the sun and moon might tempt one to an essay in this matter , but when it has been so long successless , i don't know whether the prosecuting it further will argue rather a madness and a folly , than a presumptuous contempt of god's commands , in prying into those things he has so designedly conceal'd . nay , did men understand themselves aright , the very vanity of these things were enough to make them hate them , and they would sooner be idle then squander away their time so impertinently ; but above all , had they any conscience , they would regard god's vvrath against our deluding diviners , if they had not the vvit to see how they were imposed upon by them . 't is full time now to sweep away these cobwebs of superstition , and relicks of paganism ; were we to contract with the devil , then these little blinds might be wisely set to disguise the predictions he acquaints us with , and to seem to tell that little fore-knowledge he hath , by our own skill ; but for us otherwise to dive into senseless , groundless , and irrational ways of prediction , i declare , in my opinion , is such a meer stupidity and weakness , that we had much better cast the dye for our fortune ▪ so , would not a man of moderate thought be asham'd to imagine , that god has given an extraordinary power of conjuring by his name tetragrammaton adonay sadai , &c. so , who but a madman would think the number five cabalistically sanctified , because a man has five fingers , five toes , &c. and so who but one that has more fancy than judgment would mind the climacterical years , when indeed the year is since much lengthened ? yea , several days since that whymsey was first broach'd , so that 61 now would have been 63 then . so , that shall i say of our common crosses and charms ? the devil fights with us , like a parthian , flying ; pretends himself to be vanquish'd by us ▪ that he may the better conquer us through superstition by his flight ? so what shall i say to your set-form of words , the seeve and sheers , and your other trifles and gewgaws ? if words do any thing really , it must be through faith , and if faith be once so powerful , it can easily effect without a set-form , like conjuring ; but if words prove powerful without faith , latet anguis in herba , we have all the reason in the world to apprehend some delusion from our common enemy the devil . nor indeed , with all the power of the devil himself , are we likely to do or know much , whatever our corruption and rebellion may promise us ; alass ; the devils are under perpetual chains of darkness , the best of their oracles were always doubtful ; and if god has denied the foreknowledge of things even to the good angels themselves , as christ assures us , how is it likely he should shew a greater favour to the wicked apostate spirits ? so we are curious in other predictions ; we are desirous of an exact fore-knowledge ; alass , shall we never be contented with the plainer dispensations of providence ? is god obscure and mystical in his prophesies , even to lead his church its self ? and shall we desire presumptuously a prerogative he has not vouchsafed even to the universal church ; nay , and when all the pious and learned men of ages have not been able to unfold those holy prophesies that in the revelations , and otherwise he has given us ? can we be so mad to expect , or rely upon more certain predictions of their own ? in short , if there be any divination lawful , it must be through the signs of natural causes ; thus christ himself allows to divine by the face of the sky . sero rubens coelum cras indicat esse serenum . si mane rubescit ventus vel pluvia crescit ; and so we may guess when a western wind blows , or that a rain-bow looks pale , that rain is likely to ensue ; and that when the rain-bow looks clear , that it is going away ; but what is beyond this , must be either sin or delusion . but to proceed a little to particulars , and so first of astrology . our astrologers pretend , that the bodies above are the male , the terrestrial the female ; and the creatures on earth are the off-spring engender'd between them : but pray , who shall declare their generations ? i do not doubt but that there is such a art as astrology ▪ in some degree ; but who is the artist ? what are the set-bounds of influence ? and how are we to gather it ? how far does providence and its free-agents interrupt it ? and what stars are more particularly eminent in their influence . let our star-gazers alledge what they will , the reviewing histories past in the stars would have perfected this art absolutely before now , if it had been attainable by the wit of man ; when alass , consult but your astrologers , and you shall not find two to prognosticate alike : after all these advantages , read but their books , they agree not in their methods ; nay , if they foretel the weather , which is more immediately under the influences of the stars , and which grace cannot be suppos'd to alter their influence in , to give them their old sham , astra regunt homines sed regit astra deus : yet you shall find that they as often miss as hit , and which , in my judgment , in plain terms , declares meer chance . st. austin's confessions give us an excellent passage of the impertinency and fallaciousness of this science : it seems the mistress and the maid were both with child by their several husbands at the same time , and an astrologer being willing to predict the several fates of their children , order'd care to be taken of marking the exact time of both their births ; now so it happen'd , that mistress and maid were both brought to bed at the same instant , and their several messengers met at the just half-way , to give each other accounts of it ; and what think you then ought to be the success of this chance , ought not these two sons , as they then happened to be , to have equal fortune and success in the world , at least with respect to their several circumstances ? yes surely : but alass , the stars fail'd their artist , the servant was born and died a servant ; whilst , as st. austin observes , the young master afterwards became vastly advanc'd in his fortunes . but i give astrologers too much ground when i trifle thus upon experiments ; let me hear them reason a little ; thus what particular virtue is there in a sextile or trine , before the quartile or opposition ? besides , if there were , like blockheads , they take the trine of appearance , and never mind the real one ; thus a retrogradation shall imaginarily give you two trines of saturn and jupiter , when , in reality , neither of those is the true trine ; so what stuff your direct retrogade stationary and swift are , when , in reality , the planets have no such imperfections ; and all that trumpery we conceive , forsooth , because we will follow the blind mazes of our ancestours , and their errors in astronomy , and which made them make them in their astrology also . further , how ridiculously they have fram'd and order'd out their twelve houses , and attributed their several powers to them , according to the two old latin verses , 1 2 3 4 5 6 vita lucrum fratres genitor nati valetudo , 7 8 9 10 11 12 vxor mors pietas regnum benefactaque carcer . what nonsence 't is to give the ascendant most power , which can scarce have any operation for distance , and vapours upon the native , whereas , in truth , the mid-heaven , and the planets most southerly , and the stars in the zenith , ought to have the greatest operation in all reason ; and so in case of their being perigeon , and apogeon ; so , how absurd 't is to give saturn a greater influence on the native , than even the sun , that in truth is the very earthly giver of life . besides too , were astrologers ▪ true to their rules , and examin'd all significators , planets , houses , and fix'd stars , with their several aspects , applications and transits , they would find themselves so confus'd , that they would never be able to pick out a judgment : and what if you add to all this the part of fortune , the part of honour , and several other parts that nice astrologers order to be calculated , as well as the capat & cauda draconis ▪ all castles in the air ; where could you and your judgment be able to be fix'd amongst such almost innumerable significators and their applications . nay further , one tells you your fortune by a horary question , another by a revolutional figure , another by your nativity , another by profections : now if you examine it , all these figures shall , nay must be different , and yet your artist , from the latitude of fore-telling , i before described , must by one significatour or another ▪ serue them all up to one tone , and whether the devil may not sometimes inspire them in this chance to their delusion , i very much question . hence also if you consult them , one shall cast up your significatours stronger , another weaker ; one measures the time of accidents one way , and another a second ; a third person does not like your common tables of houses , and yet forsooth all these must speak , and write as infallible in their way , although no reason can reconcile them , or shew one more in the right than the other , nay , though they contradict one another ; yet alass we must believe them all , as the infallible oracles of truth ; h●● quanta fides hominum ▪ i have studied this art my self , and i have flatter'd my self often in chance predictions ; but when i have consider'd that in all things there is but a wrong and a right , and that all men naturally favour , and even deifie divination , i cannot but see , and detest my own weakness in regarding it ; indeed , if astrological predictions were certain , they would by their fatal necessity destroy and consume religion , and all the arts and sciences with it . to be short , if men must have their prognosticating whimsies , were it not better rationally to frame them from the noble hypothesis of des cartes , than from such meer maggots as our common artists do ? thus spots growing in the sun rationally would foretel ruine to his sphere , and comets prognosticate a disorder , would follow in nature ; but to lay such weight on meer chymera's , as the imaginary houses ▪ nodes and fancies of astrologers are , at best favours of a little tincture of either melancholly , or imposture , judge which you will. of the dependants of astrology . but besides its self , it 's scarce conceivable what a pack of brats and monsters astrology brings forth with it ; it marks you out natural magick by planetary influences , and characters on herbs ; it tells you mens fortunes by figures , the planets make through moles , lines , and other marks ; and hence it teaches you chiromancy , physiognomy , metaposcopy , nay augury depends on the same root ; and not a bird that flies to the right , but portends ill-luck , though to a thousand spectators : indeed , there is not a man , either mad , bewitch'd , or prophesies , but streight the astrologer will give you a reason for it ; though by and by again , to save himself at a fault , he will tell you , a good man is above the stars . thus telesmes , or talismans also , and our divining rods , are a spawn of astrology ; but , in my judgment , of just as much force as powder of post , without the assistance of witchcraft , and then i don't know but a man may do feats , like the egyptian magicians , but by the power of the devil , and not by our little conjectural blind arts , unless ceremonially ; for my part i once made a telesme of venus my self in silver , but found no more effect in the mettal than before . so brown in his vulgar errours , says , he tried the divining rod , but he found it all cheat and deceit . further , geomancy is another off-spring of astrology , indeed her very ape , for she follows her into her divisions and partitions of houses , &c. cornelius agrippa wrote a book of this ; and in his treatise of the vanity of arts and sciences tells you , he believes it as good as the best ; but withall , that it is all lyes . and indeed , what an odd chymera foundation this art has , that men , by making points backwards , with their left-hands upon the ground , should fancy the stars should lead them , by drawing those points into figures , to predict by them ; a man had better by half bestow less pains , cast a pair of dice , or dip a leaf in virgil , if he is resolved to be superstitious , and so discover his fortune that way , rather than run himself to the niceties of geomantick houses , and fathers , your laetitia , &c. for it . so i cannot but wonder too , what intelligence , and of what planet it was that taught us the jurisdiction of planetary days and hours ? 't was very happy the natural day was not divided into twenty hours , as it is now into twenty four ; for if it had , our divinors had been forc'd to have made a new computation ; besides , that as it is , every planet has not his equal share in the day , and why should he not have it in the day , as well as he has it in the week ? astrology therefore , if it serves for any thing , it is to be as the devils lure into the more obscure and black recesses of magick : i my self remember too well , what studies it wheedled me into , when i gave it the favour of my thoughts ; as first , to seek to the planets intelligences for my knowledge , and after to other spirits : now , though i resolv'd to pay an exact deference to the duty i ow'd to god all the while , yet i could not , in a long time , perswade my self , but that such arts , as in the case of balaam , might be lawfully attainable , though at length i was convinced they were presumptuous . but where shall we end the further whimsies of predictions ? pythagoras's lot , predicting by the number of our names , the jewish caballa telling mysteries , and prognosticating from titles , numbers and letters ; your rosacrucian figments , what shall i say , do not men deserve to be deceiv'd , when they imploy themselves to catch such shadows of wisdom ? indeed , 't is their due reward , that they miss and lose the substance by it . so what shall we say to hydromancy , puromancy , and aeromancy , nay and alectromancy , that fore-tells by the pecking up of corn by a cock , are they not trumpery , that scarce deserve the naming ? so of palmestry ; how shall we reconcile the giddy and senseless contradictions and variations of authors about it ? so in physiognomy , who but one that had it from some spirit , or star-intelligence , could be brought to think any useful or certain ground in it ? only man that runs a whoring out of the ways of truth , seeks to , and believes every thing he should not . or else who would fancy , that mars must be thrust into the palms of the hand , while little venus and mercury have the honour to possess in chief , with the grand planets , the thumb and little finger ? but besides these , there are omens also , the weakest of all fore-tellings ; but how often of fatal consequence , not from the prediction i mean , but from the deadning the spirits of them that superstitiously believe them , i need not mention ; indeed they are so uncertain , that their very interpreters are forc'd to fly to the mind of the person omen'd , and what conception he had of the accident , to construe it ; and which is , in short , to make mens thoughts and fancies predictions . william the conqueror was an evident confirmation of this truth ; at his first landing in england , his foot slip'd , and he fell flat on the earth ; and the morning he fought , his esquire put on his back-piece before , by mistake . now these omens daunted some , but the conqueror interpreted them best , who merrily said , the fall shew'd the earth was willing to be acquainted with him ; and the change of his armour shew'd , he was to change his dukedom for a kingdom , as it after hapned . as for prophesies , when they relate to state-affairs , they are dangerous ; and have deservedly drawn down many good laws to suppress them , not that they are so formidable in themselves neither ; but that which gives them credit , is , first , that men mark when they hit , and never when they miss . secondly , the nature of man , which loves to turn all to divination , calls even probable conjectures , and obscure traditions , prophesies ; and thirdly , and lastly , that almost all of them being near infinite in number , have been impostures , and by idle and crafty brains , meerly contriv'd and feign'd , after the event past , with some evil design and influence on the present times . but why do i stay so long upon particulars ? where shall we end the more noxious methods of deluding and superstitious theurgy , devillish geocy and necromancy ? as if the devil could not personate a ghost : so where shall we conclude , with the faeiry sisters , the invisible ring witchcraft and conjuration , the use of christals , pentangles , circles , and an hundred other little devillish machinations , wherein , though the devil does not immediately , as in witchcraft , draw men to express covenant with him , yet as by many sad experiments has appear'd , he gradually sinks them into all manner of wickedness , and in the end drowns them in eternal despair ; and thus he tempted our saviour at first , only to fall down and worship him : he is a subtle enemy , and knows very well how to bait his hook suitable to the persons he intends to catch by it . of meekness . surely meekness needs no praises : meekness is the moral paradise , nay , meekness is the only cement to the faults and errors of humanity ; vvhat can we do without bearing with one another ? meekness was the perfection of christ , and peace is the very attribute of god himself ; and can any thing be wanting then to make them amiable ? alass ! do not we every day , without thinking , commit a thousand little faults against others ? and will we not give the charity we cannot but desire ? and yet after all , the subtilty of the serpent must be mixed with this dove-like innocency ; 't is a strange temptation men have , that see they can wrong us with impunity ; and why should i , by a too great softness , proclaim my self a prey to all ? the world may call such submission , vertue and clemency ; but , alass ! 't is facility and fear that lead to such cowardize , and not meekness . true vertue is a streight line , that neither virges for laziness nor glory . so the imperious commander , the dogmatical opinionatre , and the morose cynick , who desire all to be enrol'd among the virtuous , are men that would seem too perfect to be born with ; but , alass ! who want the meekness and patience of others more , who err more , and yet preserve the peace less ? i have not an interiour peace in a union of thoughts and opinions with my brother ; but must i therefore in self-conceit break the exteriour peace in the devoires of humane civility ? does my brother err ? and why may i not as justly quarrel at the diseases of his body , as the imperfections of his mind ? nay , why am i not as angry at the imperfect variety of the weather ? to reform others perfectly , is as impossible as vain : what have we to do then , but to despise all little capricious humours , and to amend our selves ? do i hazard the peace in rebuking my brother ? and why may not he be as rough to me ? at least , may he not as justly resist so unjust an imposition ? i am obliged to love my brother ; and how may i then make him look coldly on me , through my crossing him ; is this my humility , in doing as i would be done unto ? i. s. has different opinions from me ; and what then , ought i not to have all the consideration that truth or charity will permit me for them : indeed is it fit that i should cavil with him about them ? i have condemned my self in errors often ; but i cannot say so of my brother ; is it not just then , that i rather humbly and submissively prefer his judgment before my own , than be angry at the variance ? of contention . a contentious spirit is both barbarous and bruitish : what is the benefit of humane reason , unless in humanity ? and are not humanity and contention contraries ? contention either infects us to a likeness , or cankers out our spirit with cowardize : what , all the day in battel , and neither fly nor fight ? christ says , to call our brother fool contentiously , is as damnable as murder ; can he that delights in provocations be assur'd what will follow them ? the least evil of contention is , that it abates our virgin respect , and civility for one another ; and is it a slight matter for us to traduce each other to contempt ? my contention is in revenge ; and what then ? is revenge , either a christian or moral apology , or is there not a just and modest vindication of my self without it ? do we think , through contention , to back every wild colt we meet with ? nay , and can we otherwise then expect some time or other to meet with such swine , as will turn again , and rent us ? surely , gentle and soft applications are best for conviction ; and as a contempt passes to our persons through contention , so to our instructions also . does seneca wrangle with a fool ? he degrades his philosophy by the equality of the contention ; but does seneca advise , and is the fool stubborn ? indigna est caesaris ira. of contradiction . does my brother contradict me , he has as much right to it , as i to speak to him ? and why then am i concern'd ? but he does it , you say , unjustly ; and are you as assur'd that you do not as unjustly provoke him to it , by requiring too hard things of him ? i have a right to hold my tongue , and be silent at all times ; but if i speak to my brother , i have not right to make him answer me just as i please . but my brother is cross and perverse you say , and will unjustly contradict me ; and what then ? whose fault is it that he is uneasie to me ? am i mad to dispute him when he is out of humour ? or do i want to see how he can cross me , or i vex my self ? besides , alass ! there is no end of some mens perverseness , and 't is in vain to expect to cure it ; should even god himself write or speak , he would no more want an answerer , than the devil in the like case , an advocate . and yet after all , and for all this , though i can see my brother is in an error , and i am obliged to use agreeable means to set him right , yet can i discern his heart to say , he lies , is false , or that he is perverse ? surely god only , who fearches the heart , can lay such charges to my brother ; and what though in such case i may contradict him , yet , in charity , i wrong him , to say , he is either false , or lies ? i see but the mistake . thus , though i have the strongest natural duty on me to reprove my brother , and nothing but his malice for it can discharge me of it ; yet does that give me either power to judge , or force him in his actions ? the wise and good indeed have a rightful dominion and empire in reigning over mens thoughts , and we are bound in conscience to submit to it ; but surely every confident contradictor has not the same reason for our submission ? lapis errantium ; or the stray-office : for all manner of things lost , found , or mislaid within the weekly bills of mortality of the city of london . it is not my business at present to run out upon the antient use of this office in other kingdoms , which , by its very name , i am perswaded a great many learned men are not unacquainted with ; i shall wholly confine my self therefore to shew , of what a general and great benefit such an office must needs be to this present city ; and , in doing that , i shall fully answer my end in this little treatise . and that i may the better do that , therefore , first , i shall , briefly as i can , give the particular state of such an office. secondly , i shall answer all manner of objections against it : and thirdly and lastly , i shall shew the wonderful conveniences of it ; and in all these i shall be the shorter , because the very hinting at the great uses and conveniences of it , will be sufficient to excuse all need of other apologies for it . the state of the office i shall represent briefly thus ; first , in a set-table of rates and fees , to be paid and allow'd to the finder and office ; and , secondly , in some few reflections on them .   l. s. d.   l. s. d.   l. s. d. if the thing found be valued at 0 0 6 then the finder to have of it for his honesty and care in bringing it , 0 0 2 and the office to have for their keeping it . 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 4 0 0 2 0 2 6 0 0 8 0 0 4 0 5 0 0 1 0 0 0 6 0 10 0 0 1 6 0 0 8 0 15 0 0 2 0 0 0 10 1 0 0 0 2 6 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 5 0 0 2 0 4 0 0 0 9 0 0 3 0 8 0 0 0 16 0 0 4 0 100 0 0 10 0 0 2 10 0 my reflections upon this table , are these , first , that all things found shall be valued , at a rate , by appraisement , and that if any difficulty arise between the finder and loser , so it shall be decided , each of them choosing an appraisor , and if they shall not agree , nor find an umpire in two days , that then the office shall do it for them ; and that shall be decisive . secondly , if either finder or looser , or the lord on escheate , in two days notice refuse to appoint their appraisors ; that then the office upon both or either of their defaults , shall be able to get appraisors to set a value , and to give the finder his due thereon , and to keep the goods , or sell them , if perishable , and keep the mony till the looser , or the lord of the royalty shall allow him both his , and the finders fees. thirdly , that all things enclos'd , as writings in a box , mony in a bag , or cloaths in a trunk , shall not be open'd till the looser come , or the lord of the royalty claim them ; but that then the finder may have them to be open'd , to be apprais'd , or otherwise as he shall desire it , before they be deliver'd out of the office. fourthly , that all things of real value , the office shall be ready on bringing in to receive , and to give the finder his due immediately ; but for dogs pocket-books , and keys , it shall reserve them to give an account of them , or else make an entry where they are to be found , as the case shall reasonably require . fifthly , if goods , perishable are found , that then the finder and office shall have power in convenient time , to sell them by appraisors , and so to be answerable for the mony only . sixthly , that if any thing above 20 s. value be found , that it remain in the office at least a week , that the right owner be not cheated by a collusion of the finder ; so if goods , or money , above 20 l. value be found , that they remain in the office a months , before they be delivered , except the pretended loser give in security for their forth-coming ; but after a month , that they be delivered him only on a note of the losers place of abode and quality , to inform after claimers . seventhly , that all pocket-books , or dogs that are found , shall be valued as at 5 s. and keys of all sorts , as at 12 d. to avoid all disputes ; and that bills of exchange , by which the mony might be receiv'd , shall be valued as mony. eighthly , that all things under 20 s. value shall be forfeited to the lords of the royalty , if not called for in six weeks ; and all things under 10 l. value , if not called for in a quarter of a year : as for all things , of a greater value , to remain a year and a day , as the law directs before , the lord to have them . lastly , let no man think that to allow to the finder and office , in this case , 12 l. 10 s. in the hundred , is too much ; for , as when he is in hazard of all , it 's well if so little will procure it ; so indeed , less will not be sufficient , either to incourage the finder , to bring in what he has discover'd , or to answer the trust and hazard of the office in keeping and registring it . the objections that seem likely to be made in this case , are these ; first , that such an office will destroy royalties . as to that i answer ; 't will rather vastly promote them : for , as now , all findings are conceal'd ; so , by this means , they being discover'd , they will be assur'd of them : indeed in this case they will be forc'd to make some allowance to the office and finder for their care ; but that surely will be reasonable , when 't is no more than is required of the loser . secondly , that the gazette will be wrong'd in their publications . but as to that i answer ; it must needs be very inconsiderable ; for publications there are generally of dogs stolen of value , and of horses , and of other things lost in the country ; and , as to those , you see , this office gives no diversion . thirdly , that this may be apt to encourage thieves ; but , as to that , i say , on the contrary , that it cannot but be the greatest disincouragement to them imaginable ; for when they who have lost , or been rob'd of their goods , shall repair to this office , and make their entry of them there , not only the office will be ready to seize them , but every one that happens on such suspicious goods , will know speedily where to repair to know whose they are , and whereupon a discovery must necessarily follow . fourthly , that we shall want power to make the losers , and lords of royalties allow the fees of finding , and the fees of the office ; but , as to that i propose , we may be effectually help'd by an act of parliament ; if not , by the king's patent . fifthly , but you will say , what security shall the loser and finder have , not to be wrong'd by the office ? i say , they shall have a publick security given in by him that keeps the office , to see that what ever is left there shall be forth-coming , and the office-books lying always publick , they shall make their entries , if they please themselves ; and if goods of value be found , the office shall be responsible to the finder , that it give him notice to have a just appraise●…nt , if he desires it , before the goods are deliver'd to the loser ; and in the same manner shall the lord 's right be secured also . sixthly , but you will continue to object , that finders will still conceal their goods and mony notwithstanding : i say , to prevent that , a clause in such an act of parliament , that if the finder bring not in the goods or mony within a week after they are found , he shall not only lose the profit of such his finding to the informer , but be liable to an action of trover , with treble damages on conviction ; i say , such a clause would make it almost impossible that any thing should be conceal'd from the office. the benefits of such an office , would be such as these . first , you see this office will be as a general place of notice for seizing all manner of suspicious goods . secondly , this office will as well encourage , as threaten a return of found goods ; for when men see they may have honestly a good reward , they will scarce , by being dishonest , hazard the losing all , and paying for it too , by an informer , which , in the present case , they will be in great danger of , especially when we consider , that finders have generally too much joy to be silent . thirdly , an informer , in this case , would be so far from a contemptible and servile office , that it would not be too mean , even for a gentleman to undertake ; and , though he might give his reward to whom he would , yet , in honour , he might assist any one , when so basely and meanly injur'd . fourthly , as nothing is so inconsiderable , that some people have not a fancy for ; so nothing scarce can be of so little a value , that this office would not draw to it , a little , sure , and honest profit would tempt thither , even things of six pence worth ; and he , that in such case , will not care to carry the thing to the office himself , will not want some one or other , that he might oblige by it . so that the benefit of such an office must needs be , i may almost say , past expression ; in short , 't will make this great city and suburbs to have the correspondence almost of a family ; and it should be no small recommendation of this office , to a considering man , that it has been in another nation before , and therefore consequently to be presum'd to be of success , as well as of most considerable publick benefit to this . in short , if use and innocency can recommend any thing , this office has all the advantages possible ; and i shall say no more of it , because no man can look into his own thoughts , and not be convinc'd of it , and that even in many things not here mentioned . the project ; or , the method of putting this office in practice . first , that for the ease of finders , there be four or five places appointed for the receipt of found goods ; as at , 1. charing-cross . 2. temple-barr . 3. leadenhallstreet . 4. southwark . and secondly , that for the ease of the loser , these be only places of receipt ; and that one chief office being appointed , as at temple-barr , that all found goods and mony be fetch'd daily from those places of receipt , about the hours of 8 and 12 each day ; so that goods left in the morning shall be ready for the owner , for a certainty in the afternoon ; and those left in the afternoon , the next morning at the one principal and only office of delivery . thirdly , this method to continue all the week , and all the year round , sunday excepted . fourthly , that several books for entring such goods and mony be kept as well at the several places of receipt , as the principal office , and that they be in four columns , and under four heads in manner and form following . things lost . place where . finder . loser . fifthly , that when such goods are fetch'd from the said several places of receipts , that then a duplicate be brought with them of all their several entries , to be recorded in the general-office ; of all , which duplicates , the general-office may once a week , take an account , by comparing them with the several books of receipts . sixthly , all the office-books to be mark'd ; and lye publickly ; so that if the finder see but the things entred , 't is impossible but that they must come to the losers knowledge ; and 't is as impossible that any lords of royalties should be able to lose their rights . seventhly , the goods being thus remov'd to the general-office , the finder may receive notice when to meet at an appraisement , if he has not receiv'd his due before ; and the loser may know what his demands are ; so that , if he agree to them , there will be no more , but that the office receive the mony. but as for the entry of suspicious goods to be seiz'd , that as it ought to be in a distinct book , so for the readier recourse , it should be only done at the principal office at temple-barr ; so the like for a caution entred for goods lost , that the owner may have notice sent him if they come to this office ; and for this the office is to be particularly paid , according to the length of their entry ; but where the goods are found , no other fees are to be paid for the entry , than in the table before . of cvnning . the cunning man and the wise man differ not only in point of honesty , but ability . he that can pack the cards does not always play well . cunning men , like juglers , are only vers'd in two or three little tricks , while wisdom excels in the whole ring or circle of action . but is wisdom to be despis'd , because others sculk through their cunning ? shall a general abandon all discipline , because his parthian foe fights flying ? no ; rather discovering his petty shifts , let him destroy him in his wiles . surely , cunning men are too weak for council ; for practice , and understanding men , indeed , they may do well enough ; but he abuses himself that turns them out of their channel , and trusts them . were men always skilful , they would never use craft or treachery : alass ! that men are cunning , is from their little minds , which , if it can conceal its self in one place , quickly discovers its self in another . hence the cunning man is as ridiculous as odious ; while the greatest art of such subtile men is , to conceal their skill ; the wiser sort of them know therefore their interest , and are subtile only on some great occasion , and for some great advantage . besides , he that is out of the plain way to deceive others , has not so ready a prospect of the cheats design'd against him ; so that not only a man is soonest deceiv'd , when his conceit of cunning beats him from his guard ; but cunning men are afraid of us , when they see an exact simplicity . and thus 't is the perfection of wisdom , to seem to fall into snares laid for us , for fear of worse , and yet to avoid them ; but , by subtilty , 't is as easie to deceive ones self , and not perceive it , as 't is difficult unperceiv'd to deceive others . usual tricks of cunning , are , to surprize , and fascinate with the eye , to propose in business , when our friend is in hast , to surprize with bold questions , and to foyl , by ungrateful and unseasonable desires , the thing we would not have done . of wisdom . man is not more above a brute , than the one above the other , through the advantage of wisdom . plus posse , surely is also nobilius esse . wisdom as from a tower , gives us the true prospect of things . where the higher we climb , the clearer we see , and the fairer is our view . and yet wisdom consists not in trifling curiosities and nice speculations . wisdom not only solidly pourtraictures vertue , but gives it practick life also . the fool hates wisdom as exceeding his reach ; the sluggard envys , instead of attaining it , while the wicked man abhors it , as the touch-stone to his actions . but surely he that hates wisdom : hates his own soul with it . wisdom is as our guard assign'd us by god. wisdom clears our mind of undigested thoughts and resolutions , while she looks down with contempt and unconcernedness on the little tumults of fancy and passion below . reason hastned in the digestion by fancy and passion , the giddy apes of judgment and courage , like fruit gather'd unripe , sets the teeth on edge , whilst wisdom leads us without repentance . our saviour tells us , qui sequitur me , non ambulat in tenebris : and surely , not without the justest cause ; if the fear of the lord cannot be the beginning of wisdom , what else can move us to act or judge impartially ? surely , 't was by wisdom , that holy men approach'd to god , and became prophets , wisd . sol. cap. 8. can we think , we shall not answer to god for it then , if we omit to improve our reasoning ? was it nothing , that moses was skill'd in all the learning of the aegyptians ? surely , god had neither gather'd his prophets into a colledge at bethel , nor made the learn'd st. paul , the chiefest of the apostles , if he had not regarded even our industrious self-improvements ? but alass ! what are all our improvements without the grace of god , and sincerity ? solomon tells us , wisdom will not enter into a malitious soul , wisd . 1. the perverse , be he never so ingenuous , yet by degrees will he vitiate his principles by his practice ; the corrupt man may shift and be a good sophister , but never reason well ; to be wise and good , are reciprocal . the seeming wise . reason has not more admirers than there are hipocrites ; who admiring only the profits of wisdom , approve just so much of her , as can be agreeable and serviceable to their ends . some indeed see but the appearance of things , their thoughts and resolutions , perpetually tripping up one another ; and they deserve our pity . but how many set up the hypocrisy of a formal gravity , above all the reasoning of man ? how many through a wild banter and paradox , content themselves in meer endless and giddy extravagances ? a decaying merchant has not more tricks for his credit , than such persons for their sufficiencies . sometimes they are so close and so reserv'd , that they will not shew you their wares , but by a dark light , hinting as if somewhat more weighty were conceal'd ; and they 'd at least have you think , that they understand more . so sometimes they are shrew'd by countenance , and wise by signs ; while they bear it out by speaking a great word , and being peremptory . is any thing beyond their reach ? 't is easily exploded as curious or impertinent ; and then even their ignorance seems judgment . but alass ! can such shuffling appear otherwise than ridiculous to any man of sense ? some are never without a difference , and so amusing men , by a subtilty blanch the matter ; so they find it easy in deliberations to affect the negative side : when propositions are denyed , there is an end of them . but certainly , this affecting of objecting and foretelling difficulties wholly , is the very bane of wisdom . there is an harder work indeed in perfecting our contrivance ; but surely for that reason alone , a man somewhat absur'd , is better either for business or counsel , than one either over-formal or exceptious . of logick . if any thing can excuse the superfineness of our present logick and argumentations , it must be the depth of their wisdom , and the state of the universities in using them ; and yet even then in my sense , they were better laid aside , or at least more regulated , and more pains spent in the exact definitions of words , and setling ultimate principles and maxims , than the meer forms of reasoning . in truth , the schools have render'd the niceties about syllogisms almost infinite : so that when we have lookt for the purity and simplicity of truth through their disputes , we have found our selves maz'd by our own forms , and rules in our search , and instead of being help'd out in our difficulties by them , we have discover'd our selves sunk deeper by the weight of our guides : and when we should consider about the substance of our argument , we are taken up with thinking whether we may say properly , negatur minor , or no. i shall not therefore descend into the little niceties of logical propositions , their categoricks , hypotheticks , disjunctives , universals , indefinites , &c. nor into their formalities of their several argumentations , their enthimems , inductions , exemplum's , sorites , dilemma's , and syllogisms . let them that have a mind to catch butter-flies pursue them if they please , for my part i will not . so , what shall i say of our ordinary logical fallacies , as quod emisti edisti , carnes crudas emisti , ergo , &c. so duo & tres sunt par & imp●r , quinque sunt duo & tres , ergo , &c. would not a man of any judgment be asham'd to think , that one should be put to a formal distinction in terms to answer such trifles , to be forc'd to have set topicks to discover the mystery of nonsense : in truth , were most of their arguments but reduc'd to writing , nothing would be more ridiculous ▪ they are nothing but a few empty catches in meer words at best . and the excellency of a sophister , as i find , is not to fly to principles of truth , but quirks . in short , therefore in my judgment , and i think i iudge right , this sophistry is so far from an improvement of the understanding , that 't is as a crop of thorns and weeds in our ingeny ; and tho the forms of argumentations , and their several rules , as barbara celarent , &c. may have a great deal of art in their regulation and composure ; yet , no one , at best , can deny , but that they are rather curious than useful ; that a disputation may be very well brought to a just crisis without such formality ; and consequently , that the great study and labour about it , might be better spar'd about something more material . its parts . but to descend more particularly into its parts ; and so , first , as to its predicables , predicaments , and ante-predicaments : would not a man think , that those termini comprehended some divine matter ? surely one would : but , when it comes to the test , 't is all trifles . thus what a ridiculous and obvious distinction is vnum vagum ut aliquis lapis , unum determinatum ut johannes , unum demonstrativum ut hic arbor , & unum hypotheticum ut hic filius senior : is this quibling , in trifling distinctions , worthy of a philosopher ? if it is , let my ●riend peruse dr. wilkins's vniversal character , and he shall have enough of them , though by that ingenious author design'd for a far better purpose . so for your proprium's quarto modo ; as , 1. proprium soli non omni ut hominem esse doctum . 2. omni non soli ut hominem esse bipedem ( plato's goose . ) 3. omni & soli sed non semper ut ridere . 4. omni soli & semper ut risihilitas in homine : is not this pretty stuff , that a man must be bound to tell another he talks nonsence , by the rule of proprium 4 to . modo ? what is this but pedantry ? indeed but a kind of brutality , and unworthy of the liberal and generous search of a rational soul. indeed , the rule of genus , species , and difference , might be of excellent use , were it in proper place , as in a treatise of method , or analysis , but disguis'd in such cant , with a summum subalternum simpliciter ; or , secundum quid ; in truth quite defaces it , and makes it to become all of a piece with the rest . so further , what shall we say to the ante-predicaments , the equivocum , vnivocum , analogum , and denominativum ? and why may not we as well bring in the metaphoricum , ironicum , and an 100 more ? and so for your voces abstractae , concretae , simplices , complexae : why may not you as well add , finitae , relativae , and infinite others ? in short , is not this meer trumpery , and fitter for a dictionary , or a castaneus's distinctions at best ; but surely , not worthy of a philosopher , to strut up a science withall . indeed it makes logick appear like a gouty leg , in respect of the body of wisdom . so the predicaments in new philosophy , are : mens , mensura , quies , motus , positura , figura , sunt cum materia ; cunctarum exordia rerum . and why may not these do as well as aristotles 10. substantia , quantitas , qualitas , relatio , actio , passio , vbi , quando , situs , habitus : ludovicus vives is of opinion , that you may add many more ; and for my part i think 't were no hurt there were none at all ; indeed if they are of any use , 't is to help invention : and as for invention it ought to be treated of distinctly , at least it belongs more to rhetorick than logick . so also , what predicamental distinctions we have got , as quantitas entitativa , & quantitativa ? so that there are five intellectual habits under quality , viz. intelligentia , sapientia , scientia , prudentia , & ars ; whereas they may as rationally make fifty , and by the same reason distinguish every several object of wisdom into a several intellectual habit. and to shut up all i have to reflect of this nature , i shall add , what has logick to do with definitions ? she is only to teach men to reason : let the vocabulary help them to terms , particular sciences to principles , and definitions ; her business is only to cast up the account . so what hath she to do with divisions into universals , essentials , integrals , subjects , accidents , &c. let her leave all to their proper places , to analitica and method , and the principles of the subjects she disputes of . of arguments . but as we would thus take away our too formal university disputes , as the mothers of quibling and wrangling ; so on the other side , one would leave so much to art as might be able to lead a dispute to a crisis . thus we ought to let our descriptions , definitions , genus and differences , be laid down as postulata or principles ; and if they be denied , prove them from the fountain topicks of sciences . so we ought to skill , how to run an argument to a contradiction or absurdity ; not i mean a nice and logical contradiction and contrariety , than which nothing is more pedantick ; but to a real and obvious contrariety and inconsistency , and under which every one ought to submit , and not to dispute on , as if he aim'd at victory , and wrangle , rather than to search for truth ; and therefore , in sincerity , we ought to desist , as if we had no further reason for what we first affirm'd : where we are sensible , we are not able to make any thing further appear . but as for your common logical contradictions , as i have said nothing , is more impertinent : thus , that two negatives make an affirmative , can only be from custom . indeed , did men follow the true concatenation of thought , and were they not more artful than wise ; two negatives were nonsense . so what need have we of the puzle of contrary , subcontrary , subaltern , and contradictory ; is it not to maze us ? so when two dispute , is it not much easier to bring all to the test of a plain contradiction to find truth , than to stand quibling , quidam homo est doctus , quidam homo non est doctus ? indeed , as cornelius agrippa well reflects , logical terms and niceties are like the trojan horse , which tho not powerful enough to enter by force of reasoning , yet when once admitted , and taken for granted , will at least baffle and destroy your cause , by their starch'd and empty formality . and yet this we must needs grant of arguments in general , that they are as much better for the growth of wisdom , then lectures as many heads are than one . as the understanding is more lively when whetted and sharpned by contention , than when flat in its self ; but yet your single discourses are better than disputes , when debauch'd to a perverse wrangling : and hence , how often have our wisest men reflected on the formality of syllogysms ? in the infancy of philosophy indeed , such a shew of wisdom were tolerable ; but such pedantry at these days , that the two or three first years of a university students time , should be spent on such trash , as i remember too well , is intollerable . in short , therefore as nothing but perverseness and malice can come from contention and wrangling ; so if you dispute , let nothing provoke or confound you . is your adversary hot ? be calm and slow ; measure your words as it were by the pendulum of a clock . is he interrupting and violent ? let him alone ; 't is easie after an hours discourse by three or four words quite to confound him , if he is in an error ; and remember there is a way to answer short and smart . but as in set-disputes , for the better progress , we ought to limit each ones share to a proposition or two at a time . thus suppose it were only by enthymems , that we entertain'd our disputes ; so we ought never to admit of metaphors or similes in a rigid argument ; to let a man dispute us so , is to let him fight in a cloud , when he ought to appear on equal terms , and naked ; and so to grant the least point in dispute wrongfully , is a confusing folly ; and so not to be able to reduce your argument to particulars ; what is it , but to make it recoyle in its self ? are you in a dispute therefore , and do you find your adversary perversly through a spirit of wrangling , to withstand you in clear and evident principles of truth ? never suffer him to move you to further argument after that . if you have no moderator , cease for good and all , standing firmly and eternally on the first error . he that admits the least corner of a false foundation , forgets that his whole building will surely fall by means of it ; and besides , that sophistry in its self , is divelish ; and when it has other ends than a fair and candid search for truth , is to be hated and avoided by all . further in arguments : without you are sure to speak alone , and not to be interrupted , as in the pulpit , never multiply reasons ; for since one or two is enough for conviction , and sufficient most times for an honest mind ; to alledge more , what is it but to leave room for perverseness , and to give the better opportunity for wrangling ? but above all , in disputes you must remember to proceed from words to sense ; for 't is in vain to argue , when you do not understand one anothers terms : nor is it less necessary in your method to proceed first to some fundamental principles , such as self-preservation , demonstration , &c. to think of arguing otherwise , is weak and foolish ; and tho one would explode and banish the formality of syllogisms , yet if one takes away the method of reasoning of clearing first terms , and granting first principles , one had better never speak than argue ; for it must be endless . i proceed to the last part of logick or method . of method . several subjects and several genius's delight in several methods ; in which case , what is clearest and easiest to all , is undoubtedly the best . 't is a fault in method to give more labour than benefit . method is for matter , and not matter for method . i must confess , as to general learning , i wholly esteem essays , first , as by their short and pithy fulness , they are more apt and assistant to a complete judgment : and , secondly , as by their looseness , they are most ready for corrections and additions . to write too largely of a subject , scatters and distracts the sight , and to write too little of it , leaves determination to a lottery : the best method therefore is to be short and full , to give most large and ample general directions , and to leave the judgment to manage lesser corollaries , particulars , and consequences ; and as for the advantage of such good methods , 't is scarce expressible ; you will not think how gently , and with what ease , even the difficultest parts of wisdom well rang'd , will lye in our minds by it . and in this one may justly say of knowledge , the diamond or jewel is not immediately ready so soon as it is got ; it wants polishing and trimming , yea , and beautifying , and setting at last also : and even so in wisdom , the labour is not inconsiderable , even after it is gotten and obtain'd , by exact method and order , to address it , and set it out to the best advantage . in truth , method is not much less considerable than matter its self ; 't is obvious every day to observe how much deliberate and orderly proceeding , confounds even truth when irregular . indeed , method is a sort of truth , and confusion a lie , and as generally men judge of the cause by the proceedings , by a kind of precipitancy and haste in judgment ; so those truths had need be very bright , that can shine and command attention , under the vail and disguise of disorder . as for the form of method in general , 't is best to pursue the order of fact , and to connect all the parts of the discourse duly ; thus to acquaint men first with the informing , or explaining part , that they may know the better how , and to what to bind their attention , and then to proceed to the several parts of discourse , as they best agree together ; and there to take care that nothing be either wanting or abound , but to make every part of the discourse agreeable and suitable to the main end. of genesis and analysis . but that you may the better skill how to form a subject into exact method , i shall here present you with the pattern of an exact genesis and analysis ; in which case , the right forming of a subject in discourse , is call'd , the genesis ; and the anatomy or dissolution of it to its prime heads the analysis ; the head dividing we call the genus ; the heads divided till they come to particulars species ; but when particulars , as peter , paul , john , &c. individuals . notions . abstracted . ideas pure relative . words , discourses . real . vniversals of god , creature , body , spirit . world . particular substance , animate , — rational . peter , iames , iohn . sensitive , exanguious . insects . sanguineous . beast , bird , fish . vegetative . imperfect , as stone , mettal perfect . herb , shrub , tree . accident . quantity magnitude , space , measure . quality , and so either habit , manner , natural power , sensible quality , sickness . action mixed , simple . corporeal , spiritual . relation , private , or oeconomical i● possession , provision . publick ecclesiastick , civil judicial , military , naval . as an ingenious author well observes , algebra is the pinacle of argumentation , and analitica is the gage of mens parts ; and , in which case , though several discourses may be equally adorn'd in being florid ; yet 't is only by the analysis , or anatome , that you are able to discern the wisdom , and the solid matter , and composure of a treatise . nota , if you would see the exact distribution of such an analysis , through all subjects , you must peruse dr. wilkins's vniversal character , and alsted's encyclopaidion , where you have an unspeakable variety in it . of anger . there is an anger from pride , and an anger from complexion more excusable , but surely neither tolerable when raised to a passion . the picture of a full passion'd anger is a tiger bath'd in blood , assailing , fierce , cruel and inexorable : and can any provocation then justifie a vice so inhumane , and barbarous ? as seneca says , anger appears like ruine , which breaks its self upon all it falls . while the man in anger is out of possession of his own mind , he 's like the vext bee , that stings all , nay equally the next unconcerned person , as his enemy : annimamque in vulnere ponit . but above all , malice and a setled hatred are most pernicious . if anger is able to endanger our quiet and safety ; what must malice do ? surely a setled anger , or malice , must needs tear up the very roots of humane society . besides , anger leaves neither room nor mercy for failty or mistake . be there but a possibility that the adversary is in the right , yet is the angry man in a temper to consider and do him justice . the scripture says , be angry and sin not . learn to turn the course of your anger therefore , and instead of shewing a bitterness , and an irrevocable resentment of indignation , learn the courage to change it to pity . above all , beware of revealing secret , and of bitter words , whether rayling or satyr in your anger ; for why should you be perfidious in the one case , and add needless fuel to an unreasonable fire in the other ? alass ! man is such a touchy thing , and yet so unconstant , that almost all his passions depend upon his opportunity and temper . to day he bears abuse , without measure ; and , to morrow , every circumstance of contempt and reputation whets the edge of his resentment . undoubtedly therefore , anger is the child of weakness and baseness . is it agreeable to a well-ballanc'd temper and courage , and a due resolution , to make even desperate efforts of resentment for trifles ? women , children , sick men , and old folks , we may justly allow them to be angry , as fit subjects for the weakness of passion ; but men should be above it , and learn to make others tremble , while themselves stand unmov'd : the superlative courage answers to aquila non capit muscas . to be short ; are you provoked ? therefore repeat the alphabet ; nay , rather bite off your tongue , then let him make it a billinsgate-scuffle for you ; not only for the ungenerousness of it , i mean ; but when you begin with evil words , do you know what actions they may lead you to ? of mvrder . he that intends to avoid murder , must shun violent anger also , or else he may set his guard too late . can you reasonably expect to stop the stream , that you are not able to keep within its banks ? the scripture says , he that hates his brother is a murderer . and you see , not without a cause ; if we once let vice get the reins in managing our actions , need we wonder that we are to answer for all the consequences thereof ? the laws of god and man allow us even to kill another in our own defence ; nay , whether chastity , or a limb be only threatned ; yet even then we are excusable : but shall i destroy my brother for a blow , or an affront only ? what though mine enemy is desperate in his malice , yet shall i meanly distrust the providence of god in my protection , so as to kill him for it therefore ? but above all , the self-murderer is the most stupidly presumptuous . what , shall i fly in the face of my maker , because of his trials of patience , and other virtues , nay , and for which he has promis'd to reward me in another world ? what , now that i am as gold in the furnace to be tried , will i rather rebel against his will ? nay , and if i do , what can i think my god to be , either rational or just , and not expect but that as he at first gave me a talent of life , so he will resuscitate it again to an unhappy immortality for my contempt of him ? the world , i know , has sainted some self-murderers , as for chastity , and otherwise : but can the world excuse such shuffles to the masculine trials of god's afflictions ? are we to live and die to god , or to fantome honour , and humour ? to be short ; 't is easie and light to die : the women in some countries burn in complement , with their deceas'd husbands ; and what then , shall we be less grateful to the lord of life , who pretend to be of the nobler sex ? of revenge . revenge is to be rooted out as wild justice . a first wrong does but offend the law , but revenge puts the law out of office : surely when government is once established , revenge belongs to none but the law and god. and yet the vice of revenge shall not keep me from a lawful resentment ; nay , i am as strongly bound to self-preservation , as against revenge ; and even st. paul would not refrain appealing to caesar to redress his injuries . so the same christ that bid us turn the one cheek when the other was smitten , yet could himself whip out those that defiled the temple : and even so i , while i bear anothers injuries , through mistake or frailty , surely i may well choose to refuse to let him slave me by it . 't is true , providence can reign in even the furiousest tyrants , to protect us , but shall that enthusiastically make me surrender my self a prey to corrupt men ? but has my brother , as i have said , injur'd me through inadvertency , or repents ? 't is noble to forgive him ; revenge would equal us , but pardon makes me superior ; and besides , is it prudent to rub a sore to keep it from healing ? so , does your enemy vow to be reveng'd on you ? answer him , i vow i will perswade you to be better minded if i can . whatever others are , can that excuse you of your invincible christian charity ? to conclude , i will dread revenge where i have injur'd my brother ; but when i have offer'd him reparation , i 'll force my self through a christian magnanimity to satisfaction and content , and only be sorry my brother has so much malice as to be my enemy . of reformation . art thou sorry , my friend , that christians have such variances and different ideas ? thou art sorry then because they are not angels : for , as we are men , we cannot but err ; and if we err , 't is impossible but that we must differ . what remains then to reconcile us , or preserve peace , but charity ? divine charity ! let us follow that therefore , and not seem to quarrel with god , because he has not made us otherwise . in truth , were the apostles themselves ever free from little animosities , acts 15. 38 , 39. think of this therefore , my friend , and pity mankind in their weakness ; do not enter into contention , but bear with a mercy like god's ; nor despair , but do all that thou canst to reform them ; nor be angry if they are not exact , for 't is more than human to be so : nay , if thy designs miscarry , be not discourag'd , for thou must do thy best always , and yet expect still that god work his own way . remember what luther said to melancton , when he was too anxious about the success of the late great reformation , desinat melancton esse rector mundi : why should melancton take upon him the cares proper to god ? for though man may reason even divinely , yet 't is only god that can give conviction , and dissolve the stubborn heart . besides , as a rational man , i may modestly give my advice to reform the world , as 't is every man's duty , where he lawfully may and can : but i am presumptuous against all the laws of nature , if i seek to impose it on others . is the vvorld corrupt ? why , and even my very knowledge of its corruption is uncertain : and how dare i then presume too freely to be its reformer ? i may do well to pray to god to inspire apt persons in a lawful way therefore , or else i sin ; that with my known weak performances i encrease the confusion . you think what you would enforce thus , may be of use and benefit ; and it may be so ; but will you on the hazard of that presume on all the consequences of your proceedings , and how far you may stir up others to disturb the peace by it ? nay , speak from your conscience , do not you often vary even in your own thoughts , and with your self ? and can you expect then to set up a better sect than some already are ? or if you can , can you assure your self the benefit will exceed the blood and divisions that may be occasion'd by it ? alass ! our best and only method to reconcile these our differences in religion , is , by setting up , or imposing nothing on no hand , but reassuming the antient and apostolick liberty ; more especially a compliance is fairly and humbly to be desired , where most likely , and where there is most judgment ; and therefore i may add , that if the magistracy to whom we ought to address in this case , and who ought to be the strong trespass on their weaker brethren , by imposing on them , though never so innocently , the people will hardly ever be induc'd to a submission to it , though never so reasonable , be it almost only for the very imposition sake . but for private reformers , and quacks in religion , who shall set any bounds to their giddy methods ? in truth , one may say of all such men , that they have rather essay'd than proceeded in any thing like a reformation , while the imperfect embrio has turn'd to a monster in the womb : alass ! the best of them have not said sufficient fundamental precepts to support or continue it by ; and , in truth , when i consider this , i wonder not that their flocks go astray , when even as the poet sings , their guides themselves know not the way . besides , i have a fair system , says one , and a second sets up another , and so infinitely , &c. and pray what must the state do in this matter ? she is in equal peril if she disregard either , and all have an equal right to her hearing : nay , one tells her , she is jure divino ; a second , that she has the spirit ; a third , the dominion is founded in grace ; and a fourth , translates the supremacy : in short , all would fain make the state a property , and rescue the sword out of her hand . if she accept one , she 's damn'd by the rest ; and if she accepts none , like young vipers , rather than fail of their birth , they 'll eat through their mothers womb : and what then , ought she not to crush such cockatrices eggs in the embrio , and confound their sanctified treasons for god's sake ? and so , if she suffer them to clamour each other , she 's in danger even by that also . so that till you can convince us mankind will never disagree in reasoning these methods and principles of reformation so apparently against the peace of states ; must needs be seditious and unlawful , and after that i need not add irreligious . you say , alass ! what you do or propose has none of these evils in it ; you do not think to give any general disturbance , or to offend the state : but why do you write then what she will not bear , and publish doctrines without her licence ? either you write to be regarded , or not ; you are not so ridiculous i am perswaded , as to say the latter ; if not , can you assure your self to rule all your followers , to say , thus far you shall go , and no further ? or , if you are so ridiculous to think so , is the state bound to believe you , and sit still while you sowe your seeds of discord in her bowels ? no , from a small spark may rise a mighty flame : and they who will not destroy the lions whelp , may strive in vain when the lion's grown . besides , we forget our saviour's advice , that we ought first to cast ought the beam out of our own eye , before we can expect to see how to cast out the mote out of our brother 's : and hence , methinks , considering the corruption of the world , 't were hard to expect a reformation perfect , semel & simul , especially without the immediate power of god ; and yet , methinks , we might all have had the wit in common , not to be offended at trifles , and to have joyn'd against the roman wolf : but alass ! our new reformers are reform'd into as great errors of their own , and our corruptions will not let us unite . but you will object then , what , is it never lawful to reform publickly , but when the state will give you leave ? no , surely : and , in truth , can you justly desire it ? can you value your little private opinions before the publick good ? you see plainly , that if this liberty of zeal be allow'd , it must destroy the state : the case then is , which must stand , religion or government ? i mean your little model of religion , or the state ? surely , as populous as the world now is , we had better have none of your religion , than no government : and therefore if we consult the good of god's creation , we ought rather to omit our little speculations , than disturb the state with them . besides , if every prejudic'd reasoner were allow'd of himself to disturb the state , and to set up a new religion , would it not rather distract than help the vvorld ? but , no , you say , you are sure you are in the right : no , you are proud : vvhat ! did you never err ? and if you did , vvhat assurance have you that you do not now ? nay more ; were you sure you had even the standard of truth ; yet ought you not to take this liberty ? not , i mean , that any man can reach that perfection ; but to anticipate all proud thoughts , i say , we ought to forbear such a liberty : for what , might not many men think they might justly leave your standard truth , and yet follow your presumption . nay , and if i undertake to reform men , and know i can do it but imperfectly , what do i do by it , but give offence ? christ refrain'd doctrines , because men could not bear them , though he knew how to instruct them : and what shall we essay then to teach , what not only men cannot bear , but what we know not how to instruct ? i would reform the world therefore , but i would not put it into a greater confusion : i would put my neighbours house in order ; but , i would not fire it about his ears . and what do i do otherwise , if i so much as countenance every little reasoning to be able saucily to disturb the state ? farewell government ! farewell every thing ! if this may be allow'd , who shall stint how high such liberty may arise , and what effects it may produce ? nay , may be at last , even to resist the government its self , on pretence of unlawful process against such reasoning , and consequently to anarchy ? nor is it enough in such case to say , that the state is bound to see , that they prohibit nothing but what is unlawful ; for as good and evil in this case is doubtful , so the state ought therein to have an entire power or liberty given them , or else you had as good take all power from them whatever ; when alass ! in truth , as i have said , 't were better there were no printing than no government ; and no humane teaching , or religious instruction , than no laws . government is the great and only humane foundation of religion : to destroy government therefore , or to disturb it , without a particular revelation to advance religion , what is it but to tear up the foundation for materials to raise the building ? nor is it enough in such case , to say , that you have a charity for mens souls , and that such opinions are damnable . for pray , how come you to judge so of opinions ? or what , have you got a particular warrant to shew us , that god has flung all the care of the world on your shoulders ? if christ's , or any others revelation , have threatned the wilfully ignorant or perverse , yet where is your warrant either to limit exactly their damnatory sentences , or to raise new ones of your own ? if you modestly and peaceably offer your sense in such case , you oblige mankind in reforming them , and they are engag'd to you for your charity . but if you endeavour either by might or calumny to force them , may they not most justly ask ? and why have we not the same right of force on you also ? but you say , your zeal to god moves you ; does it so ? and how are you sure that it does not move others as well as you ? besides , that 's strange too ; can the god of the world be better pleas'd that you destroy his creation , than that you omit every little speculation that you think will tend to his honour ? and what do you do otherwise , when that you but endeavour so dangerous a work , as thus violently to innovate either in state or religion , against the leave of the government ? you say , god has wrought deliverances by such reformers ; sometimes 't is true , and so he has by tyrants and usurpers also : but must that justify their methods ? or what think you , that god cannot stir up reformers where he sees good , without our presumption ? men should therefore think it enough , that they are so happy as to have freedom in themselves , and thank god that they have the truth ; and if they have a charity for the world , they should shew it regularly , and in prayers , that god might send as lawful & real reformers ; and not thus pragmatically confound us by such unaccountable presumptions of their own . and besides , scarce one in the hundred of such reformers , but what have miscarried ; and if ever any have got success in remedying evils , they have too often promoted new ones , and as bad of their own , if not degenerated again to the first state ; so that at best , generally they have done more hurt than the good propos'd . and , thus we see how many have reform'd of their own heads , and we see the effects of such reformations , instead of reducing the church to a primitive purity ; by them they have but rent her into uncharitable and senseless divisions , worse i may almost add , than even popery her self . in short , can i expect to prevent all corruptions in my self ? or if i am so proud as to think , i can , am i able to do it in my followers ? if i cannot , therefore before i hazard the mischief of a change , let me consider to what degree of good i can expect to reform ? nay more , may not god be willing , that this generation should have just such a dispensation of knowledge ? and what , shall i cross providence then , or destroy my self to reform mankind , whether they will or no ? god allows you to reprove personal vices where ever you see them provided , but consistent with your safety ; and so national ones also , where you are not in danger . but when a man or nation becomes so unhappy as to turn again , and rent you for your kindness , methinks you might rejoyce that you are quit of your office , in leaving them to reform themselves . and thus also , there is a lawful liberty for writers , and there is an abuse of it ; and there is a convenient liberty of suppressing books by a state , and a pernicious one : and thus it is either the misfortune or the wickedness of a state to suppress those books that might give them good advice . but if it is either , who shall call the state to account for what it does ? but to turn the method of mine argument a little : am i not presumptuous to go before god sends me ? and who has requir'd these things at mine hand ? and indeed , were god resolv'd to have such a reformation , might not i as rationally expect he would impower some person orderly in his providence towards it , as he has done before , through moses and christ , without my presumptuously going of my own head ? and indeed , were not this god 's instituted method , why should god complain , that men came that were not sent , and threaten them for it , as he does by his prophets , if it were no offence ? and the common mission of the law of nature were sufficient , in truth a warrant that needs no more to confute it , than to consider : should every man take the full liberty of it , what a world it would make ? not that i would mean from hence , neither that the law of nature is not sufficient to direct every man privately in his duty : i am not so much a pyronist as that comes to neither . nay , i think , that by the light of nature , and the common assistance of god's spirit in our consciences , we may very justly take the liberty to advise and reprove one another ; yea , and more that publickly too , when the law prohibits not . but as i have said , shall this general commission only authorise us to be idle to other things , to teach others , or endanger the publick quiet or peace by it ? surely we need a warrant from god , like christ and his apostles , as well as a bare conviction of consciences , to proceed thus far ? but you will say , this is cowardly , and not to the bravery of a martyrdom . i say , it is : for tho' every man is bound to stand to the truth , and confess it , even to death ; yet no man is bound to preach it , or spread it to this degree , till he has a call to it ; nor is it enough to say in this case , that because christ would not let him be silenc'd , that preach'd in his name , that therefore we may follow him without some order ; for if god will not destroy our trials , so as forcibly to obstruct us in our ignorances , yet he does not therefore require us to continue in them . thus even christ , did not go about purposely to preach publickly , till he had the warrant and protection of a mission ; nor did moses or elijah hazard themselves till god commanded them : and what , would i seem braver than they ? would god have chosen moses , if his flight for being a deliverer , had been cowardize and not duty ? surely not ; and that because the apostles lived and continued in this hazard , was withall , because they were sent . in short then , should i not be a self-murderer to run my self into the fire ? and should i not forfeit god's protection from enthusiasm , to arrogate spiritual power , and to pretend to be a guide where i am not ? what , can god order me to live by miracle without express notice ? nay , and am not i an enthusiast , to run my self even into the very jaws and pit of destruction , in hopes of his help , and that even in inevitable dangers ? and indeed , what has made god let so many well designing men be sacrificed in this case , but presumption ? and if i attempt any such thing therefore of my self , can i expect either to fare better , or have other success ? in truth , if i do , thus i go of my own errand , and i must not expect the protection of god to bear me out ; nor will it be enough for me to suggest in such case , that such an error is considerable , or not ; for if we admit that , we admit all ; for all immoralities are equally pernicious , and the least were no more to be born with than the greatest . nor indeed is the vice of such a seditious practice worse than the vanity of it : am not i an unstable doubting thing my self ? and how can i expect then that i , as the blind , should be able to lead the blind ? when i am commission'd from god indeed , i may justly presume on his warrant , or else my fallibility will make me a deceiver , tho never so sincere . it is the real duty of every man therefore to say , i will not move an inch beyond private advice , till god shall give me authority ; nay more , no faint dream or vision shall impower me , and all the presumptions of this nature , that i have been guilty of before , shall remain as monuments in my memory , to keep me from the like for the future . indeed , may i say , is it not a ridiculous thing , to see a little petty reformer fond of his trifling imaginations , and really ignorant of the true state and nature of religion ; neither knowing of what nature catholick communion is , nor what is the guilt either of heresy or schism , blindly to run himself and others into amaze , that he no more knows how to get out of again , than how first he got into it : alass ! what a miserable spectacle may i add it is , when such men take fire into their zeal , and lay a necessity , either that they destroy the state , or the state them . but this essay being on a subject somewhat singular , i have thought fit to add a passage of the incomparable arch-bishop of canterbury's , much to the same effect ; to confirm it , see tillotson's sermons , vol. the 3d. p. 372. and to speak freely in this matter , i cannot think ( till i be better inform'd , which i am always ready to be ) that any pretence of conscience warrants any man that is not extraordinarily commission'd , as the apostles , and first publishers of the gospel were ; and cannot justify that commission by miracles , as they did , to affront the establish'd religion of a nation , tho it be false ; and openly to draw men off from the profession of it , in contempt to the magistrate and the law. all that persons of a different religion can in such a case reasonably pretend to , is to enjoy the private liberty and exercise of their own conscience and religion ; for which they ought to be very thankful , and to forbear the open making of proselytes to their own religion ( thou they be never so sure that they are in the right ) till they have either an extraordinary commission from god to that purpose , or the providence of god make way for it , by the permission or connivance of the magistrate ; not but that every man hath a right to publish and propagate the true religion , and to declare it against a false one : but there is no obligation upon any man to attempt this to no purpose ; and when without a miracle , it can have no other effect , but the loss of his own life , unless he have an immediate command and commission from god to this purpose , and be endued with a power of miracles , as a publick seal and testimony of that commission which was the case of the apostles , who after they had receiv'd an immediate commission , were not to enter upon the execution of it , but to stay at jerusalem till they were endued with power from on high . in this case a man is to abide all hazards , and may reasonably expect both extraordinary assistances and success , as the apostles had , and even a miraculous protection till his work be done ; and after that , if he be call'd to suffer martyrdom , a supernatural support under those sufferings . and that they are guilty however of gross hypocrisy , who pretend a further obligation of conscience in this matter : i shall give this plain demonstration , which relys upon concessions , generally made on all hands , and by all parties ; no protestant , that i know of , holds himself obliged to go and preach up his religion , and make converts in spain or italy ; nor do either the protestant ministers , or popish priests think themselves bound in conscience to preach the gospel in turky , and to consute the alchoran to convert the mahometans ; and what is the reason ? because of the severity of the inquisition in popish countreys , and of the laws in turky ; but doth the danger then alter the obligation of conscience ? no certainly ; but it makes men throw of the false pretence and disguise of it : but where there is a real obligation of conscience , danger should not divert men from their duty , as it did not the apostles : which shews their case to be different from ours , and that probably this matter was stated right at first ; so that whatever is pretended , this is certain , that the priests and jesuits of the church of rome , have in truth , no more obligation of conscience to make converts here in england , than in sueden or turky , where it seems , the evident danger of the attempt hath for these many years given them a perfect discharge from the duty in this particular . of wit. the common abusive wit , what is it but the crude digestion and excrement of reasoning ? what can i call a talking thing , when the truth and sincerity of it's judgment is gone , but a parrot at best ? to ridicule , to droll , to banter , &c. what , are all such contentious railleries , either to be commended or us'd for ? is the best of them agreeable either to sense , justice , or good manners ? in short , raillery is a false theatre jewel ; and whereas true wit stirr'd up , does wonders , and becomes as a cordial to alleviate the cares of humane life . raillery confounds and embitters all . besides , such little pedling satyrists can't shew themselves without the company of blockheads , and yet not but that they will rather sometimes be speaking evil , even of themselves , and their best of friends , than not talking . but are not all such scoffers then taken deservedly as common enemies ? nay , and are any more ridiculous than such , to men of sense , especially when they are unmasked , or as the player , e're he is in his disguise ? but as for real wit , there are undoubtedly many pretty things , which the mind searches not , and yet finds in its self ; it seems they are hidden there , as gold and diamonds in the bowels of the earth , and which when produc'd , even dazle and enamour all mankind with their lustre . and yet , there is a general revolution of wit , that changes its fashions , as well as the fortunes of the world ; and whilst all her little idolaters to magnify themselves , support her in them , they too often sacrifice their very judgment in complement to her . politeness of wit in general , is a frame of mind , as always presents us with things genteel and delicate ; and gallantry of wit , what is it but an easy way to please , whilst as for its deceits , they are as many and various ? thus , 't is not fruitfulness of wit , which makes us find out many expedients in one affair ; but 't is rather a darkness in the understanding , which makes us lay hold on all that imagination presents , and hinders us from seeing presently what is proper for us . to be short , 't is the character of a great wit , to make a great many things be understood in a few words ; and in recompence of it , i may say , the little wits have a talent of talking much , and saying nothing . to conclude , the general excellency of wit is in diversion , and on a ready turn , while its mischiefs are , that its delicacy is too often apt to destroy the laboriousness of consideration , and its lightness to offend in seriousness and business . of rewards . god has put it in the power of princes to encourage us by rewards : punishment and revenge whets but on one side of the edge of vertue , unless rewards be added to sharpen the other . nor is it less the duty than interest of great men , in such case , to bestow such rewards duly . surely , neither an aesop nor socrates should be neglected , if we would encourage goodness and vertue truly . you give your pimp his hire , & he in gratitude , like timon's friends , seeks thy ruine to be rid of the obligation ; had he any real worth , he would rather starve than pimp for thee : can he be faithful to his king , that is not so to the king of kings ? so surely , to give for a jest or a trifle also , is to be prodigal , and not reward ; but alass ! how often are true abilities and merits supprest , lest their lustre should eclipse the false lights and deceits of the world ? of pedantry . there is a common and lazy asilum in learning , ars longa vita brevis ; mens judgments are so dazled with the curiosity , the fine dresses and excursions of authors , that they think learning as bad as infinite ; and lazily and sluggishly rest in a confus'd view , in despair of all perfection . but why ? because they know not how to separate the gold from the dross , and to encumber themselves only with what is really material . i must confess my genius is too hardy to approve of trifles ; and as i hate all superfluicies , so such little formalities have been of no annoyance to me : i have flung aside all such embroidery of science as nonsence ; i cannot bear what cannot be digested to use ; my reader therefore must excuse my freedom , if i have laid aside all such looser thoughts , as deluding chicanery and speciousness , and presented him only with the main and solid substance . but to proceed : among the rest therefore , 't is the particular work of this present essay , to shew wherein such trifling pedantry consists , and that is it i am now to write of . now , first , as the chief among these disguises may be reckon'd our terms of art , the cant of learning , that makes trifles mysteries , and obscures even common sence , the rise whereof , one may justly say , is all hypocrisy ; we would magnifie our reasoning , and we would rather , like gipseys , be shrew'd for our gibberish , than nothing . so for our distinctions also ; how preposterous it is to set up terms of art paramount to sence ; terms to sence ought to sit like cloaths to the body , usefully and ornamentally ; but never so as to cramp its motion ; so , what a senceless thing 't is to explicate by distinction that , that is obvious to every reason ? an admirable way to reduce learning to studied ignorance and trifling , but the only course to divert the real growth of wisdom . for my part , words are my counters , and i make my own criticisms on them ; surely if a notion make me wrest a word a little , terms may well bear a compliance to arts : if besides the weight of sence , you bind an author to the nice and endless criticisms of words , you are unreasonable ; if my meaning be good therefore , surely you may well enquire a little into my peculiar sence of words , and then you leave me a freer liberty for invention , and to digest my matter . nor were even the teaching of arts and sciences in this matter difficult neither , were they but reduc'd from pedantry , a little time would suffice ; while 't is the weight and formality of our rules , that not only ruines the perfection of our ideas , but obstructs their communication also . thus , what but this has made cornelius agrippa and many others rayl at their vanity in general ; not that i think them in the right neither ; for surely , that abusus tollit usum is a most barbarous maxime , and we should rather reform wisdom , than fling her quite aside for it . so amongst the rest , one of the greatest blemishes of learning is , that men have made her stoop to trifles ; so that when a man comes and expects to find something , as it were divine , instead of philosophy , he is entertain'd with their picking of straws , notions so idle , and yet so particular and superfinely nice , that they seem rather design'd for petty jugling-tricks , to puzzle idle wits withal , than to be of any real use or benefit . and from whence but hence comes that common , but too true reflection , that the most exquisite folly is made of wisdom spun too fine ; and we are never made so ridiculous by the qualities we have , as by those we affect to have ; and indeed one may justly add , that pedantry is the very plague and contagion of learning , that diverts and mortifies all good parts , with the pretence of assisting them . 't were an heroick act therefore , would some prince dissolve these cobwebs in our voluminous rubbish libraries ; and by a select committee , collect , perfect , gell'd , and reduce them into a manageable and usefull form : i should rejoice , could this my little rationale be subservient to so excellent a purpose : but , alass ! i am afraid this is a matter we must rather range under the desideranda studii , than really expect . and , in truth , the fault is rather in the will than the understanding ; alass ! men will not reduce their sciences to purity , and to sincerity and truth , their prejudices will not let them ; they are afraid of the light , because their deeds are evil. our sciences indeed ought to repair the pure image of god that we have lost , and they would too , did we pursue them right ; but we make use of them only to lead our selves into greater darkness . you see therefore i have the fire of the greatest charity to spur me on herein ; nor is there any difficulty to demonstrate the usefulness of my design : how many ingenious men would not only have been good schollars , but exceeding serviceable to their country also , were but learning to be atchiev'd with a due case ; whereas , as it is now , in a despair , they leave it to a pack of perverse and wrangling sophisters to make their ends of it , while mankind suffers equally by their villany and ignorance ? like a good physician ; an honest man cannot pretend to that knowledge he has not ; while the quack , that knows little or nothing , will swear you , he is infallible : the one , if you converse him , shall acquaint you , learning is at her perfection ; whilst the other modestly shall let you know , that his industrious labours have found it imperfect ; nay , so far , that he questions almost in conscience , whether he may use the little skill of his profession . so if you examin men of integrity , the common idea of the arts and sciences , as they now stand , is a sea of learning , and hardly ever to be fathom'd ; they 'll tell you , our books run in formal tracks in quest of them , but never take care of their full and true reasoning ; that 's a gulph that few or none have been so hardy as to dive after . and yet even this has not discouraged me ; i have resolved to hint at least , at the leading substance of all arts and sciences , not only towards the better compleating a body of wisdom , but that i may be the better able to censure what is impertinent in all . i hope my reader will excuse me therefore , if when i see a science drawn even cobweb-fine , i enquire her merits , as what portion of our memory , or judgment she really deserves ; and that we may no longer imprudently squander away our pains in dividing fractions , and atomes to infinity . nor need a man be accus'd of satyr , to say , almost all our sciences are pedantry ; indeed science and wisdom ought to be really one ; but as learning is now degenerated , 't is as unnatural as uneasie ; and he that will reduce it to its full power and substance , must envigorate it with brevity , and by docking it from its superfluous pedantry . in truth , 't is the sphere of wisdom only to give a general and clear idea , and a universal prospect of the sciences ; fully to trace their nice particulars , were not only to be tedious and volumnious , but to cloud your clear and brighter leading truth ; whereas the general and leading ideas , well fix'd , will lead , of course , the lesser corollaries . when a prince gives an ambassadour instructions , he only gives him general orders ; and even so wisdom , whom she enlightens , she teaches general precepts ; and accidents , as too many for instruction , for fear of a greater confusion she leaves to discretion . to be short ; both arts and sciences are then only good , when they are useful ; when they answer to our service , and the circle of creatures about us ; and even as a watch , though it have wheels , yet if the teeth are not fit , and plac'd apt for motion , is good for nothing : so arts and sciences not dispos'd for practice , become , not only a burthen , but an idle evil ; nay , and indeed , as piety is the only rule for arts , so , whatever is purely curious , is evil also : and what shall we say then to those , who write volumes about genealogies , and whole libraries of notions purely speculative ? do they not rather deserve an house of correction , than a reward for their encouragement ? as hobbs well notes , we have now but one true and real science , to wit , the mathematicks , that begins well , lays down principles sure , and proves its self , as it proceeds ; and yet not , but that were other arts and sciences manag'd , as they should be , we should not let their principles neither be so precarious as they are ; but , founding them on undoubted truths , give them a certainty , at least , near equal to demonstration . nor is this little cant less pernicious in our languages and schools , than our sciences ; i may add almost to turn our reason to madness . if ovid does but cry , omnia vincit amor , though the sence and words were but worthy of a school-boy ; yet streight , by pedant spectacles , we are ravish'd by an elaborate and delicate adage , with a lofty and incomparable stile , and purity of language ; nay , and a mystery shall supply the sence , rather than fail ; and , as if the sentence were deliver'd personally by some god , and mortals durst do no other than commend it . and thus also , who can write a poem , but he must streight invoke the mighty nine , the muses , and by and by , we must have some heathen gods , bacchus , mars , vulcan , or some one or other to agrandize our stile , when , in truth , the surer reason why they are brought in , is not so much in conceit of the elegancy , but that they are as lazy topicks to supply the imperfection of our invention . but in reality , what is it but to drive away richer notions from our heads , to fill up our discourses with such formalities of the furies , as fatal sisters , and the graces , &c. we were pardonable , did we do like hackney-letter scriveners , who write all epistles in one form , for that were to confess a downright honest plain sence : but we forsooth would strive to be elegant , and to charm the world by our wits , when , at the same time , we ride none but the hackny-fancies of thousands of years standing . so , our gods , victory , musick , and such hieroglyphical statues and emblems , are fit enough to set out the great mock-prince at versailes ; but to imagine them learning , or to think to get much out of their story or moral , surely is an impertinency too great for a philosopher ; or , at best , if we must value this petty sapientia veterum ; can't we take the substance of the advice , and spurn away the little fairy stories of their gods. nor do i think it a less vanity , though more common , that men , at every turn , must confirm what they say , with stanza's from virgil , &c. to make men think they are skill'd in the poets ; alass ! what is my opinion the better for bringing sententiously every man's fancies to support what i write ? i say , let every man's work stand and fall by reason , and by the meer dint and force of justice , sincerity , and truth . so in sciences also ; what are your common little formal analysses , wherewith they are patch'd up , but pedantry ? and what your little set , and cramp forms in them , but so many mysteries and blinds , to keep the understanding from truth ? 't is true indeed , such trifles hardly deserve to be taken notice of ; and yet even trifling , when it appears in formality and method , deserves a censure , nay , and that even to a ridicule , lest at weak times they prevail upon us , and by their meer speciousness byass our judgments ; and yet not that they deserve to be carp'd at , or answer'd , so much as laugh'd at . i have perus'd alsted's long enciclopaidion , sincere 't is true , but besotted to all the little forms of pedantry : there you have even all mechanism reduc'd to sciences ; indeed arts infinite , and definitions and niceties without end : in his method seemingly short , yet too full for a ready recourse ; nay , so voluminous with distinctions , glosses , philosophick notes and quotations , that to peruse him orderly , would , at least , require two years work : and , is this , think you , a fit body of wisdom for use ? nay , i will say more for alsted , though he handles all subjects in general , yet in most particulars he is so excellent , that i know few single treatises that exceed him , even at their own mark ; but especially in his rhetorick ; and yet for all that , they that can bear pedantry in piece-meal , will be even sick when they peruse his masse of it , though never so correct . to be short ; his heaps of analysses's , and his incoherent florilegiums , would even distract a man to comprehend , or reduce them to use : i would as soon think to reduce the ocean , as to bring in order every one of his little notions : indeed , a wisdom so nicely pursu'd in an angel were somewhat , but in a man , 't is as if we would try to carry a mountain on our backs , besides the impertinency of it in a great many parts : what , if a melancholy genius , hag-ridden by an art or science , dwells , and raises castles in the air on it , must i be bound to follow the dance of his frenzy ? nor would i be thus uncharitable to quarrel at the body of learning , had i not , at the same time , essay'd to make it more perfect ; but now i hope i may be excus'd , that i endeavour to display its giddy confusion : alass ! what a scene 't is to see ? here lies one man confounded and sinking into sceptism ; another satiated like cornelius agrippa ; sits down and spews up all that he has read again , because he cannot digest it : another rails at , and undervalues all , because 't is so intricate he cannot reach it . hence nothing in the world confounds wisdom like pedantry ; nay , and when men are once season'd with it , 't is as hard for them to unlearn it , as it is to learn what is real knowledge ; nay , to root out a rotten leven of principles , and to rectifie formal errors , is more difficult than to dive into simple knowledge ; natural folly is bad enough in man , but when he has got letters and sciences to maintain his madness , his frenzy is intollerable . but , alass ! i am afraid , after all , i write in vain ; men are so bewitch'd to the borrow'd counterfeit ornaments of learning , that when the devil pedantry is cast forth , they will be even offended at the innocent simplicity of wisdom , and slav'd to their old pageantry , they 'll not be able to rellish , even substance , without their old forms . men delight to continue in the maze they are educated in , they hate to come to the light of truth ; so that i may justly say , this one accursed knot of pedantry has baulked all the improvements and amendments of learning : so that when men have once laid this rotten foundation , because they are unwilling to bestow the pains to new-lay it , as wisdom and folly can never piece together , so they run , like sheep in a flock . i have known men following meditation , hit of truth exactly ; but pedants , like wild-geese , follow one another in trains , for fear of losing themselves ; the reason is , they have not truth , nor any other method to keep themselves in a body , but to tread in one anothers steps only . and hence all those that have pursued the natural powers of reasoning sincerely , have even done wonders ; whilst pedants , sneaking pedants , whatever blind path the first happens to enter , you shall see ingenious men , and even men of parts , afterwards make up the specious train of fools . nay , and i do not know whether i may not iustly add , that as such blunderers wander on , our learning as we generally have it now , rather corrupts and disables , than helps or assists a wise and active life of imployment : and i think , the turks are the only wise men in this , in rejecting all our petty sciences , since they are clog'd so far with artful vice. and , to shut up all ; whence but from hence is it , that one cries learning is infinite , and will trouble himself to know nothing : a canter comes , and will only know christ ; he rails at archimedes for dying in a study ; as if man were not made to be charitable and serviceable to his country , as well as to worship god ; and so all have racked against one rock or other , and not one in a million has had the courage to reach after the haven of a true humane competency , or perfection of knowledge . of pity . what is pity , but the sense of our own miseries in another subject ; while we lament others , only to engage them to succour us on the like occasion : surely pity therefore , for the most part , is but as a good turn done before-hand to our selves . and thus , alass ! an hypocrisy is in all our afflictions ; we lament our dead friend , but why ? we weep for our selves ; we bewayl the loss of our pleasure , and esteem , in the person deceas'd ; so that i may truly say of most of our tears , that they fall for them that shed them . at best , we are apt to respect the misfortune more than the cause or person ; the sad spectacle prevails on us , and we weep as men laugh , or yawn for company : but , deserves such a pity as this then to be call'd a virtue ? so , some weep to get the reputation of a tender heart , others to avoid the shame of not weeping , or to be weep'd for again , while others aspire at glory , through an eminent and immortal grief ; away with all these deceits . give me the friendship that is not so weak as to be soft-hearted , that has a tenderness as lasting as moderate for me : if i dye , yet let my friend be happy ; can his anxiety bring me back from the grave again ? we can easily hear of others misfortunes , when at a distance from us ; nay , and time abates the greatest of our proper griefs ; and why should we then , either through vveakness , or hypocrisy , support that concern and passion that is manifestly so unaccountable and unreasonable ? of pardon . has my brother offended me ? 't was one he took for me ; he 's misinform'd of me ; and , what shall i leave no room for his misunderstanding ? no surely , i will have mercy to the last : what shall i condemn , where i am not sure that god does ? nay , nor is it less christianly and generous , than prudent , to pardon our enemy : christ could say , even on the cross , father forgive them , they know not what they do . and it makes men desperate , while we leave them no hopes of forgiveness . besides , is it not cowardize , either to have malice , or seek for security through vicious means ? have i rivals ? i have society then worthy of my self . have i enemies ? let my very good behaviour reduce them to an esteem of me . but shall we forgive no body that offends us , either through surprize or mistake ? surely , then we shall no sooner forgive our selves than others . st. peter denied his master , and st. paul was a great persecutor , and yet both the greatest apostles . certainly , god the prototype may be our best of examples in this . i will have mercy therefore to the last , but i will not destroy my justice by passing by the injuries i have receiv'd without repentance ; but who shall charge his brother on mistakes ? to forgive before repentance , indeed is never to take offence ; if such had been christ's doctrine , why should he have added , that if our brother offend us , we should tell the church of him ? and that if on that he repent not , he be to us as an heathen or a publican . i may add , in this it is to be harmless as the dove , and wise as the serpent , to guard our selves from known ill men ; and yet , were mine enemy the bitterest villain on earth , i would not only love him , but trust him again , were i assur'd of his conversion . but shall i pardon out of necessity , or save a murderer to cut my throat ? alass ! 't is cowardize , not pardon , to pretermit without repentance . to pardon in general is to encourage vice ; while there are laws indeed , i will pass by revenge , but the least escape of due punishment is unjust ; and how can we forgive , where mankind has the right of vengeance against a villain ? christ bids us indeed , to part with our coat , and to go two miles where compell'd one , but to regulate a contentious claim , and to preserve peace , and not to destroy either property or justice . so the same gospel that bids us love our enemies and forgive our persecutors withall , forbids us casting pearl before swine , and not flying from city to city to avoid them : but do i fly my persecutor , while i repose too dangerous a trust in him ? to be short , i love my worst of enemies ; he shall not want the common dues of humanity from me ; nay , and i forgive him too , as to private malice and revenge ; but i owe to my self and family , to sue for reparation for the injury he has done me . nay , and if i have reparation , i have but my own again ; indeed , if i sue for trifles , i have malice , and i forgive not my brother : but in weighty injuries , i am no more obliged to pass by my amends , than to trust him that deceiv'd me again . of rhetorick . rhetorick is the art of speaking delightfully , and pretily tickling and pleasing mens passions by our discourse ; its instruments are quaint , active , and moving figures and modes of speech , but the greatest skill lyes in managing them , sometimes lowring our selves , and sometimes again raising a more lively imagery to continue always in the same strain ; be it what it will , at least cloys and satiates , if not lulls the auditors attention asleep . and hence , we should have a graceful embroidery , not a daubery in expression ; the crisis of an affection should be gently touch'd , and not over-worded , lest we corrupt it . the best mean in this case therefore indeed were , to intermix sentences ; the first material , the second only diverting and circumstantial ; the first weighty and deliberate , the second easy and voluptuous ; and thus to continue through the whole speech . for why should we pall the edge and sense of what we intend to recommend ? and yet even in this i would not be superfluous neither . true eloquence consists in saying all that ought to be said , and nothing but what ought to be said , and in giving every sentiment a several tone of voice , meen , and posture of the body , which is proper to it : nay , i may add , 't is this agreement that makes good or bad comedians ; and other persons please or displease us in their discourse : and thus there is an eloquence in the eyes , and the air of the person , which persuades as much as that of words ; and there is as much elegance in the tone of the voice , as in the choice of words themselves . the common error in rhetorick , is to make every quirk in speech a figure ; now the best method is , to have a few & choice figures , precepts sufficient to adorn our speech , and yet not to burden our use or idea : so for our speaking , a compos'd discourse by memory may have a more set and formal stile than another ; but it will want much of the lively coherence of a discourse deliver'd extempore ; the one commands all the helps of invention which happen during the discourse , whilst the other , besides the insipidness of formality , quite cutts off all advantages that of nature . to be short , a man would no more use himself always to repeat a form , than he would to walk with a staff ; when i am either too young or too old , i will support my feeble parts with props : but when i am adult , tho i will never speak without a condign deliberation , yet will i not too far confine my speech neither : i will remember my method and analysis , but i will not manacle mine imagination ; i will rather with a generous freedom , keep it ready against any new emergency . of delivery . and even so for my delivery also , i will not think to excel by loudness ; were i in a dispute , should i be willing to put the crisis of my controversy on scolding , an expedient excellent for him that is foolish or in the wrong , but madness in a wise or good man ? indeed , an emphasis sometimes answers to a rise and fall in musick , and carries a kind of charm on mens passions , but a continu'd baulling can have no original or sourse from wisdom . men are like violins ; if you strike the note right in one , the other immediately answers you , and the affections and passions move together with the musick ; but if you lay too much emphasis on your words , and more than the affection will bear , what do you do but viciate your delivery to a cant ? a man may have a zeal without knowledge , as well in wisdom as religion . by the same reason also , it is not good to be short or abrupt in our speeches , as loquacity is , like a noysom fistula in the mind ; so short speeches are like stabs , and seem by their fierceness and quickness too near a kin to fire : besides , as by a long familiarity and deadness of speech , we level our selves too much to censure , by abating too far the edge of men's respects ; so by a speech too abrupt and short , we let men answer us before they duly weigh the deference and esteem they owe to us , and the truths we deliver . above all therefore , we ought to keep a mean in our discourse , neither to let fancy run us a-drift from one subject to another where ever she pleases , nor to let our delivery run a gallop , too swift for the care of our thoughts ( like school-boys that long to be at the end of their lesson ; ) but rather , as we ought to avoid a poynancy , so we ought to regulate our fancy by discretion , and our celerity by a due presence of mind : nay , is our discourse like to be long ? 't is a pretty skill in speech to refresh our hearers by pauses . such little rests revive mens apprehensions ; and not only give leisure for their refreshments , but pre-occupy a season for their conceptions also . so 't is of excellent use in our discourses , to condescend to the customs and capacities of our hearers ; the vulgar admire their own phrases , and applaud no truth so much as what is in their own dialect ; just as when we talk to children , to please them , we lispe , and bring down our voices in imitation of theirs , to persuade them we are rather going gently to lead them , than violently to force them on with the harsh and manly voice of authority ; and yet a voice loud , clear , and distinct , is of excellent use , where we talk to men of courage and judgment . as for our method in this matter , i think our old way of rhetorick is well enough : thus , first , to begin and enquire demonstratively an sit , and when we are fully satisfied of the reality and considerableness of our subject , and have satisfied our hearers withall , then we should proceed to deliberate , quo modo sit , an bonum facile aut necessarium ; and if bonum , an jucundum utile aut honestum ; and after we have done this regularly and perfectly , we may boldly speak our judicially , and cry , sic sit . of persuasion . i shall now proceed to persuasion , in which case as 't is most successful and safe to sayle with the tide , so 't is a singular art in persuasion , where we find our auditors affections engag'd against us in what we are about to speak , first to plead for a candid audience , and to stay the entring on our subject , till we have moved a convenient stream of affection in them , to carry and entertain our discourse : for why should we labour in vain ? and indeed , who but one besides himself , is so hardy as to engage , when he hath both the wind of passion , and the tide of inclination to oppose him ? in truth , one may say the passions are the only orators , which always persuade , they are a kind of art of nature , whose rules are infallible , and which once mov'd , are strong both in hearer and speaker ; the veriest fool mov'd to a true pitch of passion , persuades more than the greatest orator without ; so that , could men at all times command such accidental advantages of their passions , they would never be without them ; but the matter is , we are fearful to do those things in temper , that in passion we make light of . but to proceed a little more particularly : to persuade to a thing unknown , first insinuate your self by things known , and and yet doubtful , and then without hyperboles , relating what you would have believ'd , urge it with a meet confidence ; and yet , taking care as you do it , first to shew a due caution , that you be not taken for a babler ; secondly , to shew your grounds for your ' diffidence , that you be not judg'd as credulous ; and lastly , to fix all , yet with so meet a confidence , that you be not taken for a dissembler . and besides this to persuade , we ought to skill how to lay hold of mens particular passions , and so to know to which they are most obnoxious : thus the miser was cured of his lethargy , by being made jealous and watchful of his gold ; and thus the milesian virgins were cur'd of the humour of hanging themselves , by dragging the dead bodies of the like offenders through the streets ; and thus selenicus took away womens gorgeous apparel , by an order , that no one should be allow'd to be a whore , but she that was so and so dress'd , and had such and such attendance . but , if you would persuade one that is obstinate , and that neither sense nor arguments can immediately prevail on , streight turn your reasoning , and seem to follow and admire his methods , and then by pursuing them on as his friend , run him as at unawares on absur'd consequences , and so fright him by those reasonings in you , that in himself he will not admit to be examin'd . thus the mobile in a certain common wealth , being enraged once at the senate , yet voluntarily put themselves into the hands of a friend , to be judged by them ; and he thereon advising the mobile first to choose a new senate for fear of mischief , before they proceeded to the cutting off of the old one , streight thereby he begun to shew them the consequence of upstarts ; so that they immediately agreed , to continue their old senate on again . and yet , as when we have not mens passions of our sides , we must thus by preambles , apologies , preparatories , mollifiers , and other topicks of argument , endeavour to root out the old biass of mens prejudice , and to implant a new and truer idea in their stead ; so on the other side , when we have mens inclinations on our sides , we may avoid this prolixity , and begin freely , triumphantly , and openly , or else , till we have engag'd a party of thought and passion of our side , we are imprudent to launch too freely into the ocean of discourse . and yet even in all cases , we ought to know , how to limit our persuasions too : thus i would not seem too fond , lest i make men believe the interest i persuade them to , is more mine than theirs , as appears by my concern ; and yet i would neither want fancy nor vigour enough to express a thing fully , nor to illustrate what is more rare and singular to the life ; but yet then , no more than is fit ; for why should i seem either so interested or poetical , as to deaden the edge of my persuasion . nay , and tho abruptness generally be a vice , yet sometimes little hints are of excellent use in persuasions ; it sets men to beat out our notions in themselves , and they are ever more fond of bratts of their own brain than others : besides , that setting men so upon such a scrutiny , makes them engage in a party for us , and nothing obliges men more than to let them seem to be their own contrivers . so further , 't is good to know the force of every argument and figure : thus for instance , a repetition or recommendation by figures and allegories , can command the affections , and charm the passions ; but only reason without art , and with sincerity and truth , are able to move a durable and steady resentment and courage : indeed , figures are but for ornament , and he mistakes their very end , that makes them substance , or that disguises his discourse by using them too far . ornaments are to recommend and beautify , and not to blind or deform , if we have not skill enough to apply our ornaments therefore , we had better neglect them altogether . but above all ornaments and figures in speech , there are none so useful as parables , fables , metaphors , and allegories ; when reasoning will do no good , when the mind is quite blind and deaf with prejudices , allegories and parables can revive it , and by paralels confirm it . thus nathan convinc'd david's sin in vriah , and humbled him , and brought him to repentance , by the parable of the poor man's lamb , when the bare sense of the action alone could never do it . but indeed after all , as i have said , no rhetorick is like honesty , and no speech like reason ; if we have truth on our side , that 's all , and enough , if we take but care to illustrate that sufficiently ; only this we ought to remember in prudence , to let our last words be most forcible , as they are most likely to be of the most lasting impression : and indeed , to leave truth and follow colours too much , is like aesop's dog , by catching at the shadow to loose the substance . i will not rely therefore on fancies or figures of speech ; but if i use them , it shall be as by the by ; but my main weapon shall be clear sense and reason ; if men have either any judgment or truth , my very sincerity shall force their attentions ; and while flowers only dally to delight the mind ; by a lively apposite expression with notion , i 'le even strike to the quick. so 't is an error in persuasion also , to multiply reasons , and aim at conquest by numbers ; the best arguing is from few topicks and from general heads , the retreat of the discourse the easier , and the management the better ; nay , and the memory and passions of the hearers are the more easily captivated by it , whilst as for figures they may be us'd but seldom : 't is better to be regarded for matter than form , reason than words , and yet it is not convenient neither to let our sense want a suitable dress . parts of discourse . but as it is the misfortune of a great many persons to make a good cause ridiculous by their ill proceeding , so 't is good to know also , what order is decent in an oration ; and if it be written , to mark it as it proceeds , for the greater clearness with your topicks in the margent : nay , and not only so , but to be sure not to neglect the cogent topicks of recommendation , as praising your judges , or at least assuring your self , that they have so much honour , that they would not hear you , if they were not resolv'd withall to give you an impartial sentence . and thus in an orderly discourse , i may say , there ought to be five parts : first , a preface pertinent and short , to open your design , and to prepare the minds of the hearers . secondly , the narrative true , & well circumstantiated to instruct them . thirdly , a confirmation , and that solid , to convince them . fourthly , a refutation nervous and strong , to refute all colours for them . and fifthly and lastly , a conclusion pathetick , and forcive to move them . but if we extend our discourse beyond an oration , that is , if we write a book , then a more perfect method ought to take place , and we ought to proceed by the exactest rules of a compleat genesis ; our very method ought to be so conspicuous as to supply the part of an index ; and every clause , sentence , chapter , and part of our discourse , whether greater or less , ought to be fram'd so naturally , as to fall into a beautiful body , and joint its self , so as to be able even actually and orderly to force the readers conviction . and when i consider this , i cannot but reflect , that had men either any reverence for themselves or others , were they cautious of their own reputation or others trouble , they would not thrust out their shapeless cubbs upon the world as they do , but would lick them into some order before they did it ; when alass ! were some discourses but dissolv'd to their first principles by analysis , what would they contain too often ? scarce a chapter , nay , or a sentence to the purpose , that the authors seem to be blind , or they could never publish what they do . what you enter their book , their title speaks you fair , and makes you fancy they 'll perform as well as promise ; but when you come to peruse their substance and solidity , you find your self fool'd and ne're the wiser for the subject ; and our author who has a world of humour and fancy , when may be not three grains of digestion , gives you a broad-side of maggots ; and if he confounds and mazes your reason by them as bad as his own , he is satisfied and is wise in his own conceit , because he is a fool in company . i shall add no more , but that our fable and emblem writers deserve no better censure : 't is true , an example or metaphor occasionally in precepts , is of excellent use ; but 't is an elaborate way of making learning intricate and confus'd , to turn her in pursuit of such laborious and disorderly excursions and trifles , as far from the clear sight of knowledge , as a cloud , or a maze , or a veil . of invention , i proceed to invention in rhetorick : now to help that ; our best method is , to have recourse to general topicks ; examples whereof i shall give you as follows . topicks intrinsick . 1. definition . 2. destribution into parts . 3. etymology . 4. conjugates . 5. kind , genus species . 6. form. 7. similitude . 8. dissimilitude . 9. contraries . 10. adjuncts . 11. antecedents . 12. consequences . 13. repugnances . 14. causes efficient material formal final instrumental 15. effects . 16. comparison . 17. possibility . 18. bonum honestum . vtile . jucundum . topicks extrinsick . 1. prejudication . 2. report . 3. laws . 4. oaths . 5. torture . 6. witnesses . 7. scripture . 8. learned men. 9. circumstance . time. place . and person predicamentals , as 10. substance and person . 11. quantity , and demonstration . 12. quality ordinary , or not . 13. relation . 14. action . 15. passion . 16. place . 17. time. 18. scituation . 19. habit. of figures . figures of rhetorick are either in words or sentences ; the usual are as follows ; figures of words . metaphor , as vir gregis . irony , as o● bon● vir . epizeuxis , as vicimus , vicimus . anaphoras , as nobis voluptati , nobis solatio . epistrophe , as ibimus , pugn●bimus , triumphabimus . epanalepsis , as multa promittis , prestare teneberis multa . climax , hoc animum , animus virtutem addit . epanados , non vivo ut edam , sed edo ut vivam . polyptoton , as qui memorat , quod ille meminit . conversion . complexion . conduplication . disjunction . equality of cadence numbers . adjunction . gradation . paranomasia . repetition . synonime . syncohdoche . figures of sentences are , augmentation , he beat him , he murder'd him , he crucifi'd him . apostrophe , as audite o cali , vos eritis mihi testes . concession , as sit humilis ortu , at est probus . correction , tacebo ? imo loquar . diminution , he beat him , he fillup'd him , he touch'd him . exclamation , as o tempora , o mores ! interrogation , sicoine fieri opportet ? preoccupation , dicat aliquis , sed regero . prosopopeia , as egone sol luceo , ut vos dormientes altum stertetis ? reticence , as plus possum dicere , sed de his tacebo . allegory . antithesis . communication . deprecation . distribution . dubitation . ethopeia . expolition . hypotiposis . imprecation . interpretation . irony . licence . preterrition . sermocination . subjection . sustentation . transition . thus , you see , i have given you here a catalogue of the more eminent figures of both sorts ; but i have not given examples but of some few that i thought more useful : indeed , whoever peruses alsted's enciclopaidion , will see such a multitude of figures , that they are not only almost without number , but that there is not a quirk in speech scarce , but what that by one author or other , is reduced to some figure : so that indeed this exuberancy now seems to require some limitation . lastly , for the use of such figures , i shall only say this , one would read them sometimes cursorly , as so many several patterns to form one speech , and as so many moulds to be committed to our memories in reading , to shape our utterance and delivery by ; but to think otherwise , to force our thoughts just to such a precise form , or cut , is to make them more unacceptable in being unnatural , then all the ornaments of art can add to them . of jvdgment . whatever intuitive knowledge , or divine ideal truth adam had , his posterity are forc'd to plow the soul for wisdom , as well as the earth for fruits . we must track truth step by step , and weigh as well ideas as propositions to attain her : he that takes truth by the gross , or jumps into her without a due comparison of things , at least knows not in judgment , whether he is right or wrong . the true judgment is mathematical , reason's the scale , and propositions are the things weigh'd , while judgment , like justice , favours the heavier scale . where there is most consideration , therefore there are likely to be most propositions , and consequently the more assur'd decision of judgment ; while to judge without propositions forethought , is like weighing with the scales empty , and shooting at the mark blindfold . as for the errors of judgment , they are either want of consideration , or irresolution : the inconsiderate man leaves all to happy chance ; while the irresolute is like a ruffled skein of silk . in truth , judgment , like an army , ought to march slow , with full trains of imaginations , and not a concatenation of thought ought to be unconsulted for fear of the ambushes of error . to conclude , were poets as happy in holding the scale , as in their sprightly and vigorous sallies of fancy , poets assuredly would have the best judgments , and accordingly make the best philosophers : but our experience shews us the contrary , and where they fail . of happiness . for all the difference of estate and quality among men , there is notwithstanding such a common allay of good and evil , that all , in the main , are equally happy . felicity , alass ! is in content and opinion , not the things we possess . thus 't is what i love , and not what another conceits , that makes me happy . and thus , indeed , what but our pride makes us miserable , and restlesly ambitious ? our great concern , in truth is , to shew , that a man of desert is unfortunate . 't is not to be disputed , but the blessings of health , wealth and friends are valuable ; but are they comparable in the making of us happy , to vertue and content ? the best of such enjoyments are casual , momentary , and disgusted by conscience and passions ; but can any thing rob us of vertue ? pleasures enjoy'd with innocence indeed , are real ; but can there be any satisfaction with regret , to catch at the baits of sin and vice. nay , were there no hell , the epicure should be moderate for his gusts sake ; so that we are doubly bruitish , to pall our palates by luxury . the vertuous enjoy pleasures truly , and can thank god for the refreshment , while neither satiety nor passion annoys them . besides , a vertuous soul , i may say , is as a rock against the waves and storms of the world , while she looks down with pity on giddy and mudling mankind below . i want to coach and dainties ; and what then ? are not walking and temperance wholsomer ? but oh , i love fine cloaths ; and what am i not asham'd to be so like a peacock ? prithee friend tell me ; can thy gold or purple keep out diseases ? or thy guards , garrison'd in iron , repel bold fears and despair ? virtue , indeed , as she is indifferent against such trifles , so is she hardned to evil ; vertue turns all misfortunes to martyrdom . what though mine enemy rage ? can he move a foot beyond providence ? does he intend to kill me ? and can't i rejoyce to be so soon with god ? does he torment me ? and have i not god and a brighter crown of martyrdom to support me ? nay , or can my despondency relieve me ? i will allow a man groans to relieve his spirit , and an honest submission to appease his enemy ; but shall i surrender my sincerity to him , and give him opportunity to destroy both soul and body too ? but , alass ! thou art griev'd to dye so soon ; and what art thou afraid to be with god ? the apostle could desire to be dissolved : and , art thou , on the contrary , so unwilling , as to repine at the call of his providence ? surely , faithfully to love god , and observe his laws , therefore as they are the great end of man , so are they his greatest and best methods to happiness also ; and in which case , the quicker & sharper our passage in prospect , the more desirable ; without we think there is no god , or future state , to reward us in what we do and suffer . of presence of mind . what good will all the precepts in the world do whilst a man wants his presence of mind , the necessary clue to lead him through them . surely our senses ought always to keep due centinel , and our understandings as readily to attend their summons : can he fence well that is not on his guard ? archimedes died for being too busy to give an answer . carelessness and disattention therefore undoubtedly are the daughters of folly : certainly the judgment ought to be in readiness for every new object that approaches . i may add , what is madness but such a debauch of thought , to a greater degree , and when an idle soliloquy disjoynts the whole reasoning of the man ? we ought therefore to avoid all such violence of thought , as poyson ; at least the plow of thought , clogs and cuts but heavily , that 's never sharpned by rest . nay , even for the very unseemliness one would avoid such flurts in reasoning ; for surely 't is as disagreeable to others , as pernicious to our selves . and yet after all , certainly there are diseases in the mind , as well as the body ; and after our best endeavours , our sense will slacken , and our styles vary , do what we can : what! are we not men ? of secrets . the mind , like the body , exposes its self , by appearing naked ; it discovers its weaker parts , and lies more liable to injuries ; undoubtedly therefore secrets ought to be embrac'd as armour , and admir'd as soveraign prudence ; but yet then , we ought to remember also , that we cannot be too wary in them ; our looks often speak as well as our tongues , and we must be careful our nakedness appear not through the little vail of its cloaths . so , though secrecy and silence thus be undoubtedly vertues ; dissimulation , whether in words or actions , is the furthest from it imaginable : dissimulation is an act with an intent to deceive , a downright lye ; dissimulation is the weak art of those , who have not judgment enough to manage a concealment . as for the difference between simulation and dissimulation , it appears in the old latine verse , quod non est simulo , dissimuloque quod est ; their benefits are these , first , they lay opposition asleep . secondly , they leave a room for retreat . thirdly , by their lying , they draw out secrets . their mischiefs are ; first , they spoil business through fearfulness . secondly , they barr the assistance of others . and , lastly , they take away all trust and belief , while , as for secrecy , it has all the prudence , and none of the vice of either of them . but to return ; if we would keep a secret , we are bound , in pain of indiscretion , to discern who we trust with it ; indeed , how can we hope another should keep our secrets , if we cannot keep them our selves ; so we ought also to stand in guard , even of our servants , and not to make others jealous of us , by being too busy ; on the one side cardinal richleiu took care wisely to turn away that man that he found looking into his letters ; and , on the other side , how can we expect that others should not enquire after , and guess at our concerns , when we seem to busy in our jealous inquisitiveness at theirs ? but , besides this general prudence of secrecy ; secrecy is a sacred obligation , even in discourse also : thus , when two discourse , they render each other mutual depositors or thoughts , and which they trust one another withal ; so that , let it be that we require secrecy , or not , in such a case , our discourse is always as a pawn , which ought never to be dispos'd of but according to the intentions of him that trusted it . and yet the rule of secrets seems to be this also ; though what i am told , i am bound to keep as a secret ; yet if i knew it before , that cannot make that a secret to me , that was none before ; though with regard to the relator , that i make not him the author , it is , and yet not , i fear , but that this liberty has been often abus'd ; and many that have not known a secret before , yet have pretended they have , to salve their reputations in breaking it . but then , 't is an undoubted exception from all the laws and obligations of secrecy , when any one acquaints us with a wicked or criminal design ; for friendship loses its obligation in wickedness , and there can be no tye between god and belial ; a man ought therefore to have wit and honesty enough to discern of what he speaks , before he requires secrecy , or else 't is at the peril of his imprudence to betray his own wicked intentions . to be short , unless in case of these few exceptions , when we enter into a discourse with a man , we begin a friendship with him , and which , at least , includes the obligation , not to abuse his confidence ; now , though this friendship continue but for a minute , or for an hour , year , or years , under greater or lesser trusts , yet the obligation to secrecy is still the same , and all one , whether in an hourly , or a perpetual friendship . in truth , a good christian is not only no man's enemy ; but in this , he loves all mankind equally ; that he shews more kindness to one than another , is from the providence of his association , his outward compact , or friendship ; but this general tye of humanity to secrecy , is , what nothing can dispense with in us . to attain secrets . as for the particular methods to obtain secrets , there are several : thus some have gotten them by frightning with a contrary dangerous design ; and thus the priest that would know whether such a man frequented the church or not , got it out of him by accusing him of a contempt of the service . so have you employ'd informers to find out secrets ; and would you know whether they deceive you or not ? employ such as can have no manner of acquaintance with each other , and then in what they all agree , you may be assur'd , they are in the right . some have attain'd a secret by pretending , they knew in part of it already ; and thus men to save their own bacon , jealous of others treachery , have been the first informers themselves . some , when they have not been able to attain the secret desired , have fish'd for some other , and by that tempted the persons friends , as by tokens to reveal the other : and thus the grand seignior , by asking a prisoner when he lay with his wife last ? by that as with a token , drew the confession of the prisoners guilt from his wife . nor is that other method less certain of obtaining a secret by a secret , for men when they think they have possession of others secrets , presume that they have so much advantage of them , that they may safely trust them with their own : and thus by dissimulation and trifles , sometimes the weightiest matters have been discovered . sober men you may fathom by obstinate and reproachful controversies ; by which means their very passions will open them , and as for their tempers you may know them by what they were at school ; but as for drunkards the only way to fathom their speeches , is to examine them by their other frolicks , whether they have not been for a constancy foul-mouth'd or lying , &c. so , to know whether a suspected person be guilty or not ; do but charge him with things false and true at the same time , and you shall see it quickly by the different manner of his vindication ; for as sound sleep , a compos'd mind , & careless behaviour , are great presumptions of innocence ; so you will easily discover him as not concern'd at the fictitious forgery . a king of france being willing to destroy a treacherous noble that was in company with him among others , if he could get the consent of the rest , put forth the nobles treachery in a parable like david's lamb ; whereupon understanding all their resolutions , he made the application of it as it were by all their consents upon the lord that offended him . and now i have wrote thus much about the discovery of secrets , i shall add a little also about the management of them , and occult writing , and conclude . occult writing . if to be secret be lawful , which indeed the strictest morallist and religious cannot deny ; for , in truth , secrecy is one of the considerablest branches of wisdom , and we are taught to be subtle as serpents , as well as harmless as doves : if secrecy i say therefore , be not only lawful , but a vertue , besure unsearchable ways of writing must be of excellent advantage , since by such occult writing , we can communicate secrets to whom we please , and conceal them from every body else . now to enumerate the several methods of secreting our sense in writing , were a work as frivolous as endless : i take it therefore for granted , that if i describe some of the best methods , and leave them to be improv'd , alter'd and chang'd by every man 's own invention , 't will be far better than to tire him with all particulars ; for when once the mystery of an art is unravell'd , there is no difficulty to copy it a thousand ways by our own invention . some make a new alphabet , and alter only the characters of the letters , as suppose i wrote english with arabick letters , not understood in this country ; others alter only the signification of letters , and use the common characters , as suppose i should all along write a for b. b for c. c for d , &c. thus for example , were i to write the word ( and ) it must be by z mc. for z goes for a. m for n. and c. for d. being all the immediate letters before them , and consequently ought to take their places as so ; but this method is easily discover'd by the vowels and short words ; and yet it may be blinded too , by inserting insignificant letters , and multiplying the characters of the vowels . some will invent a peculiar cant like jipseys , which is indeed like making a new language ; others will cover their designs in a dark metaphor ; as suppose i treated of a common wealth of bees to reflect on government , or cited some anitent historical passage to represent the present scene of affairs , and the correspondence between them : and this is the method us'd by the prophets in scripture . some will write with common letters , and in common english , but alter the placing of the letters ; thus suppose i wrote moses said , i write the odd letters in the first word , and the even letters in the second ; and so it will be mssad oesi ; and so i go on with every two words till i end what i write . others dispose every 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , or 12. successive letters , according to a table of chimes for bells , and then divide them into words at their pleasure ; and after all to make it the more intricate , you may dispose the words in sentences by the rule of such chimes , as you did before the letters in the words ; so that without you key , the table of chimes , 't is impossible to read what you write , since at this rate by double chimes you may vary your letters a thousand , nay , i may say , ten thousand ways , if you please . but all or most of these ways are imperfect ; for as they cannot but infallibly breed a jealousy and suspition , so many times they are as mischievous and dangerous , as if they were reveal'd : and therefore those methods of secret writing are most beneficial , that cast a blind before mens eyes , and by giving them a fair and seeming sense to read , take away all imagination of their being a secret couch'd under it . thus some will write you a common and civil letter , but do it by the key of an alphabet of synonemas for every word ; so that when you examine it by your key , every word in the epistle shall give a secret letter , which being collected in order , shall give you a secret sentence ; but if you read it in the ordinary and currant sense , you see a plain familiar letter , without either doubt or difficulty in it . a g n t b h o u c i p w d k q x e l r y f m s z some again will write by muscial notes , and so make love by a song ; thus the words shall be what you please , but the notes shall carry the secret : for in this case the six spaces or lines shall signify the letter you desire to write , according to your pleasure ; and the notes of time which shall distinguish them , being four , make just 24. the alphabet , being multiplied by 6. the spaces , as above . note , you may prick your notes or put them on the line or space at your pleasure . others , will make the first word in the first line ; the 2d . in the 2d . & the 3d. in the 3d. &c. to contain the secret , while the other words in the several lines are ingeniously contriv'd , with the significative words , to make a good and common sense for the disguise sake . others will cut papers in figures , and then all that is not wrote within the compass of such figures , is superfluous ; others will write what they would have read with black ink , and reserve the secret to be written in a by-place or corner of the letter , with a white ink , &c. others again will refer through numbers to the letters , or words in a known page and line of a particular book , and so endite . but in short , the best and least suspitious way , is to reduce your secret to one or two words , and then having several keys to write it by , to intimate to your friend by what key you write , by the manner of writing your name : and thus you may make a few such letters blacker or bigger than ordinary in several lines , or make seeming accidental blotts , and so discover your sense . of collections . surely , it can avail us nothing to quote authors in catalogues , and to raise large folio's with recitals . what is wisdom , if too long for use and recollection ? or what are precepts good for , when scatter'd in libraries ? good precepts 't is true , are like rocks and anchors to the instability of our thoughts . the perfection of vertue indeed , consists in the uprightness of the will ; but what is the will without an understanding accordingly ? nay , what will the most excellent understanding avail us , without agreeable precepts , and those ready and at hand ? the best of us dose , dote , and slumber at times ; and among huge and numerous volumes , where shall we find what we want , unless in the meridian of our reason we store up precepts for old age ? alass ! we have seen the force of an extempore strain , in its imperfect essays towards it , often enough ; we see how far the waves of proud fancy can reach ; nay , we are not ignorant even of what enciclopaidians can do . but what ! can a little whifling treatise command respect ? surely , a body of philosophy and an army of thoughts much more ; nay , what is even a library , but an undigested rubbish , to pure and select precepts ? has man leisure to peruse or pursue every current of thought nicely ? surely , he cannot even survey all the books that are , and are not the extracts and spirits of thoughts then , far more eligible than your flat and endless corollarys . no doubt , a general body , if so prepar'd , were of admirable use , the universal view would clear our prospect , and lead and direct our notions and actions ; nay , and error and vice would appear through their dissonancy to the whole body of knowledge . to conclude , reasoning like figur'd silks and cloaths , is only truly to be judged of in the whole piece , while the composition of our precepts , like a garison , should be for strength , and use only , each place defending its self , and defended by another . of precepts . there are several methods to vertue ; but surely precepts excell all . can an harrangue make you good ; and why not the precept in short ? examples are lively 't is true , but time alass ! will allay all their emulation ; while as for the close reasonings of precepts , can they ever fade ? the man 's a false proselyte that does not love vertue for vertues sake ; and are long examples then comparable to brief and wholsom precepts ? what avails it , as i have said , to have volumes of cautions one knows not where to find ? by precepts i will store up wisdom against age ; nay , i will fortify my vertue by reasons impregnable , the quintessence of wisdom . our first ▪ thoughts are too crude for wisdom ; nature does not give vertue : and 't is a kind of an art to become good . nay , without precepts our wisdom is bruitish , and our vertue , constitution and inclination , not judgment . while petty vertues sink in their trials , precepts will level every wrinkle that disturbs the tranquility of the mind . pure precepts will smell sweet , when the little gusto's of fancy shall fade . i know the world love to hide their vices under the broken fragments of morality ; but are not wilful ignorance and disobedience equal , as well in morals as divinity ? besides , can any thing excel good precepts ? or is any thing more desirable ? nay , is not wisdom the unchangable good of god himself ? true precepts will compose thy spirits beyond musick , and lull thy passions asleep . true precepts are a perfect antidote to vice , if thou but use them duly . the true philosophy is clear and self-evident ; it leaves neither difficulties nor scruples , but chears the mind , enlightens the understanding , and confirms the courage , where e're it comes . some admire precepts ; but why ? they want variety and change. alass ! they want but diverting strains : true precepts are one , and eternal . can true vertue be ever out of fashion ? surely then , 't is a defect in god , that he is not vicious for variety ; if not , i will not be giddy in my precepts , lest i become giddy in my morals also . in truth , is vertue such a trifle as to be sacrificed to novelty and curiosity ? or am i so wretched as to think so of her ? no : let her be as unchangable in my breast , as she is pure and chaste in her self . neither reading nor meditating , neither study nor discourse , neither passion nor zeal , therefore shall give me that advantage , that i will not secure by precepts ; but then to perfect , not to change my vertue . to conclude , i may add , 't is even ridiculous to see what slight passions can discompose us , when reason does not rule . surely therefore , good precepts are as armour , and the only way through which to attain the perfection of our nature . of sincerity . i am sorry , i may say too often , our heart by habit is apt to cheat our reasons , while our sincerities become but as a more curious art , to draw a religious respect to what we say . the true sincerity is good without a witness , and can love unfashionable vertue ? the true sincerity never fails : is it frail ? yet at least it keeps in the track of vertue . a pure integrity has no reserve ; she dreads not the scrutiny of the best of men ; she will not do evil even that good may come : her loyalty for goodness can serve her without either livery or dower . wilt thou be good therefore ? let no temptation impurify thy will : or if thou wouldst be wise , let not the least error blemish thy judgment . is a castle ever easier maintain'd , than when without breaches and disunion ! alass ! the exactly sincere is so between god and himself only : the world has but the colour of integrity ; the true sincerity would not be hired from the paths of vertue . how earnestly do some men seek excuses to be corrupt ? but can we say , that man is good , that does not wish and endeavour to be better ? surely , god and vertue elect by our wills , and not by our powers or actions . pure vertue is even in the bottom of the heart : christ says , he that lusts after anothers wife commits adultery with her . indeed , why should i tantalize my self so with lusts , did i not love the temptation ? when i reflect on the integrity of seneca and marcus antoninus , and other heathens , methinks i am asham'd to hear corrupter christians say , that such divine men are damn'd . are we the better for knowing or believing only ? and , why not the devils also , who tremble with it ? are we rich in grace ? alass ! we forget that god accepted the widows mite . to be short , the true sincerity will even in this life benefit us ; it leads us to truth , and it gives us credit ; nay more , 't will add us respect also . 't was christ's sincerity that made him speak as with authority . nay our sincerity will benefit us , tho in a mistake : thus what but integrity could bring st. paul from the greatest persecutor , to be the greatest apostle . surely , both piety and vertue lye only in sincerity ; if action without intention were valuable , we should even make bruits vertuous also . and if any thing be vertue , or there be any vertue , 't is mixed with sincerity ; for sincerity is really the great and only touchstone both of religion and morality . of vows and oaths . all vows , of that which is unlawful , are void ; nor availes it in such case , whether the thing vow'd be a greater or lesser evil , since nothing can oblige a man to what is really evil : 't is as unlawful to tell a lye to fulfil an oath , as it is to murder a man : and as it is impossible that god should love to have ill done , so it is impossible that he should engage us to it , purely because we have vow'd or promis'd it . i may add , the nature of good and evil , still remains , notwithstanding the influence of any vow , oath , or promise whatsoever , and is in the eye of god and reason only obligatory ; and therefore according to scripture , and the best casuists , it is , that it happens , that the vows of a servant , or wife , may be good in part , or void in part , as consistent with their prior duty ; and so also where there are two oaths , the prior ought only to take place . and , in this case , that the superstitious notions of vows and oaths have been wrong , ought not therefore to make us to follow them : 't is true , in the reformation , we ought to preserve piety , and not to contemn what is really sacred ; and yet we ought to examine matters so sincerely also , as not to leave our selves partial , blind , or confus'd in the search . what shall not a man pay his debts , because he has vow'd he will not ? and must a man starve , or murther himself , because he has sworn it ? this were for him to set up a new law in opposition to god's sacred law of nature ; and , by artifice , to subvert the most holy will of god : and thus i may add also , humanity and charity are as great debts even as a bond ; and therefore if i vow not to pull off mine hat to another , that is even void also . upon this therefore , i conclude , that no vow can change our state , or bind our liberty ; to confine our selves against a prospect of good , is an ill ; and it is the only power of a vow to bind us to a known duty , from a known evil , or in a thing indifferent ; nay , if any thing be indifferent , if the confinement fret us to the injury of body or mind , from that instant it becomes ill , and ceases to obliege us as not indifferent also . and thus a vow may engage me to the greatest self-denial , so as consistent with my duty , but not to the least evil , though even but of imprudence : a vow to fling away my wealth into the sea , is void ; but i may well vow all i gain to the poor , and yet even then i must reserve me maintenance , and bestow it with discretion . so i may bind my self from wine and flesh ; but if so , their want impairs my health , i must use them : and so i may bind my self from going into the country , till my health , or a better service from god and my country require it ; but i may never thereby obstruct the advancement of any greater good or talent : and so , though i vow to go to rome , if i cannot propose some good by my journey , the imprudence of it makes it void , in idly neglecting my business ; and so also , though it were but to go half a mile , the evil is the same . so also to serve a man's country in the best imploy he is capable of , is every man 's fundamental duty ; and to neglect it , is to bury our talents : for any man therefore to vow such a vow , as engages him from his best capacity of serving his country , as to lead a monks life , &c. is of it self unlawful , and , ipso facto void , as it forbids an apparent duty , and renders us little better than drones in the common-wealth we live in . nay , and such breaches of oaths and vows , in such case , like that of corban , are no sin ; that we need not fear not to keep them , they being of themselves void ; the rash making of them indeed was a sin , but they have not the guilt of a black and wilful perjury , as the world too often mistakes , but rather a rasher resolution only in them . a false witness is guilty of a wilful contempt to god , and injustice to man : but , in this , we have nothing more to repent of , then that we called god too lightly to witness to a resolution not well weigh'd and understood : and , if this were a sin , how could the jews leave their vows to the law on christ's converting them ? or how can the husband break his marriage-bond , by divorce , as even christ gives leave for adultery , and be guiltless ? so , if i make a vow , it does not bind mine heir ; or if as an officer , it does not bind me as a private person ; so , are you a prince , and would you know how far your parliament-oath engages ? all the power not transfer'd to you remains , the law of nature makes all states compleat in themselves , though by compact it may be limitted . so also , as 't is impossible to think of all necessary conditions , as life and capacity of the parties , &c. so we must have an implicite regard to such conditions , in whatsoever vows we make ; and yet on the other hand , christ teaches us , that though i swear but by my self , yet am i as much bound , as if i swore by god ; so though i swear by false gods , yet my obligation to verity and sincerity is still the same . but to return ; though there may be many things that may thus make a promise void , although confirm'd by an oath , witness adultery in marriage , &c. yet justice , in many cases , will bind a promise much stronger than a vow , because of the expectance and dependance thereon , and it's necessity in commerce and conversation ; and yet little pety and deliberative promises to ones self only , as , i 'll go to london to morrow ; or , i 'll buy such an horse , have no obligation at all , but leave the speaker free to his discretion . so also a mutual promise is not valid till accepted ; and yet even so , i am bound steadily to my offer as a proposer ; but if matters after change upon my promise , and before acceptance , i am not then bound , till you make my first terms good : thus if a person be offer'd , and i accept to marry , if she fail me , i am releas'd of my promise ; if not , i must stand to it : and thus god resolv'd to destroy nineveh , when , on their repentance , he revok'd their sentence . further , i am bound by the promise of my ambassadour , deputy , or general , to the utmost of their commission , and that though against private instructions ; and yet if by their commission i leave them the power only to treat for me , none but the sponsers are engag'd beyond express order ; so i am bound , by my league , though even to an heathen , so far , as to preserve him : but , as wicked leagues are void , i may not fight for an heathen to destroy christians , for that is to add more sin to rash swearing , like the death of john the baptist to herod's foolish oath . so also , no promise can engage me against self-preservation ; 't is not lawful for me to lay down my life even to save my friends ; i owe my life only to god ; and yet i may joyn with my friend even to death in a good cause ; but then i must martyr for the cause of god , and not my friend : so , though i promise to go a journey , yet i may not go if there happen a dangerous tempest at the time to endanger my person . but indeed , a man has generally little need to add all these cautious limitations to promises ; we are too apt to promise according to our hopes , and perform according to our fears , without these encouragements ; but surely , in truth , all our promises , whether confirm'd by oath or not , ought to be equally sacred : and though , in one case , we are in danger of perjury only ; yet ought not that to beguile us into a conceipt that a lye is of a weaker guilt ; and yet not but that tho' i may neither equivocate , nor strain the words , i promise , or declare , if they are propos'd me knowingly doubtful , i may justly take them so . where ever therefore we have made promises , and we have reason to judge them faithful with whom they are made , we ought strictly to observe them ; but when they are made with persons false , either by practise or principles , they are void , though confirm'd by oath , as being contrary to the most sacred law of self-preservation ; and yet , in such case , i offend god , by treachery , indeed black perjury , by offering to engage my self falsely where i cannot . thus , for instance , 't is impossible to make a league with a papist , who cannot onely , by principle , swear what he intends not , but disengage himself from oaths by equivocations , or otherwise , at pleasure ; for , as leagues and promises are mutual in their obligation , and are otherwise of no force ; so is it impossible that there be faith oblig'd to , with such men ; and if there be any method therefore to make agreements with them , it must be by securities and hostages ; witness the late persecution in savoy . so also , if a man has been known to be false to his promise by practice , or otherwise , no mutual obligation can tye us to fidelity with him ; and yet even then , if there be no danger of life , but only of some temporal damage , and i make a single , not mutual promise , i am bound to fidelity . so in a mutual promise , if the false person has actually perform'd his part , without he give me a release , and then i am discharg'd , though on oath . of censvre . the better to deliver what i have to write concerning censure , i shall distribute my in discourse into four parts ; the first part of my essay , to shew the nature of praises ; the second , to shew us what contempt is ; the third , to add a few words concerning libels and satyrs ; and , the last , to add some reflections on all manner of rash judgments and reports whatever : but first , as for praises . of praise . we censure others to be commended our selves ; and , in truth , it is rather to exalt our own judgments , than the merits of those we praise , that we enlarge in their commendations ; so that at the bottom we praise our selves , when we would seem to praise them . in plain terms , one might almost conclude , that neither vice is blam'd , nor vertue commended , but out of interest ; and , that for interest we can admit any praise : and so also , the modesty which seems to refuse praise , is indeed , nothing else but a desire to have it in a way less visible , and more delicate . thus also we do not love to give praises , nor do we bestow them but rarely , except for interest . indeed , i may say , praise is a conceal'd and delicate flattery , that satisfies differently him that gives it , and him that receives it ; the one takes it as a recompence of his merit , and the other gives it as a mark of his equity and judgment ; and yet praises have at least this good , that they serve to fix us in the practice of virtue ; and the approbation that is given , to wit , to beauty , or to courage , at least augment and perfect them , and make them do more than they were able to have done of themselves . but , besides this , some men too often use poyson'd praises , and which shew , by a side-glance , the faults of those they praise , and which they dare not to discover otherwise ; thus they exalt the glory of some , thereby the better to lessen that of others ; and give men a little commendation , that they may be the better able to accuse them also . and thus it happens sometimes , that there are praises that reproach , and reproaches that praise ; and yet there are few people that are wise enough to love the reproof which does them good , better than the praise which betrays them ; and yet ▪ they shall refuse praise too ; but yet then 't is as with a desire to be doubly prais'd . upon the whole , he that always praises me , is undoubtedly a flatterer ; but , he that sometimes praises , and sometimes reproves me , is probably my friend , and speaks his mind : and yet in such case , did we not flatter our selves , others would do us no hurt ; but , when men take shelter under the arch-flatterer ones self , then it is that they injure us . and as men are thus apt to be fond of praises , so are they no less inclin'd to be avers'd to contempt : in truth , i may say , nothing makes men greater slaves than mockery ; yet not but that flattery is more dangerous than contempt , though less acceptable : contempt at least keeps us in the methods of plain-dealing ; whilst flattery carries multiply'd mischiefs in it , and not only cheats and cozens us , but eats out and destroys the very fountains of truth in us . to be short ; well might augustus lament for varrus's death , because , said he , i have none in my country that dares tell me truth : and , if any thing upon earth can make us miserable , surely it must be to be fool'd and cheated by the false lights of flatterers : i do not mean your little common flatterers , that seek no deeper than into a few general pleasing attributes only ; but your arch-flatterers , and such as are too common in courts , and who , perverting the whole course of sincerity and truth , aim at nothing else but scruing up all things , just to please and delight the party courted . of contempt . but on the other side , as for contempt , one may say , the rich and the poor have the same appetites and passions , only differently express'd and disguis'd ; and all people , nay even the meanest , are alike impatient of discountenance or contempt , be the person never so great from whom they receive it . nay , and we all agree further in this , that we are more impatient to have our understandings reflected on , than our manners ; and we can better bear the imputation of vice than folly ; the reason is , we value our credit and interest more than our honesty , and we had much rather save our estates and our pleasures , than our souls . but indeed , had we courage enough to be wise , we should regard resentments only from their reason , their depth and weight , and not from popularity and opinion : now , should we do so , i say , not only our greatest concern would be at vice and sin , when they reproach us , but , as 't is evident , that contempt , scurril and laughter , are but as the froth of reasoning , and have no other bottom , but vanity and folly ; so they ought not to be regarded in no sort , but as the effects of weakness , and want of judgment . wisdom bids us be charitable , and bear with others ; nay , and not only so , but assist them in their infirmities : how contrary then must this malitious resentment of contempt be , which delights and rejoyces in others misfortunes , and endeavours all it can , to advance them ? besides , contempt is a set , stubborn , and resolute aversion and hatred : now , i say , as this can neither with justice or charity be paid to any thing but vice or sin , so we are unjust to give it to any thing else : and hence , what though a man be vicious , and his crimes deserve all the contempt in the world ; yet his person , and as he is our brother , he rather deserves our pity ? and , in truth , we are rash fools to hate any thing that god does not ; he only and wholly ought to be the standard of our affections ; and besure as he neither does nor can hate us for our misfortunes , as indeed it were to hate us for being his very creatures to do it , and which is impossible ; so the only occasion of his contempt of us , is our misaction , and our aberration from his law ; and yet even then also he has mercy : and we , if we will be like him , surely ought not to be without it . nay more ; is any one weak and foolish , 't is my positive duty to pity him , and , in charity , where i can , to advise him , much more not to despise him ? so , is there any one wicked , 't is my duty to reform him , and not harden him by scoffing at him ? and , indeed , christ , by his example , shews us , that we ought to pray for , and advise , not only our enemies , but our murderers also . and , with what arrogance then shall we presume to leave our stations , as creatures i mean , in continuing in invincible brotherly love ; and , to take upon us , like god , through a rash and peremptory contempt , to judge , censure and condemn , as our little fancies shall lead us ? of libels . but , above all things , in this matter , our personal satyrs and libels are the most pernicious , the most vicious and uncharitable : i might say , nothing deserves satyr , but sin and satyr . and if a man would ask the question , when a wicked man most resembles the destroyer of of mankind ? 't is when he is maliciously dipt in the barbarous guilt of satyr , and flinging fire-brands about him , to the distraction and confusion of all he converses . nor know i any remedy against this pest , but such a scorn and contempt as it deserves . some have prescrib'd humility ; and say , a flint is easiest broke on a feather-bed : others , to avoid it , like sir john sucklin , have laugh'd at themselves first ; but , my sense is , they deserve none of this care . what a wasp , a child , or a fool fleers at my actions ! and he understands no more a true reason for his censure , than a parrot ; only he is well-skill'd at the elegancy of rayling ; and , for prevention , cries blockhead first . and , hence it is as a secret belonging to the wise , to give full liberty to the malice and envy of such , the baser sort , and to let them vent themselves in calumnies , and false reports ; so that when they have spoken very ill of brave and worthy men , at length finding their own reputation and fortunes to lye at stake , for fear of revenge they may be brought to forbear . and , indeed otherwise , the only remedy against satyrs and libels , is a contemptible silence : nor can you half so much vex their authors , by a witty retort , as such a neglect : by the first , you at least acknowledge their power , and you may be sure they will not be without hopes or endeavours to be even with you again ; for , they have seldom that charity as to forbear abusing you , while , by the latter , you shame them , and irretrievably condemn them as billinsgates . upon the whole , our best lesson that we can learn from hence , that i see , is to know the true value of contempt , and reputation : now , as the only benefit of a good name therefore is like cloaths to defend us from outward accidents , and the only real mischief of contempt , the impediment of our affairs ; so , why should we value it further ? alass ! what is a name when we are dead ? were it not to advance our children and posterity ? the honour otherwise that is not paid us in person , vanishes into idle air : and what , tho' our names remain , our little tickling and fond vain glory , which is the only itch we aim to satisfy , perishes with our persons . of true satyr . and yet after all , not but that there is a satyr as excellent and profitable as innocent ; a true juvenal shall lash men out of vice as fast as ten serious sermons ; but then withall , it ought to be against things and causes , and not persons ; against vices and errors , and not their subjects or professors : thus , like elijah , we may innocently droll at ahabs false gods , and say , they are sleeping , talking , or gone a journy , and therefore they cannot hear us ; while our charity at the same time , shews all tenderness for our erring brethren , and that we are ready with him even to a miracle , if in our power , to reform them of their errors : but otherwise , who can write or speak satyr , and be guiltless ? and just so in our ordinary writings also , when we take care to give all the dues of charity to our brother ; 't is a modest sheepishness not fully to rescue truth from his clamours ; vice and errors deserve their true characters ; and 't is false reasoning , not genteelness , to speak easily and smoothly of wickedness , to sooth men in their corruptions : give me the man that dares give all subjects their proper colours ; i hate the stile that nautiates with too many broad words ; but the mincing frenchify'd stile that complements all things , and ruines the partition wall of truth , what is it but lying and impertinent , in that it wants the true and opportunely life of satyr● in it ? i might add , to what end do we let such harsh words pass like current coyn amongst us , if they have not perfect ideas ? if they are chimera's , in god's name , let us fling them quite aside ; but if we must hate the word poyson for the thing , if we must not speak a word that is not alamode and agreeable , for fear of grating dainty ears , let us also for the same reason , neither see nor converse , lest we meet with those very objects themselves that are more disagreeable . in plain terms , these finical sir courtly nice wits want judgment , not elegancy for their apology : alass-a-day ! we must not speak out broad vice and whoring , for fear of touching their guilty consciences . this i grant , i would not rip up unknown vices , lest their very repetitions should breed contagions : in that indeed , there is some vertue in being modest and obscure in our discourse ; but in known and every day practic'd crimes , to lose the vividness and force of half our notions , by a tedious circumlocution , and beating of the bush ; is in plain terms , no other than a mean and cowardly sneaking to a worldly false idea'd honour , a gilding the way to hell , and right devil-advocate like , a means to destroy all those true ideas of horrour , which genuinely and naturally quadrate to the setting forth of the odiousness and deformity of vice. if any one think i write too bitterly in this case , let them know , i think , even this very sheepish insipidness as great a vice as reigns in our age ; and let them not wonder then , that i treat it accordingly : our saviour , and the apostles , and prophets of old , treated their generations of vipers in stiles answerable to their demerits ; but we forsooth are afraid , in genteelness to own their whore of babylon , as monsieur jurieu well reflects ; tho' all the scriptures require it at our hands , to brand her for her fornications and adulteries : but let such cowards and lukewarms ( that the holy revelations sufficiently threaten ) do what they will ; for my part , i shall always condemn vice and sin , in as gross and harsh characters as the monsters deserve . to me 't is no wit either to lye , or write insensibly ; and what do we do else , when we do not pourtraicture all the things and notions we treat of to the full life ? should a painter draw the picture of a bear , and omit his claws , or his brawny muscles ; or should he decipher a tiger like a lamb , or slim the wild-boar to a greyhound , and omit his tusks ? should we value the pictures for their insipid genteelness ? no : the grace of the bear were in his terrour , the beauty of the tyger in his active fierceness , and the whole life of the boar in his horrour and deformity : and even so in the pictures of sin and vice also ; 't is all the art in a true morallist and religious , exactly to delineate their tusks , their claws , and their jaws ; nay , 't is the object of elegancy , to be nice in those parts ; and not to be afraid to display them for fear of offending silly women , weaker men and children . the vulgar indeed , like unskilful dawbers , spoil this liberty , and are so bewitched to painting bears through their malice and railing , that they can hardly draw a man without some bestiality ; either they add claws to him , and make a beast of prey of him , or gay feathers , and turn him to a peacock , or add him a tayle , and turn him to a monky : but what ! must their blunderings make us paint nothing but beauties , their deformities make us deal in nothing but angels ? surely , after all , and in all cases , the true good picture answers the life , and neither humour nor fancy can change their natures ; and , if on the one side we will avoid the billinsgate colours of the mob , on the other the proverb , stulti dum fugiunt vitia in contraria current ; will certainly hit us , if we do not draw the owl and batt to the life , as well as the dove and eagle . of rash judgment . but to return , and proceed a little more particularly to false judgments and reports . most people see nothing in others , but the repute that they have in the world , and what their fortune merits ; and yet they are as confident in their censures of them , as if they had windows into their hearts . indeed , we are perfectly known only by our friends , and yet our enemies and strangers will judge us most , and who know least the truth of what they censure . and one might say in such case , our readiness to be evil without examining , is pride and laziness in a medley . we would willingly find persons guilty , but will not give our selves the trouble to examine their cases : but alass ! had we no faults in our selves , we should not be so apt to observe them in others : i may say , we are naturally apt to disapprove in others what we think in justice , others may disapprove in us . to cure this rash judgment therefore , i may add , we should take care as well to rectify our own faults as our reasonings : in our reasonings we should be rather slow to speak , and considerate , than fiery and precipitate . in our errors , should we but have perpetually memorandums of the failings of our selves before us , we should not be so apt to have so little mercy for others ; but alass ! we are neither so just as to reflect on our own faults , or the excellencies of the persons we would condemn . and hence indeed , i may add , were our principal quarrel at reports for the injustice of their rash censure , and not from self-love , we should be equally cautious and concern'd at their injustice to others as our selves ; but really our general grievance is , when our selves are the object of them ; and so in truth , all our judgment of them is partial . nay , and we are the more concern'd at such rash censures , as if we fancied our selves the only objects of them ; and whereas indeed , we are not : but all the world in general , are apt to judge by appearances ; and whoever has such and such appearances , or where ever they happen , just such a censure follows , whether in our selves or others , of course . so that , i may say , till we can hope to rectify this common , but unjust judgment , by appearances , and which to me seems next to an impossibility , we had as good fancy , that common robbers had a particular design upon us , that meet us , & rob us , with all that they meet in such a road : for just so men censure such and such , that they find mark'd with such offensive qualities . nay , and it is even ridiculous therefore to expect to be the only person the world will spare , since christ himself was nor priviledg'd in this case : can you walk the streets and not expect to be dash'd ? surely , if such judgments can put us out of humour , we shall never be pleas'd . so also , suppose that any man tell thee of such a censure ; what is it , but that a whisper is reveal'd to thee , and a giddy report published ? for thou art beside thy self , if thou expect there should be no censure of thee ; and if so , no wonder that some of them happen to be publish'd , of thee , and to thy disadvantage . and besides , do we expect an universal love ? we are unjust , and there is none of us that deserves it ; nay , and as there is nothing more free than love , so we ought not to pretend to purchase it by complaints and reproaches , but love and complaisance : nay , and suppose we deserve not this love , yet would we put a force on mens passions , and make them to love us whether they will or no ? nay , and indeed suppose we really deserve to be lov'd of men , but some light appearances make them censure us , we ought rather to complain of their weakness and lightness , and of the frailty of humanity than of their injustice ; 't is not he that mistakes , but he that wilfully censures wrong , that is unjust . besides , some love us not so much that we deserve their love , as that they fancy an idea we have such qualities as they esteem amiable , and which possibly we have not : suppose then that truth were setled in censure , we should lose as much love as hate ; for mankind is giddy and unsteady , and has not set the sure grounds of piety and vertue for their censure ; for indeed those qualities are only really amiable , and all other friendship unstable and fleeting . but to proceed , if such rash judgments and censures of any sort really injure us , 't is more that they join with our imagination , and by them affect us and disturb us , then that they have any real power in themselves ; alass ! in themselves generally they are but air , and their love and flattery is more hurtful than their spite and mischief ; for that too often poysons our hearts with a mortal sweetness ; while as an indifferency leaves our journy toward god with more liberty . and besides , if others are faulty in their censures , their injury is to themselves and not to us : it deserves our pity , not our complaint . when we do our duty to others , we do it for god's sake , and frustrate our ends ; when we expect our reward , and return from man , we should be glad , that god gave us the opportunity therefore ; and we should dread a recompence from the world , lest our hearts should accuse us , and say , this was not done purely for god's sake . in short , when you are charitable to the poor , do you expect they repay you ? and so , when you are charitable to the slandered , to the poor in fame , must be return your complement ? well may god , may i say , punish us by their ingratitude , when we so basely translate the true end of our actions from himself to his creatures ; and indeed , what fools are we to value a complement and trifle , before the great rewards of an all-sufficient god. of reports . therefore , i think , that by this time , we may very well conclude that . lastly , as for reports , 't is a common , but grievous error among mankind , that justice should let mens tongues loose to a full liberty , in respect of them , more than in the more solemn distributions of meum and tuum ; whereas certainly , in truth , and if men would but duly consider their duty , they would find , that justice and charity engage them equally in reports as in commerce . and thus , suppose any person of credit inform'd me , that such an one was a cheat : i say , i have no title hereby to condemn or call him so , no more , than to hang a fellon through common fame : and yet i may justly refuse thereby to give him any great degree of credit ; nay , and to indempnify my friend from him , i may acquaint him with the just grounds of my jealousy , but then it must be to preserve his real interest , and not malitiously ; and therefore , i am bound in justice not to add to the story i have heard . nor is it a less vice in reports , to commend wicked persons more than they deserve , than to defame and blemish the reputation of the innocent ; for thereby we authorize and make an example of what is abominable : and surely , nothing can be more pernicious than such a course ! thus we ought not to praise the devotion of a man that is a known cheat , nor the honesty of a robber or pyrate : can we assure our selves how far the influence of such our commendation shall extend ? but to strike at the bottom of reports ; did we proceed with justice , we should do like judges ; and not condemn one side , till we have heard t'other , till we have examined witnesses and proofs , even scruplously on both sides . i am sure , no man but would think himself hardly us'd with other measures in a court of justice ; and why not in reports also , when we presume with confidence to affirm groundless scandals of one another ? i may add , how often are the sense and coherence of men's words wrested , quite contrary to their primitive intention ? and who is more apt for such an injustice than a captious and idle tale-bearer ? so , how often are the best and fairest actions represented even as vices ? and if so , what care can we take sufficient in our censures and reports ? or what real value can one place on reputation , when one considers the inconstancy and injustice of the world ? to conclude , when reports therefore are faulty of us , we ought rather to pity the world in their weakness , than to be angry at them : for is it not a spectacle full worthy of our compassion , to see men love to ruine one anothers reputation ? and if they entertain an esteem of any one , 't is as it were against their wills , and in spight of them , and they are glad of every little scandal to blemish the fair character . upon the whole , defame not good persons , tho' for accidental blots in their actions , in justice to the rest ; and for evil persons , tho' never so mean , do not too easily defame them , in justice to thy self , and left they be reveng'd upon thee , remember aesop's beetle could fling down the eagles eggs ; and though 't is true , innocence is a breast of steel against malice and ill fame , yet only in our own consciences ; for it will not preserve us from outward mischiefs . of poetry . the traffick of poetry is but in the froth of reasoning , and the colours of morality . i must confess , for its light and careless touch to the mind , like musick , 't is an excellent recreation sometimes ; but for any man to set his genius upon it , is to trade in cockle-shells , and to catch at meer empty noyses and shadows . give me the diamond that is true brilliant cut in its self , and that needs nothing of the golden caskanett , to set it off , or adorn it : i may say , 't is a kind of whoring of true wit , to dress it in poetry ; and if a true poet hates to see the plot , and turn of his play fum'd away by opera into shew and noise ; much more may genuine and vigorous sense , scorn to be cramp'd and manacl'd by verse , for the sake of a little paultry rhime and metre , to set it out with . and to me therefore , it appears no other , than a reflection on mr. hobbs , who would otherwise seem a philosopher to translate homer ; not that i would so much undervalue homer neither , as the imployment of his judgment , and that he should squander away so much time in a meer diversion , and the endless gingle of words . would you know why poets are poor ; i think it is their due reward ; for when men weakly are too much enamour'd with butter-fly fancy , 't is fit , as a piece of natural justice , that poverty , as an arm'd man , should come upon them , and force them to reason , and to worldly and heavenly real cares to imploy them better . and yet , to shew the vanity of mankind , 't is wonderful to see how they are bewitched to the charming rhymes of verses ; but more especially , if they are satyr , men are naturally envious , and love to admire themselves , chiefly , in the degrading of others : and hence 't is , that you shall find a lord r — malitious wit , cry'd up for a miracle , when may be a fifty times greater or diviner in a good man , is scarce discernable . but above all , what infinite lies and fables our poets , ancient and modern , have fill'd the world with ? who can end the stories of their gods , their ryots , and metamorphoses , &c. the most pernicious means in the debauch of the old heathen morals ; and so even now , who looks into a poem and expects truth ? and alass ! what is it but our common plays and poems that paint vices for vertues , and turn even the devil to an angel of light ? and what , shall we call these poets prophets then ? no : if their rage be inspir'd them , 't is by the devil ; if they deal in history , they sophisticate it ; or if in morality , they rhodomontado it : so that in truth , poetry may very properly be call'd vinum daemonum , and deserve no manner of respect with men of judgment ; for tho' the subject be good and pious , yet who delights to see it strain'd beyond truth ? surely , poetry when it is excessive , deserves rather to be called a madness than an art. as for the laws of poetry , 't is idle to set fixt forms or bounds for rhymes or metre either , since the only rule for poetry , is the adding the delight as it were of chyming words to the sense ; nay , and that may be as well without rhymes as with . witness milton's paradise lost , and the latine poets , or without set metre , as horace and cowleys pindaricks , or indeed , any other way whatsoever . and , so as to the feet of such meter , whether dactils , or spondees , &c. and as to the bounds of such meter , whether jambicks , &c. the search is both idle and endless : indeed alsted reckons up no less then 124. several feet ; so that custom is only able to limit them , and pleasurableness is their greatest excellency . smoothness even in oratory is necessary , that its roughness may not interrupt attention ; and more even in poetry , is idle . so , what shall i say to our several sorts of meter also ; your acrosticks , your anagrams , and an hundred other little bawbles ; as ecchoes , riddles , meter , compos'd in the shape of pots and crowns ; so your verses that are to be read backwards , and that contain the year of the date in roman letters ? are not these endless and innumerable trifles , and fitter for a toy-shop , than a wise man's head ? so also , what a sputter we have to know the long , and the short of a syllable ! forsooth , we must have whole volumes for the sake of such a trifle : so , what a noise we have to know the due bounds of a poetica licentia , as if there were some mystery , or divinity in the impertinencies of poets ; risum teneatis amici ? and yet after all , not but that poetry not abus'd , may be both pleasant and useful too , in its time ; but then it ought precisely to follow truth in story , and not be cramp'd in the meter : to be short , the two great faults , in my sense , and that generally destroy the air of most poetry , are , when men either cripple it with too nice rules , like aristotle ; or , in stead of presenting us with an even current of thought in it , patch it up to us as with an endless fardle of fancies . of preface and dedication . our common preface-makers tell us , that a book without a preface , is like a face without a crevat ; but , suppose a rugged spaniard is avers'd to this little alamode de paris ; i hope the true english-man will not refuse to converse with him therefore . just so , if the preface be the crevat , surely dedication is the beaux-string ; and the man is as no body , that cannot prostitute himself genteelly and delicately to rhodomontade and flattery in it . in plain terms , men use their books like begging-passes , more to procure themselves good and easie means by the way , than to hasten themselves really to the truer ends of life by them . so our dedications also run in a strain , as if they were to beg a protection to our books ; but alass ! consult the authors real sence in the matter , and he 'll tell you , he has rather done an honour , than expects such a favour by it . i won't say , that all our prefaces and dedications are compos'd of such a medly as this ; but surely too many of them are so impertinent , and so luscious , that the authors have often spoil'd a good book by them . the zealous puritan , that will not so much as smoke a pipe of tobacco without a grace ; yet , when more solemnly he comes to make a publication to instruct the world , his interest shall make him sacrifice all his cant to some profitable brother or sister . god smote herod for taking the honour of his own speech to himself : alass ! we are infinitely more arrogant than he . we dare so great a property in such our glory , that we can presumptuously transfer it to another ; 't is well we live not among the primitive dispensations of judgments . what a delicate medly it is ; a book full of raptures of devotion , and a dedication as vile and wicked , as unmanly and ungenerous in its flatteries . did you approach , by a gracious permission , the presence of a king ? and would you be so sawcy , as to make the noble favour and honour done you , only the occasion to complement some little petty courtier before him ? much more , dare you appear in the presence of the king of kings , in solemnly presuming to declare and deliver his laws , and at the very footstool of his throne , presume to exalt the merits of any mortal man ? surely , if e're we take god's name in vain , 't is then ; and when we rob the divine majesty of a suitable reverence ; but who has the loss by it ? and who suffers by our bringing the sacred deity into contempt ? surely our selves : if we reverence him not duly , 't is we shall suffer for it : alass ! he himself stands in need of none of our honour . some heathens have never deliver'd the name of god but in great letters ; nay , others have never printed any other word in the same line , least the hasty reader should heedlesly pass it o're ; but , can this be to the honour of us christians , who thus care not how we treat him ? were we to write the life of alexander the great , and after some singular praises and encomiums , should dedicate it to some illustrious , over-grown , and singularly well qualified mouse ; would not this redound , by way of matchless honour , to alexander ? even so , when we treat with the great god of heaven , is it decent to magnifie even princes in his presence ? nay , is there any parity between finite and infinite ? and the dishonour to god and alexander in such case ? surely , all our private dedications are , at best , but an injustice to god therefore ; but such as these a manifest contumely to him : vve ought not to name the name , much less to treat any thing relating to the divine being , without the greatest sence of his majesty . vvhen we name therefore the invisible , infinite and eternal maker of all things , is it suitable , even to aggrandize the whole earth in his presence ? and to whom the whole globe is but as a drop of the bucket ? vvhen we deliver his truths , is it suitable to any sence of providence to crave the protection of any man on earth for them ? good god! how great is the vanity , as well as the impiety of these flatteries ? he that alone endures for ages , that disposes of kingdoms at his pleasure , and in whose hand , are , and have been all the mightiest men upon earth ; needs he an assistant , least his eternal vvill should fail ? and , if 't is not his vvill , vvho shall support it ? to be short ; i wish what i vvrite could perswade men to a more truly religious frame in this matter ; if not , i yet shall be content , that i have done my duty in vvarning them , and to the vvill of god be left the success on it . but , for my own part , i declare , were i either to lose or gain the indies by such methods , i would sooner burn my self and papers , than stoop to so mean and corrupt a practice . i will not say , that like the apostles , we may not justly write epistolarly to a church , or brother ; for certainly , so long as we preserve the due decorum of decency and verity , that must be most innocent ; but surely , whatever exceeds that , must savour either of vanity or evil. of stvdy . studies serve either for delight , for ornament , or for ability ; for delight in retirement , for ornament in discourse , and for ability in judgment , and disposition of business ; and yet to spend too much time in study , is sloth ; to use them too much for ornament , is affectation ; and , to confine our judgment too precisely to their rules , is formal and pedantick . and thus likewise , reading makes a full man , or copious notion ; conference a ready man , and a temper conversable ; and writing an exact man , or a complete idea . indeed , there is no stond , or impediment in the wit , but that may be wrought out by fit studies : and if there be any knot , that i cannot by study work off at one time , meditation shall do it at another . but he buyes himself but a melancholy slavery , who studies more than necessary : now , such our necessity appears by this , either in attaining agreeable accomplishments , or in preparation for business , or in a charitable instruction of our brother : but rather than study beyond these ends , we ought to confine our selves even to set-hours , and to times and seasons . to be short ; crafty men contemn studies , as the longest way about , and , as true wisdom is too laborious for them ; simple men admire them , as it is their very exaltation to be in wonders ; and wise men use them : they perfect nature , and are perfected by experience : for natural parts , like natural plants , are the better for pruning and grafting . the method of study . but , as we love to do nothing in vain , and are not willing to bestow pains , where it will not make us any return ; so , no prudent man will venture on any course of study , till he has first throughly setled the exactest measures of his method . and thus , if you read , observe nicely to do it deliberately , choosing your times , when you are not likely to be disturb'd ; but , above all , be sure to maintain a continued and steady apprehension in whatever you do ; and whenever you find that disturbed , or destroy'd , never distract your self further , but cease study , least you lose as much in the confusion and want of method , as you get in the quantity . indeed , i may add , to study more than four or five hours a day , except it be purely in copying writings , is too much ; it precipitates our judgment , and sowrs our proceedings ; and , what improvement can you expect then , when as you increase in the mass , you lose in the digestion ; nay , and may be , for want of consideration , indiscernably engage your self in nothing else but trifles . nay , and besides , what is it that makes our studies uneasie to us , but when we are thus careless in examining their circumstances ? if we are too violent in them , well may we be confounded and fatigued ; and if we thoughtlesly set about them , in the midst of interruption , can we justly charge it on the nature of study , when we complain of its uneasiness ? so in reading , can you think that when you gallop over a good author , you do not flatten him , and lose half his life and substance ? surely you do : alass ! if you intend to be a student to effect , you must learn to pursue your subject with patience , and discipline your self to a laborious constancy ; but , above all , if you intend to study much , rise early , and have time before you , for why should you impair your health by it for want of exercise ? nor be discouraged , that thou canst not succeed in thy studies immediately , or at the first engagement ; if thou aimest at perfection , thou must not mushroom-like , think to spring up in a day , no , nor a year ; no , alass ! thou must cut thy way even through mountains of errors and prejudices : and , though thou mayst patch up a cottage in an hour , yet a beautiful city of thought , a new rome , fit for an humane soul to reign in , is not to be hew'd out of the rocks , rear'd and adorn'd in a day . and , in this case , had the world been as diligent in a sincere and impartial meditation , as they have been in their pedantry , i am perswaded that by this time , knowledge had been quadruple to what it is ; not that i would have men wholly fling aside all former helps neither ; but i would have them make their reading as subservient to their own digestion ; for my part there 's nothing that i have either receiv'd or borrow'd , that i have not reduc'd to my own method and disposal . hence some books are to be tasted , others to be swallow'd , and some few to be chewed and digested ; some books may be read by deputy , that is , by extracts : but , in all our methods we ought never to read , to contradict and confute only ; nor to believe , nor take for granted , nor meerly to find talk and discourse ; but duly to weigh , consider , and digest also . and , in this case , i may add , that , as an ill stomach craves for more than it can digest , so 't is an irregular student that reads more than he considers how to command : and , as he that in such case , eats more than he digests , breeds humours ; so , surely , i may as justly add , that a reader , beyond the true capacity of his comprehension also , breeds errours . and , to carry the simile a little further . as the soundest meats prove the best nourishment , though they are often difficult to digest , so the intricatest notions commonly prove the students best informers , though for a little time they may amuse his conception ; for , as marrow lies in bones , so valuable secrets lye generally wrapt in difficulties ; besides that , any one difficulty left unconquer'd , is enough to cloud and confound the whole idea of our studies and notions that follow it . as for collections in writing , and without which , to study by reading , is but to try to fill proserpina's seeve : think first with your self , what will be really material and substantial in them ; and learn to distinguish dressing from subjects , and ornaments from things ; the first may be abridg'd , and compris'd in short , while the latter is various , nay infinite , and consequently impertinent : thr first is the composure of solid judgment , the latter but the froth and wantonness of fancy . as for your method in collecting therefore , let it be clear , short , and well-advis'd ; clear , that you may make an easie recollection , and easily continue your course ; short , that you may not bestow more pains in shadow than substance ; or method than matter ; and well-advis'd , that you may proceed without repentance , and that you may not be perpetually imploy'd in laying of new foundations , but be able cheerfully to build your superstructure on . for my part , till i purified thus my method , the more i studied , the more i was confounded ; but thus i have not only preserv'd my idea entire , but one part of my study has help'd the other , while my whole body lies easie for me , either for correction or improvement , and as hereafter i shall see occasion . but besides this , we ought to consider to keep our studies within the bounds of a due limitation also . the true limitation of studies . and thus , first , we ought to limit our studies to our use , and to fit them to supply our defects ; thus histories will teach us wisdom , through experimental precepts : poets will make us witty , but light and flashy ; the mathematicks will make us subtile and not credulous ; natural philosophy deep and reasoning ; morality grave and good ; and logick and rhetorick will teach one faction , and make one able to contend . hence also , if a man's wit be wandring , let him study the mathematicks ; for if in demonstrations he go never so little aside , he must begin all again ; so if he be not apt to distinguish , read the schoolmen ; or if he be not apt to beat our matters , or to call up one thing , to prove and illustrate another , let him study the lawyers cases , and so every defect of the mind may have a special receipt . so if he be apt to be idle , let him borrow the books he is to study , for a time , and that will make him either diligent , or want ; nor let him , in studying , only meditate or read , for that is but to see his face in a glass , and to leave fleeting characters in the memory only , and that will instantly be blotted out ; whereas by writing also we draw a more lasting picture . so likewise reflection on conversation is far better than crude books , and too much reading ; in truth , one may say , not only that book-learning is commonly too pedantick and formal to benefit ; but indeed , that books , in themselves , are almost as idle as infinite ; and so that , in truth , 't is a matter greatly worth our examining , how far to study , and what to read ; and also , what to fling aside as superfluous . and thus the knowing what 's fit to be studied , saves half the pains ; and , in such case , just enough in charity and necessity is sufficient : we are not here to get knowledge for the other world , as some idly have imagin'd ; our sincerity indeed will stand us in stead there , but our knowledge not in the least . alass ! the present state of our nature and sences is probationary , and not to last . before therefore we descend into the several branches of humane learning , it were the highest prudence first to discern between knowledge , profitable and useless , curious and solid ; and in which case , in general , as i have said , 't is equally vain and foolish , to think to arrive at a nice perfection of wisdom , the prerogative of god ; and we should confine our selves therefore , as well to what is rationally within our powers , as to what is useful . and thus the philosophers stone , supposing it acquirable , yet it were both lazy and an unindustrious encroaching on the publick property to attain it ; and therefore , deservedly punishable by laws . and thus , there are some things also more directly unlawful to be studied , as i have already shewn , and which will much shorten an universal idea , as witchcraft , as rebellion to god , and superstitious magick , as tempting him . but , besides these greater evils , how many may i add , spend their time about words , and never dive into sense ? how many please themselves rather with the slight imaginations and fancies of other than trouble themselves to look for truth ? i say , we need only reflect , how easily we may dispence with these , and many others sorts of knowledge , and not envy the possessours of them ; and indeed , what but such exuberances in studies , make our present philosophy a meer idle chimera and vanity ? to be short , the true end of study , as of all things else , is the glory of god , and the good of his creatures : now , as we cannot say , we pursue either of these ends , when we study trifles , so are such imployments sinful ; and tho' i would obtain a complete knowledge , and raise its banks too high for the storms of raving wit and trifling error , to be able to destroy ; yet withall , i would not bestow the least pains on what might look either unnecessary or evil . of the choice of books . and thus also we pity our loss of books ; alass , fond fools that we are ! what is lost that occasional industry and necessity cannot retrieve ? besides , we are mistaken to seek for wisdom in the multitude of authors ; we had as good look for it in the mobile , where some are moon-ey'd , some purblind , some confident , as mountebanks , and others , perverse even as devils . nay , when we consider the meer multiplicity of books , tho' i would allow my self to consult the choicer for my assistance , yet in general , i would as soon hear every man's dream as read his works ; and i ought therefore , rather first to consider what books i ought to read , and next , what may be convenient for me by way of resort . now , as for the election of authors , i know no other method than the vogue of the learn'd ; in morality and divinity , those whom time and antiquity have commended , and who have stood the censure of ages , are to be chosen ; and not every modern author , whose gawdy titles and popular prejudices make him better at noise than reasoning : but as for experimental wisdom , as interest is likely to improve the world with her age , so the latter authors are there to be prefer'd before blind antiquity . but wouldst thou know a more particular test for good books , i mean moral ones ; they are such as have learning and sincerity , but more especially sincerity : and hence the scriptures which no one can esteem , to exceed in regular learning ; yet as being most pure and transcendant in sincerity , infinitely exceed all other books : alass ! 't is not notion but bright sincerity , that duly and justly gives the preference . indeed , what good can a sinister , cunning , or pedantry do us ? upon the whole , 't were too tedious for me here to give you long catalogues of books ; and besides , my designs is rather towards a general advice ; if the student want particular authors names therefore , let him consult the proper artists , and the perusal of books themselves ; and yet let him even then rather choose a few and choice books than a library ; for a multitude will confound us , where a moderate quantity will assist and help us ; and in truth , masters of great libraries too commonly like booksellers , deal no deeper than in titles . as for the encouragement of diverting needless studies , i shall only say this , 't is fit a gentleman should have at least an insight into all things ; he need not aim at being a master in all , and yet he may take a slight view or lanskaf of all : for tho' he intends but one thing as his business , yet he may justly make the survey of all , the ring of his recreation and diversion : for who can distinguish things better than he that has the largest prospect ? and yet in such looser studies , i would not read a mean book : suppose he help thee to a good notion or two , will that avail thee for thy pains and loss of time ? nor needst thou doubt in such case , but that if thou readst the choicer authors upon the same subject , that they will give thee the same thing , and in much better order , than a little pretender shall . i may say , our dozing our selves with an unprofitable reading , what is it , but like poysoning and cankring our minds , and which induces us to dote away our time in perpetual maze and confusion ? when thou hast therefore tryed some few pages in an author , and canst not like him , reject him : for as 't is impossible for a man to read all books , so 't is enough if he do the best ; and 't is our unhappiness if a pearl lye scatter'd in an unproper soile : and if a good notion be lost , because deliver'd by an ill author , i say , 't is a misfortune in discretion inevitable ; for the man is mad that thinks to read all books : and yet , if an author lye in a good method , a little pains may serve to examine him . further , there is a weak and cowardly prejudice in men , i mean , when the dread of being seduc'd by ill books , makes them afraid to read good ones , if they have but a bad name : but why so , i say ? if what an author write be true , why should i be bug-beard from an opportunity of being wiser ? if false , am not i a fool so to question the integrity or strength of my reasoning ? and thus is it not a shame , that an hobbs should fright an university worse than a monster ? i am afraid , the too common and fondling notions of the world are a little rotten at the heart , or else methinks their abettors need not be put to these shifts and burnings , to confute their adversaries : alass ! truth , like the sun , of its self , and without force , is able to cleer all the fogs of fallacy and sophistry ; and nothing but error and prejudice need dread the combate of argument , and the test of examination . an affected singularity indeed in all colours , is odious ; but this perverseness in the popularity of the world , makes it , that if ever we intend to study truth , we must be singular sometimes , and dare converse with men and books that are so ; or else at last , we may find to our loss , that we shall explode truth and sincerity too often with such authors . i shall add a little in general of speculation and practice , as the main rule of our study , and conclude . of speculation and practice . our speculation in general , ought to be so far subservient to our practice , that i may say , we profane precepts as well as piety , when we take their words into our mouth , or transcribe them with our pens , and do not live and act accordingly . in divinity nothing is more dangerous than knowledge without obedience : christ tells us , that he that knew his masters will , and perform'd it not , should be beaten with many stripes : and he that pretends to vertue no otherwise than in notion , is no better than an hypocrite , or at best a chymera book-worm . 't is true , we ought not to neglect speculation ; and yet as practice is the end of speculation , surely no man will prefer the means before the end . practice without speculation at worst , makes us but imprudent ; but meer speculation renders us unprofitable , and drones : and in truth , vertue , by meer speculation , is confounded , and only ripen'd by action . nay , knowledge without practice , is but a lust of curiosity ; and the man that cannot propose a good moral end in his studies , had as good divert himself with the purling of brooks and pibles , as the meer change of words and notions ; and yet 't is the curse of your dreaming speculatists , that they not only have no taste of real wisdom , but mispend the time that should lead them to it . wisdom is folly , and prudence madness , in such a man ; and yet , hypocrite-like , he shall read their precepts even with delight , as long as their novelty lasts . the measure therefore of our speculation , ought to be this ; sufficient to advance our practice , and not impede it , of things useful , and not of unprofitable whimseys , of bettering life , as vertue and religion , and not turning men into thinking , and reading melanchollists ; 't is a vice to procure that knowledge that is not of advantage when had ; and we misemploy our method of thinking , if we engage it purely in a puzzle of thoughts : indeed , the mind working on matter , produceth worthy notions , but on its self nothing but cobwebs and trifles . and thus also , there are some men so weak as to look for morality even in plays and romances ; but alass ! they but flatter themselves , and seek but for the colours of vertue , while they dare not the brave and nobler self-denial of her purer precepts : poor pretenders ! why do they shuffle so ? a courageable enemy is better than a bastard friend : think you ever to reconcile good and evil , or god and the devil ? surely , the man that even carouzes in his lusts , is an innocent to such as hypocrite . upon the whole therefore , you see i may make my self learneder by reading , but only wiser by moderating and regulating my actions : i will not therefore spend all my vigour in discipline , in the dressing room of my soul : i must live as well as think ; and yet , as i know error is too often to strong for me , i will always leave room for repentance , amendment , and new precepts . and , as our speculation therefore ought not to be continual , so at length , i would have a man say , lectum , consideratum , & scriptum est , & nunc vivam ; when once i have made my rule to live by , i 'le see how i can draw my life and actions by it ; wisdom was never intended to be acquir'd only , but enjoy'd ; and that knowledge is folly , not wisdom , that does not apply its self to the uses of man. and to conclude ; the only reason that makes speculation and practice differ so much , comes from the vicious and chimera prejudices of mankind : indeed , were our knowledge reduc'd sincerely to the due bounds of wisdom , we should find our precepts would be like to demonstration ; and a man would no sooner read them , but he would be convinc'd beyond all doubt , to act by them . of constancy . one may say , the sun , the air , and all things about us , contribute to make us what we are in every respect ; but our minds , and the purity thereof , so that indeed , who ever loves us on any other account than that , their love must needs be transitory ; for being made what we are by our circumstances , and they changing as they perpetually do , we become others than we were ; so that in such case , it cannot be justly called an unconstancy , to change our affections , when the objects themselves have chang'd . and hence it is , that our constancy in love , what is it but a perpetual inconstancy , and which causes our hearts to encline successively to all the qualities of the person that we love , giving sometimes the preference to one , and sometimes to another ? so that , in truth , the best of our constancies , except to god , want a foundation ; and really , what are they but our inconstancys limited , and unreasonably bound up in one subject , by an unaccountable obstinacy ? and thus , what but this is it , that makes us seek for new friends , and fresh faces every day , and yet not but that that which makes us love new acquaintance , is not always so much a weariness of our old , or the pleasure of change , as the distaste which we have , that we are not enough admir'd by those that we know too familiarly , and the hope we have to be more admir'd by those that know us but a little ? but to return ; there are two sorts of constancy in love ; the one is , because we find perpetually in the person we love ( as in an inexhausible fountain ) new causes to love ; the other is , that one holds it dishonourable to change or break ones word ; and so also , there is an inconstancy which comes from a levity of mind , and which changes every moment its opinion , or out of weakness , which makes it receive all the opinions of others : and so there is another inconstancy , which is more excusable , and which comes from the things themselves , through their losing their relish . nor is such an inconstancy , except in vertue or friendship to be discommended ; for why may not i justly follow my inclination , and the change of things ? but he that is false to his friend , or that complains of his friend , that he may be able before hand the better to justify his own levity , is guilty of a perverse treachery ; or else , i may say , our perseverance deserves neither praise nor blame ; for indeed , 't is no more than a continuance of our taste and thoughts , and which we may as innocently as justly be able to remove from us , or change at pleasure . but as for our constancy in goodness , sincerity , and truth , it is the chief and crown of all vertues , and even the best of vertues : vertues themselves degenerate to a vice without it ; if we have either bravery or goodness therefore , let us remember to crown all such endeavours with constancy . constancy will make even condemn'd innocence glory in her vertue ; and patience and penitent guilt submit and co-operate with justice . whilst i am constant to the tracks of vertue , my breast shall be immovable and easy , and neither crowns shall make me proud , nor rags asham'd . nay , and while i thus mix constancy with wisdom , my affairs shall be in order , and prudence shall cut out their seasons : i 'le foreknow the variety and difference of business , and neither accident nor novelty shall confound or surprize me ; indeed that man ought not so much as to presume at the name of prudence , that by a steady perseverance in st●●ly and meditation , has not strengthned and garison'd his reason , and given it an entire prospect above the common little mountains of prejudice and inconstancy . to be short , i would even hate my mind till i make it speak the same thing to morrow that it does to day ; my certainty and my faith shall be the same , and i will have an equal regard for them at all times . cannot human frailty bear this ? purified reason and precepts shall . my ideas shall not be fleeting and changable at every blast of reasoning , nor my resolution wavering ; i will know the certainty of piety , vertue and truth ; if they have no bottom , i 'le never hamper my self with them ; if they have , if possible , i will follow them ; nay , and i hope by the help of god , by the same rule , to be able to reduce my notions to principles that shall last as long as the sun shines . have i misfortunes ? and what then ! does not the same reason of things always continue ? or was i ever so weak as not to expect accidents ? if not , why is my mind and resolution chang'd ? is not my reason the same still ? or what ! must i commit my self to the wind , and be as changeable as the weather-cock ; be a philosopher to day , a fidler to morrow , and every day find some new whimseys for my entertainment ? no , constancy is the most potent and crown of all vertues ; and through constancy i will , nay i doubt not , but to conquer all things . constancy even in drops wears stones away , while nothing is more weak than a pretender ; if we have never so great an appearance in our actions either of vertue or courage , yet if we want constancy and perseverance , our profession is idle , and our pretences are vain ; nay , and they reflect more upon us , than if we were absolutely negligent . and yet , tho' nothing can recommend its self more to us than constancy , yet it ought to be with this limitation , in what is good , and truth only ; and not in a lie , or evil . constancy in vice enhances our guilt , and perseverance in error after conviction , be it on any pretence whatever , is the sure method of folly and ignorance . indeed , constancy is only in good things ; and 't is obstinacy that fixes us in evil , and that makes sin and vice eternal , and that forbids repentance for fear of change. of the art of war. of the lawfulness of war . to god alone belongs the prerogative of life and death ; and who art thou , who presumest to assume it ? art thou a king ? even a king ought to be a father to his subjects , and not a slaughterer : but is that for trifles , to drown them in blood ? surely , they forget king phillips monitor ; remember thou art a man therefore , who can too easily engage themselves in war ? and yet tho' hence we ought to abhor war , yet we ought never to forget it , no , not even in time of peace : if the rigour of our discipline cease , yet at least our military precepts should be preserv'd pure ; for nothing surely can disengage us of our self preservation . and yet not that , not to be backward in just wars , should forward us therefore to rapine or murder neither ; god certainly has plagues and real causes of wars enough to ease the world of being over-peopled by , without our presumptious , murders and desolations : have i therefore the justest cause of war , if possible , i will stifle it . thus , is my merchant injur'd ? i will satisfie him by reprisal . and , have i wrong'd my neighbour ? i will acquit my self before god , in tendring him satisfaction . indeed , princes should consider the hardship of an unjust war upon their subjects , before they begin it . i might add , is the right doubtful ? and what , will not an arbitration serve and save humane blood ? in truth , war without cause is predatory and bruitish , and a meer souldier is worse than an blangman ; a generous officer sure would die rather than fight without a good cause declar'd . in doubtful cases indeed , i 'le obey my prince ; but shall he make a man-butcher of me ? not but that war undoubtedly may be most lawful too ; for even the same christ that could abolish the rule , of an eye for an eye , &c. in forbearance and mercy ; yet himself could once think a sword necessary , luke 22. 36. and lash the thieves out of the temple . to be short ; god has given us a being , and shall we not value his kindness , by all the lawful ways of self-preservation ? and what , may we not then justly resist all violent aggressors , and avenge our selves of our secret enemies , to incapacitate them in their evil designs ? nay , and if this be the law of nature ; pray where is 't abolish'd ? and surely , it is such , nay , and to that degree , that a people may lawfully raise a war of self-defence of their own heads , and without the authority of their prince , where 't is necessary , even as all casuists allow . and yet , not but that i may wickedly prosecute the justest war too ; war should be manag'd , as by a judge , to pay the original debt , and not as by a robber , to murder and plunder . thus i have a just occasion of war , when i see another assault me , nay , when i have a good ground of jealousie and suspicion , i am not bound to wait the first blow : but are my suspicions weak , and his preparations trifling ? peace and charity commands me to entertain no ill opinion of them . so , do i see my neighbour's subjects miserably distrest ? 't is my duty not to see piety , honesty and innocence discouraged ; and yet , though to relieve the opprest for religion , may be a good cause of war , yet , to propagate it , can be none . so , is my brother ignorant , or an heathen ? charity will let me advise him , but not force him : but does my brother sacrifice his children ? is he a sodomite , or a murderer , as benjamin ? surely i , with israel , may war with him , to bring him to a better temper . so papists , by their principle , that no faith 's to be kept with hereticks , give an immortal cause of war : we sight a more generous and open enemy , and are not we bewitch'd to forgive one , bloody , barbarous , and inveterate , as the devil himself is then ? 't is pity , indeed , we don't indulge their tender consciences , and let them murder us ; 't is their principle and religion : if it be their religion , i say , 't is from the devil , and let us fight them till they alter it : what! profess our selves sheep for the slaughter ? i don't know whether protestant states may not answer for 't to god , as self-murderers , that they have tender'd such vermin-principles so long . so , surely , i have a right to take a sword from a mad-man , to arbitrate my neighbour's popular commotions , and to interpose towards setling the peace of my neighbours . thus , if my neighbour begins a war , though with another neighbour ; the wolf shall not think , by my standing neuter , to devour me next ; and yet i will not help a too potent prince abus'd neither ; for why should i assist him to destroy my self ? thus 't was the war of righteous abraham to reduce those conquerors that carried away his brother lot. and yet , if the war for my brother be too desperate , i am not bound to fling away my life for his sake . but are only my merchants injur'd , and by private persons ? i have no cause of war , if either satisfaction be tender'd , or the offenders deliver'd up ; but such an injury , by a commission'd subject , is a compleat cause of war. so i may naturalize a subject of my neighbours without offence ; but if i offer to naturalize a town , or to encroach but one foot on his dominions , he has a just cause of war against me ; and yet even then he ought not only to demand a reasonable satisfaction , but solemnly to denounce it , e're he begins with acts of hostility . of generals in war . one ordinary general is better than two excellent ones ; for nothing is more pernicious than confusion and irresolution : and yet 't is hard to trust the courage of one general only ; the mean seems the appointing three several commanders , for van , main body , and reer ; and changing their commands each week ; and so you may not only be assur'd of a general on all hazards , but as well secure their fidelity , as relieve their courages . nor were it amiss also , for the same reason , once a year for a general to make all his under-officers change their commands ; and which , to avoid offence , he may do by promotion ; for so he will not only instruct all , and make military discipline familiar , but hinder all corruption in false musters , and prevent all factions in his army whatever . as for the skill of a general , it has two advantages , duty and stratagem ; duty , to know the force and order of military discipline , and therefore a general must be a souldier ; and stratagem , to prevent and secure future accidents to his advantage ; and , in this , 't is his own ingenuity ; and a council of war must aid him . nor is any thing more worthy a general 's care in this case , than the choice and management of his council of war : does he fear treachery in it , and can't he talk of what he will , though he never resolves on it then , and seem to doubt in what he most intends ? but above all , a general ought to esteem his life as the whole armies ; indeed , he acts the greatest publick good in preserving it ; nay , he ought in this , to be so nice , as to be always in temper , and never suffer himself to be harrass'd out ; he is the head of the army , and therefore ought never to be without vigorous thoughts and counsils for every opportunity of stratagem , or service that may offer . and , in this , a general ought to remember also , that in all extremities he has a commission from the law of nature , as well as his prince ; not , i mean , but that in affronts and trifles , he should choose to let time give him satisfaction ; but , in imminent dangers , his own discretion , as well as his princes words , ought to be his rule . further , a general ought to be most severe , and yet most just also ; severe , to awe his enemies , and preserve his own discipline ; and yet just , that he provoke neither to hatred : and , indeed , in this matter , nothing is better than that the general be belov'd : and yet , for a prince to permit his army to choose their own general for their loves-sake , is to dethrone himself . but , does a prince see the army hate their general ? he will do well to choose them a better : so , does a general see his army jealous of him ? let his friend head the jealousie , and expostulate satisfaction , who , besure , will be more tender than if his enemies were to judge him . but , does a general find his prince jealous of him ? his only way to anticipate it , is , by laying down his commission ; and when he is so ingenious , he need not fear further mischief . princes know the evil consequence of ill-treating such great officers : if he punish one too easily , the next he may expect to secure himself , by going over to the enemy . of vvar in general . war is the decision of a right too high for judicature ; wherein , arms is the trial , and conquest the judgment . to begin a war after conquest perfected , and mercy shewn , is a piece of perfidy , that deserves no quarter . are you a private man , and have receiv'd mercy , through yielding up your right ? surely , you merit a thousand racks if you ungratefully reassume it again : you might have died in the field , or now continue neuter ; but , is it nothing to fight against that benefactor , that has given you your being , and so spill innocent blood ? so to allow quarter , when ask'd , is both a christian and a humane duty ; while to execute men by law-civil , forgiven by quarter military , is most barbarous . but does some hen-roost garrison withstand a royal army ? they deserve no quarter , or at least they ought to be decimated ; 't is not generosity , but madness , that makes men prolong wars , and destroy one another without prospect of relief . so , is mine enemy perfidious ? 't is his fault that our slaughters are endless , who , by his treachery , has put it out of our power to believe or trust him . not that stratagems are disallowable , or that victory is the less honourable for them neither ; 't is jesting , not fighting , to proclaim every blow we intend . 't was a generous custom of the antients indeed , to give notice of battel by the sound of a bell ; the course of late is more wary , but not less bloody , to secure frontiers by garrisons , and spin out wars by the tricking of armies . wars are usually of two sorts , either of conquest , or like moses's , to root out the inhabitants . in a common dispute ▪ the decision of a goliah , or horatii , may save blood ; but , an extirpating war , and such as papists and protestants at this day are , can safely admit of a peace on no terms . thus , am i entred into a war , and am i like to engage with a stronger state ? by garrisons i will stop mine enemy , till either by diversion or assistance i can withstand him ; but if neither my self , nor allies , can probably resist him , i will rather generously fling my self under some agreeable protection , than stand with a silly sullenness to be destroy'd . but are your forces equal ? and are you well fortified ? admit the war in your own country , where you may command both men and provisions upon a loss , and which abroad may be fatal to your army . thus the suiss that can fight an ●00●00 . at home , strain hard to maintain but 40000 men when abroad ; and yet without forts , your whole country 's destroy'd . so , is your war with a trade-state ? pen them but in , and stop their course , and you make them ruine themselves : but is such a state too powerful for you ? either buy your peace , make in with its enemies , or distract him by some intestine commotions ; perhaps some of the royal family have a claim to be assisted . would you delay a war ? send an ambassador with proposals of peace ; but with such perplex'd terms , as may judicially require some time to deliberate them . but are you resolv'd on a war , and in the mean time would blind your enemy while you are preparing ? amuse your enemy by secret counsels and close ambassadors ; nor need you be wanting in congratulatory complements and civilities . must i presume , my honest demands will create a war , and may not i wait till i am duly enabled to make them ? so , is a war begun ? invite your enemy by mercy , and fright him through severity . have you two armies ? by the one block up forts , while the other enters on the enemy . so also , are you forc'd to proceed by sieges ? blood will save blood , and by destroying every man in the garrison , where there is not a surrender on summons , you will make a quick dispatch of the war. so also , to manage secrets well , is a great point in war ; and so for precepts and orations , to bear up mens courages . one general on his death , for this very cause , order'd a drum to be made of his skin , only to hearten his souldiers . so , as for punishing warlike offences , nothing deserves a greater care : cowards alass ! are not worthy of death ; let them rather live to expiate their disgrace : but as for the false and treacherous , let them be no sooner discover'd , than sent to the father and promoter of perfidy , lest it prove too late for you to destroy them in their second wiles . of conqvest . a pious conqueror ought but exactly to do justice and right to himself ; if he acquires new dominions , it should not be out of ambition but necessity , and because that his enemies are perverse and implacable . as the pirate notably answer'd alexander the great , what are great conquests but great robberies ? so surely , one might as justly be guilty of a robbery as a conquest , unless one had the justest cause of war to move one to it . for my part , had i the empire of the world through conquest , yet like lycurgus with sparta , it should be but to settle their states the better by it : did i root out a tyrant , yet like the old romans , would i not rob his heirs ; or should i subdue a common-wealth , t' should be but to reinstate them in their ancient purity . surely , i but pretend to war for my neighbours relief , while i make a prey of him . indeed , if a state be so corrupt , as not to be able to bear to be reform'd , i will rather take the conquest into my own protection , than leave it weltring in anarchy and blood. to be short ; robbers and murderers of thousands in corruption and flattery , we admire without regret , while the more innocent rogues from necessity we destroy in this world , and damn in the next ; but surely , god will be more just to them . but to proceed , would you secure a conquest ? you must root out the antient governours , or the mobile in faction will reinstate the worst of tyrannies : so , would you transform a corrupt common-wealth ? you must either raise their chief cities , or transplant their principal heads , or else the first advantage that offers them will confound your establishment . thus also , a conquest where there are nobles , is easier than where all are slaves ; the turkish vassals will be forc'd unanimously to withstand you , tho when subdued , your conquest is entire and secure ; while english nobles , that may assist your victory , will withall by the same hereditary power , render your conquest as ticklish . to preserve a conquest therefore : first , reside personally sometime upon it , the better to prevent all plots : and , secondly , on pretence of kindness , take some of the nobles sons as hostages with you when you depart : thirdly , continue titles of honour to the natives , but keep all offices to your own servants : fourthly , let your ministers be only seen in harsh things : and lastly , take particular care of all popular meetings , on any pretence whatever . to be short ; all alterations naturally leave a toothing for new changes ; and therefore the best way to secure what you have got , is like the generous romans also , to make one law of nations : and so , if you let humanity crown your peace , as valour has adorn'd your war , you need not fear but to govern without danger . when your conquests find themselves united to you by marriages , their taxes eas'd and remitted , and their whole states chang'd for the better ; when you change not the customs of their provinces , and your impartial justice gives them not the least jealously of their rights , you will find men are not mad to embroyle themselves . and yet , are your conquests in different languages ? your vigorous beginnings must not end in too supine a negligence ; you must have a jealous eye on neighbours , least they joyn the discontented natives ; and in this case , if you cut off seditious heads , yet withall you must pardon and reward as generously , but especially your nobles . but lastly , are you so necessitated , and would you secure your conquests by force ? do it rather by colonies , than firing them against you through standing forces ; he that by right of conquest is master of all , surely may command any little particular part , and dispossess the natives of a few convenient fortified towns for colonies . are a few dispossest , do you obiect ? 't is for the good of the whole , and they become too poor to be formidable ; and as they are , you may make them satisfaction in another place , if you please , and which is best ; or if not , others injoying their rights justly , will never assist them . of stratagems of war . there are many advantages of stratagems ; but above all , that they breed confidence in your own army , and dismay your enemy : he 'll dread to take the advantage of your miscarriages , while he fears the reputation of your designs . nor is it the least excellency of stratagem , to alter at every turn your methods . thus , if sometimes a cap on a staff be made the signal of battel , as well as the sound of the trumpet , &c. how can your enemy measure your intentions ? so , to encourage your army , print sometimes a hearty speech to your souldiers , with the promise of rewards ; so do they dread your enemy ? skirmish him with some of your best men , to make him familiar to them . so , would you make your souldiers unanimous ? let them do but the enemy some considerable mischief before they mutiny , and fear will do the work . hannibal finding his souldiers desert , in a speech told the rest that staid , that those that had left him had leave , and went as spies to the romans ; the romans hearing of this , cut off the deserters right hands , and sent them back to hannibal again . so by letters or chance words in embassies , to insinuate that the eenemies generals or officers are false , will give just the same jealously and distrust as if they were so . above all , spyes are greatly to be feared ; are they run-aways ? command but every man to his tent , and they are discovered immediately ; but spyes near your counsels are most pernicious ; if an inconsiderable enemy can so far undermine you , you may justly dread at last , least he destroy you by stratagems also . some to feel an enemies pulse , send ambassadours often with good souldiers in disguise ; while others to blind such discoveries , continue their number of tents , and draw their parties out of the whole army . to obtain your desire on your enemy , counterfeit but that you fear or desire the contrary , and you need not doubt his readiness to cross or disappoint you : but would you avoid fighting him ? besure keep at least 50 miles from him . so , does he streighten you ? amuse him by some truce or stratagem ; thus some have driven oxen with combustible matter fir'd on their horns before them , and so escap'd . nor , is it inconsiderable , the skill and command of posts and passes in this case , and yet not but that to repose your whole trust on them is as ruinous . but has your enemy distressed you already in stratagems ? use the following or like remedies . thus , does your enemy encompass you gather your self close and break through his weaker sides ; does he press you between two hills ? make but a trench behind you , and you may fight which half of him you please : does the other half come round upon you ? a wooden-bridge made , and laid cross the trench , frees you of all . so , does he stop you at a river ? either privately send out a detachment to make a bridge cross to secure your passage at another place , or divert the channel , and so make it fordable ; some have laid combustible matter in their trenches , while others have turn'd the river and drown'd their enemies with it . some have counterfeited preys and fears to draw an ambush , while others have set up sayles on sticks , and shewn their baggage retinue on an hill , to terrifie their enemy with the approach of succours . some by favours to captives , have divided their enemies , and by little messages , sooth'd them in their divisions ; but then remember , that to attack them too soon upon it , is to unite them ; and here a general 's dispositions and passions are to be regarded . some also have let their enemies enter , and take towns , and assaulted them when weakned by garrisoning ; others have waited only for some advantage over him , as his passing a river , &c. but in all cases , a general had better fight than baulk his men by too much caution . but to proceed ; is your army at leisure ? ravaging is the best employ : seiges are uncertain , conspiracies loss of time , storming towns is dangerous , and battels more hazardous ; but the best plundering is under the enemies colours . but above all , the reputation of a geneals justice , his clemency and severity to perfection are most useful ; he that is gentle to all but the stubborn , and implacable to the obstinate , has a double force to beat his enemies with . and yet , after all , a possibility of retreat , and a back-door to cowardize , ought to be left to the most obstinate ; 't will influence your own souldiers with fear , to deal with an enemy , desperate , and beyond all power of escape : and thus caesar would not let his souldiers see , that a town they besieg'd was reduc'd to a bread of herbs . to reduce your own men to a necessity therefore , were much the rather to be chosen . thus , i would burn my ships , if i invaded an island to make my men desperate : but , if i storm'd a town , i would proclaim , not to kill a man that laid down his sword , rather than to suggest i intended no mercy . so also , 't is dangerous after a battel , to fall upon the conqueror , unless he has had a very hard victory of it . slaughters are generally in the flight , and not in the field ; and 't is therefore no little disadvantage to attack a flush'd victor , and one just practis'd in ready fighting . to conclude , histories may teach us more and better stratagems than these ; but where shall we find them ? has a general leisure to consult volumes for the result and occurrence of an hour ? surely therefore , even in this , precepts exceed history also . of plunder and slaves . not only the goods , slaves , and lands of the conquer'd , but their very persons also , by the laws of conquest , are at the discretion of the victors ; and yet , not but that at worst , they owe them all the freedoms and duties of humanity ; nothing can excuse us of rapes , of putting women or children to death , or men , except souldiers , or actually in armes . nay , if even souldiers become your humble suplicants , and surrender on discretion , only the principal guiltists among your enemy ought to suffer death , i mean in prudence , as well as justice ; for sure , the mercy that can soften your enemies , is highly to be esteem'd of . in the partition of plunder , 't is not agreeable the state should have all ; surely the soldiers deserve the price of their blood : but then let an oath be administred ▪ for every souldier to bring in his plunder to be divided ; or else , not only they may lose the day , through the avarice of plunder , but the worst of souldiers will get most ; while the general , and other officers , that deserve best , will want even an equal distribution . in the roman distribution , the state had the lands , houses , and goods royal of the conquer'd , while other goods were distributed to the merits and dignity of the officers and souldiers ; a share being always reserved , as a reward for all singular bravery . but free-plunder is most barbarous , and , of all military offences , deserveth death : nor is the maxim less bruitish , of spoyling countries where we come , to stop the progress and advantage of our enemies , to destroy dangerous castles and fortifications , and the fruits of the earth , has some sence in it ; but , to burn houses , and ruin temples , and plantations , what is it but a cowardize , and a malicing the very good of mankind ? does mine enemy overcome me ? therefore let me bravely let his valour have such fruits of his conquest , as may reward it ; and , if it be my own happy lot , is not a country dress'd and civiliz'd , better than ruine and destruction ? of sovldiers . nothing more embroyls a state , than a standing army ; if they have not work , you 'll quickly find they will make it , tho' even as in turky , by domineering over their very princes : besides , is there any truer method to barbarisme ? could experience ever shew us , that souldiery did not destroy property , and corrupt all vertue ? and yet , nothing is more unsafe than to disband a great army all at a time ; it oftentimes creates a new disease in a state ; the better way therefore to move , is by degrees , and to casheer those that can live without pay first , and the other after . but , are you to raise an army ? choose your officers of the gentry , and , if possible , volunteers ; yet still , provided they be not profligate , or dissolute ; for such men are no fitter to be officers , than of any other employment . so , let your souldiers be hardy , your horse from the city , and your foot from the countrey ; their age between 17 and 40. as for their strength and activity , you would do well to exercise them before you list them . to choose an army of your common volunteers , and miscreant fugitives , is the most imprudent ; an army ought rather to be a body of martyrs : debauch'd men are fitter for an house of correction , than to be of an orderly and designing body , tho' in an army . so a mean militia and army of your own , is much better than a great mercenary force : by good and constant discipline , you may inspire the worst of men by degrees , while forreigners damp the courage and estimate of your own . besides , how many states have felt the ruine of auxiliary forces ? if you trust them , they either give up your cause , or prey upon you ; at least they are interested but to fight in jest for you ; as in italy , they shall not suffer your sawcy bombs to disturb their rest at night in their sieges . further , forces of your own you may command at your pleasure ; while forreigners will be only desperate for their own ends . are you necessitated to forreigners therfore ? front them in your army , or mix them so as to force them to fight . as for the breeding souldiers , liberty only can give us good hearts : the old roman peasants durst face kings , and make generals in the field : their country was as worthy their love , as their courage ; while men cow'd , can slave to all tyrants alike . hen. the seventh therefore , politickly settled farms of such a size , &c. to breed good boors by . as for the sorts of souldiers , your granadeers are a body of men design'd for any extraordinary occasion ; they wait at the flank of your army , as the dragoons do ; and they are often as well horse as foot ; and on sudden and desperate emergencies very needful . as for horse and foot in a well-disciplin'd army , experience has shewn , foot doubly to excel horse ; indeed , foot with pikes have often beat double their number of horse . horse , 't is true , at a rout , or , as scouts , or to raise contribution , or to confound a weak enemy , are excellent ; but , to think a spur can force an horse upon a pike , is as absurd as dangerous . so , what are pikes , or muskets either , without defensive arms , for head , breast , arms , thighs and legs , with a buckler ? men thus arm'd , put by your pikes , and come in with ease upon your men with naked swords ; nay , if such men ride but as dragoons , they attack you more speedily , and even just where they please . nor is this a fiction neither ; the romans , who by use , made such defensive arms tolerable , withall conquer'd the world with them : and if either the best politicians , or the best historians be to be credited , this sort of men , for all our fire-arms , are not even yet to be despis'd . of militia . that souldiers are voluptuous is not always so much from their corruption , as that perils ask to be paid by pleasures : to dye a souldier , surely is a kind of martyrdom ; and he that blames the profession for the abuse , forgets , that on sudden approaches of enemies , and invasions , 't is every man's duty to be a souldier ; but more especially the young , and vnmarried , luke 3. 14. 1 cor. 9. 7. but then i would rather be a volunteer , than a listed souldier : surely it can never be lawful to kill men purely at the call of the ambition of princes . souldiers in war , are sinews to the body-politick , in peace its feaver : not that it is safe neither ; quite to lay aside your warlike discipline in peace ; but think you there is any justice for one man to live sluggishly on the labour of another ? the justest mean therefore must be , a well-manag'd militia ; and if we are for teaching warlike-discipline in peace , why do we not also turn our university speculative mathematicks to the more useful improvements of fortification and enginery ? but , in a militia the disciplining a few men , and they every time strangers , and drawn , with charge , from remote parts , to meet in a body ; surely , such a martial-discipline can avail little or nothing . let it rather be , that every man of such an age , and stature , be a souldier ; that every parish be a distinct body of them , having its proper officers in it's self ; and , that no one , capable on any account , be exempt from discipline . this would force our gentry , as their officers , into esteem ; and , if by any means , make a nation invincible : and surely , 't would rather be a delight , and a diversion , than a charge , for such a militia , ( like as at our ancient wakes ) to meet and exercise an hour or two in a week . and , do you fear in such case such disciplines being superficial ? how easie is the cure , by the examination of commissioners for hundreds and counties , &c. and , do you want an army ? how quick does every parish proportion you a supply ? nay , and such an army you may easily disband with a donative ; and , every man knowing his home , is welcomely receiv'd ; while you are out of danger of being pester'd by vagabonds , indeed if any such should happen to be disabled , 't would be a generous charity in the state to provide hospitals for them , or else they are provided for , with a kind welcome to your hand . donatives to standing armies are most pernicious , even to make them at last , state-robbers ; but donatives here would be the justest reward of our brethrens blood. besides , such an army would have humanity and christianity ; nor need we doubt but that their constant exercise would make them brave , as souldiers by profession ; besides , that souldiers thus rais'd , would know truly how to value their liberty . to conclude ; the constant and universal exercise could not but whet their spirits and courages in emulation , and make them familiar to force and arms , while every souldier imploy'd , would , like the romans of old , know how to fight heartily for that peace he knew what 't was to enjoy ; and especially , if when maim'd , they were assur'd of a comfortable subsistence in their several parishes . of battel . are you suddenly to give battel ? publish a speech against cowardize : alass ! are not all our great slaughters made , when men run away ? and can you want topicks ? so , if possible , before you fight also , give your men , from some hill , the prospect of your enemy ; by that you may deride their discipline , and expose them to the contempt of your army : fear is seldom so considerable , as when of something unknown . so , when you fight , make their ensigns carry their pay , and that will make your souldiers vigorously defend them : nor be without rewards or punishments ; thus , to kill a captain , so much ; a general , so much ; and , to mount a breach , so much , &c. does a regiment offend ? decimate them . are they cowards ? mark them with a c. and let them live to the disgrace : are they treacherous ? give them the death they deserve . and yet , to avoid sedition , let the general but give them a little blow with a wand ; for when you make a souldier pass the pikes , the army are their own executioners . as to figures , armies are generally drawn into three lines ; and the turkes use the crescent ; but surely , the ground and circumstance ought , in this case , to be considered . thus , is your army biggest ? fight in open field , and try to compass your enemy ? is it little ? flank your self with trenches , and fight close . have you no horse ? seek to enclosures ; but , above all , beware of the wind , or sun , in your faces . so , are you assaulted in a wedge , to distract you ? become a pair of sheers , to cut off your enemy . are you enclin'd to compass him ? equal his breadth , advance gradually your wings , and retreat your front ; but this is a dangerous work. when the battel begins , generals , by drums and trumpets , order their souldiers to the field , and great guns attempt the first execution , while the dragoons attack them ; and e're a second discharge , the fight begins , and they become useless . thus , are the guns in the middle of their battalions ? divide your army , and you avoid them ; the first shot is distant , and goes over , or under ; or your infantry , by their wide ranks avoid them , while your horse are secure in their reer . after this , shouts joyn both your dragoons ; who , bearing the first shock , make room , by retiring to your flanck and reer , and while more silent orders join the battel . and now the pikes advance to keep off the horse ; while the armies once join'd , the pikes withdraw within the bucklers , and your bucklers worsted within your pikes . musquets serve a shot or two , till the fight is clos'd , but then your man at arms , with sword , buckler and armour , does all ; who , if the first rank but kneel , their very bucklers keep off the bullets ; but , what can fence your rapier with armour ? the wise romans had their ranks wide , their hastati , or young men , bore the fury of the battel ; if worsted , they retired among their principes , or strong men , and they again among their triarii , or old souldiers . your horse , in the mean time , engage at the side of your army , while your dragoons retire to take care of your camp : the proportion of your foot is ; have you ten battalions ? five hastati , three principes , and two triarii ; the benefit of such orders is , your men are refreshed by the new support of your best men at last ; while a square army runs , and is defeated , before half can fight . but now , why do i stay ? the fight 's begun , stratagems follow , pits , ambuscades , false allarums , surprizes of novel words , engines , shouts , and appearances of succours . officers fling their colours among the enemy , to reward the souldiers that fetch them again ; while the general minds intelligence , and orders succours to the side that is oppress'd , and the dragoons refresh'd ; return to try to flank the enemy . after all , have you worsted an unequal enemy ? either perfect the victory , or snap at his disheartned terms of peace : the only time of slaughter is , when men are disorder'd , and lose their confidence in one another ; to let them rally , spoils all . so , was your flight doubtful , and parted by night ? carry off some dead , to dismay your enemy , through their fewness next morning ; such a night cannot but be a night of dread , and the least push will be likely to give the morning's advantage . but are you beat ? to hinder pursuit , fight where you may retreat ; at worst , retreat part of your army orderly first ; and so your enemy not daring to divide , appoint a common place for the rest to meet at : but are your souldiers forc'd to fly ? yet at worst , let them detard their pursuers , and save their lives by scattering their treasures . on the whole , in a pitch'd battel to be first in the field , is of great use ; you choose your ground , and you hearten your soldiers by it ; but even on this , nay on victory , beware of a too careless success ; for that almost ever ruines the day , and too often sacrifice all , ( while the souldiers are careless , merry , or plundering ) to some trifling reinforcement . to conclude , as for engines , surely archimedes's arrow-engine must needs , even at this day , gall horse worse than any guns whatever . arrows not only are of equal execution , but fret horse doubly more than guns can ; but as for your scithe charriots , they are now become of no use , being so readily stopt by stakes . of military discipline . i shall not trouble you with the mechanick rudiments of discipline , as shoulder your musket , advance your pike , &c. a formality not without its use ; for how can men charge together otherwise ! but this i shall say , you should keep your rancks at 6 foot distance , your files at 3. lest you cramp your motion ; so your collours and drums between your muskets and pikes , your captain with the pikes , and your lieutenant with the muskets . so , the general order of martialling souldiers , is to every squadron , or ten , a serjeant or corporal to head , hearten , and command ; to every 100. a captain ; to every 1000. a collonel ; and to the whole body a general . or , in battalions of 6000. thus , 10 companies in a battalion , 450 in a company ; and which making 4500. the remaining 1500. are to be 1000 pikes , and 500. velites extraordinary . so the proportion of a good army , should be in 6000 men , 3000 with bucklers , 2000 with pikes , and 1000 with musquets ; as for your ranks , the closer the better , as not so easily broken ; yet still provided , that they leave convenient space for motion , and that their files be so constant that their souldiers never want to find out their post again . if your company contain 400 men , you may draw them up 5 in a file , and 80 in a rank ; or , if you 'd reduce them to a square for fighting , 't is but casting your first file into your second , your third into your fourth , &c. and then there will be 40 files of 10. and so you may bring them to 20. of 20. if you please , to be ready to answer which way soever attack'd . and , as inferiour officers ought to reduce souldiers to a readiness in such discipline , to be able to answer their generals commands upon occasion ; so ought they to enure their souldiers to hardship also , that they be not dismay'd in extremity . thus , to let them carry their own corn , will not only help , but strengthen them ; so for them to learn to swim , may save them on occasion ; while to drown them in luxury and ease , what is it but to soften and effeminate their very courages withal , to their destruction . as for your disciplining dragoons , there needs not so much care ; they being design'd rather upon extraordinary occasions than in any thing like a regular fight . your horse indeed should be more orderly ; thus , suppose 300 in a battalion , of which 150 to be men at arms , and 150 to be light. your pikes are to front the square of your army , and as 5 ranks of them is as many as can well charge at once ; and as the fight begun , and the army secur'd from the horse , they fall to make room for the men at arms ; so 7 files of pikes , that is , 1 or 2 to be ready to supply falling men , is as many as you can have occasion to front with . the manner of commanding an army , is , the souldiers follow the colours , and they the drums ; the inferiour officers command the centinels , and the superiours them , while the general governs all . a bad general , or a bad army therefore , are equally dangerous . on the whole , an 100 men in military discipline , and convenient arms , are a match for two in confusion ; the one helps each other ; the other promotes but one another's destruction , while the cull'd angular men of officers and corporals in an army , bind and hearten the whole regular number as into a body . of marching an army . to march an army through a foreign country , observe these rules . first , that the prince have due notice , that quarters may be provided , and a sufficient pay prescrib'd . secondly , that the second body go the same way that the first did , and that if they are in great bodies , they march not every day . thirdly , that damage done by souldiers be made good . fourthly , that they approach no prohibited place within a mile . and lastly , that they do not quarter in cities or towns that are intrench'd . the usual method is , your dragoons march first to scower the road , then your right wing and carriages are to follow ; then your body with its carriages , and after those your left wing with its carriages , and after all your cavalry . and , thus withdrawing a little your carriages , you are ready for the enemy any way , and he cannot well attack you in your march if you are circumspect , but that he will be at as much disadvantage as your self . your dragoons who scower the road , guard your pioneers also , who are to plain your ways , and make entrenchments for your camp ; and in this , not to multiply men needlesly , your own souldiers may serve as pioneers , and who , when an enemy approaches , may retreat to their arms ; your spades and pick-axes being carried by for them in carts . if you march where you may be streightned in provisions , have at least a months necessaries before hand , and take continual care for supplies ; and to this end you may have a market with sutlers in the middle of your camp , while your cattel laden with corn , are driven by your bakers , butchers , and cooks , after them . above all , take care to march in exact order ; and if a few men assault you , and flye , or a prize of cattle appear , do not let them decoy you into an ambushment ; a general must anticipate stratagems as he marches . so , do you fear surprizes or ambushes ? beware of hills , of woods and hedges , and you need not fear but that either scouts , dust , or birds , will give you notice , that you may at least provide your self of advantage against their attack . further , when you march , never acquaint your army with the enterprize , lest it perish through the discovery ; but rather getting a chart , pick up some countrey guides , and make them yours through threats and rewards to conduct you . as for the size of your army , the romans by their conquests seem'd best judges of fighting , and they thought 24000 , or at most 50000 men a double army enough ; indeed , more not only confounds and devour one another , but are not well manageable , nor can they conveniently march in the field . of treachery , &c. is an enemy treacherous or extream bloody in his wars ? does he break his word , or lay countries waste causelesly ? he has flung up his right either to treaty or mercy from thee , and the mildest quarter that he can expect upon it , is , that he be decimated . now the treacherous are not only such as are faithless , and observe no treaties , but those that war like robbers without the least apparency of cause to justify it , or those that abuse our embassadors , or any other way violate the sacred laws of nations . not , but that the just right of war leaves me all the liberty of stratagems to bribe or divide mine enemy whatever ; nay , i may send spyes to assassinate him , as well as parties to plunder him ; but if i am once either false or perfidious , my enemy has no tye of mercy to me till i am naked in his power . so i may use all the honest means of simulation ; thus i may justly seem to fly , to draw mine enemy to an ambush , and so i may plunder under mine enemies colours , and make fals alarms ; alas 't is not fighting , if i am not allowed by false passes to draw mine enemy from his guard , the better to make a real one . the true rule therefore is , all known signs of treaty , whether by flag , or otherwise , i am bound in veracity to stand to ; but in other matters , even christ himself gave us another example , after he was risen from the dead ; and set his face as if he were going where he was not . nay , does even a nest of pirates reform to a government , and our treacherousest enemy begin to leave his perfidy ? i will not too far hazard the wiles of the fox , but after a moderate self-justice and reprisal for my injustice , i am bound to treat both and either as my brethren . but , above all treachery , beware of trusting exiles too far , in leading your expeditions ; consider how dearly such men may value their own countrey , and how redily they may be apt to purchase their liberty at thy expence . of fortification and sieges . for a fortification , take some rocky nap in a plain , that is neither blinded by hills nor woods ; the walls if possible , are better natural than rais'd ; for if cut out of a rock , neither batteries nor mines can destroy the hill. as for the thickness or height of walls , or the number of redoubts , they are matters wholly at discretion . can you make a castle like a city ? surely , your works ought to be suited to your own size and proportion of ground , and to the enemies approach , and not a figure . a fort of two or three angles only , is of no value ; but after that , the more the better , provided if not like babylon , too big for intelligence : but the silly imagination , that the strength of a place depends on every mathematical figure , is trifling . a fort not strong by nature , cannot receive much by art ; now by art the walls ought to be three yards thick at least , and towers built at every 200 yards . for ditches , two are best , without and within ; if you have one only , 't is best within , and that of 30 yards broad at least , and 12 deep , with artillery to scour them at every 200 yards ; and so 't is better without water than with ; if your water freeze , the town is gone at an instant ; and if not , a bridge of boats is easier made than another . is your ditch to water , or rock ? there is no possibility of mining your wall. is it in the inside ? there is no way to come to fill it up ; your wall in battery will fall the other way : and so that your ditch will be good when your wall is flat . further , in forts , let your houses be low , so as not to hinder your prospect ; let your gates be secured by ravelin and and portcullis , and let your free passage be secur'd by draw-bridge , or at worst by a timber-stand from the bottom of the bridge , and which you may command by cannon of your inner redoubt . little entrenchments without the walls are most mischievous , the losing and retreating from such little bastions , are perfect baits of cowardize to your souldiers ; and surely , 't is no good lesson to teach them to give ground . further , in founding a fort , the air and water are greatly to be regarded , as also an agreeable country , and roads near it ; if built in too fertile a land , it may luxuriate it ; if in too barren , not be able to provide against a siege . the beauty of forts in buildings , or otherwise , is not much to be regarded ; but frontiers that are like to be disturbed by war , will require all the encouragements imaginable : now such are , 1. free-trade , 2. easy justice , 3. asylum , &c. a fort thus setled , the inhabitants by the law of nations , owe the government a right to defend her ; and in which case , tho' a single person may desert it , a prince may justly withstand a general departure , provided he fear not their treachery . but is a siege begun ? due order is to be observ'd : let women and children keep their houses to avoid disturbance ; and the men be distributed into three parts , 1. to be on the guard , 2. ready as a reserve , and a 3d. taking their rest . some add , a mastiff dog to their centinel , full as serviceable as a man. nor let your discipline be neglected on any account ; towns have been storm'd even at dinner time ; and yet not but that in such case , when they have , the besieged sometimes by showers out at their windows , and sometimes by firing the town , have made their walls good again against the besiegers . some on the other hand , have seem'd to leave the walls , as if the town were fired by some bomb , only by a false fire , the better to draw the enemy to a disadvantagous attack ; and while at the same time , the walls have unseen , been doubly guarded . but does the siege proceed ? and would you avoid mining ? digg holes every 10 yards , like wells by your walls , and they will give vent ; or sound the mine , and countermine it . so , is your ditch in the out-side , and your wall flat ? make but a ditch within of 30 yards broad , and the breach is as easily kept as the wall. some , when a siege has been drove hard , have shot in empty bombs those propositions , that the officers would not acquaint their souldiers with , while others seeming only to march near a town , have fallen upon it at unawares , and so surpriz'd it in disorder . some have seem'd to fly , and leave their camp , and so drilling out the enemy , surpriz'd the town ; while others poysoning their camp-victuals , have destroy'd the enemy that way . so , where a town has stood doubtful , t' has been secur'd by begging to receive some sick men , while the stoutest men have been sent in disguise into it . so some have poysoned waters , others drove in the besieged's friends , to consume their victuals , while some have been reliev'd by nutts floating down a river . caesar made a bread of herbs for his souldiers ; and londonderry fed on starch for bread , and leather boyl'd soft for meat . but are the besieg'd come to a treaty ? 't is neither honourable nor safe for a governour to parly in a siege , nor to accept other terms , than at least to go out arm'd , and in order . surely , he 's mad that can trust himself naked with a triumphant and revengeful army . nor is 't a little imprudence for a general to divide himself to destruction in besieging little henroosts before a royal army ; and if there be no such army , forts alone cannot hinder your army from ravaging your enemies country . to conclude , forts are only of use against enemies & on frontiers ; 't is a self-destructive policy to think to retain subjects in obedience by them : the wise romans chose rather to demollish them ; but while you have forts , military discipline is as necessary ; for your garrisoners in their sallies , as your field souldiers in their march. of the camp . the order of your camp ought to be , as if you were ready to charge your enemy ; only you may stand a little wider , for the conveniency of streets and air , and for the benefits of reintrenchments , but always in the same manner , that the souldiers may naturally know their home , and the whole seem a moving city , constantly with the same gates and lodgings . nor ought your camp , if near an enemy , to want either water or provisions ; nor if your stay be long , a good air ; above all , streighten not your march by want of securing passes ; nor lye too near to hills , lest your enemy incommode you . your ditch ought at least to be 6 yards wide , and 3 deep , together with half-moons for your artillery , to flanck your enemy as he approaches ; and so your camp may be better for conveniences , than either as on a hill or by a river . further , while you are encampt , beware of surprize ; and while your enemy is near , besure watch all comers and goers ; nay , a third part of your souldiers ought to be continually arm'd ; and a fourth of those , perpetually on the watch , some at the corners , and some on the patroll or search , lest your enemy either stratagem or besiege you in your camp. lastly , in decamping , the usual order is , the general sounds his trumpet thrice the first time , to give notice to take down tents , and pack them up ; the second , to load their sumpters ; and the third , to march away . finis . the table the entrance , or the digester . p. 1. of books . p. 15. of criticks p. 20. of divination , &c. p. 22. astrology p. 26. — its dependants p. 31. of meckness p. 38. of contention p. 40. of contradiction p. 42. lapis errantium p. 44. of cunning p. 55. of wisdom p. 57. the seeming wise p. 59. of logick p. 61. its parts p. 63. arguments p. 66. method p. 70. of anger p. 76. of murder p. 78. of revenge p. 80. of reformation p. 82. by a. b. tillotson p. 97. of wit p. 100 of rewards p. 103. of pedantry p. 104. of pity p. 118. of pardon p. 120. of rhetorick p. 123. delivery p. 125. perswasion p. 128. parts of discourse p. 134. invention p. 137. figures p. 139. of judgment p. 142. of happiness p. 144. of presence of mind p. 147. of secrets p. 149. to attain secrets p. 153. occult writing p. 155. of collections p. 161. of precepts p. 163. of sincerity p. 166. of vows and oaths p. 169. of censure p. 177. praises p. 177. contempt p. 180. libels p. 183. true satyr p. 186. rash judgment p. 189. reports p. 194. of poetry p. 198. of preface and dedication p. 203. of study p. 208. method p. 209. limitation of study p. 214. choice of books p. 217. speculat . and practice p. 222. of constancy p. 226. the art of war. of the lawfulness of war p. 231. of generals in war p. 236. of war in general p. 239. of conquest p. 243. of stratagems in war p. 247. of plunder and slaves p. 252 of souldiers p. 255. of militia p. 257. of battel p. 260. of military discipline p. 265. of marching an army p. 268. of treachery p. 270. of fortifications p. 273. of camps . p. 278. errata . page 34. line 17. read , together with your rosacrucian figments . p. 64. l. 1. r. quatuor modis , for quarto modo . p. 85. l. 13. r. that dominion , for the dominion . p. 112. l. 12. r. with such formalities , and the like as . p. 124. l. ult . r. of that nature , for that of nature . p. 130. l 14. r. judged by him , for judged by them . p. 189. l. 17. r. currunt for current . p. 193. l. 2. r. fancy and idea , for fancy an idea . 23. r. their indifferency , for as an indifferency . p. 224. l. 15. r. hypocrites , dele as . the art of embattailing an army. or, the second part of ælians tacticks containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie, concerning the formes of battailes. ... englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter. by captaine iohn bingham. tactica. english. selections aelianus. 1631 approx. 383 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a05975 stc 163 estc s106812 99842522 99842522 7185 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a05975) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7185) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1591:07) the art of embattailing an army. or, the second part of ælians tacticks containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie, concerning the formes of battailes. ... englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter. by captaine iohn bingham. tactica. english. selections aelianus. bingham, john, captain. droeshout, martin, b. 1601, engraver. [8], 93, [1] p., plate printed [by john beale and thomas brudenell] for ralph mab, london : 1631. in fact consists of chapters 30, 31, and 34-54 of the complete "tactica", with notes added. the first leaf is blank. running title reads: the tacticks of ælian, or the art of embattailing armies. another issue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "printed by iohn beale and thomas brudenell for ralph mab" in the imprint. the plate is signed "mar dr sculpsit", i.e. martin droeshout. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion arma pacis fvlcra the art of embattailing an army . o r , the second part of aelians tacticks . containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie , concerning the formes of battailes . wherein all motions requisite to be vsed in a battaile both for offence and defence are fully expressed . necessary and vsefull for all martiall spirits , that desire to haue knowledge in the art military . englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter . by captaine iohn bingham . london : printed for ralph mab . 1631. to the right vvorshipfvll sir hvgh hamersly , knight , one of the aldermen and coronels of the honorable city of london , and president of the martiall company , exercising armes in the artillery garden in london . to captaine henry vvaller , now captaine of the said company . and to all the rest of the worthy captaines and gentlemen of the said company . captaine i. b. wisheth such valour and experience , as may make them victorious against all sorts of enemies . worthy gentlemen : these my last endeuours vpon aelian , i purposed to haue kept to mine owne priuate vse , and not to haue presented them to the view of the world . but now being to depart from you , and toiourney into a farre countrey , and finding your kindnesse and loue toward me such , as i was not with any reason to expect , i altered my minde , and hauing nothing else to offer vnto you , i resolued to make this a monument of my thankefulnesse to you , and a testimony of my desire to doe you the best seruice i am able . for my paines herein , i leaue them to the iudgement of any learned reader ; for the profit of the treatise , i say no more but this , it containeth the practise of the best generals of all antiquity concerning the formes of battailes . and whereas many hold opinion , that it sorteth not with the vse of our times , they must giue me leaue to be of another mind : indeed our actions in warre are onely now a dayes and sieges oppugnations of cities ; battailes wee heare not of , saue onely of a few in france , and that of newport in the low-countries . but this manner will not last alwayes , nor is there any conquest to be made without battailes . he that is master of the field , may dispose of his affaires as he listeth ; hee may spoyle the enemies countrey at his pleasure , he may march where he thinketh best , he may lay siege to what towne he is disposed , he may raise any siege that the enemy hath layed against him or his . neither can any man be master of the field without battaile , in ordering whereof , that generall that is most skilfull , seldome misseth of winning the day : experience of former times cleares this . i should exceede the compasse of an epistle if i brought the examples , which serue to this purpose . now for the skill of ordering battailes , it is not to be learned out of the practise of our dayes , wherein when we come into the field , we make shewes , and musters rather , then obserue any formes of battailes for vse : battailes must not be alwayes of one figure . the wise generals of ancienter times , fashioned their battailes according to the range , which they saw the enemy had before taken vp . the place often maketh an alteration in that forme , which otherwise would serue to our purpose . he that is acquainted but with one forme , if he be forced to change that vpon the sudden , disordereth his troopes , and bringeth all into a confusion . the knowledge of the formes of battailes being then so necessary for a generall , this little pamphlet must needs be welcome to them that desire the mannaging of fields , and the command of armies . for here haue you all formes expressed , together with their vse ; so that the generall that is acquainted with the practise of these precepts shall not be to seeke to make transmutation of his battaile , into what forme soeuer necessity shall require , & that vpon the sudden . as for them that hold , that great ordnance will not admit any of these ancient formes in our dayes , i hold that for a dreame , and not worthy the answering ; since the inuention of great ordnance , we neuer read of any forme of battaile disordered thereby ; some slaughter hath beene made by great ordnance , and the army that suffred by great ordnance , hath beene forced the sooner to ioyne with the enemy ; when the armies are ioyned , great ordnance hath and must sit still , and looke about as an idle spectator , seruing for no other vse , then for a pray to him that gameth the field . now for small shot , it succeedeth in the place of the light-armed of antiquity . by them a battaile may be broken , if they be not repressed , and themselues cut off in time . but what is said of them that may not be said of bowes and arrowes ? the greatest fields that we gained against the french , were gained onely by our archery . to say nothing of other nations , that had the skill of shooting : so that no reason can be alleadged why the formes of battailes vsed by antiquity for aduantage , may not be as well vsed in our dayes . howsoeuer the matter standeth , my desire is , that the treatise may with your fauourable acceptance beare your names in the front thereof . not because i thinke it worthy of your patronage , but for that i would haue it appeare to the world , how much i esteeme of your kindnesse ( as i said ) and of your loue , which you expressed toward me in my taking leaue of the city . the lord of hostes haue you in his keeping . your seruant , as heretofore , to doe you seruice . iohn bingham . cap. 30. plagiophalanx or the brode-fronted phalange orthiophalanx or the herse loxe-phalanx or the vneven fronted phalange the front the tacticks of aelian , or the art of embattailing armies . the broad-fronted phalange , the deepe phalange , or herse , and the vneuen-fronted phalange . chap. xxx . ( 1 ) plagiophalange , or the broad-fronted phalange , is that , which hath the ( 2 ) length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ( 3 ) orthiophalange , or the deepe phalange ( now commonly called the horse ) is that , which proceedeth by a ( 4 ) winge , hauing the depth much exceeding the length . in generall speech euery thing is called ( 5 ) paramekes , which hath the length more then the depth ; and that which hath the depth more then the length ( 6 ) orthion : and so likewise a phalange . the phalange ( 7 ) loxe , or vneuen-fronted , that is , which putteth forth one of the wings ( which is thought fittest ) towards the enemy , and with it begins the fight , holding off the other in a conuenient distance , till opportunity be to aduance . notes . this chapter and the next , seeme not to hold their right place : for being set before the manner how to wheele , and likewise before closings , and inserted betwixt the motions of the a phalange ( to which motions , or to one of them , the manner of wheeling and closings appertaine ) they interrupt the method or orderly handling of the said motions ; which method aelian curiously obserueth through his whole booke . besides , aelian himselfe , after a manner pointeth out the true place of them , in that in the 24 chapter , rehearsing shortly the appellations or words of military discipline ; he placeth these formes after induction and deduction : i take it therefore , that their proper place is after the 37 chapter , the rather , because all the formes of marches from thenceforth handled , are either squares of the one kinde or other , or else spring out of these squares . i b noted before that there are three kinds of squares ; one , that hath a longer front then flanke ; another , that hath a longer flanke , then front ; the third , that hath the front and flanke equall . of the third aelian speaketh in the 42 chapter , of the first and second in this chapter : of these two therefore i will treat in order . and first i will handle the names , then the vse , lastly the manner how to transforme one into another . the first is called 1. plagiophalanx , or the broad-fronted phalange . ) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often interpreted for oblique ; which signification it cannot haue heere ; the oblique phalange being in this chapter tearmed by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and yet distingnished from the plagiophalanx . they that translate plagiophalanx , the transuerse or ouer-thwart fronted phalange , agree better with aelians meaning , because it meeteth the enemy with a front trans-uerse , and drawne out in length , and directly opposite against him . i haue rendred it the broad fronted phalange , as more fitting the english tongue : it may also be called the long-fronted phalange . for breadth ( i haue remembred it before ) and length of a phalange are all one : in this sense is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vsed by arrian , being applied to the manner of bearing of a pike . he telleth , that alexander transported his army ouer the riuer ister , to inuade the territory of the getes ; and hath thus , the number of those that passed the riuer with alexander , were about 1500 horse , and 4000 foot . they passed in the night , and landed where the corne was high , which was the cause that their arriuall was not descried . as soone as the morning appeared , alexander led them through the corne fields ; commanding the foot , that bearing downe the corne with their pikes held a thwart , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they should march into the champeigne . the manner of their bearing of pikes ( as i interpret it ) was this ; they tooke the pikes in the midst with both their hands , and so bore them out , not with the points forward , but crosse and paralell the front of the phalange , that the file leaders with one ioynt force might ledge and beare downe the high-growne corne , and make easier passage for those that followed . if they had carried them out slope , or oblique ( which is the other signification of the word ) it had beene no more , then the particular force of euery man a part , that held his pike sloping ; besides that , they would haue beene intangled in the corne ; whereas the bearing of them crosse parrallell with the front , was the ioynt force of so many file-leaders , as did thrust forward against the corne. therefore as when the pike is borne in full length crosse the front of the battaile , the posture of the pike is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so is a phalange termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hath a front stretched out in euen length , and opposed against the euen front of the aduerse battaile of the enemy . 2. the length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ] aelian sets not downe expresly any proportion of the excesse of the length aboue the depth , onely he saith , it must manifoldly exceed the depth : we must take it then , that the excesse of the length must be at the least threefold ; for thrice fals into the appellation of manifold . a macedonian fourefold phalange may iustly challenge this name , being 1024 men in length , onely 16 in depth . and likewise a phalangarch led seuerally and by it selfe , as hauing 256 men in length , but 16 in depth . the rest of the bodies of the fourefold phalange , till you come downe to a pentecosiarchy , albeit ranged by themselues , are likewise plagiophalanges , or broad-fronted bastacles . a pentecosiarchy hath onely twice so many in front , as in flanke ( as 32 in front , 16 in flanke ) and therefore commeth not vnder the name of a broad-fronted phalange . so that , let the battaile be as long as you list , hauing but the ordinary depth , it still is accounted a plagiophalange . when it is but twice so long in front as in flanke , it cannot deserue that name , but it is to be termed rather a square of ground , because the flanke in a square of ground taketh vp as much ground as the front . to the battaile-broad-fronted , is next added the phalange , called 3. orthiophalange , or herse ] which albeit it haue the length and depth vnequall , as hath the plagiophalange , or broad-fronted phalange , yet must the depth manifoldly exceede the length , which is contrary in the plagiophalange . this saith aelian proceedeth in 4. a wing . ) to proceede in a a wing is to march on with a parcell or one body of the army , namely with a certaine number of files ( as with a a tetrarchy , b taxis , or c syntagna ) and to follow with the rest in like manner , so that the whole army holdeth no proportion of length or breadth to the depth . that which is called by aelian orthiophalanx , is called by b diodorus siculus , and by c arrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a deepe phalange , because the forme of it ariseth out of the depth of the embattailing , as i haue noted vpon the seuenth chapter . this kinde of march the greeke writers expresse by the words of leading d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in a wing ; whereas the other kinde with a large front ( i meane the broad-fronted phalange ) is said to be led f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and h in a phalange , and i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in front , l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in extention of breadth . the words i recite to helpe them , who although they be skilfull in the greeke tongue , yet are not so well acquainted with the tactickes , and may easily mistake , or not vnderstand the signification , if they be not forewarned . but because i haue before in my notes vpon the seuenth chapter touched this matter , i will here vse an example , or two , onely to explaine , and to giue light to both formes . m arrian reporteth , that when alexander was to passe the riuer granicus , on the further side whereof the persians had embattailed themselues in a n broad-fronted phalange to hinder his passage , parmenio one of his eldest and best commanders came vnto him , and gaue him this counsell ; sir , said hee , consider the persians are ready to encounter you on the other side ; my opinion is , you cannot gaine the passage without exceeding danger : both because your phalange cannot be led o in front ( that is , in a broad front ) by reason of the many and sundry depths that are to be seene in the riuer , and of the height and steepenesse of the banks , as also for that the enemies horse ordered in a p phalange , will be ready to charge vs , whilest we disorderly and q wingwise ( which is the weakest kinde of fight ) endeauour to scamble vp the bankes . thus arrian vsing the words before recited , and noting the difference of both the formes . s leo hath the like passage , instructing his generall how in the night to surprize an enemy in his lodging . his words are these in effect ; when you march , saith he , to the intent that no tumult or confusion of noise be heard , nor the stretching out of your battaile into a great length breede error and inequality in marching ; and hereupon cries and loud commands arise , so that the enemy may easily perceiue the accesse of your armie ; it behoueth you to march not in t front , that is , in a u large extension of breadth , but x wingwise , that is to say , in a y deepe forme of embattailing ; as if one file should follow in the reare of another , obseruing still to maintaine the depth , or thicknesse of the battaile . his meaning is : that in the night an army ought not to be led in a broad-fronted phalange ( because the places are wayes through which you are to march , are sometimes large , sometimes streight , sometimes rough , sometimes plaine , and so you cannot preserue an euen front , but must change the forme and disorder it ) but in a herse or deepe phalange , which will fit all passages , and in the greatest inequality of way maintaine the forme of the battaile entire . and so much of the signification of the words marching in a wing , and marching in a phalange . 5. euery thing is called paramekes . ] it is to be obserued , that there is a difference betweene paramekes and heteromekes : i thought good to note it , because aelian in diuers places mentioneth both . paramekes is the figure , according to aelian , wherein the length many times exceeds the depth ; it may be heteromekes , albeit it be but twice as long as deepe . i am not ignorant that a euclyde nameth all foure sided figures , that haue right angles , and vnequall sides , heteromekes . but aelian , though hee apply heteromekes sometimes to the b front , sometimes to the flanke , yet he giues no more then a double proportion either of front to flanke , or flanke to front . 6. orthion . ] albeit the word orthium properly signifie things rising in a height , yet in military discourse it is applied to the dimension of the depth of a battell , and not of the length . here a phalange is termed orthia , and in leo in the place last by me cited , mention is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ● deep embattailing : and in xenophon c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a company stretched out in dep●● , 〈…〉 polyen also , and arrian , and appian . d polyen hath besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for an army , that is cast into a great depth , and into a narrow 〈…〉 therefore , as paramekes signifieth the length of the front ; so orthion signifies the depth of the flanke of any battell ordered , as is aforesaid . thus much of the names of the two battels : it remaines to shew the vse of them , and how one may be transformed into the other . the plagiophalange , or broad-fronted battell bringeth most hands to fight with conueniency , and therefore is accounted the better forme ; and , as neere as opportunity of ground would giue leaue , the ancient generals principally affected , and sought to put this forme in vre : it hath the commodity to ouerfront the aduerse battell , and is safe it selfe from ouerfronting , vnlesse the enemy bring a greater multitude then you haue to ouer-match your army . the macedonian phalange was for the most part of this forme , as all the fields alexander fought euidently declare ; so ordered he his troopes at granicus , so at issos , so at gangamelos , so in other places , if the ground would serue . this caution notwithstanding was obserued , that the depth held proportion with the length ; otherwise the length profiteth not so much , as the thinnesse of the depth hurts , by giuing meanes to the enemy to breake through , and put the aduerse battell in a rout . i haue noted it before out of e leo. the herse , or deepe phalange , was thought the weakest kinde to fight in . f parmenio , one of the chiefest commanders alexander had , distrusted it ( as i haue shewed a little before . ) g cyrus the elder , in the embattailing of the egyptians , derided it ; yet cannot the forme of the broad-fronted phalange be so exactly taken vp , but that necessity will sometime force the other . in straight places it hath beene often vsed : so h darius in the battaile of issos , by reason of the straightnesse of ground , was forced to this forme : so bo●il●ar the carthaginian , was faine in a straight place to make a narrow front of his phalange , and to extend it in depth . and d acilius glabrio the roman consall , in the streights of thermopyle against antiochus : and e p. scipto in spaine against the illergets . therefore in large grounds the first forme is to be chosen , in narrow and rough places the other . the herse is also fit for marches , because in a march you are assured to meet with variety of ground ; sometimes with woods , sometimes with bushes , sometimes with streight wayes , with riuers , with hils , with pits , with bridges , with ditches , and such like impediments , so that the front of your broad-fronted phalange must needs be dissolued ; whereas no difficulty of wayes can hinder the passage of a f herse , the front whereof may be narrowed ( according to the ground you march in ) as you list . g alexander being to lead his army against the thracians , that had planted themselues in the mount aemus , was ●●ine to narrow the front of his phalange , according to the way that led vp to the mount : the same did h agesilaus passing through the streights of mantina ; the history is by me recited before in my notes vpon the 26 chapter i panimenes likewise leading his army through pho●is toward ●hebes , and finding that the enemy had taken and possessed a place called philo●aeoton , that had two streights leading toward it , one of which the enemy held with a gard ; casting is troopes into a herse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making the bulke of his army slender , and ●it to march , shaped himselfe to the right hand , as though he ment to hold on to that passage . the enemy therefore leauing the left hand streight , which they had in gard , ran with all speed to the right hand to stop his passage ; but hee taking the opportunity , speeded hastily to the left , and conueyed his army thorough without danger . many like examples of herses accommodated to streight wayes , where a broad-fronted phalange cannot march , are to be found in histories . the orthiophalange or herse was also much●sed in an ascent against a hill which the enemy possessed : and in this sence are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deepe companies takes in the greeke writers , especially when a whole company is put into a file , and 3 or 4 or more files laid together to make an orthiophalange , in which forme they vsed to mount vp against hils . many examples be in heir histories of beating off enemies from hils in this forme . a cyrus the elder vsed it against the chaldaeans ; b xenophon against the carducans ; c cherisophus in passing the riuer centrites , which riuer diuideth the mountaines of the carducans from armenia : the graecians against the mosynecans , that inhabited certaine mountaines which the graecians were to mount . e ptolomey against the indians , that embattelled themselues vpon a mountaine to resist the inuasion of alexander . and a notable example of an army ascending against a mountaine , is described by f xenophon , in the fourth booke of the ascent of cyrus ; herelateth that the cholcans had taken vp a high mountaine , and there imbattelled their army to the intent to stop the passage of the grecians in their returne out of parsia : the grecians at the first ordered themselues into a phalange , ( a broad fronted battell ) meaning in that forme to make their way . but afterwards the chief-taines calling a court , aduised vpon their best course of fighting : xenophons opinion was , that laying aside the forme of a phalange , it would be best to order themselues in companies g drawne out in file . for a phalange , said he , will soone be broken , by reason of the inequality of the way , which in some parts of the mountaine will be found easie enough , in other hard to ascend . and the sohldiers will quickly be discouraged to see the phalange disordered , in which they march ; besides , marching in a large front , the enemies , that exceede vs in number , will ouer-front vs , and vse their multitude to most aduantage : in a narrow front it will be no maruaile to see our phalange cut asunder with missiue weapons , and with men ordered in battaile to charge vs ; whereby the whole phalange will be distressed . therefore , as i said , i hold it best to put the armie into companies stretched out in depth , giuing to each company such distance one from another , that our wings may ouer ▪ reach the vttermost points of theenemies battaile : and let euery company make choice of their fittest way for ascent : as for the spaces betwixt company and company , it shall not be easie for the enemy to conuey himselfe into them , all the companies on all sides ( in case he enter ) wrapping him in betwixt them : and if it chance that any company be distressed , the next company is to succour and aide it . now say , that one company attaine to the top of the hill , you may be assured , that no enemy will keepe his ground . this counsell was assented to by all ; when therefore euery man had taken his place , and the d companies were laid out in their iust depth , the armed amounted to about 80 companies , in euery of which were reckoned almost 100 men : the targeteers and archers were diuided into three bodies , the first to march without the armed of the left wing , the second without the armed of the right , the third in the midst , euery body consisting of well-nigh 600 men . after prayers made to the gods , the souldiers aduanced , singing the a paean ; then cherisophus and xenophon ( leading the point of the graecian battaile ) and the targatiers with them , who ouer reached the enemies wings , hasted on a pace , and the enemy perceiuing it , extended their wings to meet them , and by that meanes were distracted some to the right , some to the left hand , leauing an empty space in the middest of their phalange ▪ the targatiers armed after the arcadian manner , led by aeschines the acharnan , seeing the enemies battaile disseuered , and imagining them to flye , ranne forth with all speede , and were the first that gained the hill : they were seconded by the armed arcadians , commanded by cleanor the orchomenian . when the enemy saw them come running on , they forsooke their ground , and began to shift for them . selues , one one way , another another : the grecians hauing gained the hill , encamped there . hitherto xenophon , out of whose practice the best addresse against an enemy , that possesseth a hill , ouer which our army is to march , may be learned ▪ in a broad-fronted phalange it is hard to proceede , both because of the inequality of the ground , which will easily breake the phalange , and disioynt all the parts thereof , and also for that the enemies weapons throwne from the higher ground will not lightly misse so great a body , and great stones , and other masse , tumbled downe , will beare downe and make ruine of whatsoeuer commeth in the way , impossible to misse in such an extension of length , and thronging of the army : to lead in one and a continued herse is no lesse dangerous . a few men , and those onely in front , shall come to fight against a multitude of enemies , who will ouer-front , and charge them on all sides . xenophons counsell then is to make diuers bodies , and to order them so seuered in front and flanke , that they may ouer-front the enemy , and not be parted asunder with the vneuennesse of the ascent , nor yet proue too faire a marke for the enemies weapons . the bodies are declared to be companies each of 100 men ; these so diuided one from another in distance filewise , that the vttermost bodies on both sides might be able to ouer-reach the points of the enemies wings , and to make choice of the best ascent toward the height of the hill . further , the forme of ordering the bodies is set downe , they were stretched out in depth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) orthios lochos is here taken for a company ordered in one file ; and it fignifies as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a company ordered one man singly after another : which phrase is vsed by b xenophon elsewhere : and in the same sence c thucydides vseth the phrase of placing ships one in a direct line after another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which his scoliastes interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hauing one after another . and d polybius likewise of ships hath the same phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be placed one after another ; and in the same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet this passage out of xenophon , where he mencioneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath a diuers signification from the common vsage of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst other grecians . it agreeth , in that , they led their companies stretched out in file ; it differeth , in that zenophons files were placed in distance one from another , and had all an equall front in the manner of a e plagio-phalange , where in the other examples they were ioyned ; to the end to make an orthiophalange , and in seuerall bodies to follow one another . i deny not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are otherwise taken in the wars of the romans described by the greciatis . so f scipio ordering his battell against hanniball in the fight of africa , is reported by appian to haue disposed his army into maniples , distributed into three kinde of bodies , the maniples to stand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one directly after another . how they stood g polybius shewes , describing the same battaile ; he saith , that scipio ordered the hastati and their ensignes first of all the rest , and in front , and gaue interuals to their maniples ; behinde them the principes , not against the interuals of the hastati , as the roman manner was , but behinde them in a right line ( because of the multitude of the enemies elephants : ) and lastly , the triarij . on the wing of the left flanke he ranged c. lelius with the italian horse vnder him : on the right massanissa , and all the numidian horse , which he commanded . the interuals of the first ensignes ( that is , of the hastati ) he filled with the bodies of light armed , commanding them first to vndertake the fight ; and in case they were not able to withstand the affront of the the enemy , or of the elephants , he willed them to retire ; some , that could preuent the rest with speed , through the direct interuals of the maniples to thereare of the army ; other , that were in a manner surprised , to the flankes , neere the ensignes . this ordering of maniples one directly after another , so termed and described by polybius , appian calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which notwithstanding , if truly examined , cannot according to the grecian practise come within the compasse of that name . for the grecians , as i said , drew their companies seuerally each into a file ; and laying foure , or fiue , or six , or more of them together , made a body , the depth whereof much exceeded the length , or breadth , the front being of 4. 5. or 6. men in ranke , the depth of 100 , whereas the romans , as appeareth by polybius , kept their ordinary manner of embattelling , sauing that they placed their principes not against the interuals of the hastati , as their custome was , but directly behinde the maniples of the hastati , to the end the elephants of the carthaginians might haue an empty and void lane , as it were , to passe through their whole army : as for the roman maniples they consisted of two parts ioyned together , which they called h ordines , and euery ordo contained 60 men , commanded by a captaine ; so that the maniple had in it 120 men , and two captaines or centurions . these 120 men being digested into files , containing 10 men a peece ( for that was the length of file , and the depth of the maniple ) make 12 files , which stood one by another ranged in front , not stretched one after another in depth . but because the maniples of the hastati principes , and the triarij , stood directly one after another , therefore appian called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either out of the ignorance of the manner of embattelling amongst the romans , or else because the grecians in their writings reduced the order of the roman embattelling vnto their owne vsage . so they called a tribune of the roman army a chiliarch , albeit a chiliarch amongst the grecians and a tribune amongst the romans differ very much , as i haue noted vpon the ninth chapter of aelian : the manner of embattailing of the army of acilius glabrio a roman consull in the streights of thermopyle , commeth neerer vnto the greekish forme : g appian describeth it thus ; antiochus hauing fortified the streights of thermopyle with a double wall , and drawne forth his army ord●●ly for fight , to make good the place against acilius ; acilius diuided his troopes into three parts , and giuing one part to cato , to●laccus ●laccus , the one to make his passage on the one side of the hils , the other on the other , himselfe led the ordinary way against antiochus ; and framing of his owne● part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which manner of embattelling alone , saith appian , seruet● for streight wayes ) ●e pushed on and forced his enemy to retire , gained his campe. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned , are no other then the h orthie-phalange , which aelian hath set downe in this chapter , namely , hauing one maniple ( or if the streight permitted not a maniple of 12 files to march entirely in front ) one ordo consisting of six files to aduance , the rest following in the same ●inde , as the fashion is of the right induction , remembred by aelian hereafter in his 36 chapter . now albeit that forme come neerer to the graecian forme , yet it is not the same , the one filling the way with the maniple or ordo , as it fell our , in the same figure , that it stands in the field , the other changing the order of the field , drawing the company out into one file , and ioyning other companies with it in front , as many as the way would receiue : so that the grecian had too in depth of the body , the roman but 10. we are not to pretermit , that albeit acilius vsed this forme to dislodge 〈…〉 from the h●ll , yet he trusted not to it alone , but diuiding his 〈…〉 into three parts , he caused two of them to march vp the hils on both sides , himselfe on the midst , to the end that one part might ●aine the height ouer 〈…〉 head , and so make him forsake his ground . thus farre of the vse of these two 〈…〉 of phalanges or battailes : it remaineth to shew , how one of them may be transsormed into another . the next proceeding chapter teacheth , that out of doublings of rankes , the length of the battell ariseth , as the depth out of doubling of files . i haue shewed the manner of both in my notes vpon the 8 and 29 chapter . and this manner is easie in a single company , or in a small army : in great bodies it hath no great vse , let the example be of a phalangarchy , which is the fourth part of a fourefold phalange , and containeth 256 files . double the files once you shall 128 files , and 32 men in depth , and but 3 foot distance in ranke . the second doubling bringeth forth 64 files , and as many men in depth , but the distance betwixt ranke and ranke is but a foot and a halfe . beyond this doubling you cannot proceede ; for beside the confusion of places of officers , which are in number aboue i 250 in a phalangarchy , the interuals betwixt man and man , will not conueniently allow aboue two doublings : your open order betwixt man and man , wherein they stand at first , giueth but six foot : the first doubling takes away three foot from euery internall , the second leaueth but a soot and halfe . and considering that when the battell is closed for fight , the neerest distance betwixt ranke and ranke ought to be no lesse then three foot , in regard of handling of weapons ( as i haue shewed before out of polybius . ) the second doubling , albeit it yeeldeth roome from the bodies of souldiers to stand in , yet it takes away the halfe of this distance , but the third doubling allowing but 3 quarters of a foot for each man to stand in , giueth not so much ground as his body will possesse . so is it likewise of ranks , which will not suffer aboue two doublings fit for vse . aelians file is of ●6 men , double your rankes once , your file will containe no more then eight men , and euery man shall haue three foot distance from other in ranke , double them twice , the file hath but foure men , and euery mans distance in ranke is no more then a foot and halfe , which as it is allowable in close order , so admitteth it no third dou 〈…〉 , wherein the space betwixt man and man cannot exceed three quarters of a foot . as therefore the second doubling of ranks in a phalangarchy , albeit it extend the front of the battell , leaueth yet too small a depth to the plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , it containing no more then foure men in depth : so the doubling of files twice fitteth not the orthiophalange or herse , as hauing 64 in depth , and as many in length , which number neither holdeth proportion of the depth manifold to the length of the orthiophalange or herse , nor yet by reason of the length hath conueniency to apply it selfe to streight waies ; a thing that containeth the principall vse of that manner of battaile ; which was the cause that antiquity vsed another course . if the march were to be made out of a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , they framed a herse , by putting forth out of the right or left wing , first one a tetratchy , or other body , which might march whole according to the largenesse of the ways and after it followed from the same wing , the rest of the army in the same kinde . if contrariwise a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile were to be framed out of an orthiophalange or a herse , they caused the body which had the vaunt , to stand firme , and the rest following to sleeue vp by it on the right or left hand , till they all came to an euen front : b xenophon sheweth the manner in a company , whose words are these in english ; then he ( cyrus the elder ) beheld another b captaine leading his company from the river side to dinner , one souldier following another in a c single file , who when hee thought ●it commanded the second , and third , and fourth file to sleeue vp , and make an euen front with the first ; the file-leaders being new in front , hee commanded the d halfe files to double the front , so that new the decadarches or leaders of halfe files stood in front . againe , when it seemed good he commanded the e quarter files to double the front : so the pempedarches or leaders of the quarter of files led vp , and the files marched on , being diuided into foure parts . when they were come vnto the tent doore , hee commanded the first file to single out againe , and to enter in , and the second to follow it single in the reare , and so the third and fourth , till all were within the tent. to cleare these words of xenophon , it is to be vnderstood , that the company or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned , consisted of 100 men , and was diuided into foure files or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , each file containing twenty foure men . the file had fiue officers , the file leader , the decadarch , two pempedarchs , and the bringer vp . at the head of the file stood the file-leader , and behinde him directly fiue men ; next after them stood the first pempedarch and fiue men that followed him ▪ in the middest of the file ( that is , after the pempedarch and his fiue ) was placed the decadarch ( who ●ed the hinder most halfe file , and after him fiue men more ? lastly , the second pempedarch and fiue more after him , the last of which was the bringer vp . now when xenophon saith , that the whole company followed by one or file wise , he meaneth that the foure files were cast into one file , and followed one another in a right line , and by that meanes had 100 in depth , and but one in front . to bring it therefore to conuenient length from this depth , the captaine commanded the first file leader to make alte , or to stand , and the second file leader with his file to aduance , and to sleeue vp on the left hand and to front with the first file leader , and so both files to stand euen fronted in open order . the like he commanded the third and fourth file to doe ; so that the foure files being laid one to another , and fronting equally , the front or length of the body had foure men , the depth 24. then , because he held this depth disproporcionable to the length , in so small a body ; he againe enlarged the front by doubling , commanding the halfe files to double their front . the decadarchs hereupon marched vp to the front , and ranked with the file leaders , and the halfe files following them , ranked with the front-halfe files man to man. now was the front eight in length , the flanke or depth twelue . to enlarge againe the front , and to make the length exceede the depth , he commanded the quarter-files to double the front : hereupon the pempedarchs aduanced marching vp with their quarter files after them , till they fronted with the file leaders and decadarchs , and each man of the quarter files ranked with the rest , so that the front came to be of 16 men in length , the flanke six men in depth , and each man in ranke had a foot and halfe distance , in file six foot . and thus the company from one file , as it were from an orthiophalange or herse , was formed into a long body somewhat resembling a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile . to reduce it againe to an orthiophalange or herse , the captaine at the entry into the tent ( where the whole company was lodged together ) first directed the first file to march out , namely by the file leader with his fiue , then the first pempedarch with his fiue , after him the decadarch with his fiue , lastly , the second pempedarch with his fiue ; which drawing out of the officers one after another in depth , with the parts of the file commanded by them , immediately brought the file to the iust ▪ depth of 24. this being done , the second file followed the first in like order , and the third the second , & last of al came the fourth : and this was the manner of changing one forme into another : and albeit the example be but of a company , yet is the reason all one in a phalange or battaile ; for as a company is compacted of many files , so is a phalange of diuers companies ; and as one file , in the example before , was led after another filewise , so is , or may , one company or other body be led after another , making thereby an orthiophalange or herse : and as one file aduanced to front with another , to the intent to alter the forme of the orthiophalange , so must the bodies or companies sleeue vp one by another to make a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , yet want there not examples in the greeke history of turning the orthiophalange or herse into a plagiophalange or broad fronted battaile , and by consequence the plagiophalange into an orthiophalange . cherisophus in the returne of the 10000 grecians , that followed cyrus the yonger into persia , had the leading of the vant-gard all the way . a he in his march in armenia perceiuing the chalybes , taochians and phasians had taken certaine mountaines , ouer which the grecians were to passe , made alte some 30 furlongs before hee came to the enemy , lest encountring with the enemy , hee should fight with his army being led in a wing or orthiophalange : he commanded therefore the captaines that followed him with their companies , euery one after another to b sleeue vp their companies by his , to the intent to cast the army into a plagiophalange or broad fronted battaile . when thereare commanders were come vp , hee called a counsell to aduise of the best course in proceeding . here is the order of the grecians march expressed to be in a herse or orthiophalange , which consisted of many companies one following another ; and likewise the manner of transfiguring the herse into a broad fronted phalange , viz. the captaines one after another sleeuing vp their companies by cherisophus his company on the left hand , and making an equall front with him . and yet this example containeth no more , then the sleeuing vp of the companies vpon one flanke . cherisophus first made a stand with his companie , hauing the vant ; the following captaines sleeued vp their companies on his left hand , as the files did one after another in the other example . c alexander vsed another kinde of sleeuing a little before he fought the battell of issos ; for , caufing the vant-gard first to stand , he commanded the rest of the foot to march vp to the front of the vant-gard on either flanke . the words lye thus in arrian . alexander hauing by midnight gained the streights of cilicia , setting out a streight watch vpon the rockes , rested , and refreshed his army till morning : b● day-breake he descended from the streights in the ordinary way , and as long as the passage was narrow , he led in a d wing ; afterwards the mountaines opening a greater distance , he enlarged his wing into a phalange by little and little still sleeuing vp the armed , one body after another to the front ; on the right hand toward the mountaines , on the left hand toward the sea. the horse all this while marched after the foot ▪ but comming to ground of larger capacity , they were ordered on the wings . this manner of working to make a phalange out of herse , was by drawing the following companies vp on both flanks , on the right toward the mountaines , on the left toward the sea ; so that it differeth from the other forme wherein the companies were sleeued but vpon one hand . a third way of making a plagiophalange of a herse , i finde in e polybius , machanidas the lacedemonian tyrant ( saith he ) being to fight with philopaemea the achaean generall , who had fashioned his army into a broad fronted phalange , made semblance at first , as though he meant in a f herse to charge the right wing of the enemies battaile ; but approaching neerer at a conuenient distance , he brake off the hinder part of the herse , and facing it to the right hand marched out , and led it out in length , and ioyned it in equall front with his right wing , thereby equalling the left wing of the achaeans . in this manner of transforming the herse into broad fronted phalange , the companies or bodies follow not one another , to sleeue vp to the front , but halfe the plagiophalange is broken off at once ( the reare halfe ) and facing to the right or left hand , is led vp and ioyned in an euen front with the other halfe , not vnlike to our vsagein exercise , when we command our middle men with their halfe files to face to the right or left hand , and marching out to double the front of our battaile . thus much may suffice for the names , vse and reduction of one of these two phalanges to another : the third phalange mentioned in this chapter followeth . 7 the phalange loxe . ] there are two kindes of loxes , or vneuen fronted phalanges : the front of the one is figured in a continued right line stretched out bias-wise thus : the other hath as it were two fronts , formed out of two seuerall parts of the phalange ; the one aduancing against the enemy to begin the fight , the other staying behinde , and keeping the first ground , being ordered without the flanke of the first , that vpon occasion it may likewise aduance , and ioyne , or else retire from the enemy , and giue backe ; the figure shewes the shape of it : the last hath bin vsed by great generals as a forme of aduantage in fight . the first onely to win a passage , as i take it , ouer a riuer , or such like ( where the broad-fronted phalange could not passe ) and to bring the armie to a ground , where it might be ordered in better forme for fight . i will giue one example ( for i read not many ) of the first ; g alexander hauing conueied his armie ouer hellespont , and entred into phrygia , came as farre as the riuer granicus . three lieutenants of darius with 20000. horse , and well nigh as many foot , had embattelled themselues on the other side of the riuer to hinder his passage : the riuer was full of depths and slallowes somewhat dangerous to enter , and the bankes on the further side high , rough , and steepie ; besides , the enemy was ready with horse cast into a long or broad-fronted phalange , and with seconds of foot to beat him backe , that should offer to clymbe the bankes . alexander being resolued to passe ouer , first ordered his troopes in a broad-fronted phalange ▪ the right wing he commanded himselfe , and gaue the command of the left to parmenio ; then putting the scout-horse with the paeonians into the riuer , and after them a phalangarchy of foot led by amyntas the sonne of arrabius , and then ptolomy the sonne of phillip , who commanded the troope of socrates , which troop had the vaunt of all the horse that day , himselfe with the right wing entred the riuer ( the trumpets sounding , and the army giuing a shout ) extending still his battell bias-wise against the streame ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to the end the persians might not fall vpon him , as he led in a wing , but himselfe , as much as was possible , might come to ioyne with them , hauing the front of his phalange extended in length . the persians cast h darts from the high ground against the troopes of amyntas and of socrates , as they approached to the further banke , and some of them , where the ground was more euen , descended to the brinke of the riuer ; so there was thrusting and sholdering of horsemen , some to ascend out of the riuer , some to hinder the ascent . the persians let flye many a dart , the macedonians fought with speares : the first macedonians that came to hands with the persians , were cut a peeces fighting valiantly , saue only those that retired vnto alexander , who was now neere aduanced with the right wing : he himself first of all charged the persians , where the principal strength of the whole body of their horse and the generals of the field stood ; about him was a strong fight , and in the meane time one troope after another passed easily ouer the riuer . this passage of the history is long , and therefore i forbeare to recite the rest , onely i adde , that after a long fight the persians were forced to flye , and the victory remained with alexander . and this , that i haue recited , may serue to shew the vse of this kinde of loxe-phalange , which was practised by alexander to no other end , then to gaine the passage of the riuer ; for in this forme hee would neuer haue fought , nor is there any president for it out of his battels ranged vpon euen ground , where he might haue chosen the forme he liked best ; but here he was to get ouer a riuer , the enemy held the bankes on the other side with 20000. horse ordered in a broad phalange ; the riuer was full of shallowes and depths , and thereby hardly passable ; the bankes on the other side steepe and broken , and hard to ascend : parmenio disswaded him to lead in a wing or herse , and himselfe had no great fancie to aduenture in that forme . in a broad-fronted phalange he could not , which must needs haue beene broken by the vnequall footing in the bottome of the riuer ? what did hee then ? hee thought best to choose a passable foord , and through it to put ouer the right wing of his army slope-wise toward the further banke , whither when they came , they should proceed against the streame ; that the front being still extended , and the rest comming vp and ioyning , he might front toward and charge the enemy phalange-wise . and that this was his meaning is plaine by a polyen , who rehearsing the same stratagem , saith , that alexander led his army in that forme along the further banke to the end to ouer-front the enemies horse-battaile : so that this kinde of loxe or vneuen-fronted phalange is no forme to fight in , as i conceiue , but hath beene sometimes taken vp , as a meanes to attaine to a ground fit for a better forme ; as alexander changed it as soone as he came to the banks of the riuer on the other side . the other ( as i said ) great generals haue vsed , and by it haue gained great victories . i will adde an example or two , whereby the vse of it may more clearely appeare : epaminondas the theban in a field against the lacedemonians , gained a famous victory by this forme : b diadorus siculus writeth thus , the baeotians also being ready to fight , the battailes on both sides were fashioned in this order : amongst the lacedemonians the chiefetaines of the race of hercules had the wings ( viz. cleombrotus the king , and archidamus who was the sonne of agesilaus , the other king : ) on the baeotian side epaminondas vsing a peculiar and choice kinde of embattailing , obtained a renowned victory by his martiall skill : for , selecting the best men out of all his troopes , he opposed them against one of the enemies wings , himselfe resoluing in his owne person to try the fortune of the day with them . against the other wing he set the weakest , commanding them c to fight retyring , and to giue ground by little and little , when the enemy came on to charge ; framing therefore an vneuen fronted phalange , he determined to hazard the fight d with that wing , which consisted of his chosen soldiers : the trumpets sounded , and the armies gaue a shout , and the lacedemonians figuring a halfe moone thrust out both their wings of purpose to enuiron the baeotians , who with one of their wings retired , with the other ran forth to ioyne with the enemy : after ioyning , the victorie hung a good while doubtfull thorough the valour of both parties , notwithstanding epaminondas by the manhood of his people , and the e thicknesse of his battaile hauing the better , many of the lacedemonians fell ; for they were not able to endure the weight of the resolution of those chosen men , yet so long as cleombrotus liued , and had many to f ioyne targets for his defence , and ready to dye before him , the sway of victory was vncertaine : but after he had cast himselfe into all kinde of dangers , and yet could not force the enemy to retire , fighting heroically he was borne to ground with many wounds , and so ended his daies : there arose a flocking and concourse about his body , and multitudes of dead men were heaped one vpon another . that wing , being now without a commander , was hardly laid to by epaminondas and first with plaine force somewhat disordered . the lacedemonians on the other side , brauely hazarding for their king ; recouered his dead body , but could not attaine to the victory : as also the selected band , albeit prouoked by the vertue and exhortation of epaminondas , it vsed extraordinary valour , yet with much adoe did it force the battaile of the lacedemonians , who first giuing backe , somewhat disordered themselues ; at last many falling , and no man being to command them , the whole armie tooke it selfe to flight . epaminondas his soldiers followed the chace , slew many , made themselues masters of the field , and carried away a notable and famous victory . their honour was the more , because they fought with the most valiant men of all the grecians , and ouercame them being many more in number then themselues , contrary to all mens expectation ; but of all other epaminondas was the man that merited most praise , who by his owne valour and martiall skill , won a battaile against those generals of greece , which to that day were held inuincible . this testimony of the loxephalange is somewhat long , but the worthinesse of the circumstances will , i hope , beare me out to recite it , wherein the forme agreeable to aelian is first to be noted , as aduancing one wing against the enemy , and holding off the other ; albeit it goe a little further then aelian prescribeth , in that the wing kept off , stood not still , waiting time to come forward , but when the enemy came vp , ioyned with him , giuing ground , of purpose to distract his phalange , and on that side to busie him with a slow fight , lest happily he might giue vpon the aduerse flanke of epaminondas and succour his owne partie that already was in fight . it sheweth besides , the aduantage of military skill ; for the lacedemonians , masters of armes at that day in greece , hauing fashioned a halfe moone , and imagining in that forme to inclose the small number of the baeotians , and to charge them on euery side , epaminondas with his loxe phalange so plyed the front of their wings , that the rest of the halfe moone , being neuer able to strike stroake , became vnprofitable : it shewes further what kinde of battaile is fittest to encounter the halfe moone : lastly , it hath the reason and vse of the loxe phalange ; that is , to charge one of the enemies wings with the best and strongest part of our forces , and at the same instant to annoy him with the other wing , thereby to embarre him from giuing aide to his people that were in fight . g alexander vsed this forme at gangamela , beginning the fight and victory with his right wing , and after with his victorious troopes succouring his left wing , that was in danger to be routed by the persians . the like forme with the like successe was vsed by h antigonus against eumenes ; it is a battaile worth the rehearsing , but i haue beene long in the example of epaminondas , and therefore referre the reader to the quotation . i demetrius framed the like battaile against ptolomy and seleucus , albeit he were frustrated of his hopes in the euent by the foresight of ptolomy , who opposed his choisest troopes against that wing of demetrius , which was first to vndertake the charge . hitherto of these three formes of phalanges , see the figures , in which albeit the two first be portraited without interuals , yet you must in the broad-fronted phalange vnderstand the three interuals vsuall in the macedonian fourefold phalange : and in the herse the spaces betwixt the reare of the bodies that lead , and of the front of those that follow . parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , entaxis , and hypotaxis . chap. xxxi . ( 1 ) parembole , or insertion , is , when souldiers being placed in a body , we take some of the hindmost , and order them within the distances of the first , drawing them vp in an equall front . ( 2 ) protaxis , or forefronting , is , when we place the light-armed before the front of the armed , and make them forestanders , as the file-leaders are : ( 3 ) when we order the light armed behind , it is called epitaxis , as it were an after-placing . ( 4 ) prostaxis , or adioyning , is , when to both flankes of the battell , or to one flanke , some of the hindmost are added , the front of them which are added lying euen with the front of the battell . this addition is called prostaxis . ( 5 ) entaxis or insition , is , when it seemeth good to set the light armed within the spaces of the phalange , man to man. ( 6 ) hypotaxis or double-winging , is , when a man bestoweth the light armed on the wings of the phalange , so that the whole figure resembleth a threefold gate or doore . cap. 31. hypotaxis , or double-winging entaxis , or insertion protaxis , or forefronting notes . this chapter sheweth the inlarging of a phalange or battell , by diuers placings partly of the armed , partly of the light-armed . it is not hard to be vnderstood ; the rather because most of the alterations here mentioned are spoken of heretofore either in aelian , or in my notes : sixe formes are here set downe , two by changing the place of some of the armed , the other foure by changing the place of the light-armed , the armed are altered by b parembole or c prostaxis , the light armed by d protaxis , e epitaxis , f entaxis , and g hypotaxis ; what the signification of each is shall be shewed in the notes following . 1. parembole . ] this must alwayes be of armed , which are taken from the reare of the armed , and inserted betwixt the files of the front : of this kinde is the doubling of the front by middle men with their halfe files , whereof aelian hath spoken in the 29 chapter , see the figure there . 2. protaxis or fore-fronting . ] i haue shewed before in the notes vpon the seuenth chapter , that the light-armed were diuersly placed in the front , in the reare , on the wings , within the battell ; when they are placed before , it is called protaxis , see the figure here : h ptolomie and seleucus being to fight against demetrius , who had many elephants , placed the light armed before , to the intent to wound the elephants and turne them away from their phalange : so alexander , so darius , at the battaile of issos , placed darters and slingers before the fronts of their phalange : they serue greatly to annoy the enemy being so placed , especially being not charged with horse or pikes ; if they be charged with either , they are to retire into the interuals of their owne battaile of pikes : see onosander cited by me in my notes vpon the 7 chapter of this booke . 3. epitaxis . ] ordering of the light-armed behinde was the vsuall manner of the macedonian embattelling , from whence they drew them at pleasure to any place of seruice : see the 7 chapter . 4. prostaxis ] it is , when armed are taken from behinde and laid to one or both flankes of the battell fronting euen with the front thereof , which is a doubling of rankes , as is before shewed , done when the hinder halfe files diuide themselues , march out and front with the fileleaders , or else march out entirely without diuision . entaxis ] incision is alwayes of the light armed into the spaces of the armed . it is all one with pareutaxis , another greeke word vsed in the same sence . 6. hypotaxis . ] placing of the light armed on the wings was much vsed in ancient time , as the manner is also at this day : but aelian would haue them so placed , that the eminency of them should make a hollow front in the battaile : patritius taketh hypotaxis to be the placing of the light armed in the reare , which seemeth to be a mistaking , both because the placing of them in the reare is in this chapter called epitaxis , and also because there being foure manners of ordering the light-armed , one in the front , another in the reare , the third within the body of the phalange man to man , the fourth in the wings : if this ordering should be vnderstood to be behinde the phalange , there would be two kinds of placing of the light armed in the reare , and none of ordering them in the flankes : besides , when aelian saith , they are placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnder the wings of the battell , he sufficiently expresseth himselfe , the flankes of the battaile on both sides being the vttermost parts of the wings . the vse , and aduantage of these exercises of armes . chap. xxxiv . these precepts of turning about of faces , of wheeling , and double wheeling of the battaile , and of reducing it to the first posture , are of great vse in ( 1 ) sodaine approaches of the enemy , whether he shew himselfe on the right or left hand , or in the reare of our march . the like may be said of countermarches , of which the macedonians are held to be the inuenters of the macedonian , the lacedemonians of the lacedemonian , from whom the appellations are accordingly drawne . the histories witnesse , that phillip ( who much enlarged the macedonian kingdome , and ouer-came the grecians in a battaile at cheronea , and made himselfe generall of grecia ) and likewise his sonne alexander , who in short time conquered all asia , made small account of the macedonian countermarch , vnlesse necessity forced it ; and that by vse of the lacedemonian , they both became victorious ouer their enemies . for the macedonian countermarch , the enemy falling vpon the reare , is cause of great disorder , in asmuch as the hindermost marching vp to the front , and making shew of running away , it more incourageth and emboldeneth the enemy to fall on , for feare and pursuit of the enemy is ordinarily incident to this countermarch : but the lacedemo●ian countermarch is of contrary effect ; for when the enemy shewes himselfe in the reare , the file-leaders with their followers brauely aduancing , and opposing themselues , it striketh no small feare and terror into their mindes . notes . all the foure motions of a battaile ; facing , countermarching , doubling , and wheeling , are before handled : in this chapter aelian briefly rehearseth the vse of them , especially in 1. sodaine approaches of the enemy . ] if the enemy come sodainely vpon vs , he must direct himselfe either against our front , or our reare , or our flankes . if a against our front , we neede no other motion then that whereby we may strengthen our front , which is vsually done by doubling of rankes ; we march for the most part in a herse , in which forme there cannot come many hands to fight : and that is the reason why it is accounted the weakest forme to ioyne with the enemy . b doubling of rankes helpeth that defect , and bringeth as many hands to fight , as the proportion of forces will allow : if against the c reare , and time streight you not , and your battell be in open order , you haue the vse of d countermarch , which bringeth the best hands to fight ; for the file-leaders are esteemed the flower of the army : your battaile being in order or close order , you are to e wheele it about to your right or left cap. 32. the action of wheeling cap. 32. the manner of wheeling the first posture closing of files closing of rankes forward the front cap 33 os cloinges closing to the middes● the front after closing y● right action closing to y● left ●and closing to y● right ●and the front before closing the front of y● battaile before closing hand , and so to oppose the front against the enemy . but in both these motions the caution of aelian is , that the enemy surprize you not whilest you are in the a 〈…〉 ion of countermarch or wheeling , lest taking his aduantage , hee charge you being in disorder . therefore if he come so neere , that you haue no liberty to countermarch or wheele , your onely refuge is to a face about to the right or left hand , for so he shall not be able to giue vpon your backe : if the enemy appeare vpon any flanke , countermarch of the front will not auaile , much lesse doubling against the flanke of ranks , or files , but you must either wheele your front to the flanke , or if you haue not time enough so to doe , you are to face your battell to that hand : the vse of these motions hath been handled in their seuerall chapters more at large . of the signes of direction which are to be giuin to the army , and of their seuerall kindes . chap. xxxv . ( 1 ) we are to acquaint our forces both foot and horse , perfectly with the ( 2 ) voice , and perfectly with ( 3 ) visible signes , that whatsoeuer is fitting , may be executed and done , as occasion shall require . ( 4 ) some things also are to be denounced by the trumpet : for so all directions will be fully accomplished , and sort to a desired effect . ( 5 ) the signes therefore which are deliuered by voice , are most euident and cleere , if they haue no impediment . ( 6 ) but the most certaine and least tumultuous signes are such as are presented to the eye ▪ if they be not obscured . the voice sometime cannot bee heard by reason of the clashing of ●rmour , or trampling or neying of horses , or tumult of carriage , or noise and confused sound of the multitude . the visible signes also become many waies vncertaine , by thicknesse of ayre , by dust , by raine , or snow , or sun-shine , or else through ground that is vneuen or ful of trees , or of turnings . and sometimes it will not be easie to find out signes for all vses , occasions eftsoones presenting new matter , to which a man is not accustomed : yet can it not so fall out , that either by voice , or by signall , we should not giue sure and certaine direction . notes . 1 the ordinary motions in a phalange are all represented by aelian . now commeth hee to speake of signes , which direct , and are meanes of effecting all these motions , and without which the army is no army , but remains a body vngouernable , and may aptly be resembled to a shippe that hath no rudder : for as a ship in a tempest is driuen by all windes , tossed by waues , throwne euery way vpon rockes , vpon sands , vpon dangerous shoares , that is not guided by the master , who standeth and moueth at the helme ; so an army not directed by signes , and forecast of the general , is carried away through ignorance and violence of affection , sometimes of anger , sometimes offeare , sometimes of reuenge , and other vnbridled desires , and breaketh or else falleth into confusion through disorder , working little against the enemy , may rather giuing him meanes of a certaine victory . the shippe is like the army ▪ the generall like the master , the words of direction like the rudder , guiding all and euery motion of the army : for the army being a body of many heads ▪ whereof euery one hath a seuerall sense , hangeth together not by the naturall coherence and knitting of one member to another , but by artificiall ioyning of man to man , file to file , body to body , whereby it is gathered together into one masse , and figured into many members and ioynts , and ruled not by the reason and iudgement of it selfe , but by the reason and vnderstanding of the generall . so that no man is to demand why this or that is commanded , but is to execute it alone for this cause , because it is commanded : the generall then being to command , and direct the actions of the whole army , ought to finde out meanes to speake and discourse with them all at once , in such a language , as it were , that all may vnderstand at once . for the occurrence of warre being oftentimes sudden , and once slipt by , irrecouerable , require sudden meanes of speedy direction , that nothing fall out so vnlooked for , but the army may haue notice how to preuent and auoid , or else to turne it to their most aduantage ; the rather because in warre , safety and life come in question , in losse of which , no pardon of negligence can be admitted . and seeing there are two principall sences of aduertisement , the eare the one , the other the eye ; the eare to heare all manner of sounds , the eye to discerne all manner of colours and shapes , it hath been the witty inuentions so antient generals , to informe their armies by the one , and by the other ; by the eye when there was no vse of the eare ; by the eare when the eye could not be informed : the true obseruation and vse of these signes auaile much in warre . a vegetius saith , that nothing profiteth more to victory , then to obey the admonition of signes . former experience hath taught , that the neglect or error of signes , hath brought in great inconueniences , and quite ouerthrowne the enterprises in hand . b polybius remembreth it in aratus the elder , a generall of the achaeans , cratus , saith hee , the generall of the achaeans , seeking to get the cy●ethian city by a plot , agreed with those of his party within the citie , vpon a certain time to come by night to the riuer that runneth by cynethe , there refreshing and staying his army a while , and that those within taking their time , should send about mid-day out of the gate secretly one of their companions , to stand in a cloake by a hill appointed , which was not farre from the citie , to giue aduertisement to aratus to march on ▪ and that the rest about that time should lay hands vpon the polemarches , ( that vsed to guard the gates ) while they reposed themselues and slept : and that this done , the acheans should with all speed hasten to the gates , out of their ambush . these things concluded , and the time approaching , aratus came accordingly , and hiding himselfe by the riuer , awaited the signall : about the fifth houre , one of the citie an owner of sheepe , that bore extraordinary fine wooll , & were vsually feeding about the citie , came out of the city gate in a cloake , desirous to speake with the shepheard about some priuate businesse of his owne , and standing vpon the same hill , looked round about for the sheepheard . aratus and his folke imagining this to be the expected signall , ran in all hast toward the citie ; but because nothing was ready within , the gates were quickly shut , and not onely aratus missed of his purpose , but the citizens also that conspired with him ▪ fell into great misfortunes , being taken with the manner , and presently brought forth and put to death . this may be an example of error and misprision of the signe ▪ of the neglect , and likewise of the like error and misprision , there is a notable example in a caesars comentaries in the siege of alexia , where caesar hauing won the enemies campe , lying vpon a hill neere the towne , sounded a retreat to his army that was in fight : the ensignes of the tenth legion made a stand , but the souldiers of the other legions not hearing the sound of the trumpet , by reason of a valley , beyond which they were ; were yet held backe by the tribunes and legats , as caesar had giuen direction . notwithstanding , being puffed vp with the hope of a speedy victory , and with the fight of the enemy , and their happy battailes of former times , thinking nothing so hard that it might not be atchieued by their valour , they made no end of their chace , till they came neere to the wall , and gates of the towne ; and some of them entring at a gate , othersome clymbing vp the wall , imagined they had gotten possession of the towne . in the meane time the enemies forces , who were busie in fortifying without on the other side of the towne , being acquainted herewith by message , sent their horse before , and followed after themselues , and in great numbers charged the romans : the fight was hard , the enemy trusting to the aduantage of the place and to their number , the romans to their valour , when on the sudden were seene on the open side of the romans the heduan horse who serued in caesars armie , and were by him sent on the right hand to get vp the hill another way : they by likenesse of their armour put caesars souldiers in a great feare . and although it might easily ●e discerned , that their left shoulder was vnarmed , which was the signe of such as were friends , yet the romans conceiued them to be enemies , and to vse that deuice onely to ouer-reach and entrap them . being oppressed on all hands , and 46 b centurions slaine , they were beaten from their ground with the losse of few lesse then 700 men . caesars souldiers here offended in both kindes in the neglect of their generals command , which he gaue by signe , and in mistaking the signe , which was vsuall for the heduans to be knowne by . caesars iudgement of these two faults appeareth in his speech , which he made to his army presently vpon the losse ; in which he reprehended their rashnesse , in that they would needs take vpon them to iudge how farre they were to proceede , and neither be held in with the signe of retreat that was giuen , ●or yet be commanded by the tribunes and legates . he shewed of what force the disaduantage of ground was , and what his opinion was before this time at auaricum , where surprising the enemy without a generall and horse , he let an assured victory slip out of his hand , because he would not hazard , no not a small losse in fight vpon inequality of ground . as much as he admired their braue mindes and resolution , whom neither the fortifications of the enemies campe , nor the height of the mountaine , nor the wall of the towne could hold backe ; so much hee reprehended their presumption and arrogancy , in that about the victory and issue of things , they preferred their owne conceits before the opinion of their generall : for his part he required aswell modesty and continencie in a souldier , as valour and magnanimity . so caesar insinuating that obedience and heedfulnesse were two principall vertues in a souldier ; by the one to be ready at all commands , by the other to execute with discretion what was commanded : by want of heedfulnesse they perceiued not the signe of retreat which was proposed vnto them , and mistooke the marke of the heduans , whom they esteemed for their foes ; by want of obedience to their officers , they incurred the danger and losse which they sustained : diligent care therefore is to be had of signes , by which the minde of the generall in all directions is declared , and as it were set before the eyes of the whole army . the inuentors of the signes of warre were many . the ensigne was inuented by the egyptians , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the 9 chap. of this booke , where also the reason of the inuention is giuen . a the order of an army , the giuing of the signe , the watch , the watchword was inuented by palamedes , the trumpet by tirrhenus the sonne of hercules . to giue signes to an armie pertaineth , as i haue shewed , to him that is the gouernour thereof , that is , to the generall . the manner how signes were by him giuen , appeareth in b onosander , i will recite his words : let all signes , quoth he , ( he meaning by voyce ) and c by-signes be deliuered to the officers of the armie ; in asmuch as for a generall to goe vp and downe and proclaime the signe to all , is the part of an vnwise and vnexperienced man , and both time is lost in denoun●ing it , and it is often a cause of tumult , whilest euery man asketh what the signe is . besides , one addeth something to the generals words , another diminish●th them through ignorance . d leo hath almost the same wordes , at least the same sence , and as i take it , hee borroweth them from onosander . e onosander addeth , it behoueth him to giue the word to his highest commanders , who are to deliuer it ouer to the next to themselues , and they to their next inferiour officers , till it come to the last ; for so shall euery one speedily , decently , and quietly know what is commanded . and this was the manner of the grecians , as may appeare by thucydides , who describing the vsage of the lacedemonians in giuing the word and signes , of direction , hath thus , and presently the lacedemonians ordered themselues in battaile , agis the king commanding , as their law is ; for when the king leadeth , all things are vnder his command , and hee giueth direction to the polemarches , they to the lochagij , who deliuer it to the pentecosters , and they to the enomotarches , from whom the souldiers of the enomoties haue it . this was then the manner of the grecians . how the romans did deliuer ou● their word you may finde in the sixt booke of f polybius . but because it pertaineth not to aelian , who intreateth of the graecian discipline alone , i remit the reader to my marginall quotation . the signe was then deliuered from the superior officers to the inferior , and from them to the souldier ▪ the kindes of signes that were deliuered are reckoned vp in this chapter , being in number two ; for they were presented either to the eare or to the eye ▪ to the eare , as all sounds , whether mans voice or trumpets , or other instruments of warre , which were presented for direction or motion of the army . to the eye , as all mute signes ( so they are called which haue no sound ) which were set vp to the view of the souldier for direction likewise : both of these kinds were either ordinary or extraordinary ; ordinary , which had daily vse in the army , as the trumpet , ensignes , and such like , as serued for ordinary direction . extraordinary , which were brought in as occasion was offered of new command : besides , some were deliuered openly , as the vocall , semiuocall and mute signes , which by proclamation , sound of instruments , or representation were set forth to the whole army at once ; some priuily , as the word , and such like , which passed secretly from one to another , and were receiued priuately in the eare . this variety was inuented , that in case one kinde failed , or would not serue , another might , as i haue noted before out of suidas vpon the ninth chapter , and as aelian teacheth in this chapter . the ends of signes are two , one to order and direct our owne forces , the other to distinguish them from the enemy . because i haue before spoken of the diuersity of vocall and mute signes , it shall not be amisse here to shew the vse of them both by examples . and this is first to be noted , that the graecians in gouerning their troopes , as much as they could , retained the vse of the voice . in publike directions they vsed the voice of the cryer ; i haue before noted it vpon the 9 chapt. if the command required secrecy , the generall gaue it to his chiefe commanders secretly by word : of this kinde was the signe deliuered to discerne enemy from his owne souldiers in a battaile to be fought . a xenophon writeth , that at such time as cyrus the yonger and artaxerxes were to ioyne battaile , cyrus sitting on horse-backe a prettie distance from the grecian troopes , heard a murmuring noise running along through their whole battaile , and asking xenophon ( who was then present with him ) what noise it might be , and what it meant , xenophon told him , that the word was now giuen the second time : hee wondering who had reuealed the word to the enemy , desired to know what the new word was ; xenophon answered , it was iupiter the sauiour and victory ; which cyrus hearing , i accept it , saith he , and let it be so . the murmure here mentioned arose out of the deliuering of the signe of the battaile , which being deliuered to the inferiour officers by clearchus , the chiefe commander of the grecians , and the officers communicating it to the souldiers , and the souldiers one to another , went thorough the whole body of the phalange with a soft and stil noyse of them , that whispered it in the eares of their companions . xenophon hath here set downe , that the word was iupiter the sauiour and victory ; in d another place he hath , iupiter the sauiour and hercules the guide , for the signe . to know who was an enemy who a friend , the souldiers meeting one another demanded the signe ; if they deliuered the word giuen by the generall , they held them for friends , if otherwise , for enemies : e polyen telleth of one acues an arcadian generall , who commanded his souldiers to kill him , whosoeuer he were that should aske the word : so that he made the voice of the enemy serue for the word to his owne souldiers . this signe was changed in euery battaile , lest , if still the same signes were vsed , the enemy might happily come to the knowledge of them , and so be taken for friend , vnder colour whereof much treason might be wrought : not much vnlike the signe giuen in a battell to be fought , is the watch-word by night , which was vsually deliuered to the first officers of the army , and by them deriued to the rest , and so brought downe to the souldiers , and was no lesse obserued in a citie , then in the campe ; in both which the same forme of watching was held , saue that in a campe there were sentinels per due , as we terme them at this day ( the grecians called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) who stood and watched without the trench of the campe ; whereas the cities for the most part had sentinels watching onely vpon the wals or market-place , or other pieces of strength giuing to , and receiuing the word from the rounders . and as the signes of battaile varied vpon occasion , as the last example spesified , so the watch-words were often changed , for feare they might come to the notice of the enemy ; for the enemy hauing the watch-word , might nourish spies in our campe or citie , and haue certaine intelligence of all , that passeth there , as being taken for friends , because they carried the marke and tokens of friends ; and they were changed not onely at the reliefe of the watch , which time is the vsuall moment of varying the word , but oftentimes after the same night , for feare that a sentinell might be snatched vp without the campe by an enemy , or else because of treason within , in reuealing the word to the enemy ; oftentimes also they gaue a d double word , one to the sentinell , another to the round ; and sometimes added a d mute signe , to the word , which kind they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a by-signe , : and these are all the secret signes by word , which i finde in the grecian practise . for the other words , as the exhortation of the generall to the army , and the words of training deliuered by the cryer to the souldiers , ( for euery company had a cryer , because his voice was stronger and lowder then the captaines , ) they neither are secret , and seeme rather to be in the nature of commands , then signes . the single word of battell and watch , i find to bee called by no other name then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if it were a double word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if a mute signe were ioyned to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the voice then of a man was vsed for a signe either when secrecie was required , or else where the crier might bee heard in discharging his duty by proclamation , because it was weake and could not extend to the hearing of ths whole army , and many things required for publike and quicke direction , instruments of sound were brought in . vegetius saith very well , because a multitude cannot be gouerned by voice alone in the tumults of fight , and because many things are to bee commanded and done , according to necessity , the ancient vse of all nations found out , how the whole army by signes might with speed haue notice of and follow that , which the generall iudged profitable for it . to helpe therefore the weakenesse of the voice , instruments of sound were brought in , which were of three sorts amongst the grecians , the trumpet , the flute , and the harpe . the a flute was vsed by the lacedemonians the harpe by the cretans . ( euen to the ioyning of battaile ) all other grecians vsed the trumpet . b and yet in the battaile during the time of fight , and in retreats , the lacedemonians also vsed the trumpet . i haue noted it before vpon the 9 chapter , where i haue also touched in what occasions and actions the trumpet was the signe . now will i giue some presidents of the particulars thece remembred . and first the trumpet gaue the signe of remouing the campe : which appeareth by this precpt of c leo ; when you will remoue your campe without tumult , you are to giuen commandement ouer night . and againe , the same day in which you remoue , you are in the morning by day light to signifie the remoue by sound of the trumpet three times , and then remoue , and the leaders and the armed are to goe out first , then the wagons , if any bee , and then other things which are carried for the vse of the army . thus leo , for the remoue by day . by night , the army of the grecians that fought with artaxerxes ( as d xenophon reporteth ) remoued after this sort . after the death of cyrus , the grecians that followed cyrus , being in distresse , and pinched with want of al things , not knowing what course to take , and hauing a message from arieus ( a chiefe persian commander vnder cyrus while he liued ) to come and ioyne with him , that they might returne together to ionia , from whence they first began to march , clearchus the principall commander of grecians being determined to doe as arieus counselled , and yet loth the enemy should know of his departure , gaue these directions to the army , this must de your course , saith hee , wee must goe euery man to his lodging , and sup with such prouision as he hath , and when the horne giueth the signe to rest , trusse vp your baggage , at the second signe lay it vpon the carriage beasts , at the third euery man follow his leader . the captaines and coronels hearing this , did as they were commanded . this practise of clearchus differeth not much from leos precept ; for hee vsed three sounds of the trumpet , and so leo doth command : clearchus yet further sheweth what was bee done at euery signe , which leo pretermitteth , perhaps as a thing commonly knowne : besides , clearchus vsed all these signes for another end , then for which they were first instituted . the grecians at euening discharged their workemen from their worke by sound of trumpet , and that was called the signe of rest : then they diuided the night into foure parts , which were called foure watches , because rheir sentinels were foure times releeued in a night , and at euery reliefe the trumpet sounded . now the sounds of the trumpet by night , clearchus conuerted into signes for marching according to leoes prescription , and remoued his campe , the enemy not perceiuing it . hence it appeareth then that the campe was remoued by the sound of the trumpet : and yet i finde that alexander brought in an alteration about this signe of remoouing : for a curtius remembreth that alexander at the first vsed it , but perceiuing afterwards , that this signe could hardly be discerned by the whole army , by reason of the noise and stirring of the multitude , thought it better to sticke downe a pole , and vpon the top of it to hang a coloured cloth , to giue his army notice , that hee meant to remoue , and euer after held himselfe to that signe . the trumpet likewise was the b signe of fight : and when all the trumpets of the army sounded , it was called c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in latine classium ; ) and the whole army hearing this signe , began to aduance , and sung the d paean , and gaue a shout , and presently ioyned with the enemy . the greeke histories euery where giue testimony hereof . but wee are to note that this sounding of trumpets all together , was before the army came to ioyne with the enemy , and that the end of it was to strike a terror into the enemy , and to encourage and stirre vp the mindes of their owne people to fight ; for in the time of fight , they vsed another manner according to this precept of e leo , i would not aduise you to sound with many trumpets , during the time of conflict , it being a thing both hurtfull , and bringing with it tumult and confusion : for thereby no commander can bee heard . but if the place bee found plaine and euen , the trumpet of the middle battell will bee sufficient for all the other battels : if it be vneuen , or the winde , as it often happeneth , boisterous , or the noise of waters hinder the cleernesse of the sound , it will not bee inconuenient for a trumpet to speake in euery battell so that three may be sounded in the whole army . for the more that stilnesse is obserued , the lesse shall the youger sort of souldiers be disturbed , or the beasts affrighted , and more terrible shall the battell seeme to the enemy , and directions be better heard and put in execution . the trumpes were therefore the signes of fight , first all sounding together when the army went to charge , and afterward one or three at the most during the time of fight . and as the signe of fight was giuen by the trumpet , so was the signe of retreat . this also is manifest by the stratagem of pammenes . polyen relateth that hee c deceiued his enemies by vsing a contrary course in sounding the trumpet , then the common manner was , commanding his souldiers when hee sounded the retreat , they should goe to charge ; when he sounded a charge , they should retreat : in doing whereof , he greatly annoyed his enemies . the example of g agesilaus cited by mee in my notes vpon the 9 chapter sheweth , that the trumpet was vsed for retreats : and the history of callicratidas reported by diodor. scic . in his 15 booke ; suidas nameth this kinde of sound giuen by the trumpet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a calling backe , or a command to retire . the trumpet finally was vsed as a signe for the army to stand , or to goe forward as the businesse required . albeit i must confesse , there were other vsuall signes besides the trumpet in this case : a leo saith , in exercise of horse , when you are to mooue the body , you are to giue signe either with the voice alone , or with the trumpet , or else with the bowing downe of a baneroll , and so to moue them . and if you would haue them to make alte , you are to doe it either with he voice , saying stand , or with the trumpet or with the noise of a targetbeaten vpon with a sword . the like he speaketh of the exercise of foot in the same chap and after in the 9 ch. he saith , you shall command the souldiers to stand , by knowing exactly the soūd of the trumpet , & again to moue by the sound of the trumpet . so that although other signes were giuen for marching & retreat , yet the most cōmon signe was by the trumpet . b now we are to vnderstand , that all signes giuen by sound to the eare ( except by the voyce ) are called signa semiuocalia , because albeit their sound be lowder and stronger for the most part then the voyce is , yet they are not articulated , as is the sound of the voice . hitherto of signes that were giuen to the eare by the sound . now are we to speake briefly of mute signes , or those that were set vp , as it were , a marke for the eye . mute sign swere of two kindes : for either they were simple , and vsed by themselues , as an obiect of the eye alone , or else they were mixed , and ioyned to signes of sound , and so communicated both to the eye and to the eare . of the second for were those whereof i haue spoken a little before , and they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , namely when a mute si ne is added to a vocall : as when to the word in the night is ioyned some speciall gesture of the body , as holding downe or nodding of the head , lifting vp the hand , putting off the hat , heauing vp the skirt of the garment , &c. concerning which see c onosander and d of the first kinde were signes presented to the eye alone , which extended very largely , and serued where neither voyce not trumpet could be heard by reason of the remorenesse of the place ; these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signes properly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise , because it was agreed by the parties , who gaue and tooke them , that they should haue such and such signification . the words be different , but the meaning and effect is all one ; for as no signe can be , but there must be a giuer and a taker of the signe , so ●● that respect the signes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reason of the communication betwixt the giuer and taker of the signe , may aptly also be tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and albeit i noted before that the signe of the battaile and the watchword was called by no other name but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken often for a mute signe also : many occasions were of giuing these signes , and they were sometimes shewen by day sometimes by night , and in the day time they were sometime proposed in the battaile , sometime in other places , where they might be perceiued . e arrian historieth of alexander the great , that at his being in the country of the taulantians , his enemies clytus and glaucias , had with man● horse , darters , and slingers , and not a few armed men , taken the mountaines and high places , by which he was to passe in returning . the place was streight and wooddy , shut vp on the one side with a riuer , on the other side with an exceeding high mountaine , the sides whereof were very steepe , so that the armie could not march with more then foure armed in front . alexander marshalled his troopes to 120 in depth , and ordering 200 horse on each wing , he commanded silence , and heede to be taken to his directions : and first he willed the armed to aduance their pikes , then vpon a e signe giuen to let them fall , and charge , then to turne them close knit to the right hand , then to the left , and sometime he moued the battell quickly forward , and sometime he moued it to the one wing , sometime to the other . and so fashioning it into diuers shapes in short time , and at last casting it into a wedge , as it were , he led it against the enemy ; who stood wondering at the speedinesse and good order of the diuers motions ; and now perceiuing the armie to be led against them , abode not the charge , but left the hill , which he held , and fled . here are mentioned seuen seuerall motions of the phalange , which wee haue in practice at this day : 1 aduancing of pikes , 2 charging of them , 3 first to the right hand , 4 then to the left hand , 5 mouing of the battell forward , 6 mouing it to the right wing , and then 7 to the left . and all these motions were directed by a signe ; what this signe was , may be doubted , because it is not expressed whether it was by voice , trumpet , or a mute signe . for my part i would not take it to haue beene by voyce ; for how could the voice be heard in so great an army as alexander had ( which according to f diodorus siculus consisted of 30000 foot and 3000 horse ) and was stretched out in depth , and had but foure armed in front : nor yet would i imagine it to haue beene giuen by trumpet ; because , though perhaps the trumpet might be heard of all the army , by reason of the eccho rebounding from the mountaine and riuer , yet could it not fitly and cleerely distinguish the sound that should direct these seuen seuerall motions : i haue before declared in what case the trumpet was employed . let me with leaue therefore thinke , that it was a mute signe presented to the eye ; as for the purpose a coate , or other garment fastned to the end of a long staffe , the colour whereof being eminent , and the staffe being lifted aloft might be perceiued by the whole army . the signe then aduanced to the full height , might signifie aduancing of pikes , which was the first motion . being abased and held leuell before the front , charging to the front , which was the second motion ; held out leuell to the right flanke charging to the right hand , to the left flanke , charging to the left hand ; which were the third and fourth motions of alexander : mouing forward in front , it might be a signe for the battell to follow , which was the fift . mouing to the right hand , for the battell to march to the right , which was the sixt : to the left , for the battell to moue to the left , which was the seuenth ; which motion might more easily be performed , in case the ensignes of the particular companies tooke their direction from the maine signe , and so framed themselues to the same motions , and the souldiers to the motions of their ensignes : this i say is my coniecture , wherein notwithstanding i preiudice no mans opinion , but leaue euery man to his owne conceit and sence . g xenophon relateth a notable example of iphicrates the athenian , who being chosen admirall by the citie , as soone as he began to take the sea with his nauie , both at once sailed , and also prepared all things necessary for sea-fight : for he left at home the greater sailes , as one that sailed forth to fight , and seldome vsed the greater masts , were the winde neuer so faire , but hasting forward with the oare , he both made the bodies of his men strong and healthy , and the nauie gained a speedier way : and oftentimes where he meant to dine , there would he draw his whole nauie from the shoare in h a wing ? and turning them about , and addressing their prowes to the land , giue a signe for the ships to hasten with all celerity to the land , euery one as it could . it was a great reward and victory for those that came first to land , to water , and take all thing they needed , as also to dine , and a great punishment to the sluggards to want those commodities , and besides to put to sea again , when the signe was giuen : for the first did all things at ease , and as they list , the last were streightn●d with haste , and must doe as they could . when , by chance he dined in the enemies countrie , he set out sentinels some vpon land as behooued , other vpon ships rearing vp the masts , that from them they might take a view of all things : for these being placed in a higher station , might easily discerne and see further , then the other standing vpon euen ground : wheresoeuer he supped and slept , he suffered no fires to be made in the campe by night , but held light before the campe , that no man might haue accesse to it without discouery . oftentimes in faire weather , he no sooner supped , but put to sea againe , and in case there were a fresh gale , sailed forward ▪ and the sailers in the meane time gaue themselues to rest : when hast was needfull he releeued the saylers by turnes , and in the day time vpon a signes led sometimes in a wing , some times in a phalange . that these were mute signes from the admirall ship ( besides that , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth so much for the most part ) no man i thinke acquainted with sea-seruice will make question , considering that both voice and b trumpet easily giue place to the whistling of windes and roaring of tempests , and raging of waues of the sea. to say nothing of the distance of one ship from another , nor of the tumult and cry of mariners , or sound of oares ( for in those times sea-fights were altogether in gallies driuen with oares ) which make them vncapable of direction by any other kinde of signe . and for these mute signes to be giuen by sea , i meane , of what kinde they should be , and to what end , and in what manner deliuered , i thinke good to cite the words of the emperour leo , which sound thus : c let there be , saith he , in your galley d a signe standing in some eminent place , either an ensigne , or some banerall , or some such like , wherewith after you haue signified what is to be done , your direction may straight be vnderstood and executed , whether you would haue your nauie to goe to charge , or retire from the enemy , or to countermarch to encompasse the enemy , or to hasten to relieue some of your owne party distressed , or slacke or quicken their aduancing , or lay or auoid an ambush , or such like : that they seeing the signes ●rom your ship , may receiue direction what is to be done . and a little after he declareth the manner and vsage of these signes , saying ; let the signe e be showne either standing vpright , or enclining to the right or left hand , or lifted aloft , or let fall low , or be taken cleane away , or transported to another place , or changing by making the head of it appeare in diuers formes by adding other shapes of colours vnto it , as was vsed by the ancients . for their manner was in the day of battaile to reare vp a red coloured signe , which they called f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it was nothing else but a peece of red cloath exalted vpon a long staffe , and such like ; but it may be more safely deliuered by your owne hand . i thought good to cite these passages of leo , the rather to giue light to the place last before recited out of zenophon . for out of this precept of leo the practise of iphicrates his motions may more perspicuously appeare . now that these red coloured signes , and signes of other colours also were vsed in fights on land , g polybius sheweth in the battell betweene antigonus the macedonian king , and cleomenes the king of sparta . antigonus army consisted of diuers nations , macedonians , agrians , galatians , achaeans , baeotians , epirotes , acarnans , illyrians . cleomenes his enemy had taken and fortified all the streight passages which led into the territory of the lacedemonians ( for thither did antigonus bend his inuasion ) and so disposed his forces that antigonus could not passe without fight : hereupon antigonus resolued to fight ; and because his fight was to be ordered in and against diuers places , and at diuers times , as his aduantage fell out , he gaue diuers signes to his different people , when to giue on : h the signe to the illyrians was , then to charge vp cap. 30. the coelembolos , or hollow-fronted wedge the right induction the front cap. 36. the coelembolos the left wing the phalange set against the left wing of the coelembolos the front the forbearing phglange the right wing the phalange set against the right wing of the coelembolos cap ▪ 36. the file-leaders a deduction to the left hand a right induction the front a deduction to the right hand the file leaders the hill , when they saw a white linnen cloath held vp from the place about olympas , to the megalopolitans and horse , when they saw the king lift vp a purple garment . a caesar commanded his souldiers not to ●ight without his direction , saying . he would giue a signe with an ensigne , when he would haue them begin . and albeit the colour of red was vsed for the most part in signals , yet was not the party that gaue the signe precisely tyed to any colour : it was enough if the signe might giue notice of the generals intent to them , whom it concerned : the first b ptolowie gaue a signe to his nauie to begin the fight by hoisting vp a gui●● target in his admirall galley , c other with holding vp or shaking their garment , or their hand , or with wearing some vnusuall marke vpon a horse , vpon armes , vpon vestures , or such like . this is to be noted for a generall rule , that when you finde in history a signe was giuen at a great distance , and it is not expressed what signe it was , you must vnderstand that it was a mute signe presented to the eye , because the sence of hearing is feeble , and not able to discerne farre off . hitherto of mute signes giuen by day . in the night , when all was couered with darknesse , and the vse of sight taken away , the vsuall manner was to giue a signe by flame of fire , which manner of signall might be descried in the night , being the darknesse neuer so great : d scipio africanus the younger , hauing enclosed numintia round about with a trench and rampier , commanded that if the enemy fell out vpon any part of his fortification , a red peece of cloath should be held out by day vpon a long staffe , a flaming fire by night , that himselfe or his chiefe officers might come to succour . the like shall you finde in casars commentaries and q. curtius and in other historiographers both greeke and latine . these were the signes vsed in the battell , and in the campe : without the campe were set sentinels both horse and foot to fore-warne and giue aduerrisement to the generall of the enemies approach . to f these oftentimes the generall gaue a signe amongst themselues , and they by signes signified what was done abroad ▪ for the manner of placing these sentinels , see aeneas . the signes themselues were such as might be discerned by the eye , and of that kinde and forme whereof i haue made mention already . of marching , and of the diuers kind of battels fit for a march . and first of the right induction , of the caelembolos , and of the triphalange to be opposed against it . chap. xxxvi . ( 1 ) being now to speake of marching , i will first giue to vnderstand that some kinde of march is a ( 2 ) right-induction , othersome a ( 3 ) deduction on the right or left hand , and that in a single , or double , or treble , or quadruplesided battell : in a single , when one enemy is feared , in a double , when two in a treble , when three in a quadruple , when the enemy purposeth to giue on all sides . therefore the march is vndertaken sometimes in a single , sometimes in a double , or in a threefold , or in a fourefold phalange . ( 4 ) a right induction is , when one body of the same kinde followeth another ; as if a xenagy lead , the rest follow xenage-wise ; or if a tetrarchy lead , the rest follow according to that forme . it is so called when the march stretcheth it selfe forth into a wing , hauing the depth many times exceeding the length . against it is opposed the caelembolos or hollow-wedge , which is framed when the antistomus diphalange disioyneth the leading wings , closing the reare in forme of the letter v , as the figure after doth teach , in which the front is disseuered , and the reare ioyned and knit together : for the right induction pointing at the midst of the enemies battell , the caelembolos quickly opening before , serueth both to frustrate the charge of the front of the induction , and to claspe in and circumuent the flanks thereof . furthermore a triphalange is to be set against the caelembolos , one phalange fighting against one wing of the caelembolos , the second against the other , and the middle or third phalange forbearing , and expecting a time fit to charge . notes . the marching of an army is a principall head of warre . aelian toucheth it no further , then to shew the order and shapes of battels fit for a march : and were it possible , that all grounds were alike open , and without impediments , as namely without trees , ditches , hedge-rowes ragged waies , valleys , hils , brooks , and such like , the best forme of your marching should be to proceede with your whole phalange in a square battell , which forme is teady for all attempts of the enemy , and is the beginning and sourse of other formes , and with no great difficulty wil take & be changed into any shape you desire . a leo sheweth the inconueniency of the herse or induction in marching thorow champaine and large plaines , first in that the enemy with a broad-fronted battaile may enfold and encompasse the front , and so easily rout it then , because if the enemy charge the flanke it will quickly be broken , as being without depth : further , if he fall vpon the reare , it is in the like danger of encompassing , as was the front : lastly neither can the front giue succour and assistance to the reare , in case it be ouerpressed by the enemy , nor yet the reare to the front , they being so farre distance one from another . and he concludeth that the forme of a square or broad-fronted battaile , is fit for a march in all occasions , being easily to be ordered , and without danger . but seeing it is not possible , as b polibius saith , or else very hard to finde out places of 20 furlong , or more , where in none of the impediments aboue recited shall be , the formes of marching must necessarily be accommodated to the ground and wayes through which your forces are to passe : what formes they be , the following chapters will shew . 2. some kinde of march is a right induction . ) the expectation of the enemies approach is oftentimes a cause of varying th● kindes of march : if he alwayes appeared in front , there should need no other proceeding then with the file-leaders in front : because he seekes his aduantage , and in the march sometimes attacheth the reare , sometimes one flanke , sometimes another , the grecians to prouide for all attempts , so ordered their march , that wheresoeuer they feared the enemies giuing on , there they opposed the file-leaders , as the best men of the armie , and most able to receiue the affront : yet for the most part the march was vndertaken in a right induction , that is ; without inuerting the ordinary kind of file-leading in front , which also is our manner of marching at this day . but yet sometimes in a 3. deduction on the right or left hand . ] there is but one kind of right induction , viz. a march , that hath the file-leaders in the front . of deductions there are 2 kinds : one to the right , the other to the left hand . and because the file-leaders march on the right or left hand flanke , not in front ; therefore the one is called a right hand deduction ; the other a left hand deduction . so that not the body which continueth or beginneth the march , but the place of the file-leaders in the march , makes the difference betwixt induction and deduction . what the vse of deduction is , we shall see in the next chapter . 4. a right induction is . ] aelian describeth the right induction by the marching of seuerall bodies of one kind one after another : as if a a xenagy lead , all the rest of the forces are to bee separated into xenagies , and singly one after another to follow the first leading xenagy : so of other bodies lesser or greater . notwithstanding in a right induction , wee must take this caution withall , that the file-leaders proceed in the front ; for otherwise if they bee placed in the flanke , it is now no induction , but a deduction , howsoeuer the seuerall bodies of a kind follow one another . this is that manner of marching which is called , marching in a wing , of which i haue spoken sufficiently in my notes vpon the 30 chapter . there are other kind of inductiue marches set forth in the greeke history , which are not altogether of the forme which aelian describeth : for where aelian would haue xenagies to follow one another with the file-leaders in front , his meaning is , that the whole 16 files of the xenagie should bee laid together all the file-leaders being layed in an euen front . now you haue examples where whole companies march in one file ; so that all the file-leaders haue not the front , but rest included in the inward parts of the file , and yet many of these files ioyned together make an induction . a xenophon reporteth , that when cyrus the elder was mustering and exercising his army in the field , there came vnto him a messenger from cyaxares the king of the : medes , being cyrus his vnkle , signifying , that an ambassador was arriued from the indies , in which regard , said hee , the king would haue you to come to him with all speed , and i bring you from cyaxares one of his richest garments : for he desireth in regard the indians are to see you , that your presence may bee adorned with as faire and sumptuous apparell as may bee . cyrus receiuing this message , commanded the first b taxiarchi to stand in front , hauing his company ordered behind him in c one file , and himselfe holding the right corner file of the battell , and willed him to deliuer that command to the second taxiarch , and so the word to passe to the rest : they quickly obeyed , and put the command in execution ; and so it came to passe in short space , that the front had in it 300 , ( for so many the taxiarches were ) the depth of the battell 100. after they stood in this order , hee commanded them to follow , as he led , and straightway he led them running : but because hee perceiued that the way was too streight to march with so many in front , hee willed the first d chiliarchy to follow in the same order in which it then was , and the second in the reare thereof , and so the rest : and he sent two sergeants to the turnings of the way , to giue direction to such as were not fully instructed in the businesse . when they were come to cyaxares gate , hee willed the first taxiarch to order his company 12 deepe , and the e dodecadarches to stand in front all along the pallace ; and hee willed to signifie so much to the next taxiarch ; and so the rest one to another through the whole army . they did as they were commanded : and he went in to cyaxares . here haue you first a company drawne into file , and so standing ; then 299 companies fashioned into files , and laid flanke-wise to the first , and so marching as long as the ground would permit : the ground afterward being capable of no more then 10 in front , the chiliarchy of the right hand was drawne forth to leade the march , which consisted of 10 companies , the body being 10 in front , and 100 in depth : the rest of all the chiliarchies followed the reare one of another in the same order : comming to a place where alte was to be made , the first taxiarch drew out his company by 12 , placing the first file leader in front with the first 12 of the file , and sleeuing vp the dodecadarch of the same file to front with the file leader , and the hindermost 12 of them that followed him to ranke with the former halfe file ; the like was done by the 3 other files , so that each taxis had 8 in front , and 12 in depth , and there being 30000 men in that army , the whole army comprehended 300 taxis , the halfe files of 12 a peece , amount to the number of 2400 : so many men in number also making the front of the army . and for the leading of the first chiliarchy in the straight way , and the rest following in the like forme , it was an induction , which notwithstanding differeth from aelians induction . aelians chiliarchy in the induction requireth the file leaders in front , this dispersed them in the whole body , aelians chiliarchy would haue had but 16 in depth , this had 100. for marching in like manner with the captains before , and the single files of a company cast into one file after them , i finde another example in a xenophon . the elder cyrus being to inuade assyria by night , directeth his army thus ; let vs leaue with the carriage beasts and waggons , such as are fittest for that seruice , and let cobrias be their leader , because hee is both skilfull in the waies , and otherwise sufficient for any affaire of command : and let vs set forward with the best and most able horse and foot , carrying with vs victuall for three daies : for the lighter , and with the lesse cumber wee shall appoint out selues , with so much the more pleasure the after passing daies shall we dine , suppe , and sleepe . now let the march bee ordered in this manner : first , you chrysanthas , lead the b armed foote with all their captaines in front , as long as the way is euen and broad ; and let euery company bee ordered in c depth souldier after souldier file-wise ; for the closser wee put our selues together , the sooner and safer shall wee end our march . the cause why i would haue the armed goe before , is in regard they are the heauiest of the army ; and when the heauiest goe before , the light must ●●eds follow a● ease . but when the lightest leade , especially in the night , it is no maruaile if the army bee seuered and distracted , the light easily slipping away , and hastening in the vaunt . next vnto these , let artabazus lead the targetiers and archers of the persians , and andramias the median , the median footemen next , then let embas follow with the armenian foot , and artuchas after him with the hircanians , and next thambradas with the sacan foote , then damatas with the cadusian● , and let all these march with the captains in front , and on the right flanke of their d plesium the targetiers ( or peltasts ) the archers on their left ; for so shall they better second one another . after these let the whole baggage march , the commanders whereof must bee carefull to haue all things ready before they sleepe , and early in the morning to bee at the appointed place with their furniture , and decently to march forward . after the baggage let madatas the persian lead the persian horse with their captaines in front , and let the captaines order their companies in a file , as the foot captaines did : next after these rambaces the median , in the same sort the horse which hee commandeth : then you tygraues your horse : then the other horse captaines euery one the horse with which they serue mee . and as the cadusians came last to my seruice , let them close vp the reare of the army : thus xenophon . the passage is somewhat long , but i thought good to recite it , because it containeth the order of night marches vsuall of old time . first , the armed foote march euery nation after other , as long as the ground would giue leaue , in a square battell framed of company laid to company , euery company drawne out into a file , the targetiers on the one flanke , the archers on the other : then the carriage : last of all the horse . the reason is added why the slowest haue the vaunt , namely , lest in the night , when all things ( saith the same xenophon ) are to bee vnderstood and done by direction to the eare , and not to the eye , the horsemen or light armed ( who are nimble & quick , the horsemen by reason of the horse that carry them ; the light armed , because they are troubled with no weight of armes ) leading , they might happily with their speede out-goe , and leaue the heauy armed beehinde , who beeing burdened with the heauinesse of their armes , can march but slowly . but my principall end was to shew , that the file-leaders in an induction● , are not alwaies placed in front ; i will adde one example out of a xenophon more to the same purpose ; when the grecians that followed cyrus the yonger into persia , returned toward their country , they came as far●e as the riuer phiscus ; they found there a bridge , and not farre off a great city called opis , at which the base brother of cyrus and artaxerxes , leading from susa and ecbatana a mighty army with him , to giue aid to the king , met the grecians ; and causing his owne army to make alte , hee tooke vnto of the grecians as they passed by . clearchus led his army b 2 in front , and in his march oftentimes made alte . as long as the vaunt of the army staied , so long the reare must likewise stay . so that the grecians were of opinion they had a great army ; and the persian was abashed at the sight of such a multitude . whether this march were aelia●s right induction , a man would doubt , because it is not expressed by xenophon particularly how the bodies of the phalange did march : onely hee saith , that clearchus led 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in binos saith the latine translation : i interpret it 2 in front. for two in depth it could not be , because xenophon speaketh of a stand made oftentimes by the vaunt which caused the reare to stay . and had the army beene but 2 in depth , it had bean all vaunt , the 10000 grecians beeing ordered into two ranks and no more , each of them being 5000 men : besides that , the persian wondered at the multitude which passed by him in flanke ; which flank , if it had consisted of no more then two , his wonder would soon haue ended . but clearchus vsed art to make his number seeme greater , and being but 2 in front , they must needs be 5000 in file ; to which 5000 giuing 6 foot a peece for their open order , the ground wil contain 30000 foot in depth , which amoūt to six miles of ours . the vsage of the lacedemonians was to march sometimes with 2 in front , if the way were straight . so did dercyllidas in asia the lesse , when entring into a city , his whole army followed him peaceably 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two in front. so b archidamus the sonne of agesilaus , aduancing against the arcadians by a cart way that led to cromnum , ordered his army 2 in front , as then his march fell out . when they approached one to another , archidamus his army being in a wing by reason of the streightnesse of the way , the archadians in a broad-fronted phalange , with targets close faced together , the lacedemonians could not endure the charge of the arcadians , and forthwith both archidamus was wounded through the thigh , and they slaine that fought before him . hee saith that archidamus marched two in front wing-wise by reason of the streightnesse of the way . in that he saith wing-wise , he sheweth the army was drawne out in depth , which is proper to an induction ; and when he maketh the way the cause , he giueth a reason , why it so marched . but to returne to that i first propounded , the inductions hitherto specified in the former examples seeme to differ from aelians right-induction , as neither hauing all the file-leaders in front , nor yet single bodies of the same kinde one to follow another , the companies being each drawne into one file , and then two , or three , or foure , or more of these files laid together , according to the largenesse of the way , and the rest of the army following in the manner afore expressed . 5. against it is opposed the caelembolos . ] the caelembolos is a wedge hollow in front , and to be opposed against the right induction , saith aelian . i haue noted before that it hath beene the manner of all famous generals to fit the embattailing of their armies to the forme which the enemy vseth at the time of ioyning : and therefore it much concerneth the a commander of an army to be skilfull in all formes , which are of true vse , and to know the aduantage that one carrieth against another . the right induction is , and alwayes hath beene the ordinary forme to march in . to order your troopes in an aduantagious forme against it , the caelembolos was inuented : it is called by the greekes a hollow wedge , because it is not filled vp in the middest , but includeth a void space bias-wise in front betwixt the points of both wings , and ioyneth it selfe together in the reare . so that to one that shall view it behinde it seemes a plaine wedge , and yet in propriety of speech it cannot be called a wedge ; for a wedge hath three sides and three points , and beareth the true forme of a triangle ; and with the former point it chargeth the enemy , as hath beene showne in the horse-mans wedge . this hath but one point and two sides , neither doth it charge the enemy with the point , but receiuing the front of his battaile into the empty space , striketh vpon both the flankes thereof with the wings , it hath opened , and so seeketh to distresse it ; the caelembolos hauing this aduantage , that it fighteth with the best men , viz. the file-leaders ordered in the inside of the wings thereof , not against the file-leader of the right induction , but against the weaker sort , who are ordinarily placed in the flankes thereof . the latine names are more fit and significant to expresse the forme . by some it is called a b paire of tongues , by othersome a c paire of sheeres , both appellations seruing to set forth the right forme of the caelembolos : for the one and the other open their foremost parts to a pretty distance , and the hinder parts , which are pinned and fastened together , end in a narrow point , as doth the caelembolos . and they were so farre from tearming it a wedge , that they held it the best forme to receiue and frustrate the charge of the true wedge , as may be seene in d vegetius . 6. which is framed when . ] the fashioning of the caelembolos springeth out the diphalange antistomus . what that diphalange is , we shall see in the 40 chapter of this booke . thus much i may before-hand signifie , that the file-leaders ought to be placed within the hollow flanks of the caelembolos , as it were a lyning to the insides ; and the di-phalange antistomus being once framed ( which is to haue the file-leaders in the middest from the one end of the battaile to the other ) there needeth no further labour , then to dispatch the front in the middest ( leauing the file-leaders on both sides ) and to fasten and ioyne together the reare , to the end that the front of the right induction may enter into the hollownesse , but yet be mashed , as it were in a net , and neither able to passe through the reare of the caelembolos , being close shut , nor yet to giue offence to those that fight in the front of the caelembolos , hauing no man whom they may charge in the void space ; nor yet daring to breake the forme of their battaile after ioyning . for it is a good obseruation of e vegetius , that in fight the manner of your embattailing is not to be changed , nor any number of souldiers to be transported to other places then they haue : for hereof tumult and confusion will streight arise , and the enemy will easily take aduantage of such as are not ready or fallout to be disordered . i haue said that the latines and grecians differ in the name of this battaile , howbeit they agree both about the forme , which may here appeare by aelian , who resembleth it to the letter v , neither can there a better resemblance be made ; for as the letter v consisteth of two lines which are open in the top , close in the bottome , so doth this forme of battaile of two sides , which in front are void , open , and disseuered , in the reare ioyned and closed fast together . if you will therefore frame this battaile , you must first make a square , the file-leaders being all in front ; then must you wheele the wings of your battaile into the middest , and so your file-leaders shall be in the middest ; lastly , you are to open the front of your battaile , leauing halfe the file-leaders in the inside of one flanke , and halfe in the inside of the other , keeping the reare close knit together : and for the opening , it ought to be somewhat more then will receiue into the void space the front of the right induction , which being once let in , the inward two flanks of the wedge where the file-leaders are , ought to face to both hands , and to charge the outward flanks of the right induction , and so circumuent them . 7. furthermore , a triphalange . ] a triphalange in this place of aelian is , when a square body or phalange is from front to reare diuided into three parts . the figure shewes the manner . the triphalange hath as much aduantage against the caelembolos , as the caelembolos had against the right induction . the caelembolos compelled the right induction to fight with the worst men , and auoided the affront of the file-leaders , which were the best . the triphalange hauing the file-leaders in front , opposeth two seuerall fronts : against the two wings of the caelembolos , where there are no file-leaders ( for they are alwayes disposed for the inside ) and both auoideth the aduantage the caelembolos sought , and maketh the caelembolos fight with the worst men , in as much as one of the phalanges chargeth the front of one wing of the caelembolos , the file-leaders whereof are in flanke within the hollownesse , the other chargeth the other . now it hath this aduantage besides , that it spareth reserues for all occasions , by off-holding the third phalange . if the caelembolos be beaten by the two opposing phalanges , all is lost , and no hope left of winning the field , no other forces being to second it , where notwithstanding the caelembolos hauing gotten the better , may be curbed , and the victory arrested by this reserue , and by the remnant of the other two phalanges broken . words of direction in the right induction . 1 the right-corner xenagy march out so is it of all other bodies , if they begin the march . 2 the rest follow in xenagies direction for the caelembolos . 1. wheele the wings of your battaile into the middest of your body — so shall the file-leader be in the middest ; but we must note that the two midlemost leaders must be centors for the other to wheele about . 2. open your front to the right and left hand , keeping your reare close . for the triphalange . 1 the two wings face to the right and left hand , the middle remaining as it was . 2 match out to the distance required : that is , to be able to meet in a right line the two fronts of the wings of the caelembolos . 3 stand , when they come to the place required . 4 face as you were 5 aduance and charge . of paragoge or deduction . chap. xxxvii . ( 1 ) parogoge or deduction is when the phalange proceedeth in ( 2 ) a wing , not by ( 3 ) file , but by ranke , hauing the commanders or file-leaders either on the right-hand , which is called a right hand deduction , or on the left hand , which is a left-hand deduction . for the phalange marcheth in a ( 4 ) double , treble , or quadruple front , according to the place or part it is suspected the enemy will giue on . and both the paragogies beginning the fight in flanke , doe ( 5 ) make the length doubte to the depth . this forme of fight was deuised to teach a souldier to receiue heedfully the charge of the enemy , not onely in front but also in flanke . notes . ( 1 ) deduction is when the phalange . ] induction is spoken of , deduction followeth , which is the second kinde of march . for these are no cap. 37. a foure fronted phalange against all allemptes of the enemy the front of the reare the front of the right flank the front of the left flank the front of the narch other kinds then induction and deduction : the one with the file-leaders in front , the other with the file-leaders in flanke . neither doth the greatnesse or smalnesse of the body make any difference herein ; be the body neuer so great ( as is the phalange ) or so small ( as one company ) yet must the file-leaders either lead , or else be in flanke of the march . the reare in necessity may well be made good by the bringers vp . deduction is the mother of many formes of battailes vsuall in marches : from it come the caelembolos , whereof we spake before ; from it are the antistomus , the peristomus , the homoiostomus , the heterostomus , of which hereafter . 2 when the phalange proceedeth in a wing . ] suidas hath , that paragoge or deduction is said to be when the phalange marcheth with the file-leaders on the right or left hand ; if on the left , it is said to be a left-hand deduction ; if on the right , a right-hand deduction . he maketh no mention of a wing as aelian doth ; for it may so fall out , that the body may be such as hath the depth and breadth all one , as a xenagy which hath sixteene in breadth , and sixteene in depth : some bodies also , as the taxies and tetrarchies haue the depth lesse then the breadth , the first holding sixteen in depth & no more then eight in breadth , the last foure in breadth and sixteene in depth , so that they march not in a wing . but because marches for the most part are vndertaken in a wing , it is the cause why aelian saith that deductions proceed in a wing , the depth whereof manifoldly exceedeth the length , and they proceed . 3. not by file but by ranke . ] that is , the file-leaders being wheeled to the flanke , after they haue setled themselues to march , proceed on their iourney as they stand in the flanke , onely facing that way the march is intended , and returne not to lead in the front of the battaile , as they did at first . to lead by file is , when the file-leaders proceede , and haue their files following at their backe . to lead by ranke is , when that which was the flanke at first , becommeth the front , and beginneth the march , and the rest follow accordingly flanke-wise : yet this is to be noted , that albeit the front of the battaile be changed in the deduction , yet remaine the files , files as they were before , and are not altered into rankes . aelian himselfe giueth testimony hereto , affirming that the phalange proceedeth not by file , but by ranke , whereas if the files held not their first name after wheeling to the right or left flank , the march forward ( the file-leaders being in the flanke ) should be by file and not by ranke . 4. for the phalange marcheth in a double , treble , or quadruple side . ] a doublesided 〈…〉 is that , which hath the file-leaders on both the flankes , the rest backe to backe within , when the enemy giueth on . for otherwise , when they march forward , all their faces are set one way , that is toward the place whether the march is intended . a treble-sided battaile is , when three sides of the battaile are to be charged , whether the front and both the flankes , or both the flanks and the reare , or the reare , one of the flanks , and the front , and the file-leaders are ordered on all the three sides . a quadruple battaile is , when the file-leaders are placed in front in the reare and in both the flankes . an example of the quadruple battaile will shew the vse and framing of the rest : for as the rest oppose one , two , or three sides against the enemy , so the quadruple fortifieth and strengthneth all the foure sides , by placing the file-leaders in them . of ordering the file-leaders vpon one flanke , deduction may be be an example ; vpon both flanks , the antistomus phalange vpon front and reare , the amphistomus , on all foure sides , the plesium , of all which occasion will be giuen to speake hereafter . now i may signifie that the plesium is a square hollow battaile , the length whereof much exceedeth the depth , hauing the armed foot placed on all the foure sides , the light-armed throwne into the middest . the graecians that followed cyrus the yonger into persia against king artaxerxes , after their coronels were taken prisoners and put to death by the subtilty and periury of tissaphernes , being but 10000. and to retreat thorow open and plaine grounds , in which they were like to be charged by an infinite number of horse and foot , by the aduice of xenophon , cast themselues into this forme ; his words are in effect these , wee shall , it may be march in more safety , if we order our selues into a plesium of armed foot , and giue the carriage and disarmed multitude a place of security within the hollownesse of the battaile . if therefore it be now resolued afore-hand , who shall command in the front of the plesium , and take charge of vaunt , who on the flanks , and who in the reare , we shall not neede to take aduise at the approach of the enemy , but put in execution that which is resolued before . and a little after : and mine opinion is , that cherisophus is the fittest commander for the vaunt , because he is a lacedemonian ; and let two of the ●ldest coronels take care of the flankes ; the yongest , namely my selfe and timasion , will looke to the reare . this was xenophons counsell , and in this forme they marched , and being charged afterward with both persian horse and foot , they defended themselues against all efforts of the enemy . the quadruple battaile therefore was vsed , when the enemy was expected to giue on all sides ; and he that can frame it , can easily cast his troopes into the other two formes ; yet will not euery receiuing the enemy in flanke proue a deduction ; for in case of necessity and sudden approaches of the enemy , you shall be driuen to facing , wherein you onely turne the faces of souldiers to the flanke without any deduction . see the figure of this battaile expressed in the picture . 5. doe make the length double to the depth . ] i suspect this place to be corrupted in the text of aelian , the rather because before in the description of a deduction , he saith that deductions proceed in a wing , wherein the depth a manifoldly exceedeth the length of the battaile , as the last fore-going chapter doth shew . besides the example , which is giuen in the text is not of double proportion , but of treble and more , ten comprehending three , three times and more . of the phalange antistomus . chap. xxxviii . ( 1 ) the phalange amphistomus ( for it is so called , because it hath two fronts , and that part of the battaile that is set and aduanced against the enemy , is called a front : ) seeing then in this forme the middle-most are ordered backe to backe , and those in the front and reare make head against the enemy , the one being commanders in front , the other in reare , therefore it is called amphistomus . it is of great vse against an enemy strong in horse and able to giue a hot and dangerous charge , and principally practised against cap. 38 the phalange amphistomus those barbarians that inhabit about the riuer ister , whom they also call amphippi , because they change their horse in fight . the horse battaile to encounter this forme hath a tetragonall shape , being for the purpose diuided into two broad squares ( they are called broad squares , that haue the front twice as much as the depth ) and those squares are opposed seuerally against the flanks of the foot-battaile . notes . ( 1 ) there are many kinds of battailes , which being vsefull for a march , are described partly in the former two chapters , partly in this and in the chapters following , whereof some are for ease of the march ( as the induction ) some for fight . those which are for fight , are either offensiue , or else defensiue . of the offensiue kinde is the caelembolos before mentioned , of the defensiue the triphalange to be opposed against the caelembolos , and both the deductions , which are represented in the two last chapters : and in this chapter is described another of the defensiue formes , that is to say the phalange autistomus ; in which although the march be not continued ( for it is alwayes taken vp in a stand , to resist a charge of the enemy ) yet it is a remedy defensiue against the sudden attempts of the enemy which is about to charge your reare . 2. the phalange amphistomus . ] the title of this chapter is litigious , and there is a controuersie amongst the learned , which of two names the chapter should beare . gaza , gesner , and arcierus , would haue it inscribed antitistomus ; robortellus , amphistomus : i haue in the translation followed the opinion of robortellus ; my reason was , because of these words in aelian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they in the beginnings ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) charge the enemy : which word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i haue not read applied to the flankes , and therefore tooke it for front and reare , because the one , namely the front is as it were the beginning of the battaile , the other , viz. the reare , is the end . in which sence if you take the word , the description must needs agree with the amphistomus , which ( the enemy charging both front and reare ) with the file-leaders and their halfe files as they stand , receiue those that charge the front , with the brnigers-vp , and the other halfe files facing about to the right or left hand , those which charge the reare . but since , vpon better consideration , i thinke there is a fault in the text ; and where it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it should be corrected and written ( as i take it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the flankes of the battaile . a iulius pollux testifieth in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the forepart of those that fight , is called the front , the rankes , and the face ; the outward parts on each side ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the flanks , the wings , the right and the left ; the middest the nauell ; the depth , the parget , or wall . the like doth b leo in many places : and as farre as i can read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plurall number is generally taken for the flankes ; albeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number i deny not to be vsed for the reare sometimes : as in c xenophon , who describing a fight betwixt the corcyreians and lacedemonians , hath thus ; mnasippus ( the lacedemonian generall ) embattailing his army put the enemy , that was neere the gates to flight , and followed the cha●● . they being come neere the wals , turned againe , and threw and cast darts from the mountaines : other running out of the other gates in good numbers fell vpon the b reare of the lacedemonians , who being ordered but c 8 deep , and thinking the d reare of the phalange to be but weake , endeauoured to retire and fall off . the enemy no sooner saw them giue ground , but presently fel on more eagerly , imagining they fled : neither did they turne their faces any more , and they who stood next vnto them soughe with all speed to saue themselues by flight . mnasippus could giue no aid to his destressed souldiers by reason hee was hardly laid to by the corcireans , that came to hands with him ; and his number by little and litle decreased : at last the enemy in great numbers pressed them sore that stood about mnasippus , who were now reduced to a very few . and the armed foot of the citty seeing what was done abroad , issued out , and after they had slaine mnasippus , they followed the chace all of them together . thus xenophon . and thus you may see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number taken for the reare of the phalange , howsouer ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plurall , signifieth the flanks . the antistomus phalange therefore differing from the amphistomus in this only , because the last maintaines fight in front and reare , the first in both flanks , and aelian in this chapter describing the battel which maintaines the fight in the flanks , it seemeth that the inscription ought to be of the phalange antistomus , and that the text ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it may after a sort appear by aelian himselfe in the next chapter , where making a difference betwixt these two battailes , he saith plainly , that the antistomus fighteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . read then in the text , those in the flanks make head against the enemy , in stead of these words : those in front and reare , and all the rest will agree to the phalange antistomus . 3. it is of great vse ] the vse of this battaile is principally against horse , as aelian giueth to vnderstand ; because they are quicke and speedy , and can suddenly turne , diuide themselues , and charge where they list . and the flanks of the battell being the weakest part ( for your best men are placed in the front and reare ) it is needfull to finde out some meanes to defend them , which is to instruct your souldiers how to receiue the charge by turning their faces to the flankes . in front you are alwaies ready ; because faces and weapons are bent that way . effect the like in the flankes , and you shall be able to resist any charge of the enemy . for foot , the danger is not so great , because your men shall be able to face euery way , as readily as the enemy ; giue them only exercise , and acqaint them with that manner of fight . 4. and principally practised against the barbarians . ] that it was much vsed amongst the grecians i find not in there history : yet is there no doubt , but the vse may be great in it as well as in the amphistomus . but i take the reason , why it was seldome put in practice , to be , because the flankes of pikes in the grecian battell were for the most part , garded with horse and light-armed . the front and reare hauing no such defence , were commonly attached by the enemy , seeking all aduantage to distresse them ; and in case the horse and light-armed bee absent , the flankes are the fairest marke of the enemy ; which can by no other meanes be secured , but by facing that way where he giueth on ; which may be euidently seene by the fight cyrus the elder had against craesus , which example you shall see set out in my notes vpon the 46. chap. page 79. 5. those are broad squares ] that which i heere translate a broad square , is in the greeke heteromekes ; of which forme i haue spoken in notes vpon the 30. chapter . cap. 39 the phalange antistomus front wordes of direction for the phalange antistomus ( for that forme is described in this chapter . ) 1. halfe rankes , face to the right and left hands . 2. charge your pikes . to restore to the first posture . 1. aduance your pikes . 2. face as you were . ( 1 ) of the phalange antistomus . chap. xxxix . ( 1 ) the phalange antistomus is like to the amphistomus , the forme being a little altered ; so that it accustometh the soldier to resist the seuerall kindes of incursions of horse . all that hath beene spoken of the former phalange both for foot and horse , agreeth with this figure also . heerein they differ , that the ( 2 ) amphistomus receiueth the charge in front and reare , the antistomus in flanke : but as well in the one as the other , they fight with long pikes , as doe the alans , and sauromatans : and the one halfe of the souldiers in the files haue their faces bent forward , the other halfe backward , so that they stand backe to back . this forme hath two fronts , the one before where the-file leaders , the other behinde , where the bringers vp stand ; and being also diuided into a ( 3 ) diphalange , it maketh the forefront with one , the after-front with the other phalange . notes . ( 1 ) as the title of the former chapter was mistaken , so is the title of this chapter . the other should haue beene of the antistomus ( as i haue before shewed ) this of the amphistomus . that it should be of the amphistomus , the very wordes following in this chapter will proue , which are these : the one halfe , saith he , of the armed souldiers in the files haue their faces bent forward , the other halfe backward ; so that they stand back to backe : and the battell hath two frontes , one before , where the file-leaders , the other behind , where the bringers vp stand . he describeth the two fronts by the file-leaders and bringers vp , whose proper places are the front and reare , & not the flanks ; and further addeth , that halfe the armed soldiers haue their faces bent forward , ( and change not ) the other halfe turned about backward ; whereas in the antistomus all the souldiers moue , and halfe face to one flanke , halfe to the other , and none to the front or reare : besides he saith , that halfe the armed in the files stand backe to backe , whereas in the antistomus halfe the armed in the ranks stand backe to backe , not those of the files . ( 2 ) now that the amphistomus receiueth the charge of the enemy in the front and reare a leo also declareth . the manner whereof appeareth in b appian ; who recounteth that asdruball the carthaginian sought to entrap scipio , giuing mago his generall of the horse commandement to charge . scipio his army in front , whiles himselfe charged it in the reare . but scipio turning the reare of his battell against asdruball , and opposing the front of it against mago ; ouerthrew them both , and slew 5000 carthaginians , and tooke 1800 prisoners . to make the manner of fight in this forme more plaine , i thought fit to insert an hystory or two out of polybius and arrian , as examples to illustrate that meaning of aelian . in polybius this is the history . the gaules in great multitudes vnder the conduct of concolitanus and aneroestus their kings , transcending the alpes , and passing thorough lombardy , and falling vpon a part of hetrucia , had gathered rich spoiles out of that terretory , and being now vpon returne to their countrey , they were pursued by one of the roman consuls l. aemelius and his army , not with intent to fight with them ( for hee held it not safe ) but to obserue fit times and places to distresse them , or else to keepe them from further spoile . at the same time c. attilius the other consull hauing imbarked his legions in sardinia , and setting saile for italy arriued at pisa , and holding his way toward rome marched directly in the way in which the enemy was comming . the celts being now about telamon , a promontory of hetrucia , their foragers fell into the hands of the vantcurrers of attilius , and were taken prisoners ; they informed the consul of all that hapned , and signified the presence of both armies ; telling that the gaules were at hand , and that l. aemilius followed them close in their reare . attilius partly maruailing at the strangenesse of the newes , and parly being full of good hope , because the gaules seemed to be surprised and hemmed in betwixt two armies , commanded the tribunes to order his legions in a broad-front , and so to lead on leasurely , as long as the ground would giue leaue : himselfe in good time discouering a hill which hung ouer the way , in which the gaules were to passe , tooke with him the horse , and sought with all speed to seise vpon the top of it , and to begin the medly ; conceiting thereby to haue the honour and title of the whole seruice ascribed to him : the gaules were at first ignorant of attilius approaching , but coniectured onely that it might be aemylius had led his horse about in the night to seise vponvseful places : they sent therefore their horse and light-armed to beat the romans from the hill : but soone vnderstanding by some captiues that attilius was there , they presently embattailed , ordering thir army b into two fronts , the one before , the other behinde ; for they knew that one army was following , and they expected as well by the newes they heard , as by that which they saw fall out at that time , that the other would meet them vpon their march : aemylius heard that the legions of attilius were arriued at pisa , but could not imagine they were come so neere ; but after that by the fight about the hill , he perceiued certainly they were at hand , he sent out his horse to second those that fought for the hill , himselfe ordering his battels after the roman wonted fashion , led on against the eenmy . the celts embattailed those that are called gesates , and dwelt in the alpes , against aemylius , who they imagined would charge the reare , and next to them the insubrians . in the front they set the taurtscans and bo●ans ( inhabiting beyond the riuer po ) turning their faces a contary way to the former , and opposed to the accesse of caius attilius , the waines and waggons they placed without both wings , and sent their pray gained to a hill thereby , appointing a sufficient gard to keepe it . so the amphistomus phalange , which the celtes cast themselues into , was not onely fearefull to the eye , but also fitly ordered for fight . the insubrians and boyans came forth to fight wearing bretches & a kind of loose and light coats ; but the gesates out of a vaine glory and rashnesse cast them away , and stood naked , sauing that they had their armes alone , in the front of the batell , imagining they were by that meanes fitter for action , by reason of the bushes of the place , which would catch hold of any garment , and be a hinderance to the vse of armes . the first fight was about the hill in the sight of all , by reason that the multitude of so many horse-menout of both armies were mingled together in fight ; wherein it happened attilius to be slaine ( while too venturously he offered himselfe to danger ) and his head to be presented to the kings of the celts , but yet the roman horse-men brauely fighting , became masters of the place , and of the enemy : after this the foot ioining , the accident was rare and maruailous not onely to them which were present , but also to all those , who can by reading represent before their eyes the truth of that which was done . for first the fight being attached by 3 armies , it must needs be that the very sight and manner of the conflict appeared strange and wihout example ; secondly , who would not doubt either now or then , whether the celts manner of embattailing were more dangerous , the enemy charging them in two places at once ; or the best and aptest for victory , as opposing against both the enemies at once , and withall securing themselues from encompassing and inuasion of the reare : and which is of most importance , no hope being left of safety , if they should chance to be foyled . for that is the property and profit of the amphistomus battaile ; it made the romans more confident , to haue the enemy enclosed on all sides ; and yet the brauery and noyse and tumult of the celts gaue them cause of astonishment ; for there was an innumerable multitude of trumpets and shalmes , to which the whole army together adding the paean , the cry was so great , that not onely the trumpets and army , but the places round about with their rebounding ecchoes seemed of themselues to speake . furthermore , the sight and motion of the naked men that stood in the front , being in flower of their age , and excelling in talnesse of stature , was fearefull . now all the gaules that had the front were adorned with bracelets and chaines of gold ; which the romans eyeing , were partly astonied , partly being filled with rich hopes , were incited much the rather to ioyne battell ; but when the darters running out of the roman army according to their custome , threw many and forcible darts at the celtes , the celtes of the reare found good vse of their coates and breeches ; but those that fought naked in the front , this accident happening contrary to their expectation , were troubled out of measure and wonderfully perplexed : for the gaulish target being not of sufficiency to couer a mans body , the greater and nakeder their bodies were , the more were they subiect to wounds , and the lesse the weapons missed the marke . at the last , being not able to saue themselues from the light-armed , who plied them a farre off , nor from the multitude of dartes that fell amongst them , and being troubled and confused with their present state , some of them out of a rage and brutishnesse ranne vainly vpon the enemy , and willingly offered themselues to slaughter , other retiring leasurely to their friendes , and shewing manifest tokens of feare , disordered them behinde . thus the roman light-armed allaid the pride of the gesates . but the multitude of the insubrians , boyans , and tauriscans , after the romans had receiued their light-armed into their battell , and aduanced the cohorts , ( of armed ) to ioyne hand to hand , maintained a stout fight , and albeit they receiued many woundes , yet fainted they not in minds , being onely inferior both generally and particularly in the kinde of armes they bore . for both their targets in defence , and their swords in offence , had a great difference ; by reason the gaulois sword is onely fit to strike withall . but when the roman horse from the hill hasted downe in wing , and stoutly came to handy stroakes with them , the foot-men of the celtes were cut in pieces in the places where they fought , and the horse tooke themselues to flight : there dyed therefore of the celtes 30000 , and 10000 were take prisoners , amongst whom was concolitan one of the kings , the other k. aneroestus , flying to a certaine place with a few , killed himselfe and his friends that were about him . this example hath polibyus of the amphistomus phalange ; wherein he both sheweth the form , and the vse of it , namely , that it hath a front both waies to receiue the enemies charge before and in the reare . a arrian hath another example in the battaile between alexander the great and porus a king of india ; his words are to this effect ; alexander was now come within the reach of missiue weapons , when he sent his archers on horsebacke against the left wing of the indians , to molest the enemy on that side , both with multitude of arrows , and with incursion of the horse : and himselfe also hauing with him the troupes of companies , spurring on against the same wing , vsing all celerity to fall vpon them ( who were yet out of order and in a wing ) before they could reduce themselues into a phalange . in the meane time the indians knitting together their whole power of horse , made head against alexander with all speed , giuing their horse a full carriere . then caenus , as was commanded , shewed himselfe at their backes . the indians seeing this , were forced to order their horse in an amphistomus , opposing one part ( the most and strongest ) to alexander , the other to caenus and his troopes ; which thing troubled the array and mindes of the indians . and alexander , taking hold of the opportunity , charged those which were opposed to him in the instant , while the other were facing about to caenus . the indians endured not the charge , but fled to the elephants , as to a castle that was friend . hitherto arrian . in these two examples is liuely set forth the nature and fashion of the amphstomus phalange . and albeit both the parties that vsed it were beaten , yet the cause rested not in the forme , but in the valour of them that fought against it , if the romans in one example , of alexander in the other ; alexander himselfe vsing this very forme in the battel of a gaugamela , obtained the famous victory against darius , which is described by arrian in his third book , as did b also scipio against asdrubal in spaine : so then by that which hath beene said , the difference betweene the antistomus and amphistomus phalange may easily appeare ; which albeit they either of them fight against the enemy in two places of the phalange at once , and are like ore to another in that respect , yet they differ in the places of the fight , the one receiuing the charge in both the flanks , other in front and reare . they are both defensiue & statary , and if moue with you either of them during the charge of the enemy , you presently break the form , and lay the backe of the soldiers open to be annoied , especially if the enemy ouertop you in number : otherwise it will be no inconuenienceto diuide the battell , and to fight apart with both ; for that the antistomus may be diuided , aelian teacheth in the next chapter : for the amphistomus , hee saith the like in this chapter in these words . 3 and also being diuided into a diphalange . ] a diphilange is when a phalange is diuided into two ; and being in one body , it is called a phalange , in two bodies a diphilange . about the diphilange amphistomus there is variance amongst the writers of this art. aelian would haue it to bee framed of a phalange amphistomus disioyned , and in the middest diuided into two parts : so that the fore-front is made with one of the hinder front with the other phalange . the treatise of military appellations , annexed to the end of suidas saith , that that is a diphilange amphistomus , which hath the file-leaders on the outsides of both the flanks in a deduction , and the bringers vp within . i take aelian to be in the right ; for if the amphistomus phalange must haue the front and reare opposed to the enemy , what reason is there why the amphistomus diphalangy should not be of the same nature , considring cap. 40. a diphalange antistomus the horsmans wedge front that the diphalangy antistomus hath the leaders , in the flankes , as the phalange antistomus hath : which appeareth not only in the next chapter , but also in diuers other places of this booke : neither doe i reade any where , that the antistomus hath to do with the front and reare , nor the amphistomus with the flanks . the words of direction in the amphistomus . the hinder 1 halfe files , face about to the right or left hand . 2 charge the pikes both waies in front and reare . to restore to the first posture . the hindermost 1 aduance your pikes . 2 halfe files , face as you were . of the diphalange antistomus . chap. xxxx . a diphalange antistomus , is that which hath the file-leaders placed not in a deduction outwardly , but inwardly face to face one against another , and the reare-commanders without , one halfe in right , the other halfe in a left deduction . this forme is vsed against horse , which giue on and charge wedge-wise : for the wedge shooting forth in a point , and hauing the commanders following in the flanks , and indeauouring to disseuer and breake the front of the foot , the leaders of the foot fore-seeing their purpose , place themselues in the middest , with intent either to repulse them , or else to giue them a thorow passage without losse . for the wedge flieth vpon the foote in hope to charge the multitude in the middest ; and the foote commanders conceiuing well the fury of that forme , leaue a little space betwixt the 2 fronts , and stand like walles on both sides , and ioyntly facing toward the middest , giue them a fruitlesse and empty passage . this forme of horse battaile is called by the tactiks a wedge , which was inuented by philip king of macedony , who placed his best men before , that by them the weaker sort might be held in & enabled to the charge . as we see in a speare or sword , the point whereof quickly piercing , makes way for , and letteth in the middle blunt yron . notes . a diphalange antistomus . ] this diphalange is thus defined by suidas ; a diphalange antistomus is that , which hath the file-leaders placed in the middest , and the bringers vp ordered without on both flanks in deductions : which words differ a little in speech , in sence are all one with aelians . they both agree that the file-leaders should be placed within the middest of the battaile face to face in deductions , the bringers vp on the flanks without . in the text , and in fashioning of the battaile , there is no difficulty . the file-leaders must be placed in the middest within , the bringers vp on the flanks without ; and the battaile being first closed , must be suddenly opened vpon the charge of the horse in the middest , and the file-leaders diuiding themselues halfe on one side , halfe on the other , and facing to the middle space with their whole files push at the horse with their pikes , as they passe thorow . it is called a diphalange , because the phalange is parted in two ; as the battaile opposed against the caelembolos is named a triphalange , because it consisteth of three parts seuerall , and in the ninth chapter the whole macedonian phalange is named a tetraphalangarchy , because the body is diuided into foure seuerall parts : and it is named a diphalange antistomus , because as the phalange antistomus receiueth the horse without in the flanks , and so repulseth them so this altering that forme , onely by placing the file-leaders in depth within , and opening vpon the sudden receiue the horse in the opened voide space , either to be ouerthrowne by their pikes , or else to giue them a passage without danger to themselues . this is one of the defensiue battailes whereof i spake before . it is put in practice saith aelian when the horse charge wedge-wise . ] what a wedge is , and of what force amongst the horse-battailes , i haue noted vpon the 18 chapter . against it aelian opposeth this forme of foot . but is there no other vse of it ? yes . for both the caelembolos and peristomus are as it were daughters , and proceed out of the loynes of this forme , both hauing their file-leaders in deductions within the body , and both opening , the first the front , the other the whole body , when they goe to charge ; and yet the diphalange antistomus is defensiue , the other two offensiue formes . i will accordingly as i haue begun , illustrate the manner of the dephalange antistomus with an example or two . a xenophon describing the fight that was betweene artaxerxes the king of persia and cyrus the younger , telleth of tissaphernes ( one of the foure generals of artaxerxes his army , that he fled not in the first ioyning of the armies , but brake thorow the grecian peltasts ( targetires ) that stood embattailed by the riuer . breaking thorough , he slew no man : for the grecians opening their battell , strooke and threw darts at his horsemen , as they passed thorough . episthenes the amphipolita , nwho held the estimation of an vnderstanding souldier , was then commander of the peltasts . tissaphernes therfore withdrawing himselfe as one that had the worst , returned no more to fight , but going to the grecian campe , met the king there . so xenophon . out of which passage wee may perceiue the vse of this manner of embattailing . tissaphernes chose of out the grecians to charge the peltasts the weakest kind of souldiers to make resistance against the horse , by reason they were furnished with small targets onely and darts . then hee chargeth with his horse in a full carrere : to auoide the fury of the horse , they opened and gaue him a free passage , but not without stroakes , and darts sent at his horse ; and so made his charge more hurtfull to himselfe then vnto them : i cannot say the file-leaders were here in the middest , as aelian requireth , because the charge was sudden and vnexpected . in premeditated defences , there is no doubt , but it is the better way to place the file-leaders in the middest , considering they are accounted the strength of the battell , and in all conueniences are first brought to fight , especially being armed men , and able to offend the horse with their pikes ; this opening then auailed against the giuing on of horse ordered in a narrow front : for that was the manner of ordering the persian horse ; and it may serue for any horse-battaile if it bee wide enongh to receiue the horse within the front . of ancient time sythed chariots were in request , to which the foot whether light or armed could make small resistance ; they had two long staues appointed with sharpe iron fastened to the beame of the chariot bearing out before , and sythes standing out on all sides to cut asunder whatsoeuer came in the way : the horse were armed and hardly to be wounded , as you may see in the figure of the 22 chapter . the reamedy then against them was to open the bataile in front and reare , to the end to let them passe thorough , which opening was after the manner set downe in this chapter . a alexander at gaugamela being to fight with darius , who had many of this kinde of chariots , and fearing the danger they might bring to his army , commanded his phalange of foot , that when the chariots approached they should knit themselues shoulder to shoulder , and beat their pikes vpon their targets , that the horse being affrighted with the noise , might turne , and run the contrary way . but if by such meanes they would not be repressed , then he willed them to open and make wide distances , thorow which they might hold on their course without danger to his people . this was the prouision of alexander against the chariots : the euent followes . after the trumpets had giuen the signe of bataile , the armies charged one another casting forth great cries : and first the sythed chariots flying out amaine , gaue much amazement and terrour to the macedonians . for mazaeus one of the generals of darius his horse , to the end to make the falling on of the horse more terrible , came thundering with his troupes of horse in the reare of the chariots : but when the phalange ioyned target to target , and euery man beat his target according to the kings direction , there arose a great noise ; by reason whereof many of the chariots , the horses being affrighted , turned backe , and with vnresistable violence rushed vpon their owne people : other falling vpon the macedonians , who made large distances , those which entered were partly ouerwhelmed with darts , partly passed queit thorough ; some being carried with the violence of their course , and working mightily with their sharpe sythes , brought with them many and sundry kinds of death : for the force of their sythes had such power to destroy , taht from many it cut off the armes , and targets and all , the necks of not a few were carued , heads falling to the ground the eyes yet seeing , the countenance not altered ; of some the it tore out the sides , and put them to a speedy death . hitherto of the history of diodorus . but where he noteththe harms , that came from the sythed chariots , i take it they might haue beene auoided , if the distances had beene wide enough , because i finde in xenophon in the battaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus mentioned by me before , that many of the chariots of the persians ranne thorough the phalange of the grecians without hurt to any man. to returne then to the vse of this forme , it hath heeretofore , and may at this day bee put in practice against horse ; and not onely against horse ordered in a wedge , but also giuing on in a square , if it be so they charge by troopes , and the opening be wide enough , and sudden to receiue the front of the horse , for against a grosse of horse , they cannot haue time to open wide enough ; and if they open too timely , they leaue liberty to the horse to charge either of the parts opened , as themselues shall please ; and by diuiding themselues , they diminish their owne strength . words of direction for the diphalange antistomus . 1 wheele the wings into the middest of the battaile this is done if the middlemost 2 file-leaders stand firme , & the rest with their files wheele till they meet , and then stand : thē face to the front ; and when the horse charge , open the middest suddenly , and facing one against another , charge your pikes against the horse . 2 face to the front. 3 open your battaile . 4 face to the middest . 5 charge your pikes . restoring to the first posture . 1 aduance your pikes . 2 close your battaile . 3 face to the right and left hand . 4 wheele the middest of the battaile to the wings . 5 face as you were at first and stand . of the peristomus diphalange . chap. xxxxi . the phalange of the diphalange peristomus proceede by deduction in a wing , the oblique deduction on the right hand , hauing the file-leaders without : the left hand oblique deduction , hauing the reare-comānders within . the figure sheweth the intent of them that fight so ordered : for the battaile going to charge , hauing beene at first tetragonall , diuideth it selfe into two oblique wings , the right and the left , of purpose to enclose the aduerse square battaile ; and they fearing to be enclosed , transforme themselues into two marching phalanges , directing one against the right , the other against the left wing : therefore is it called peristomus , as hauing the front bent against the enemy both wayes . notes . ( 1 ) about the inscription of this chapter also there is a controuersie amongst the interpreters ; some would haue it of the peristomus diphalange , some of the amphistomus diphalange , and of the peristomus . why any man should imagine that the amphistomus diphalange is here described , i cap. 41 the square deured in two and sett against y● peristomus two winges the diphalange peristomus the vneuen front of the peristomus the right wing of the peristomus the left wing of the peristomus conceiue not , vnlesse he should seeme to make aelian contrary to himselfe . for the amphistomus diphalange hath nothing to doe with the flanks , as appeareth by aelian in the 34 chapter . this diphalange fighteth altogether in flanke , as the description declareth . the phalanges of the diphalange peristomus . ] what a wing is , and what deduction i haue shewed before . the meaning is , that the phalanges peristomus are both of them led obliquely ( with the file-leaders in flanke ) and in two deepe bodies ; whereof the one hath in purpose to charge the right flanke , the other the left flanke of the aduerse square battaile . 2 the oblique deduction on the right hand . ] albeit both these phalanges are called oblique , yet we may not imagine , that these loxe-phalanges are the same that is described in the 30 chapter . for in that one of the phalange forbeare the fight , the other aduanceth to ioyne with the enemy ; in this both fight at once , and haue their aduantage by charging the flanks of the enemy . that began the fight in front & had there the file-leaders , this in both flanks ; this seeks to encompasse , that to auoid encompassing it selfe , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the same chapter . 3 the oblique deduction on the right-hand , hauing the file-leaders without . ] i must imagine , till further information , that here is a fault in the text : my reason is this ; all deductions are made to oppose the file-leaders against the enemy in fight . so is the right-hand deduction vsed , when it is suspected the enemy will charge the right-hand flanke : the left-hand deduction , when it is suspected he will charge the left ; so in wheelings we turne the front against the enemy , so in countermarches . now this forme being inuented to encompasse the enemy , and to fight vpon his flankes , i would thinke the file-leaders ought to be placed on the inward flanks of the diphalange ; as it is in the caelembolos ; for were the bringers vp to be within , they should sustaine all the weight of the fight , the battaile being once diuided , and the file-leaders standing without should idlely looke on , which is contrary to the military discipline of the grecians , whose care was to vse the file-leaders in fight as much as was possible . neither is it thereupon to be concluded , that this diphalange and the diphalange antistomus are all one . for although both haue their file-leaders within , yet doe they differ both in forme and end . in forme , because this moueth forward with both phalanges , the other standeth still : this is oblique , the other in a streight line ; that hath the front of the two phalanges euen , this ( as it falleth out in the motion ) sometimes the one more forword , sometimes the other . in their ends , because this goeth to assault and to breake the enemies battaile , the other standeth fast and seekes onely to saue it selfe ; the one being offensiue , the other defensiue . so that , as i said before , the caelembolos and this are both framed out of the diphalange antistomus , both hauing their file-leaders within the middest of the battaile ; and yet differ in that the caelembolos is but one body hollowed within ; this diuided into two bodies . and they fearing to be enclosed . ] the case of this square is almost all one with the square against which the caelembolos is opposed : for both are in danger to be enclosed . now as the other square was faine to cast it selfe into a triphalange , and to oppose two of the phalanges against the two wings of the caelembolos , reseruing the third for all accidents ; so this square diuideth it selfe into two phalanges ( but hath no third ) setting the one against the right-hand battaile of the peristomus , the other against the left ; for by this opposition they inhibit the enemy from attaching their flanks . of this forme i finde not many presidents in the greeke history ; i will receite onely one out of arrian concerning alexander , which if it hit not this forme in euery point , yet it hath fully the effect of that which is intended by aelian : alexander being to deliuer battaile to porus a king of part of india , lying on the other side of the riuer hydaspes , found his enemies army to be thus embattailed ; he had placed his elephants in the front 100 foot distant one from another ; and he placed them there to giue terror to alexanders horse , for hee imagined that no enemy durst approach the spaces betwixt the elephants , neither with horse for feare of the elephants , and much lesse with foot , because the armed on his side were there to receiue them , and the elephants would tread and trample them vnder their feet . next he ordered the foot , not in an equall front with the beasts , but in a second front after them , so that the files came vp almost to the spaces betwixt the elephants ; besides , he added foot vpon the wings aboue the elephans . on both the wings of the foot he ordered his horse , and before them his chariots . this was the embattailing of porus. alexander as soone as he saw the indians stand in battaile array , caused his horse to make alte , that he might haue his foot come vp , who aduanced still forward . and when the phalange was come vnto him running , he embattailed it not presently , nor forthwith led it against the enemy , l●st he should deliuer it weary and out of breath into the hands of the barbarians , that were fresh ; but circling and riding here and there in rounds with his horse , he rested his foot , and gaue them time to refresh themselues . and after he beheld the indian manner of embattailing , hee thought it not good to giue vpon the middest ( of the front ) where the elephants stood , and the phalange was close ordered against the spaces of the elephants , fearing the reasons that led porus to embattaile in that forme . but , as he was stronger in horse , taking to him the most of his horse , he speeded to the left wing of the enemy , in purpose to giue on there , and sent coenus with demetrius his troope and his owne troope against the right wing ; commanding him , that when the barbarians seeing his troopes , should turue their strength of horse against him , coenus should inuade their backs . he gaue the phalange to seleucus , antigones and tauron to lead ; commanding them not to fall on , before they saw the enemies foot and horse put into a bransle by his horse . what the euent of the fight was , i haue before shewed in my notes vpon the phalange amphistomus , where i haue cited the latter end of this history . now may be seene by this example , that alexander began the fight not in the front , but in the flankes ; and the cause why he did it , was , because the front was exceeding strong by reason of the elephants . and by this meanes defeating first the enemies horse , then his foot , he left the elephants naked , and without defence against the darts and other missiue weapons of the macedonians , and gained a worthy victory against a strong enemy . now albeit this example come not home in all points to the peristomus ( for aelian limiteth it to foot against foot , this fight was betwixt horse and horse ) yet is the reason of warre alike in both . for as the file-leaders of the peristomus giue on vpon the flanke of the aduerse square , which is the weakest part of it ; so did the horse of alexander surmounting the indians both in number and valor , giue on vpon the flanks of porus his army which was weakest , and so began and ended the victory . it is called peristomus , as hauing the front bent . ] that is , being diuided into halfe , the one phalange marching obliquely , commeth vp and chargeth one cap. 42. the battaile called plinthium the front the diphalange homoiostomus flanke of the aduerse battaile , the other chargeth the other , and so hath the fronts against the enemies both waies . words of direction in the peristomus . 1 wheele your front into the middest of the battaile . 2 face to the front . 3 one wing march out obliquely , and charge the right flanke of the enemy , the other the left flanke . of the diphalange homoiostomus , and of the plinthium . chap. xlii . a diphalange ( 1 ) homoiostomus is so named , because a ( 2 ) whole file ( that is 16 men ) mouing by it selfe ; another file followeth it ! and it is therefore called homoiostomus , because they that follow , follow in a like figure . 3 this kind is opposed against the plinthium ; ( 4 ) plinthium is a forme of battaile , that hath the sides equall both in figure and number . in figure , because the distances are euery where equall . in number , because there are as many men in length as in depth . ( 5 ) in this foure-sided battaile are none in the foure sides but armed , without archer or slinger to helpe : when therefore two phalanges march together , and both haue their leaders in a right-hand or left-handed deduction ▪ it is called a diphalange homoiostomus . notes . 1 homoiostomus is a diphalange , the battailes whereof haue like fronts . to this forme is incident , first that it be marching , then that it march in deductions ; lastly , that the deductions be vpon one and the selfe , and not vpon contrary sides , viz. that the file-leaders of the phalanges , be all of them either vpon the right hand , or vpon the left hand of their phalanges . and therefore suidas defineth it to be a diphalange , which hath the leaders of either phalange ordered in the same side of the march . where he saith that the leaders are ordered on the same side in both phalanges ( which words are likewise in aelian in the end of the chapter ) wee must vnderstand no● the leaders of the march , but the file-leaders , who are also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or leaders : for as aelian saith elsewhere , the march in a deduction proceedeth in wing not by file but by ranke , so that the file-leaders are in the flankes not in the front of the march ; and yet a man may truely tearme it the front of the battaile , as long as it standeth and faceth against the enemy . 2 because a whole file . ] i am out of doubt that this place is corrupted : any man that marketh the coherence will easily be of mine opinion . the inscription is of a diphalange , which consisteth of two phalanges . the cause why this forme is called a diphalange , homoiostomus , is in these words assigned to be , because a whole file , that is , 16 men mouing , another file followeth it : let one file follow another , what is that to two phalanges ? euery phalange hath many files in it , as the a seuenth chapter will teach vs ; nor will any man say that a file is a phalange , nor that the following of one file singly after the other will make a diphalange : the truer cause is alleadged in the words following : it is therefore called homoiostomus , because they that follow , follow in the like figure : which words albeit they be generall , yet being explained and particularised in the end of the chapter , they shew , that it is called a diphalange homoiostomus when two phalanges follow one another , either in a right , or a left hand deduction . and by that part of the text the nature of the homoiostomus is sufficiently expressed . 3 this is opposed against the b plinthium . ] how this forme should be opposed against the plinthium , i must confesse i yet vnderstand not , vnlesse it be that being in a march , the plinthium charge one of them on that side where the deduction , ( that is in the front , for the flanke is now become the front ) ( the file-leader facing to the enemy way ) and that the other if it be the leading phalange retiring & whealing , the following file aduancing and whealing ) giue vpon the flank of the plinthium , so that the plinthium be charged both in front and in flanke , which is no small aduantage in fight ; for otherwise if the plinthium meet the phalanges so following one another , and charge the front which leadeth ( which indeed is not the front but the leading flanke , in asmuch as the march proceedeth not by file but by ranke , as aelian hath ) the deducton not onely loseth the benefit of bringing the file leaders to fight , but is also subiect to ouerwinging , and by that meanes in worse case then is the induction which hath the file-leaders in front . there are other vses of the homoistomus , they are here specified by aelian . for the the deduction directing the front against the enemy that appeareth , or is like to appeare on the flank of the deduction , the phalanges may fitly second one another , when either of them is charged ; not vnlike the two btatailons of foot , which la noüe holdeth sufficient to repulse the charge of horse in open field or champeign . and if both the deductions be charged at once , they are at no greater inconuenience , then if they stood ranged in ordinary manner , being either of them 16 deepe , and the fronts which are in the deduction ready to receiue the affort of the enemy , and the rest of the ●immes disposed , as in the ordinary phalange . 4 plinthium is a form of battaile . ] this definition cōprehendeth not all plinthiums , for there is a kind of euen-sided plinthium ( it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hath the front & flanks of one length : and it is it which aelian here defineth . there is also a kind of i linthiū that is deeper in flank then the front is long , which of ancient time was called a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke , in enlishg a tower , the name of plinthium is deriued from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a brick , because as the brick is square , so is this battaile , which is the reason i thinke , that it is often confounded plesium , this being also a square battaile , and the name deduced from the mould wherein brickes are fashioned , which mould is called in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to forme . the difference betwixt them according to aelian is , that the pliniheum is a perfect square equall both in length and depth , the plesium a square longer in front then flanke . 5 in this figure are none but armed in the foreside . ] what then becomes of the light-armed ? they must be conuaied into the middest ; and the plinthium ought to be hollow within as well to receiue them , as those of the army that are vnfit for fight . leo hath this precept : if the enemy be horse , you are to order the army into the square figure of a plinthium , and cast into the ( hollow ) middest the cariage , beasts and cariage , and without them the armed , and furthest without the archers , that so you may dismarch in safety ; yet this placing the archers without is contrary to aelian , & to many experiences mentioned in the greeke history . a timotheus the athenian purposing to passe by the city olynthus ; and fearing the olinthian horse-men , ordered his army into a broad-fronted plinthium , casting the baggage and horse into the middest , and causing the waggons to be driuen thronging and fastned together , the armed foot being without on all sides ; so that the olynthian horse could not come to distresse them . brsidas the lacedemonian being in illyrium forsaken of the macedonians his allies , expecting to be set vpon by arrhybeus and the illyrians , reduced his armed into a square , and taking the light-armed into the middest , resolued to retire : the youngest hee appointed to fall out if the enemy charged on any side ; himselfe with 300 chosen men took vpon him to secure the reare , and to resist the enemy that should first come to charge . the barbarians seeing him dismarch , followed with great shouts and cries , imagining hee fled , and hoping to take him and cut his throat : but when the light-armed fell out and met them , wheresoeuer they gaue on and himselfe with his selected band receiued them , and contrary to their opinion stood firme , and repulsed the first charge , and euer as they forbore to charge held on his way : the most part of the barbarians left the grecians , and appointing a party to follow their reare , the rest pursued the macedonians that fled , an killed as many as they lighted vpon . the like forme was vsed in elephants by the captaines of eumenes and peucestes against a surprise of antigonus . diodorus siculus reporteth the history thus . b antigonus being aduertised , that all eumenes his forces were come vnto him but onely his elephants , and that the elephants were expected out of their garrisons and were farre off alone , and without ayde of horse and foot , sent against them 2000 sp●are-men , being medes , 300 tarentines , and all his light-armed foot ; for hee hoped that falling vpon the elephants alone , hee might easily become master of them , and depriue his enemy of his greatest strenght . eumenes casting in his minde what might happen , dispatched away 1500 of his best horse , and 300 light armed foot . antigonus people appearing first ; the commanders of the elephants ordering the beasts into a plinthium , marched forward , throwing the carriage into the middest , hauing 300 horse and no more to make head in the reare ; the enemy falling on with all their might , and hotly charging , the horse being ouerlaide with number , were put to flight . the riders of elephants at first made good resistance and stood to it , albeit they were wounded on all sides , and not able to hurt the enemy ; and being now at the last cast , the forces of eumenes vnexpectedly shewing themselues , snatched them out of all danger and distresse ▪ b agesilius vsed this forme against the thebans ; the c argiraspides against antigonus : the history is this ; antigonus hauing the better against the horse of eumenes , diuided his horse into two parts , the one he tooke to himselfe and obserued eumenes , the other hee gaue to python willing him to charge the the argiraspides and siluer targateers old soldiers of alexanders depriued of the aide of the horse , but they casting themselues into a plinthium retired safely to the riuer . aelian remembreth nothing concerning the vse of the plinthium : but wee may learne by the examples rehearsed ▪ that it was then practised when the enemy was too strong and able to charge euery way ; and it is one of the foresided battailes that is mentioned in the 36 & 37 chap. and vsed principally against horse , but sometimes against horse and foot . philip the father of alexander the great , being to take armes against the illyrians who vsurped many cities of his kingdom , leuied 10000 foot , & 600 horse , and with them entred the enemies countrey . bardilis the illirian king met him with as many foot , and 500 horse : when the armies came together , and with shouts ioyned battaile , philip hearing the right wing , and the best macedonian souldiers , commanded the horse to fall on and charge the enemy in flanke : himselfe giuing vpon the front , began a strong fight . the illyrians ordering themselues into a plinthium , valiantly abode the onset ; and at the first the fight was equall , and so continued a good while by reason of the valour shewen on both sides ; afterward the horse plying hard the reare and flanke , and philip with his choice valiantly laying at the front , the multitude of the illyrians were forced to fly . heere the plinthium resisted both horse and foot ; i will ad one example more of repulsing horse , the army being cast into a plinthium . marcus antonius seeking to subdue persia , and to reuenge the losse which craesus receiued by the parthians , ( for in that warre craesus himselfe was slaine , and his army defeated ) and hauing laid siege to a great city called phreata , and finding not the successe he looked for , determined to dis-march and lead his arm , out of the countrey ; hauing first ●ad●truce with the king of persia , proceeding on his iourney , he was set vpon by the parthians , but being repulsed , they retired that day . antonius hereby resolued what to doe : and strenthening his reare and flanks with many darters & slingers , he formed h●s army into a plinthium , and willed his horse ●o fall out and repulse the e●nmy , but not to follow the chase too farre . the parthians the next foure daies began to be more coole , and neither charged nor were charged , and making winter their pretence , were glad to retire ●o their houses . by this president , wee may see , that the parthians ( who were mighty in horse ) were fierce vpon the romans as long a they held their ordinary kinde of march , but after they had ordered themselues into a plinthium , so that the parthians could not come vp to them without much indangering themselues , they thought it best to let them quietly passe and goe whither they would . and thus much of the diphalange homoiostomus and of the plinthium . words of direction in the homoiostomus . 1 wheele your battailes ( if they stand in euen front ) to the right or left hand . 2 march one battaile after the other . to restore to the first posture . 1 f●●e about to the right or left hand . 2 wheele the battailes to the right or left hand , according as the case requireth . 3 face as you were at first . cap. 43. the diphalange heterostomus the file-leaders the bringers-vp for the plinthium . if there be 4 battailes standing togethler in an euen front , this i would hold the fittest way to make a plinthium . 1 let the first battaile stand firme , or march on ; in going forward wheele to the right hand ; in falling backe vse the lacedemonian countermarch . 2 the 3 countermarch the front with a countermarch , then wheel to the left hand , then march forward , and place it selfe behind the right hand flanke of the first , that the front of it may be in a right line with the said flanke . 3 the 4 in going forward , countermarch the reare with a macedon countermarch , then wheele your battaile to the right hand , face abount ; then wheele to the left hand ; then march and apply it selfe to the point of the strst battaile , as the third did to the right : then face about , and stand thus : 4 the 2 countermarch to the right or left hand : then march on til it be beyond the left point of the 4 battaile : then face to the left hand ; and march vp to lay the right-hand-point euē with the right point of the 1 battaile , and face to the right hand , to make the reare of the plinthium thus : the seuerall bodies being brought into a plinthium , must front euery way as long as they make alte. when they march in a plinthium , they are all to face toward the head of their march : that is , the right and left flanke battailes are to face the one to the left , the other to the right hand : the reare battaile is to face about to which hand it list , and so march on . the battailes beside haue euery one their place of dignity : the first battaile hauing the front , the 2 battaile the reare , the 3 battaile the right flanke , the 4 the left flanke . of the diphalange heterostomus . chap. xliii . ( 1 ) a diphalange heterostomus is that which proceedeth by deduction , hauing the leaders of the former phalange in a right-handdeduction , and of the following phalange in a left-hand deduction , so that the battailes march counterchangeably , one hauing the leaders in one flanke , the other in the other . notes . 1 a diphalange heterostomus . ] as the homoiostomus consisted of two phalanges , & both proceeded by deduction , so must this forme . they differ in this onely , that the first had all the file-leaders on one side , either on the right or left ; this the file-leaders of one battaile on the right , of the other on the left hand . for if the leading phalange haue the file-leaders on the right-hand , the following phalange shall haue them on the left : if the first haue them on the left , the other shall haue them on the right . see the figure . the vse of this form is , when the enemy sheweth himselfe on both flanks of our march , and of it the double sided battaile , whereof aelian spake in the 36 and 37 chapters , may be made by the sleeuing vp the latter to the former and ioyning reare to reare : and if the leading battaile haue the file-leaders in the right-flank , it is to make alte when the enemy commeth neer , and the following battaile to sleeue vp by the reare of it , to make an euen front with the leaders of the first . contrariwise , if it haue the file-leaders on the left hand ▪ besides , this orme hath further vse , and you may frame of it a diphalange antistomus , by sleeuing vp the following battaile on that side where the file-leaders of the leading battaile march : for by such sleeuing , the file-leaders of both i halanges shall be in the middest . words of direction in the heterostomus . there need few words of direction in this , onely if the two ordinary battailes stand in equall front , let the one wheele to the right , the other to the left hand , and so march the one before , the other after . of the horse rombe , and of the foot-halfe-moone to encounter it . chap. xliiii . ( 1 ) the battaile framed in a forme of a rombe , was first inuented by ileon the thessalian , and was called i le after his name ; and to this forme he exercised and accustomed his thessalians . it is of good vse , because it hath a leader on euery corner : in the front the captaine , in the reare the liuetennant , and on either side the flank-commanders . ( 2 ) the foot battaile fittest to encounter this , is the ( 3 ) menoides or cressent ; hauing both the wings stretched out , and within them the leaders , and being embowed in the middest to enuiron and wrap in the horse-men in their giuing on : where upon the horse-men ply the foot a farre off with flying weapons , after the manner of the tarantines , seeking thereby to dissolue and disorder their circled frame of march . tarentum is a city in italy , the hosemen wherof are called acrobolists , because in charging they first cast little darts , and after come to hands with the enemy . notes . 1 the battaile in forme of a rhombe . ] of the rhombe is sufficiently spoken in chap. 6. before ; and in the notes vpon the same chapter : the manner of framing of it , and the diuers kinds therof are there set down . the thessalians cap ▪ 44 the half moone or menoides of foote the rhombe of horse the front vsed not all those kinds but onely that which fileth , but rankes not , as aelian testifieth in the 46 chapter , which kinde is there also described . it was accounted a forme of great violence , & in that forme the thessalians got all there reputation , being esteemed the the best horse-men of greece . 2 the foot battaile fittest to encounter this ] the aduantage that horse-men haue against foot is great , which is the cause that foot-men haue sought to helpe themselues by diuers kind of embattailing to the end to supply by art , that which they want by force and strength . of which manner of embattailings , many are set down in aelian . if more then one troope charge at once , you haue the phalange amphistomus , antistomus , and the plinthium to resist : if but one troope , the diphalange antistomus ; all which kinds are before described by aelian . in this chapter is another kind described namely , the halfe moone . and there follow in other chapters the plagiophalange , the epicampios emprosthia , and the wedge : of all which we are to discourse in order as they are remembred by our authours . 3 is the menoeids or cressant . ] against the rhombe of horse aelian opposeth the menoeides of foot , a name of battaile borrowed from the shape of the moone . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the moone , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is ioyned to make vp the composition ) signifieth a full shape or forme . so the word importeth a shape or forme of the moon : and yet this battaile is not like all shapes of the moone , but like to the new moone when she hath two hornes , and hath the shape of halfe a circle as it were : in which sence isis the aegyptian goddesse ( which indeed was the moone , saith a diodorus siculus ) was pictured with two hornes from the shew which shee maketh being menoeides , that is , the new moone , so is a wall sometime called , because of the hollow forme . as when the rhodians hauing their wall shrewdly shaken by the engines of battery of demetrius , reared an inward wall in shape of a cressant , which with the compasse , comprehended all the parts of the outward wal which were battered . the same b diodorus calleth it menoeides : the like was don by the halicarnasseans against alexander the great , and arrian giueth it the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a brick halfe moon ; the cause of the inuention of this forme , is laide out by c onosander & d leo. oftentimes saith onosader , those that haue great numbers of men in the field , are wont to figure them into a cressāt , supposing that in charging the enemy wil be ready to ioyne man to man , that is , to enter into the semi-circle and fight with them that stand embowed ; in doeing whereof , they will be hemmed and wraped in , in the halfe circle ▪ the wings of the halfe circle being to bee drawne together round about them , and the whole brought into the forme of a circle . and leo likewise : the figure bearing there semblance of halfe a circle , seemeth to be safe & firme ; for it incloseth the enemy that cōmeth against it in the hollownesse of the circle , by drawing out the wings into a circle on both sides , and giueth more courage to fight against them . the causes then to take vp this figure in fight are three ; one the aduantage of multitude of forces in the field , whereby the generall is enabled to encompasse ; another , the ignorance of the enemy , that ventureth within the compasse of the halfe moone ; the third , the efficasie of the figure which serueth to entrap the enemy that is not heedfull and wary in ioyning battaile . it hath beene vsed both against horse and foot , and sometimes in sea by one nauy against another , aelian esteemeth it good against horse ; no doubt when horse charge ; and are resisted both in front , and plyed also with flying weapons in flanke , they finde a greater ●n opposition and disaduantage , then when they are receiued in front alone . in square battailes of foot the front lying euen , the horse in charging abide only the danger before , whereas in the hollow fronted battailes of foot , such as are this form , and the epicampios emprosthia , they are endangered also in flanke , yea in both flanks , & cannot enter the hollownesse of the front without losse of many of their horse , the depth of the hollownes being as strong ( in hauing the file-leaders in front , and the depth of the file the same ) as a square battaile to resist , and the wings plying and infesting them with all sorts of flying weapons : against foot it hath beene vsed oftentimes , and it is the only forme that the turks by reason of his multitudes , vseth both with horse and foot against christians at this day . the cressant may be framed not onely before fight is begun , but also in the heat of fight : before the fight , you haue an example of the lacedemonians against epaminondas , which i haue cited at large in my notes vpon the 30 chap. c leo also setteh downe the manner of casting a nauy into a cressant before fight . during the fight , aratus the elder framed a cressant against the lacedemonians : pausanias reciteth it in this manner ; in the battaile of the lacedemonians against the mantineans , the mantineans , saith he , had the right wing , all the rest of the arcadians the left . the middest was vssigned to aratus , and to the sicyonians , and achaeans . agis king of lacedemon , and the lacedemonians strethed out their battaile to inuade the front of the enemy . agis and his troopes stood in the middest . aratus after he had imparted his purpose to the arcadians : fled himselfe , and with him that part of the army which he commanded , as if he feared the impression of the lacedemonians ; in giuing backe hee brought the army into the forme of an halfe moone . the lacedemonians and agis thinking they had the victory in their hands , pursued aratus and his troopes more egerly . the wing followed the king , esteeming it no small conquest to haue soyled aratus . in the meane time they perceiued not the arcadians that were at their backe : and the lacedemonians being encompassed round about , lost both many other of their army , and agis also their king , the sonne of endamidas was flaine . leo also in sea fight giueth his generall counsell how to entrap his enemy with a shew of flight ; in giuing backe with fashioning an halfe moone : these be his words in effect ; e if a generall be to retire before the enemies nauy , let him retire , fashioning his nauy into a battaile menoeides , anasailyng with his poupes forward , and so seeme to shunne the enemy : for if he flye not , but retire fighting , hee shall haue his ships ready to turne vpon the enemy with their prowes bent against him . and if need require , he may retire with his poupes toward the enemy : for the enemy shall not dare to enter into the hollownesse for feare of being encompassed . so leo. the menoeides therefore may be framed during fight ; but this caution is to be remembred , that in sudden transmutations of battailes , you vse not the seruice of raw souldiers , but of such as haue experience , lest all be brought into confusion ; and the enemy charge you while you are changing your forme . now as formes of aduantage are to be sought against the enemy ; so is it needfull to aduise what best opposition is to be made against such battailes : in case the enemy vse them . the rombe of horse was of old time accounted a forcible figure against foot ; the horse therein had the better . the menoeides was inuented to resist and ouerthrow the horse : the foot had beene the better ; what was then best for the horse ? to abstaine from charging ( saith aelian ) and to ply the foot with missiue weapons , to the end to force them to break their strong forme of embattailing . so now they stand vpon equall tearmes and the foot can with their shot annoy the horse , as well as the horse can annoy the foot . aelian then sheweth a meanes for the horse to auoide the danger of this manner of embattailing : for foot vsing this forme against foot , hee sheweth no remedy . i will set downe what i finde : and here i neede not to repeat the remedy , that b epaminondas vsed against the lacedemonian halfe-moone : it is related at large in my notes vpon the 30 chap. c onosander giueth this aduise : diuide your battaile , saith hee , into 3 parts : with the two outwardest charge the enemies winges : the third , that is ordered against the middle , and as it were , the bosome of the cressant , aduance it not , but let it stand firme ; for either they that are placed in the middest of the cressant , shall standidle ; or else aduancing in an euen front , will throng one another and breake their battaile . for the two fronts fighting in the winges and keeping their place , it is not possible for the halfe circle to come forward with an euen front : when they are therefore confused and haue broken their array , let the third battaile that remained in the middest for seconds , charge them , as they disorderl , aduance . if they still keepe their place in the bottome of the hollownesse , oppose the light-armed and darters against them , who will exceedingly distresse them with their missiue weapons : likewise you may doe well to frame a loxe-phalange of your whole army , and with your two loxes , charge the winges , preuenting so the circling and encompasing of the menoeides . for the enemy , being a long while hindered from comming to blowes with his whole army , shall bee kept in play with a few , none fighting but those onely that are in the winges , which first of necessitie must ioyne , because of the oblique onset . it will not bee a misse also , leisurely to retire with the army sometimes , as though you were in feare ; or else facing about to make your retreat orderly , as if you fled ; and afterward turning sudd onely to meete the enemie that presseth vpon you . for sometimes the enemie being ouer-ioyed in the imagination of a true flight , doth follow vnaduisedly , and make a disorderly pursuit ; euery man pressing to be formost , vpon whom you may returne without danger , and againe , chase them that follow you ; who will be struckes with a fear in that you dare , contrary to their expectation , turne again & make head against them . onosander giueth here three wayes to resist the menoeides : one by diuiding your battaile into a triphalange , & opposing two phalanges against the two wings of the cressant , forbearing and standing firme with the third till opportunity be to moue ( which is the battaile that aelian opposeth against the caelembolos . ) the second by vsing the loxe-phalange against it , as did epaminondas at the battaile of leustra against the lacedemonian halfe moone , as i haue shewed elsewhere , namely chap. 30. § . 7. the third in making semblance of flying ; for the halfe moone is a forme , which in standing may well be kept whole , in mouing will soone be broken and fall into disorder , as a cicuta an italian writer noteth very well . if then you faine to flye , keeping your men in order , the menoeides following you will breake of it selfe , and so you haue good opportunity to returne , and in all likelihood to win the day against it , especially being in disorder . leo giueth the same aduise to his generall , onely he speaketh of sea matters , onosander of land seruice . words of direction for the rhombe . for the forming of the rhombes , see the 19 chapter , and my notes vpon that chapter , § . 6. for the cressnnt . first order your body into a long square , plagiophalanx . 1 the 2 file-leaders in the middest of the square , stand . 2 the next 2 on either hand , mooue forward one foot before the other two , their files mouing withall , and holding their distance . 3 so the 4 next file-leaders each before other , on either side a foot . 4 then two more on either side , aduance before the rest that mooued two foot a peece . 5 then the 2 next on either side , 3 foot apeece . to restore to the first posture : face about . moue all at once ( excepting the 2 middle files ) and take your first ground . of the horse-battaile heteromekes , and the plagiophalange to bee opposed against it . chap. xlv . 1 the horse-battaile heteromekes is that , which hath the depth double to the length . it is profitable in many respects . ( 2 ) for seeming to bee but a few in so small a breadth , it deceiueth the enemie , and easily breaketh his forces with the thicknesse & strength of the embattailing , and may without perceiuing be led through streight and narrow passages . the ( 3 ) foot battaile to encounter is called the plagiophalange , or broad fronted battaile . for being but slender in depth , it beareth foorth and extendeth it selfe in length , so that albeit it be broken in the middest with the charge of horse , yet is nothing broken but a little of the depth , and the fury of the horse is carried not vpon the multitude of foot , but streight and immediatly into the open aire and field . and for that cause is the length thereof much exceeding the depth . notes . 1 of the 2. battailes heteromekes and plagiophalanx i haue spoken before in my notes vpon the thirtieth chapter . the heteromekes is a kinde of herse , the plagiophalange the broad fronted battaile therein mentioned . 2 for seeming to be but a few . ] amongst all the stratagems vsed in warre , it hath beene accounted alwayes a master piece of skill to deceiue the enemie with shew of forces , that are in any army : sometime with semblance of more men , then wee haue , to feare him , sometime with concealing our number , to prouoke him rashly to fight , and aduenture himselfe in battaile . of these two kindes we haue an example in caesar at the siege of cap. 45. plagiophalanx , or the broad fronted battaile of foote heteromekes or the herse of horse the front gergouia . caesar himselfe writeth thus : when caesar came into his lesser campe ( hee had two camp●● at that siege ) to take view of his workes , he perceiued that the hill , which was holden by the enemie , was become emptie of men , which hill a few dayes past , could hardly ●● seene for the multitude , that couered it . maruelling thereat , he asked of the run aw●●yes the cause ( of whom great numbers came flocking to him euery day : ) it appeared by ●ll their reports , which caesar also vnderstood by his owne scoutes , that the ridge of the hill was almost euen , but yet wooddy and narrow , by which there was accesse to ●he other part of the towne . that the enemie mightily feared that place ; and were now of opinion , that seeing the romans had gained one hill , if they should lose the other , they should seeme well nigh enclosed round about with a trench , and shut up from issuing out , and from forrage ; that all were called out of the citie by a vercin●etorix to fortifie the place . caesar hauing gotten this intelligence , sent at midnight d●●ers troopes of horse thither , and commanded them to rid vp and downe in all places with greater tumult , then their manner was . assoone as it was day , hee willed a great number of carriage-horse and mules to be brought out of the campe , and their pads ●o be taken off from them , and that the muleters putting on head-pieces , should ride a●out the hils in shew , as if they were horse-men . to these he added a few horse , who were to spred themselues abroad hereand there , to amase the gaules the more . hee willed them to addresse themselue , and to draw to one and the same place , fetching a large compasse about . these things were seene a farre of out of gergouia ( for from thence the campe might well be discerned ) and yet in such distance ●t could not bee certainely perceiued , what the matter was . he sent a legion along the ridge of the same hill , and placed it ( drawing it a little further forward ) in the nether grounds below , and hid it in the woods . the gaules here at increase● their suspition , and all the forces appointed for the fortifications of their campe were led thither . caesar espying the campe of the enemie to be voide of men , conue ed souldiours stragling , as it were , and not in troopes , from the greater campe vnto the lesser , hiding those things by which they might be knowne , and couering their ensignes of warre , lest happily they might bee discried out of the towne ; and gaue instructions to the legats , whom he had set ouer euery legion , what he would haue done . after thes● directions hee gaue the signall : the souldiers after the signall giuen , with all speed fell vp to the munition , and entring , made themselues masters of three camps of the enemie . and the speed of their surprise was such , that theutomatus king of the nitiobrigians , being suddenly surprised in his tent , as he rested about noone , the vpper part of his body being naked , had much adoe to saue himselfe vpon his horse ( which was also wounded in escaping ) from the hands of the rif●●●g souldiers . this example of caesar containeth the two kinds before remembered of deceiuing the enemie . for hee both made a greater shew of horse men then hee had , by setting muleters on horse-backe , and giuing the 〈…〉 ●ieces , and also dissembled the number of them , who were in the lesser 〈…〉 which ga●e vpon the enemies workes , by conueying souldiers 〈…〉 of the 〈…〉 campe piece meale , as it were , and one after anothe● 〈…〉 icy yeelded victory to caesar against the gaules before : as you 〈…〉 in the fift booke of his commentaries . and in this very kinde , that aelian speaketh of , that is , in making his front narrow and his battaile deepe , and so dissembling his forces , cleandridas the lacedemonian wonne a noble battaile against the thurians , as i haue noted in the nine and twentieth chapter of this booke . examples of the manner of these flights are euery where to be found in histories . 3 the foot battaile to encounter it . ] diuers kindes of battailes are fitter ( as i conceiue ) to bee opposed against this horse-battaile , then the plagiophalange . and , i take it , it is not therefore here set dow●e as the best forme to encounter , and repulse the horse , but rather to shew , that , if you bee not otherwise able to auoide them , you may in this ●orme sustaine the lesser losse . for so much importes the reason of aelian viz. that , if you be broken in the middest by the horse , yet is nothing bro●en , but a little of the depth , and the fury of the horse is carried into the open field , & not vpon the rest of the foot . if your foot battaile were flanked with a riuer , wood , trench , wall , or some such other strength , i would the● well hold with this reason . for then might the foot open ( as in the di●alange antistomus ) and suffer the horse to passe through , and to fall i●●o the riuer , or vpon that strength , which you were flanked with all . b●t when the horse breake through your foot , and passe into the open field , they haue aduantage to turne againe vpon your backe , and freedome of a many charges , as they list to giue vpon you . the plinthium , the halfe moone , the epicampios , or hollow-fronted battaile described in the next fo●lowing chapter , and the wedge of foot , are to be preferred before the plagiophalange . for all these kindes are inuented to repulse horse , in what forme soeuer they giue on , and some of them , in case the horse be forward ●● charging , to ouerthrow and discomfit them . of some of these we haue spoken before , other some follow to be treated of . the heteromekes horse battaile , is not in our dayes much vsed , except it be in marching . the great commanders of our time , rather in fight , order their horse into a plagiophalange ; which forme they hold more fit for thevse of the weapons of our age . but the plagiophalange of foot remēbred by aelian to encounter horse , ought to be very shallow in depth . for if it should be according to the old fashion , 16. in depth ( which number the file of the macedonians held ) or according to our custome ●● . i see not how it is possible for a troope of horse to breake it , or to passe through it into the open field , the depth of the battaile being sufficient to sustaine the ch 〈…〉 ge of any horse . how the heteromekes , and how the plagiophalange are framed , i haue taught before in the thirtieth chapter . of another kinde of rhombe for horse-men , and of the foot-battaile called epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. xlvi . ( 1 ) another sort of rhomboeides there is , whereof i neede say no more , but that it fileth , and ranketh not . i haue before shewed the vse thereof ; and that ileon the thessalian was the inuenter , and that ●asan medeas husband put it in practise : the vse thereof is great , it being directed and led in the foure sides by the captaine , the lieutenant , and the two flanke-commanders . it is commonly fashioned of archers on horse-backe , as the armenian , and persian manner is . against it is opposed the foot-battaile , called ( 2 ) epicampios emprosthia , cap. 46. epicampios emprosthia the rhombe the front the hollow fronted battaile because the circumduction of the front is like an embowing . the end of this forme is to deceiue and ouer-reach the archers on horse-backe , e●ther by wrapping them in the void space of the front , as they charge , and giue on vpon the spune , or else disordering them first with the winges , and breaking their fury , by ouerthrowing them finally with their rankes about the middle ensignes . this kinde of battaile was deuised to entrappe and beguile . for opening the middle hollownesse , it maketh shew but of a few , that march in the winges , hauing notwithstanding thrice as many following and seconding in the reare . so that , if the wings bee of power sufficient for the incounter , there needeth no more : if not , retiring easily on either side , they are to ioyne themselues to the bulke of the battaile . notes . ( 1 ) another sort of rhomboeides there is . ] the inscription of this chapter seemeth not to bee right ; because the forme of the rhomboeides here mentioned , differeth not , but is the same , that was last spoken of . in the a former hee said it was inuented by ileon the thessalian , and in vse amongst the thessalians , and called i le of his name . in this he saith as much , adding onely that iason , medeas husband , who was also a thessalian , put it most in practise . so that the rhombes seeme to be all one , and the inscription of the chapter either corrupted or mistaken ; and that it ought to bee of the rhombe and the hollow-fronted battaile to encounter it . i need say no more of this rhombe , the forme of it , the manner of framing , and the difference of it from other rhombes are sufficiently declared in other places before . 1 aduance your right and left wings , and let the middest of the battaile stand firme . vnder the name of the wings , i vnderstand so many files as shall be thought enough to march out to make the hollow front : the bringers vp of wings must ranke with the file-leaders of the middest . 2 face and charge into the hollownesse of the front . to restore to the first posture . 1 wings , face about to the right or left hand . 2 march and ioyne with the body in an euen front . 3 face as you were first . there is added by some translators of aelian an epicampios opisthia to the epicampios emprosthia . this battaile they would haue to be signified in their words . this kind of battaile was deuised to entrap and beguile . but hee that shal weigh the words following , shal see that aelians meaning is to describe the emprosthia more fully , euen in the selfe same place . for he speaketh of the few that march in the wings , and of thrice as many that follow in the reare . besides , he saith , that if the wings be not sufficient to repulse the enemy , they may retire and ioyne to the bulke of the body . the wings are therefore led on first , and the ma●se of the body followeth , whereas in the epicampios opisthia the wings are stretched out behinde , and follow the body . and albeit there be in aelian no words of the opisthia , yet i may not deny that there is an epicampio● opisthia : a suidas proueth it plainely ; he defineth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus : it is called epicampios when the battaile aduanceth against the enemy ▪ and hath the wings drawne out in length on both sides behind . the vse of the opisthia is as it seemeth , to auoid the encircling or encompassing of an enemy , that hath a greater quantity of souldiers then we , and meanes to charge our reare . alexander the great , being farre inferior to darius in multitude of men , vsed this forme at arbela . b diodorus siculus saith , that after he had ordered his battaile against darius in a right front , hee framed an epicampios behind each wing , to the end that the enemy with his multitude might not encompasse the small number of the macedonians . and this may suffice for both the formes of the epicampios . words of direction for the epicampios opisthia . 1 aduance your body , and let the wings stand firme . 2 the wings of one flanke face outward to the right , the other to the left hand . torustore , &c. 1 wings face as you were . 2 march vp , and front with the middest of the body . of the foot-battaile called cyrte , which is to be set against the epicampios . chap. xlvii . ( 1 ) the battaile to be opposed against the epicampios is called cyrte of the circumferent forme . this also maketh semblance of small forces , by reason of the conuexity of the figure . for all round things seeme little in compasse , and yet stretched out in length , and singled , they proue twice as much as they appeared to be . as is euident in pillars which are round , and therefore in sight shew the one halfe , and conceale the other . the greatest piece of skill in embattailing , is to make shew of few men to the enemy , and in deed to bring twice as many to fight . cap. 47. the cyrte or conuex halss moone the epicampios the front notes . 1 the forme of this battaile , albelt it be a halfe moone , and is called by polybius menoeides , yet is it in a manner contrary to the menoeides described in the 44 chapter of this booke . that turned the concauity or hallownesse backward toward the reare , and the two hornes against the enemy , and sought to encompasse , this turneth the conuexe or outward part foremost , not the hornes , and endeauoureth to auoid encompassing : for the epicampios , if a man should enter into the hollownesse thereof , claspeth him in , and is able to charge him in front , and on both flanks at one time . but the conuexe halfe moone auoiding that danger , meeteth the enemy with the bearing out of the halfe circle , and giueth the two wings of the epicampios enough to doe , being not to be annoyed with the depth of the hollownesse , which remaineth a pretty distance more backward then the points of the wings . so that this forme is fit to be opposed against the epicampios , and looseth no aduantage of embattailing : and it auoideth the perill of the hollow front by not entring , and yet maintaineth the fight against the two wings that are thru● out to encompasse ; being of sufficient strength to encounter the epicampios , either of them not dissoluing their forme , or notwithstanding that the wings of the epicampios retire , as aelian prescribeth , when they are ouerpressed , or else the body of the hollownesse aduance to make an equall front with the wings , and so vnite their force . howbeit i haue not read in the greeke hi●tory examples of this forme set against the epicampios , or vsed otherwise in fight ; onely i finde in polybius at the battaile of canne that hannibal practised it against the romans , not trusting to the strength of the forme , but rather with the shew thereof , couering a further drift , to beguile and bring them into his snare . his words are in effect these : hanniball , saith he , embattailed his army thus ; he placed on the left hand the spanish and celtish horse right ouer against the roman horse : next to them of foot halfe the lybian heauy armed ; then the spaniards and celts , next them the other halfe of the lybians . on the right wing he ordered the numidian horse : after he had framed an euen front of the whole army , he aduanced the middle spaniards and gauls , and cast them into a conuexe halfe moone , gathering vp the depth therewith and making it thin , meaning to hide the lybians with it , and disposing the lybians behinde them as seconds . and a little after he declareth the manner of fight . then the heauy-armed foot succeeding the light armed , encountred together . the spaniards therefore and gauls a while brauely maintained their order and fight against the romans ; but being ouer-pressed , they turned their backs , and retired , dissoluing the forme of their halfe moone . the roman cohorts couragiously following easily broke asunder the battaile of the celts , which at first was ordered in a small depth ; themselues transferring the thicknesse of their battaile from the wings of the middest , where the fight was ; for the middest and the wings fought not at the same time . the middest began the fight first , because the celts ranged in a halfe moone , bore much more forward the the wings , hauing not the hollownes but the prominent swelling of the half-moone lying out toward the enemy . so the romans following & running together to the middest , where the enemy gaue groūd , entered so far into the enemies battaile , that they had the heauy-armed lybians on either of their flanks ; of whom those of the right wing facing to the target , charged them on the right ; those of the left wing , facing to the pike , gaue vpon their left side , occasiō it selfe shewing what was fit to be done : so that it chāced as anniball had foreseene , that after the defeat of the celts , the romans pursuing the victory , should fall out to be enclosed in the middest of the lybians . so polibius of the prominent halfe moon or cyrte , which annibal vsed ; to which of purpose he gaue to make thinnesse , because it should be broken & beaten , and the enemy drawn into the snares as it were , and ambush of the seconds , that is , of the lybian heauy armed . if it had had the due proportion of depth , it might haue stood a longer time against the efforts of the enemy , and disputed the victory against the broad-fronted phalange ; against which if it may be opposed , there is no question but it may be set against the epicampios , because the broad-fronted phalange hath all her forces vnited together , the epicampios fighteth onely with her two wings , the middest of the battaile being farre from ioyning ; vnlesse a man be compelled to enter into the hollownesse of the front , in which case both the front and the wings may annoy him . words of direction for the cyrte or conuexe halfe moone . first , order the body into a long square or plagiophalange . 1 then let the two file-leaders in the middest of the square march out with their files . 2 the next two on either hand moueright forward one foot short of the first , keeping distance in flanke , as before . 3 so the next foure , two o● each side : the two next one foot short of the last , the other two one foot short of them . 4 then the next foure , two on each side , each two foot short of other . 5 then the foure last , two on each side , each three foot short of the other . of the tetragonall horse-battaile , and of the wedge of foot to be opposed against it . chap. xlviii . ( 1 ) the tetragonall horse-battaile is square in figure , but not in number of men . for in squares the number is not alwaies the same : and the generall for his aduantage may double the length to the depth . the persians , sicilians , and most of the 〈…〉 s doe affect this forme , and take it to be easie in framing , and better in vse . ( 2 ) against it is opposed the phalange called embolos , or wedge of foot , all the side consisting of armed men . this kind is borrowed of the horse-mans wedge . and yet in the wedge of horse one sufficeth to lead in front , where the foot-wedge must haue three , one being vnable to beare the sway of the encounter . ( 3 ) so epaminondas the theban fighting with the lacedemonians at mantinaea ouerthrew a mighty power of theirs by casting his army into a wedge . ( 4 ) it is fashioned when the antistomus diphalangy cap. 48. the horsbattaile square in figure , not in horse the foote wedge the front in marching ioyneth the front of the wings together , holding them behinde like vnto the letter a. notes . ( 1 ) this chapter containeth the description of two battails , one of horse , the other of foot to be opposed in fight one against another ; namely the square of horse , and the wedge of foot . of which the tetragonall horse-battaile , square in figure , or ground ( for all is one ) is described in my notes vpon the 18. chapter of aelian , as also the wedge of horse , from which this wedge of foot ( as aelian saith ) is deriued . it will be therefore needlesse to repeat , what is there written about the formes and diuersity of them ; or to make comparison of their vse and aduantage . against the rhombe of horse , if they come to charge foot , he hath set downe two formes of foot to receiue them ; the cressant and the hollow-fronted battaile called epicampios emprosthia : which vpon this ●eason , because they are hollow in front both , and the rhombe shooteth forth and chargeth in a point , must of necessity by receiuing that point into their hollownesse , and plying it with their weapons on all sides , distresse the rhombe both in front and flanke , which is a dangerous kinde of fight , and such a one as seldome may be tolerated or endured . ( 2 ) against the square horse battaile in figure or ground , he opposeth in this chapter , the wedge of foot , which albeit it cannot with the like art wrappe in and encompasse the square , yet is it of force sufficient to breake and disseuer it , and so to disorder and deface it . for the square of horse hauing a large front and going with full speed to charge , falleth vpon the narrow front of the wedge , which according to aelian ought to containe no more then three men , and they knitting themselues close , their pikes pretended and being seconded with the rest of their companions behinde pretending their pikes likewise , receiue the charge with a firme stand , so that onely the middest of the horse falling vpon the point of their front ; cannot reach to the flanks of the wings thereof ( because the wedge from the first narrowing groweth backward into an increasing breadth ) without breaking of their forme , and altering of the front of their square , wherein they were ordered : which if they doe , their repulse cannot but follow , because they fight out of order . now that the forme of the wedge in horse is able to endure the shot of the horse , that came against them in a square , appeareth by the 18. chapter of this booke , where it is said that philip king of macedon alexanders father vsed this forme alone , and that alexander himselfe ordered his horse in the same manner , who were both victorious in all their fields . that it is as good for foot against horse besides the reasons before rehearsed may be euident by this , that the horse are in motion in the charge , and by that meanes are soone disordered , whereas the foot stand fast , and keepe themselues secure to repulse the violence of the horse . 3. so epaminondas the theban ] this battaile is excellently described by a xenophon in his seuenth booke of his history of the grecians . his words sound thus : after epaminondas had embattailed his army , as he thought fit , he led not streight way against the enemy directly , but declined westward toward the tegaean mountaines lying right ouer against the enemy , which bred an opinion , that he had no will to fight that day . for after he came vp to the mountaine and had taken a view of his army , he cansed them to b lay downe their armes in the vppermost part of all , as if he meant to incampe ; and by this meanes allayed the preparation of fight , which most of the enemies had conceiued in minde , and likewise their care in maintaining their place and order in battaile . after sleeuing vp to the front , his companies that marched in a wing , hee fashioned his whole army into a strong wedge . then commanding them to c take vp their armies , he led on , and they followed . the enemy seeing him aduance contrary to their expectation , had no leisure to be still , but some ranne to their place in battaile , some embattailed themselues , some bridled their horse , some put on their curaces , all were like to men , that were like rather receiue , then giue a foyle to the enemy . epaminondas led on his army like a gallie with the d prowe against the enemy , imagining that wheresoeuer he should breake their array , he should thereby ouerthrow their whole army . for he resolued to bring the best and strongest part of his army to fight , casting the weakest behinde in the reare , knowing that being defeated they would discourage their owne side , and breed new courage in the enemy . the enemy ranged his horse like a phalange of armed foot in a great depth without ioyning foot with them . but epaminondas made a strong wedge of his horse also allotting them e foot which had no herses , conceiuing that cutting asunder the enemies horse , he should easily ouerthrow their whole army . for you shall hardly find any , that will make good their ground , after they see them of their owne side take themselues to their feet . and to the end , to with hold the athenians from succouring those of the left wing next vnto them , he placed both horse and foot right ouer against them vpon the hils , to put them in feare of charging their reare , if they gaue ayd vnto the enemy , so led he on to the charge , and was not deceiued of his hopes . for hauing the better wheresoeuer he gaue on , he put the whole army of his aduersaries to flight . so xenophon . where you may note not onely a square of horse defeated by a wedge of horse , but also a square battaile of foot defeated by a wedge of foot . and to shew more plainely , that the forme of the wedge is forcible against abroad fronted phalange , i will recite two examples more . the first is out of t. liutus , who writeth of a battaile fought betwixt the romans and celtiberians thus . the celtiberians knowing that the roman army hauing spoyled their countrey , would retire through a forrest called manlius his forrest , ●id themselues in it of purpose , to the end to fall vpon the romans vpon aduantage and vnlooked for . when the roman army had entred the forrest by day-light , the enemy rising out his ambush vpon the sudden inuaded them on both flanks . which flaccus ( hee was the roman generall ) seeing , stilled the tumult by the captaines commanding euery man to his place , and armies , and bringing the baggage and carriage beasts together , he constantly and without feare embattailed his army partly by himselfe , partly by his legates and by the tribunes of the souldiers , as the time and place required . the enemy came on , and the skirmish was attached in the vttermost parts of the roman phalange , and at last the battailes ioyned . the fight was hot in all parts , but fortune diuers : for the legeons behaued themselues brauely , and the auxiliarie ; in both wings as well . the mercinaries were hardly laid vnto by the enemy ( who bore the like armes ; and was a better kind of souldier ) & had much ado to make good their ground . the celtiberians , when they saw they could not match the legions in the ordinary manner of fight , and ensigne against ensigne , cast themselues into a wedge , and so assayled the romans : in which kind of fight they are so powerfull , that they are scarcely to be resisted . then the legions also branced , and the battell was almost broken . which danger when flaccus perceiued , he rode to the legionary horsemen and is there no helpe in you said he ? this army will immediately be lost . when they cryed out at all hands , they would gladly doe whatsoeuer he commanded . double the troopes , said he , of both legions , and with all your might force your horse against this wedge of the enemy , wherewith they presse vs : you shall doe it more violently , if you giue on , drawing off the horses bridles , which the roman horsemen haue of ten done heretofore to their great cōmendation . they obeyed , and pulling off their horses bridles they passed & repassed through the enemies wedge twice with great slaughter , eueryone breaking his staffe . the celtiberians after the breaking and dispersing of their wedge , in which all their hope remained , began to be afraid , and almost quitting the sight , sought where they might best to saue themselues . hitherto liuy . in which passage a man may obserue the violence of the wedge , which if it be rightly managed , is of wonderfull power to breake and dispart any square it shall fall vpon . the other example or precedent , is out of a agathias , where he describeth the battaile betwixt narses ( the emperour iustinians lieutenant , and bucelinus generall of the french-men . he hath thus . narses when he came to the place where the fight should be , ordered presently his army into a phalange . the horse were ranged in the wings ; himselfe stood in the right wing , and next him zandalas captaine of his followers , and with him all his mercinary and houshold seruants , that were not vnfit for the warre , vpon either side of him was valerian and artabanus , who were commanded to hide themselues a while in the thicke of the wood , that was thereby : and when the enemy ioyned , to fall out suddenly and vnlooked for vpon them , and to put them into an amazement . the foot had all the space in the middest , and the file-leaders ioyned shoulder to shoulder being armed with curaces and other pieces of armour reaching downe to the foot , and with caskes : behind them were other souldiers ordered euen as farre as to the open fields . the light armed and such as vsed flying weapons were cast in the reare , expecting a signall of employment . the middest was reserued for the heruly , and remained empty , because they were not yet come vp : bucelinus aduanced his battell , and all ran cheerefully against the romans , not leisurely , and in good order , but rashly and tumultuously , as if with the very cry they would haue rent asunder all that stood against them . the forme of their battaile was like a wedge ; for it resembleth the letter delta . and the front which shot out in a point , was couered and close , by reason it was hemmed in with targets ( you would haue said they counterfeited a a swines head ) but both the flanks on each side lying out by files in depth , and stretching backward byaswise , by little and little were parted and seuered one from another , and bearing out still toward the reare ende : at last in a great distance , so that the ground in the middest betwixt them was empty , and the backes of the souldiers that were in the wedge , appeared cleane through the files vncouered . for their faces were turned contrariwise one from another , to the end , they might beare them toward the enemy , and saue themselues from blowes , by casting their targets before them , and secure their backe by placing them opposite to the backes of their fellowes . all things fellout according to narses his wish , to whom both a faire opportunity was presented , and who had wisely before contriued what was to be done . for when the barbarians running on furiously fell vpon the romans with a shout and outery giuing vpon the milder ; they presently broake the front of those that stood in the void space , ( for the heruli were not yet come vp ) and the leaders of the point of the wedge cutting asunder all that stood in their way , euen to the vttermost depth of the file , and yet making no great slaughter , were carried beyond the bringers vp of narses battaile , and some of them continued their course further , thinking to take in the roman campe , then narses presently turning about and extending out his wings , and making ( as the tacticks name is ) an epicampios emprosthia , commanded the archers on horsebacke to send their arrowes by turnes , vpon the backes of the enemy , which they easily performed . for being on horsebacke higher then the barbarian foot , they might at their pleasure strike them , as they aduanced forward , being in a great bredth , and nothing to shadow them . hitherto agathias . it would be long to rehearse the rest of the battaile which he exaggerateth rhetorically . i haue recited so much , as both sheweth the strength of the wedge , and withall the manner which was vsed by narses , to ouerthrow it . for i find three kinde of wayes which haue beene practised to resist and defeat it . one by charging it with horse , before it enter the aduerse battaile , as flaccus did against the celtiberians . the second to frame the aduerse battaile empty in the middest ( filling it with some souldiers notwithstanding for shew ) and when hee entreth the space , to plye his reare with shot , and charge it throughly as narses did . the third to oppose against it a hollow wedge ( which vegetius calleth forfex ) and receiuing and letting in the point of this wedge into the hollownesse of the other to claspe it in , and charge it on all sides . against the wedge saith vegetius , is opposed the battaile called forfex , a paire of sheeres : for it is framed of the best and valiantest souldiers to the similitude of the letter v. and it receiueth in , and embraceth the wedge , so that it cannot breake through it . 4 it is fashioned when the diphalange antistomus . ] this manner of framing a wedge is described by aelian in the 36 chapter : and yet that wedge set downe there openeth in front , keepi 〈…〉 the reare shut , and is opposed against the right induction , and called caelembolos ; here the wedge is described that openeth the reare , keeping the front close , and is opposed against the square . but the manner of framing both standeth vpon one reason : for the file-leaders being placed within the caelembolos , the front of the battaile is opened and the reare kept close : in the other , the file-leaders being without , the reare is opened , the front still maintained shut . now the file leaders place is varied in either of them , because of the seuerall effects which they worke . the hollow fronted wedge caelembolos seeketh to hold the enemy together , & so defeat him . the other to dispart and rout him , and so to gaine the victory . and because the stresse of the caelembolos is within ( for the flankes of the hollownesse claspe in the enemy , and fight against his flanks ) therefore are the file leaders the formost that fight within ; as likewise because the outsides of the wedge of this chapter beare all the weight of the fight , therefore in it are the file-leaders without . for as in all other battailes the file-leaders ought first to attach the enemy , so is it likewise in these two formes . but where aelian saith , that this battell is made out of the diphalange antistomus , by ioyning the wings in front , and opening them behinde , i take the text to be corrupted . for the diphalange antistomus hath the file-leaders within , to resist the horse that charge them , as the 40 chapter teacheth : this hath the file-leaders without to breake the enemies battaile and disseuer it . the caelembolos indeed is framed out of the diphalange antistomus : but the wedge of this chapter springeth out of the phalange antistomus , which hath the file-leaders without . and so i am of opinion , it ought to be read in the text. and yet there is no question but another way of figuring the wedge may be practised , then to leaue it hollow behind . in this chapter it is called embolos , and aelian faith it is borrowed of the horse-wedge : now that the horse-wedge is solid cap. 49. the peplegmene the plesium the front 〈…〉 not hollow within , is plaine by the 19 and 20 chapters of this 〈…〉 will conclude this chapter with the caution of vegetius , which is this , that if you shill make a paire of tongs or a hallow wedge , you ought to haue reserues in readinesse behinde the battaile , wherewith you may frame your tongs or wedge . and yet this caution holdeth not alwayes ; for as a horse-wedge , so a foot-wedge may be framed without supernumeraries : as the 19 and 20 chapters shew . of the foot-battaile called plesium , and of the winding or sawefronted battaile to encounter it . chap. xlix . ( 1 ) the battaile plesium hath the ( 2 ) length much exceeding the depth . and it is called plesium when armed foot are placed on all sides , the archers and slingers being thrown into the middest . against this kinde of battaile is set the winding-fronted battaile , to the end that with the vnequall figure it may traine out those of the plesium to cope with them ; and by that meanes dissolue and disorder the thicknesse of the same . and the file-leaders of the winding-fronted battaile obserue the file-leaders of the plesium , that if they still maintaine their closenesse and fight secret , they also encounter them in the like forme . if the plesium file-leaders seuer themselues and spring out from their maine force , then they likewise be ready to meet them man to man. notes . 1 this chapter containeth two foot-battailes , one to be opposed against the other ; the first called the plesium , or hollow-square ; the second the winding-fronted-battaile or peplegmene . of which the first hath beene vsed by all antiquity , especially by the grecians , whensoeuer the enemies ouertopped in number , and they feared to be charged on all sides . it is called plesium of the figure which is square ; but originally and more particularly of the mould wherein bricks are cast . a because the battaile hath the likenesse of the mould ; as being both square , and also hollow within , as i haue noted before . neither is this name giuen to a battaile alone ; b plutarch saith , that the chariot wherein alexander rode , when he returned from the indies quaffing and rioting , was framed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in a square hollow forme , and the helepolis ( an engin which c demetrius inuented to batter the rhodian city ) was tetragonall , and had 48 cubits in euery side of the plesium . but in a battaile , that is plesium , saith aelian , which 2 hath the length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ] the length of a battaile , as i haue shewed heretofore , is that which runneth from the point of one wing to the other in front ; the depth , that is measured from the front to the reare . in the plesium then , according to aelian , the length or breadth ought to be manifold to the depth . but it is not generally so ; for oftentimes you shall read of plesiums with d equall sides ; and likewise that the plesium is sometimes hollow within , sometimes solid and filled vp within with men : of which last kinde e xenophon saith , many of the barbarians framed their troopes in the battaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus . of the first aelian speaketh in this chapter : for he would haue the foure sides to consist of armed , and the archers and slingers to be throwne into the hollownesse within . he hath before in the 42 chapter described the plinthium to be a square battaile in figure and number ; this he would haue to be a square with the front manifoldly longer then the flanke . so that both battailes agree in that they are square both in that they haue armed on all sides , both in that they are hollow within ; they differ onely in the forme of the square , which is longer in the plesium , deeper in the plinthium . their affinity also appeareth in this also , that the plinthium hath the name from a bricke , the plesium from the mould of a bricke ; yet are their names oftentimes confounded : for that which is called in one author plesium , is in another called plinthium : as namely the battaile of antony in persia , is by f plutarch named plesium , by g appian plinthium . to shew now the vse of this battatle , it is of the kinde of defensiues ; and the grecians , whensoeuer they feared to be charged in flanke , front , and reare at once , or to be ouer-laid with number of enemies , had recourse vnto this forme . there is a notable example of it in h thucydides . the athenians hauing besieged syracuse in cicill both by sea and land , and being ouer-come in two battailes by sea , thought to march by land to someone of their considerate cities in the island ; and fearing to be round beset by the syracusians in their way ; nicias one of the athenian generals put his part of the army in a plesium , and so marched before : demosthenes the other athenian generall , followed with the other part of the army in the same forme . the armed tooke into the hollownesse of their battailes the cariage and vnusefull multitude . when they came to the foord of theriuer anapis , they found the syracusians and their allies embattailed there , whom hauing beaten from the place , they passed o●er and continued heir march . the syracusian horse still charged , and the light-armed ceased not to ply them with mis●iue weapons ; but yet they came not to hand-blowes , fearing to hazard against men desperately bent to sell their liues deerely . at last wearying them with many dayes skirmish , and disordering their army , they forced them to yeeld . this history is at large set downe by thucydides . i haue abridged it , lest it should take vp too much roome ; and yet haue expressed both the forme in his words , and further the meanes , that the enemy vsed to breake it , and to get the victory . this forme was vsed by the i grecians at their returne out of persia , after that clearchus and the other coronels were ensnared by tissaphernes , and put to death : and againe by xenophon , when he retreated , after he had failed of the taking of asidates prisoner , not farre from pergamus a city of lydia . for the meanes to dissolue this battaile , the principall is , not to charge at hand those that stand so embattailed , but to ply them farre off with missiue weapons ; which is manifest by the fight of the syracusians against nicias and the athenians ; and by that of the persians , who so assayled xenophon in his retreat last mentioned . aelian setteth against it another forme of battaile which he tearmeth peplegmene , the winding fronted battaile , which is by some called the sawe : what kinde of battaile the sawe is , i see controuerted . some would haue it consist of a constant front indented , and not changeable or alterable in any part , during the charge . if that be the saw , it cannot agree cap. 50. the aduerse battail the overwinging battail cap. 50. the aduerse battaile the ouerfronting battaile with aelians description , who would haue the file-leaders of the peplegmene to aduance before their battaile , and be still in motion , of purpose to traine out the file-leaders of the plesium to meet them , thereby to dissolue the forme of their battaile . and this is but a stratagem to pr●uaile against the enemy . for , as a leo saith , a good generallought , as a good wrestler , to make shew of one thing , and to put another in practice , to the end to deceiue the enemy , and gaine the victory ; as is done in this manner of embattailing ; but that the sawe is no constant or setled forme of fight , as the rest are , which are described by aelian in the chapters going before , appeareth by fiestus , whose words are these : serra praeliari dicitur , cum assidue acciditur , recediturque , neque vllo consistitur tempore . the skirmish is said to be made in the forme of a sawe , when they that vse this for me continually giue on and retire , and at no time stand still . but we must vnderstand that the mouing is not by mamples or by light-armed , as b lipsius interpreteth it , but by file-leaders of the armed , as aelian teacheth , ( with intent to traine out the file-leaders of the plesium , and so to disorder their battaile : ) the rest of the peplegmene standing still in their forme . now then to make a peplegmene or sawe-battaile , direction is to be giuen to the file-leaders alone to fall out confusedly against the aduerse plesium of the enemy , and to the rest in the files to stand still . otherwise being not forewarned , the whole files will moue and follow their leaders ; which if they doe , this forme cannot be made , but the battaile remaineth as a square as it did before the going to charge . the forme of framing the battail called the plesium , and the words of command are described in my notes vpon the 42 chapter . of hyperphalangesis , and hyperkerasis , and of attenuation . chap. l. ( 1 ) hyperphalangesis , or ouerfronting is , when both wings of the phalange ouer-reach the enemies front . 2 hyperkerasis , or ouerwinging , is when with one of our wings we ouer-reach the front of the enemy . so that he that ouerfronteth , ouerwingth ; but he that ouerwingeth , ouerfrōteth not . for they that match not the enemy in multitude , may yet ouerwing him . 3 attenuation is when the depth of the battaile is gathered vp , and in stead of 16 , a smaller number is set . notes . in this chapter , being the last , that describeth formes of battailes , are two kindes of battailes set forth , which are ( if i mistake not ) of more efficacy , i am sure , such as haue beene more practised , then any of the other , that goe before in this booke ; and they specially giue aduantage to them , that haue aduantage in numbers of men , and can frame a larger fronted phalange then the enemy is able . and either of them opposeth a large front against the enemy , the one stretching it beyōd the points of both their wings the other beyond the point one of their wings . the first kind is called hyperphalangesis , ouer-fronting , the other hyperkerasis , ouer-winging . hyperphalangesis or ouer-fronting is , faith aelian ; 1 when both wings of the phalange ouer-reach the enemies front . ] to make it then hyperphalangesis , the front must be much broader then the enemies , & extended beyond both their wings , of purpose to ouer reach & wrap them in , charging not onely the front , but also the flankes on both sides at once ; which is so dangerous a kinde of fight , that he that is so assayled , can haue no great hope of making resistance against his enemy ; because the front being the place which is ordained for fight , and the pikes being bent and lying out from thence , if at the same time the flankes be also charged , the sides of the souldiers must needs lye open to wounds , no man being able to defend himselfe , and turne his weapons two wayes at once . the ouer-fronting of a croesus vsed against cyrus , rehearsed by me in my notes vpon the 46 chapter , is an eminent example of hyperphalangesis , whereby croesus at one instant inuaded the front and both flanks of the enemies battaile . the like maybe said of the battaile of b darius at issos & gaugamela , against alexander ; and of c scipio against asdruball gisgoes sonne in spaine ; and of lau●enus against caesar in africa . the manner of framing this forme is diuers : ●or either you shew all your forces at first , or else conceale some part ; and shewing all , you march in an euen and whole front , and bowing afterward your wings , enclose the flankes of the enemy , or else in on embowed forme at first ( such as are the hollow ▪ fronted battailes ) and so encompasse your enemy , taking him into the hollownesse , as you march forward . of the first kind was the battaile of labienus against caesar which i mentioned last , and those of darius against alexander . of marching in an embowed forme , that of croesus against cyrus : of concealing your number , that of cleandridas against the thurian cited by 〈…〉 y notes vpon the 29 chapter of this booke ; and of scipio against asdruball which is set downe at large in the notes vpon the 28 chapter . 2 hyperkerosis is when we ouer-reach the enemies front with one of our winges . ] ouerfronting is of both wings , ouerwinging but of one . so that albeit your number be smaller then the enemies , yet it you wrap in a part of his front , and one of his wings , you so ouerwing him . to shew an example of ouerwinging you may finde in thucidides , that the argiues with their allies , being in the field against the ● acedemonians and their allies , the battailes were ordered thus : the a lacedemonians gaue the point of the left wing to the scirites , who only of the lacedemonians haue alwayes that place . next to them they ordered the souldiers that came with brasidas out of th●ace : next them the new ma●e citizens by companies by their si●es , first the heroeans , then the menalians , arcadians both . in the right wing were the tegaeans , and a few of the lacedemo i●●s in the point of that wing . the ●orse were ranged on both wings . thus were the lacedemonians embattailed : their enemies thus ; the mantinaeans had the right wing , because the warre was made in their territory : by them stood the arcadians their confederates . then 1000 selected argiues , whom the city had long time trained vp in military exercise ; to whom ioyned the other argiues ; and after them were ordered the cleoneans , and the orneatians their allies . the last were the athenians , that had the left wing , and their owne horse b● them . this was the preparation and embattailing of both parties . when they went to charge , the argiues and their allies marched forward with speed and great fury , the lacedemonians leysurely according to the sound of the fifes , placed within their battaile , not for any religion sake , but to the end , that framing their motion to the sound of the instrument , they might not in the march breake their order of embattailing , which great armies often doe in aduancing ; to ioyne with the enemy . when they were ready to ioyne , king agis bethought himselfe of this strata gem : it is the manner of all armies in the onset to stretch out their right wings , and with them to circumuent and encompasse the left wings of their aduersaries ; because euery souldier carefull of his owne sefety seekes to couer his vnarmed side with the target of him that standeth next to his right hand , and imagineth that the setting of targets close ▪ serues for the best defence against the enemy . the cause is this ; the corner file-leader of the right wing desiring to withdraw as much as hee can his naked side from the weapons of the enemy proceedeth to the right hand , and the rest follow him . and at that time the mantineans a great deale ouer-reached the scirites with their wing . the lacedemonians and tegeats much more the athenians , by reason they o●ermatched the● in number . agis therefore fearing the encompassing of his left wing , seeing that the front of the mantineans was very broad , and farre extended , gaue a signe to the scirites and brasideans to stretch out their wing , and to equall the front of the mantineans . and for the void space that should remaine vpon their aduancing ; he commanded two polemarchs or coronels , hipponoidas and aristocles to lead therin two cohorts from the right wing , and fill vp the void space , conceiuing that he should , this notwithstanding , leaue himselfe strength enough in the right wing , and that the wing opposed against the mantineans should hereby be better enabled to the encounter . but it happened that hipponoidas & aristocles followed not these directions , whether the reason were in the sudden●esse of the command , or in the preuention of the enemies giuing on : for which fault they were afterward banished sparta , as men effeminate & cowards . when they came to hands , the right wing of the mantineans put the scirites and brasideans to flight . and they and their allies , and the 1000 selected argiues falling into the empty space , that was not filled vp , made a great slaughter of the lacedemonians ; and encompassing them forced them to turne their backes in hast , and flye to their waggons , and slue also some of the elder sort of souldiers , that were left for guard there . hitherto thucydides . i prosecute not the remanen● of the battaile , because it is somewhat long . that which i haue recited is enough for my purpose , namely to shew the manner of ouerwinging . thus then apply it . the mantineans had their right wing farre extended beyond the point of the left wing of the scirites and brasidaeans ; who by marching out to the left hand sought to equall the front of their aduersaries , but left the ground voyd , wherein they were first placed . this ground by agis his commandement should haue been filled by the cohorts of hipponoidas and aristocles . it was not filled , so that in the charge the enemy had the aduantage to enter it , and to circumuent on that side the scirites and brasideans , and put them to flight : which danger will be common to all that shall be so ouerwinged by their enemie . the danger then of ouer-fronting and ouer-winging being so great , let vs see what remedies and preuentions against either of them haue beene deuised by antiquity . against ●ner-fronting , they sought to secure the flanks of their battailes , sometimes by ordering their army in such a figure , as should be sufficient to sustaine the charge of the enemy , wheresoeuer he gaue on . of which kinde is the plesium or hollow-square spoken of in the last chapter . this was practised by the grecians at their returne out of persia ; and oftentimes by other grecians , as is euery where to be found in their histories . and alexander when he was to fight with darius at gaugamela ( the countrey being champaigne , and darius abounding in multitudes ) defended himselfe with an epicampios opisthia , or a reare hollow battaile . i haue shewed the manner of it before in my notes vpon the 46 chapter . and sometimes againe by foreseeing the danger and placing reserues in the reare , or some other secret place to charge the enemy in their flanke , while they busie themselues against your flankes . this b was practised by cyrus the elder against croesns , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the 46 chapter . of c this kinde also it is , when you lay an ambush to charge their reare , while they charge your flankes . the place will likewise helpe much to auoid encompassing . for if the battaile be fought in a streight place by nature , where the enemy cannot draw out his phalange in length , there is no danger of encompassing . so alexander at issos in cilic 〈…〉 was freed from encompassing , the place being too narrow for darius to bring all his forces into an equall front . the place may also be helped by art in case it be otherwise to open , and fit for the enemy , that aboundeth in number to encompasle vs on euery side . so d caesar being to fight against multitudes of gaules , drew a deepe trench on both the flanks of his army to assure it from the charge of the enemy . the like did e sylla against archelau● the ●enerall of mithridats in the battaile cheronea , and both o● them so securing their armies from circumuention , became by that meanes masters of the field and conquerours of their enemies . of later time f 10. huniades the hungarian king , being to fight against a huge army of the turkes , gained a noble victory against them by placing his army on the one side against a fenne , and enclosing it on the other side with his waggons . and these preuentio 〈…〉 haue beene deuised against hyperphalangesis , or ouer-fronting . against ouer-winning , they thought it sufficient to strenthen and make safe the wing , that was like to be endangered by the enemy ; so that all remedies against ouerfronting are good also against ouerwinging : but the remedies against ouerwinging are not sufficient to frustrat ouerfronting . ouerwinging therefore hath beene auoided sometimes by drawing out the endangered wing in length to equall the enemies wing , that opposeth against it . this is done by doubling of rankes as g aelian teacheth in the 29 chapter and as it was practised by h cleandridas the lacedemonian against t●e thurians . wherein netwithstanding this caution is to be held , that you doub●e not your rankes so , that you make the depth of your body to thin ; for i in so doing your body will be as subiect to breaking for want of depth as for want or length to ouerwing . beside , it is done by facing to the hand , where the enemies battaile ouerwingeth , and marching out against it paralelly , till your wing equall the wing of the enemy : but so notwithstanding that the void space , from whence you drew your wing , be filled vp , for feare the enemy giue in to it , and distresse you there , as may be seene by the president which in this chapter i gaue out of thucidides of ouerwinging , and the example of the colchans , who fearing to be ouerfronted by the grecians vpon a hill , vpon which they stood embattailed , led their wings to the right and left hand to match the front of the grecians , leauing the middest of their battaile empty , into which the grecians conueying themselues easily put the colchans to flight , as k xenophon recordeth . l ouerwinging is also preuented , if you hold reserues secretly in the reare of your battaile to flye out vpon the sudden against those forces of the enemy , that seeke to ouerwing you . this remedy was vsed by a caesar in the battaile of pharsaly , when pompey hauing abundance of horsemen , sought to circumuent that wing of caesars battaile , which lay to the open field , and was not guarded with a fence , as the other wing was . for to preuent the charge of these horse , caesar bestowed certain cohorts , who were to hold themselues close in the reare of his legions ; not facing as his legions did against the legions of pompey , but facing into the field , from whence he suspected the enemies horse would charge ; so that when the horse charged , these cohorts suddenly falling out vpon them , and putting them to flight , were the beginning of caesars victory . the place also often giueth assurance against ouerwinging , whether it be a riuer or the sea , or a mountaine , or such like , to which you may apply the flanke of your wing . for a riuer , you haue the example of clearchus in the baitaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus the yonger , in which b clearchus ordered his troupes of grecians on the right wing close to the riuer euphrates . and when cyrus would haue had him charge the middest of the persian phalange , because the king had placed himselfe there : ( yet saith xenophon ) clearchus seeing the king was farre without the left wing of the grecians ( for the king so much exceeded in multitude , that the middest of his battaile was a great way without the left wing of cyrus ) would not withdraw his right wing from the riuer , fearing to be encompassed on both sides . the like was done by alexander the great in the countrey of the getes : this is the effect of the words of arrian ; c when they ( the getes ) san alexander industriously aduance his phalarge by the riuers side , lest the foot might happily be circumuented and encompassedly some ambus● of the getes , and his horse in the front , the getes for sooke also their city , which was not very well walled , setting many of their children and wiues vpon their horses backes , as the horses could carry , and retired into the wildernesse a great way from the riuer . by the sea you may auoide likewise ouer-winging , if you order one of the flanks of your army close to the sea side . this was put in vre by alexander when he sought the battaile against darius at issos in cilicia . thus ha●● 〈…〉 the foot of the left wing were commanded by craterus , but the whole left wing by 〈…〉 o , who was enioyned not to forsake the sea , for feare of encompassing by the barbarians : for by reason of their number they might easily encircle the macedonians on all parts . a mountaine also that is sleepe , will giue good security to the 〈…〉 auke of a battaile , that may otherwise be encompassed . at the battaile of platea which was fought betwixt the grecians and mardonius , xerxes his generall ; the grecian army consisting of 100000. the persian of 500 thousand , the grecians at the first encamped at the foot of the mountaine cytheron ; but finding the place fitter for the multitude of the persians , then for themselues , they remoued their campe , and chose a more commodious piece of ground to pursue the totall victory . for there was on the right hand a high hill , on the l●●t , ran the riuer asopus . the campe was pitched in the middle space , which was fortisied by the nature and safenesse of the plot of ground . therefore the streightnesse of the place much fauoured the wise counsell of the grecians , toward the obtaining of victory . for there was no roome for the persi●●s to extend their phalange in any great proportion of length ; so that many myriades of the barbarians came to be of no vse . the grecians therefore in confidence of the place , aduanced their forces to fight , and ordering themselues according to the present occasion , led against the enemy . mardonius being compelled to make a deepe phalange , ordered his battaile in such sort , as he thought most conuenient , and with cries set forward against the grecians . this example albeit it be a remedy against hyperphalangesis , or ouer-fronting , yet because it giueth a safegard by a mountaine to one of the wings , i take it to be proper enough to hyperkerasis or ouer-winging . besides that , as i before noted , all meanes that are vsed to auoid ouer-fronting , are good likewise for the auoiding of ouer-winging . 3 attenuation is . ] this is nothing else but doubling of ranks : whereof see the 29 chapter . of conueighing the carriage of the army . chap. xlv . the leading of the carriage , if any thing else , is of great ( 1 ) importance , and ( 2 ) requireth a speciall commander . it may be conueighed in 5 manners , ( 3 ) either before the army , or ( 4 ) behinde , or on the ( 5 ) one flanke , or the other , or in the ( 6 ) middest . before , when you feare to be charged behinde : behinde , when you lead toward your enemy : when you feare to be charged in flanke , on the contrary side . in the middest when a hollow battaile is needfull . notes . 1 is of great importance . ] the importange of disposing the carriage in a march is well set downe by a leo : you ( saith hee to his generall ) ought to haue a speciall care of your baggage , and not to leaue it at randon , but to secure it in the place where it shall be ; nor to lead it vnaduisedly into the battaile : for it oftentimes falleth out , that seruants fit for the souldiers vse , and the souldiers children and kinsmen are amongst it : and if it remaine not in safety , the mindes of the souldiers are distracted with doubtfulnesse and care and feare of the spoyle thereof : for euery man of vnderstanding endeuoureth to possesse that which is the enemies , without losse of his owne . this is the aduice of leo. a pregnant example hereof may be read in diodorus siculus his description of the last battaile betwixt antigonus and eumenes ; in which antigonus hauing foyled eumenes horse , sent his median horse-men , and a sufficient number of tarentines to inuade the enemies baggage ; for he hoped ( which was true ) not to be descried by reason of the dust , and by possessing the baggage to become vanquisher of the enemy without trauaile . they that were sent riding about the wing of their aduersaries vnperceiued , fell vpon the baggage , which was distant from the battaile about fiue furlongs . and finding by it a rabble of folke vnfit for fight , and but a few left for gard thereof , putting them to flight quickly ( that withstood ) they made themselues masters of all the rest . eumenes hearing that his baggage was lost , endeuoured notwithstanding to renew the fight , in hope by gaining the victory , not onely to preserue his owne baggage , but also to possesse that of the enemy . but the macedonians refused to strike stroake , alleadging that their carriage was lost , and their children and wiues , and many other bodies necessary were in the hands of the enemy . and sending priuily embassadours to antigonus they seised vpon eumenes , and deliuered him vp into antigonus possession . thus much for the importance of assuring the carriage . 2 requireth a speciall commander . ] that the baggage ought to haue a speciall commander b leo also affirmeth : c vigetius addeth a gard to the baggage , and d leo a proper ensigne , saying ; to euery regiment there ought to be allotted a waggon master , and a proper ensigne as well to the horse as oxen , that they may be discerned to their owners by the colours of the ensigne . 3 either before the army . ] the first of the fiue wayes , by which the baggage is conueighed in a march , is to lead it before the army ; which manner is to be put in practise , when the enemy pursueth in the reare : for if when the enemy followeth , the baggage should be behinde , he would soone haue meanes to selfe vpon and rifle it , then you could haue to wheele about your army to succour it . for these fiue manners of conueighing the carriage , leo agreeth with aelian in these words : your carriage , saith he , ought e to haue a speciall commander to order and gouerne it : and he is to lead it either before the army , if you disonarch out of the enemies countrey ; after the army , if you inuade the enemies territory ; on the one side or other , when you feare to be charged on the one or either of your flanks ; within the phalange , when you haue suspition to be charged on all parts . so leo agreeing with aelian . 4 orbehinde . ] the baggage is to be alwayes disposed of so , that the army may be betwixt it and the enemy . it ought to be before when the enemy is like to giue on behinde ; behinde , when he seeketh to affront you from before . and yet it sometimes falleth out , that all the baggage is not to be led behinde the whole army , according to this precept of f leo. cause euery drung or regiment ( saith he to his generall ) to accustome their owne baggage to follow after their regiment with their owne ensignes , and not to mingle with other . for it is necessary , when the enemy is neither present nor expected in our owne countrey , to ma●ch either by regiments or else by formes ; and not to gather your whole army into one place , lest thet be easily starned with hunger , or the number be quickly ●●scoue ●● by the enemies espicials , or be seuered in forrage . in another place speaking of marching thorow woddy and rough wayes , he g hath th● : in case you haue horse or baggage , lead your baggage behinde your army , and after it the horse , and after them a few light armed targatiers , to be as it were bringers vp of the march , for feare of vnexpected incursions which oftentimes chance to be made by the enemy . h in another thus : when you enter your enemies countrey , you shall cause your carriage to march in the reare ; but when the enemy draweth neere , you shall bestow it in the middest of the army . i and in any case you must haue your carriage , and the captiues ( if you haue any ) seperated from the souldiers that are to fight , lest if the enemy fall on roundly , they be hindered that are to fight . for the distance that the carriage ought to hold behinde the army , the same leo hath thus ; if you thinke it conuenient for the carriage to follow the army , you are to order it a full bowe-shot from the army , and let euery part follow their owne bodies in good array : giuing it such breadth in the march , is the army possesseth ; lest that lying out beyond the breadth of the army , they become vnsuccourable . these are the precepts of leo concerning the conueighance of the carriage in the reare . for the practise of it you haue a precedent of h cyrus the elder , which is at large rehearsed by me in my notes vpon the 7 chapter of this booke : and another of l alexander the great , when hee led against the persians at the riuer granicus , and an infinite number of other examples are to be found in history euery where . 5 or on the one flanke , or the other . ] aelians precept for disposing of the baggage on the flanks , is very good : for it ought as much as is possible , to be preserued from the touch of the enemy ; neither can there be any better way to secure it , then your opposition , the army betwixt it and the enemy ; but so , notwithstanding that it haue a gard about it at all times , to saue it from the sudden inuasion of your enemies horse . if therefore the enemy appeare on your left flank , your baggage is to be conueied on the right flank ; if contrariwise the enemy come on to charge your right flanke , the baggage is to be remoued to the left . and this holdeth , onely when the enemy appeareth vpon one flanke , and not on both . but in case the enemy appeare on both flanks at once , then is the safest place for it , ( 6 ) in the middest . ] there are two manners of leading of the baggage in the middest , and that according to the nature and condition of the ground , where our army marcheth . if therefore the way be straight , leo giueth this precept ; those that leads their army through streights , hauing with it either baggage or prey , ought to diuide it into a diphalange , and to march wing-wise in a right induction . a right induction , that is , which is narrow in front , and hath the depth stretched out in length : and this is to be done especially when there is a prey in the hands of the army . and if they consist of foot , the passage will be the easier through rough and cumber some places . if horse , the are to alight and take the baggage and carriage into the middest . but in such times and places , you are to appoint some chosen men onely for the defence of the prey , and to order them vpon the foure sides of the diphalange , is the place will giue leaue , to the end to follow ●● and repulse those of the enemy that offer to charge or distract it . and the battaile ( or diphalange ) so ordered for the preseruation of the carriage or prey , be maintained wh●le and entire . for it is not possible for those of the diphalangy , both to defend the prey 〈…〉 order , and to ioyne with the enemy that chargeth , which is the cause thee there ●●ght to be extraordinary men to march without the foure sides of the army ; but especially you are to appoint the best of them to wait vpon the reare ▪ for so may at all times , tough and troublesome places be passed through with safety . this is leo●s precept for streight & narrow passages : because in such you cannot forme your army into a hollow square , wherein the baggage is to be couched , and to be desended on all sides . for if the ground be open enough to cast your selfe into a square , hee holdeth the forme the safest to giue security to your baggage . these be his words : place all four carriage , seruants , and baggage , and prouision , in the middest of your army . and in another place , speaking of a retreat to be made after an ouerthrow receiued , he writeth thus : you shall order your whole power into two phalanges or battailes , or into one square plinthium ; in the middest whereof you shall put the carriage , beasts , and baggage , and without them the souldiers in order , and without them the archers , and so retire and depart in safety . againe he saith , in marches , the enemy approaching , it is necessary to haue your carriage in the middest , lest being vnguarded , it be spoyled and rifled . with leo doth xenophon agree . his words haue this shew ▪ i will not wonder , if as fearfull dogges are wont to follow and bite such as passe by , if they can , and to flye from such as follow them , so the enemy hang vpon our reare . therefore we shall perhaps march the safer , if making a plesium of the armed , the carriage and vnprofitable multitude be throwne into the middest for more security . and if it be now determined who shall command the front of the plesium , and who the two wings , and who the reare , wee shall not need to consult when the enemy approacheth , but execute that which is resolued vpon . this is xenophons counsell for the march in open ground , when the enemy aboundeth in number of souldiers : which counsell was often put in practice , and the grecians being but 10000 secured themselues against infinite multitudes of persian horse that charged them on all sides , and also preserued , and led their carriage sate in dispite of the enemy . the like was practised by xenophon afterward in the last warlike action of the grecians in their returne out of persia . he setteth downe the history after this manner ; now was it time , viz. after they had assaulted a fort in vaine , the enemy of the country gathering head ) to thinke vpon a faire retreat , and conue●ing the oxen and sheep they had taken , and likew●se the slaues into a plesium , they quickly dismarched , not so much esteeming their prey , as fearing in case they left it behind , their departure might seeme a plaine running away , and the enemy gath●r heart , the grecian souldiers be discouraged . so now they departed fighting as it were about the prey . the souldiers with xenophon being shrewdl annoyed wi●h bowes & slings , cast themselues into a ring to the end to oppose their targets against the shot of the enemy , and with much adoe passed the riuer caicus , the one halfe of them being wounded . agasias also the stymphalian captaine was hurt whilest hee maintained fight with the enemy , during the whole retreat . yet they all returned safe to the campe bringing with them about 200 slaues , and sheepe enough for sacrifice . here xenophons souldiers figured themselues first into a plesium couching their prey in the middest ; afterward being ouerlayed with the enemies shot , they conuerted their plesium into a ring , in which forme they tecouered their came , notwithstanding the molestation and often charging of a great multitude of horse and foot , that were enemy and followed them . of the forme of rings i finde not many examples amongst the grecians ; the romans vsed them often , when they found themselues encompassed by the enemy , as a vegetius hath ; and may bee seene in cae●ars commentaries . and let thus be said of the foure manners of placing the carriage in a march . of the words of command , and certaine obseruations about them . chap. lii . last of all , we will briefly repeate the words of direction ; if we admonish first that they ought to be short , then that they ought to be without double signification . for the souldiers , that in haste receiue direction , had neede to take heede of doubtfull words , lest one doe one thing , and another the contrary . as for the purpose ; if i say turne your face , some , it may be , that heare me , will turne to the right , some to the left hand , and so no small confusion follow . seeing therefore these words turne your face import a generall signification , and comprehend turning to the right or left hand ; we ought in stead of saying turne your face to the pike , to pronounce it thus , to your pike turne your face ; that is , we ought to set the particular before , and then inferre the generall ; for so will all doe alike together . like reason is , if you say turne about your face , or countermarch : for these are also generall words , and therefore wee should doe well to set the particular before . as to the pike , turne your face about , or to the target , turne your face about . likewise the lacedemonian countermarch , not the countermarch lacedemonian : for if you place the word countermarch first , some of the souldiers will happily fall to one kinde , other to another kinde of countermarch . for which cause words of double sence are to be auoided , and the speciall to be set before the generall . notes . if we admonish first that they ought to be short . ] the ordering and motions of an army ought to be quickly performed , the rather because the transmutations of the body and the occasions of them are sudden for the most part . and therefore the meanes to worke the transmutations commanded ( these meanes are the words of direction ) ought to suite to the nature of the motions themselues , and to be applyed to celerity by shortnesse of speach . short speach is better carried away , and sooner put in execution , then speech that is longer . yet is not such a shortnesse to bee affected , as will bring with it obscurity , according to the saying of the poet ; breuis esse laboro — obscurus fio . i labour to be short , and so become obscure . and therefore i take the practice of french commanders , when they command facing in these words ; a droie , a gauche , to the right , to the left , without adding face , and likewise of the netherlanders in imitation of the french reehes om , slinks om , and of some english in these words ; to the right , to the left , not pronouncing the motion which is to be made to the hand appointed . these i say , i take to be without the warrant of reason , and of all antiquity , from which aelian draweth this rule . for the command of right and left alone sheweth that the commander would haue a motion performed to the named hand , but leaueth vncertaine what the motion should be , so that albeit some souldiers fall to a countermarch , some other to wheeling , or to doubling , or to facing , they are to be reputed blamelesse , and to haue performed that which their direction willed them to doe , because the command was of mouing to the right or left hand onely , not shewing what motion should be made to either hand . shortnesse therefore is required by aelian , but such a shortnesse as is not wrapped vp in obscurity , and which may fully deliuer the minde of the commander to the souldiers , which hee hath in exercise . and as the words ought to bee short , so ought they to be , without double signification . ] where they haue a double signification , that is , may be diuersly vnderstood by them , who are vnder direction ; some of the souldiers ( as aelian saith ) will doe one thing , some another , which must needs breed a confusion in the body exercised . for as vniformity of motion in euery particular souldier preserueth the whole body , and euery ioynt , or part , thereof entire , so the dissimilitude of motion in the particulars induceth a disioynting , as it were , & a disorder of the multitude of the whole battaile in generall . to auoid then the inconuenience of double vnderstanding in words : aelian thinketh fit , that the speciall word should be placed before the generall , and in stead of face to the pike , he would haue the commander to pronounce thus : to the pike face ( that is to the right hand : ) holding the word right hand to be more speciall or streighter in signification , then the word face . let me haue pardon if i differ from aelian herein . for logicians hold those words more generall , that stretch vnto , and comprehend vnder them most particulars . now considering there are foure motions of the battaile , which cannot be put in vse but by words of direction , and in the direction the word right or left hand is of necessity to be applyed to euery of them ( as for example countermarch to the right or left hand . face to the right or left hand , and so of the rest : ) it is euident , that the word right hand , or left hand is more generall then any one of the motions , because it stretcheth to them all . so that albeit we retaine the rule of aelian , namely , to set the speciall before the generall , yet may we very safely from his example , and not onely in facing , but also in the three other motions pronounce the direction thus : face to the right or left hand , double to the right or left hand , countermarch to the right or left hand , wheele to the right or left hand : because the word right or left hand is more generall , then any one of the motions . but admit it were more particular , yet the necessity of our language would force vs to forsake this rule of aelian . for in euery language there is an idiome or propriety of speech , and that not onely in the phrase it self , but also in the very ioyning & tying together of the words of the sentence . so that that which sorteth well with one language , will not be receiued in another . in greeke , in which tongue aelian wrote , it soundeth well to place the nowne gouerned by a verbe , before the verbe it selfe . so in latine , dutch , french , and other tongues . in english if a man should doe the like ( vnlesse it were in verse , wherein the number of the feet is more respected then the ordering of the words ) he should be accounted ridiculous or vaine . for take the example here set downe , to the right han● face , to the right hand double , or countermach , or wheele , and let vs vse the same order of words in common speech , and a man say to his seruant : to the church goe , to the mill corne carry , bootes cleane make . to the cutler my rapier carry : who would not laugh at his speech , or thinke him idle in so pronouncing . wherefore albeit aelian hold that forme agreeable to the greeke tongue , yet i cannot see how it will be fit that our english , according to which i hold it better to pronounce after this manner : face to right hand , countermarch to the right hand , and so in the rest , then after this , to the right hand face , to the right hand countermarch ; the rather because the property of speech auaileth much to the capacity of souldiers , who for the most part are vndearned , and will hardly vnderstand , in case the wonted custome , and ordinary vse of ioyning words be inuerted . chap. liii . bvt aboue all things silence is to be commanded , and heed giuen to directions , as homer especially signifieth in his description of the craecian and troian fights , saying ▪ the skilfull captaines pressed on , guiding with carefull eye their armed troopes , who followed their leaders silently ; you surely would haue deem'd each one of all that mighty throng had beene bereft of speech , so bridled he his heedfull tongue , fearing the dread commanders checke and dreadfull hests among : thus march'd the greeks in silence , breathing flames of high desire and feruent zeale to backe their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . as for the disorder of the barbarians he resembleth it to birds , saying : as sholes of fowle , geese , cranes , and swans with necks far stretched out , which in the slimy fens caisters winding streames about . sheere here and there the liquid skie , sporting on wanton wing , then fall to ground with clanging noyse , the fens all ouer ring . none otherwise the troians fill the field with heaped sounds of broken and confused cries , each where tumult abounds . and againe : the captaines marshall out their troopes ranged in goodly guise , and forth the troians pace like birds , that lade the ayre with cryes , not so the greekes , whose silence breathed flames of high desire , feruent in zeale to backe their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . notes . silence when a battaile is put in order either for fight , or exercise , is one of the principall points of obedience , which belongeth to a souldier ; the breach whereof more endangereth the proceeding of warre , then a rawe souldier would thinke , who onely is wont to offend in that kind . i haue before entreated of signes , and shewed , that in the obseruing of directions consisteth the greatest helpe of victory ; in neglecting them , the chiefest meanes to take an ouerthrow , and be defeated . for as directions being executed giue life vnto warlike actions to effect that which the commander desireth , so whatsoeuer hindereth the receiuing of directions , must needs crosse the designes of the commander , and by consequence frustrate and disanull that which was thought by him most fit to be put in practice either for the good order , or for the preseruation of the army , or else for the gayning of victory : a man that is not attentiue cannot marke the command deliuered : nor can he be attentiue , that whilest it is deliuered busieth his head with other thoughts , or else entertaineth his next standers by with talke , a meanes to diuert aswell the speaker as the hearer from that heed which ought to be giuen to direction ; in asmuch as no man hath the ability to heare another mans speech , and himselfe take at the same instant , or at the same time to discerne two mens seuerall speeches , which are deliuered together . all generals haue held silence a principall point of warlike discipline . and therefore in commands they make it the first . leos precept is this : when the troopes are drawne together , and ordered for exercise , let the cryer ( for euery company had then a cryer ) giue these directions : doe what you are commanded with silence ; keepe your places euery man , follow your colours . and in another place he writeth thus : when your army goeth out to ioyne with the enemy , there ought to be a deepe silence ; for that both preserueth the army from disorder , and also maketh the directions of the commanders to be heard with more attention . and againe thus : there ought to be as much silence as may be in the army , and if the bringers vp of any file , heare but a whispering of their fellowes in the file , they are to pricke the parties with the points of their pikes , and so to redresse the fault . alexander when he was returning from the countrey of the taulantians , into which he had made an inrode , found his way beset with enemies , and being to cast his army into a forme of battaile to fight , he first commanded an absolute silence , and then proceeded to other directions . and for the effect of silence , our owne story hath a memorable example of the army of edward the fourth in barnet field . as for the silence here prescribed by aelian , it extendeth not onely to exercise and fight , but oftentimes to the marching of an army , and to the campe , as appeareth by the last example , and by leos precept in his eleuenth chapter . and yet this precept of silence is not inuiolably to be kept in an army at all times : for there is a time , when the souldiers ought to giue a generall shout , and cry thorow the whole army , to the end to terrifie the aduerse battaile of the enemy ; and that time hath alwayes beene chosen , and by all nations obserued , when the fight is presently to be vndergone . i neede not bring instances thereof , euery man knoweth it , that is although but meanely acquainted with history . it is termed in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in latine clamor . in english a shout of the whole army ; the which being performed , silence is to be restored in as strict manner a before . and thus much of silence . now followeth the words of direction in aelians last chapter . of the words of direction . chap. liiii . thus then are we to command . 1 to your armes . 2 carriage away from the battaile . 3 be silent and marke your directions . 4 take vp your armes . 5 seperate your selues . 6 aduance your pikes . 7 file your selues . 8 ranke your selues . 9 looke to your leaders . 10 reare-commander strengthen your file . 11 keepe your first distances . 12 face to the pike . moue a little further . stand so . 13 as you were . 14 face to the target . moue a little further . stand so . 15 as you were . 16 face about to the pike . 17 as you were . 18 double your depth . 19 to your first posture . 20 the lacedemonian countermarch . 21 to your first posture . 22 the macedonian countermarch . 23 to your first posture . 24 the choraean countermarch . 25 to your first posture . the precepts of the art tacticks haue i deliuered vnto you ( most inuincible caesar ) which i make no doubt , will bring to the practice safety , and victory ouer his enemies . notes . these words of direction here set downe , are rather to shew the manner of command , then to expresse the iust number of directions vsed in exercise : yet doth leo the emperour transcribe some of them , albeit not all , out of aelian ; and the last in leo hath a mixture of two motions in one direction , being deliuered in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is in latine translated by sir iohn check laconicum ad hasta 〈…〉 triuolue ; and may be thus englished , wheele thrice the lacedemonian countermarch to the right hand ; wherein there is both wheeling and the lace emonian countermarch commanded at once , a thing impossible to be performed . for as in wheeling , the whole battaile remaineth entire , and moueth circlewise about the right ot left corner fileleader , as about a center ; so in a countermarch lacedemonian it is broken , and beginneth to moue by seuerall ranks , and continueth the motion in a direct line from the front to the reare , and not in a circle . but for the precepts of aelian i purpose to explaine onely such as are vsed by the souldiers and commanders of our time : and after taking of armes i hold this to be the first , at lest when we begin to moue . 6 aduance your pikes . pikes in ordering of a battaile must be first aduanced before any motion can be performed , in as much as all other postures of the pike doe hinder , or else are vnfit for transmutations and variety of changes , and from aduaneing the rest of pike-postures doe spring . ordering of the pike was deuised to ease the souldier standing still ; shouldering , to ease him in matching ; aduancing , to giue facility to the other postures , and to finish them , because they both begin and end in it . 7 & 8. file and ranke your selues . it is needlesse to note , that no battaile can be without filing and ranking . this we must vnderstand , that the captaine is to see whether the souldiers be filed and ranked ; but the action it selfe pertaineth to the souldiers , who knowing their files and rankes , are euery man to take their place accordingly : for so ought it to be in true discipline of warre . 9 looke to your leader . the file-leader is the life , and giuer of forme vnto the file . he is the life in that he moueth first , and draweth the rest vnto the same motion ; he giueth the forme vnto it , because it being nothing else but a right line , his standing , being the first point , directeth the rest to follow lineally one after another . in this precept therefore looke to your leader two things are commanded , one that the rest of the file should obserue to moue and stand still , as he doth ; the other , that they should maintaine a straightnesse and rightnesse in length , which is the forme of the file . 10 reare-commander order your file . in the greeke edition of aelian is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , file-leader . but in a manuscript , which i haue seene , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bringer vp or reare-commander , and so is it read in leos tacticks ; and i take it to be the true reading , this command rather appertaining to the reare-commander , then to the file-leader : for the file-leader being the foremost of the file , and bearing his face out of the front , how can he see whether the file that is behinde him , be in right order or not . the bringer-vp hath his face toward the whole file , as it standeth out before him : and therefore may easily discerne if any man be in disorder , and reforme them that are the cause of the disorder . in which respect it is euident , that he is fitter for the command , then the file-leader ; which is the cause , that i haue translated the word of direction , as before , reare-commander order your file . 11 keepe your first distances . that is , stand in your open order . for in that distance is the exercise first legunne . it is a seemely thing to see an euen proportion obserued in the motion of a battaile , and to behold a direct space betwixt files and rankes . for that is the grace and beauty ( as i may terme it ) of a phalange ordered for fight . this proportion cannot be maintayned without obseruing distance curiously . open order is sixe foot both in ranke and file betwixt man and man euery way . if then any souldier in file gather vp to his leader , and stand at distance of three foot , it is manifest , that his ranke is thereby disturbed and made vneuen , although the file continue streight . contrariwise , if he beare himselfe out of his place , three foot toward either of his side-men , by this meanes he disordereth his file and maketh it crooked . this fault if it were committed by many , a generall disorder would follow in the body ; and therefore aelian well aduiseth to keepe the first distances especially till you be commanded to the second or third distance , which will often fall out in the foure motions . of which facing is the first ; and the words of direction in it are these as before in aelian . 12 face to the pike . that is , face to the tight hand ; for the pike was alwayes borne in the right hand . 14 face to the target . the pike-men in the macedonian army bore targets on their left armes , or on the left side , so that facing to the target is all one with the word of command ; face to the left hand . 16 face about to the pike or target . that is , face about to the right or left hand . but where hee addeth [ moue a little further , ] he signifieth that the direction is not fully accomplished , and he would haue the souldiers continue their motion till their faces were fully come about to the reare ; and then hee willeth them to stand so , because they haue gayned their place . these facings here expressed by aelian , are of the whole body . other facings of the parts he hath not set downe , which notwithstanding are oftentimes of great vse . for say the enemy charge in front and reare ; your front must continue as it did , but the word for the reare is : a halfe files face about to the right or left hand . if the enemy charge you on both flankes , then is the word of command . b halfe rankes face to the right , halft to the left hand . if in front and one flanke , the front standeth firme , and the word for the flanke that is charged , is : halfe rankes of the right ( or left ) flanke , face to the hand named . if in front and both flankes , the front is to stand firme , and both the flanks to face to the enemy . and this is done in a hollow square or plesium , and the word is : flankes face one to the right the other to the left hand . if on all sides or round about , it is as before for the flankes : but for the reare , the reare face about to the right or left hand . now in countermarch of the reare , the ranke of file-leaders is oftentimes commanded to face about to the right or left hand ; in countermarch of the front , the ranke of bringers vp must doe the like , as wee shall see in countermarch . doubling is the second motion vsed in battaile , the precept of it in this in aelian . 18 double your depth . the word in our exercise for this motion is , double your files ; because files measure the depth of the battaile , or rankes measure the length . this doubling is made many wayes . the first is , when the euen files ( that is , the 2. 4. 6. 8. 10. file ) fall into the odde ; as if the doubling be to the right hand , the right hand corner-file standeth firme , and is the first after doubling ; the third is the second file , the fifth the third , and so the rest of the odde files in order . but the manner is , that the leaders of the second file fall directly behind the leader of the first file , and the second man of the second file behind the second man of the first , and so the rest of those two files . the same order is for the rest of the euen files , when they double the odde files . and the word is : double your files to the right or left hand . another manner is , when halfe the body of files conueyes it selfe into the spaces o● the other halfe of the body ; be it to the right or left hand according to direction giuen ; so that the first ranke of the halfe body , which is to moue , fals into the space next after the first ranke of the halfe body that standeth , and so the rest of the rankes of the halfe body that moueth , and the word is : halfe the body double your files to the right or left hand . another is , when files are doubled by a countermarch : as if the second file of the right or left hand ( as it is appointed ) countermarch , and the leader of that file place himselfe behind the bringer vp of the corner file to that hand , to which the doubling is to be made ; and so the rest of the files of euen number , behinde those of odde number ; as the second behind the first , the fourth behind the third , the sixt behind the fifth , and so the rest . the word is : double your files by countermarch to the right or left hand . the next word in aelian is double your length . that is , double your rankes , or front : ( for as i before noted , the rankes make the length of the battaile ) which likewise is many wayes done . the first is , when the rankes of euen appellation , as the 2. 4. 6. 8. &c. fall out into the spaces of the odde , namely , into the spaces of the 1. 3. 5. 7. &c. which stand before them and place themselues euen with them in ranke . the word is : double your rankes to the right or left hand . another way is , when the bringers-vp ( their halfe files following them by countermarch ) aduance vp to the front , and place themselues in the spaces betwixt the file-leaders to the hand appointed , and the rest of the ranks accordingly , namely , the ninth ranke in the spaces of the second , the eight in the spaces of the third , the seuenth in the fourth , the sixth in the spaces of the fifth . and the word is : bringers vp , double your front by countermarch to the right or left hand . another is , when the reare-halfe-files , one halfe face to the right , the other to the left hand , and diuiding themselues , march out till they bee past the flankes of the standing halfe-files : then facing to the front , sleeue vp and front with the standing halfe-files . then the word is : reare halfe-files , double your front by diuision to the right and left hand . another way is , when the reare-halfe-files vndiuided , face to the hand appointed , and being beyond the flanke of the rest of the body , face to the front and sleeue vp , and ioyne in front with the standing halfe-files . the word is : reare-halfe-files , enter double your front to the right or left hand . it is to be obserued , that in all these motions of doubling rankes or front , the souldiers are to returne after their motion to their first posture ; which is done by facing about to the right or left hand , and then by mouing , and by recouering their first place . the word is : as you were . countermarch is the third motion vsed in the change of a battaile . the vse and necessity thereof appeareth in aelian before , and that there are two kindes , one by file , the other by ranke . the words of command that hee here setteth downe , are onely of countermarch by file , which may be reduced to two kindes , viz. the countermarch of the front and the countermarch of the reare . that of the front hath likewise two kindes , the lacedemonian and the chorean : that of the reare onely one , and it is called the macedonian countermarch . now aelians direction followeth . 20 the lacedemonian countermarch . this is one of the countermarches by file , and of the front . the manner is , that the file-leaders beginne the countermarch and pa●●e beyond the reare , their files following them . in our exercise the word is : countermarch the front to the right , or to the left hand . it is done after another sort also , as when the bringers-vp face about to the right or left hand , and then the whole body facing about to the same hand , passe thorow the spaces of the bringers vp to the same hand and the ninth ranke , beginning the rest of the ranks after one anothers , place themselues euery paticular man before his follower in the same file , till the file-leaders are first . the word is : bringers vp face to the right , or to the left hand . the rest beginning at the ninth ranke , passe thorow to the same hand , and place euery man himselfe before his follower . as you were . in aelian followeth : 22 the macedonian countermarch . we in our exercise tearme this countermarch of the reare , and it is done in two manners : first , when the bringers vp begin the countermarch , and their files following , passe thorow the spaces of the file-leaders , till the file-leaders become the last of the file , and then the whole body face about , and stand . the word is : countermarch the reare to the right or left hand . face about to the contrary hand , and stand . the other when the file-leaders face about to either hand , and the rest of the ranks beginning at the second ranke , successiuely passe thorow the spaces of the file leaders to the hand appointed , placing themselues euery man behind his next leader , and facing about as they did . the word is : file-leaders , face about , the rest of the rankes passe thorow , and place your selues behinde your next leaders . the next in aelian is : 24 the chorean countermarch . this countermarch is of the front , as i said , but it keepeth the ground , that the body had before the file-leaders ( their files following them ) remoued to the places of the bringers vp , and the bringers vp to the places that the file-leaders had . the word is : file-leaders , countermarch to the right or left hand , and stand , viz. when they come to the bringers vp . other countermarches thereare , which are not here set downeby aelian , but are remembred in his chapter of countermarches ; of which the countermarch by ranks of the whole battaile is one , the other is the countermarch by ranks in the parts . and as in the countermarch of the front or reare , the rankes first began to moue , so in countermarch of the flanke , the files entire beginne to moue ; and as in the countermarch of the front or reare , the ranks followed one another by file , so in countermarch of the flankes , the files follow one another by ranke : that is , the souldiers of euery ranke follow one another . if you would countermarch the right flanke , so to change one side of the battaile for the other , the word is : countermarch the right flanke to the left hand . in countermarching the left flanke , the word is ; countermarch the left flanke to the right hand . to countermarch the wings into the middest , both the vttermost corner-files are to moue toward the middest , their halfe rankes following them , and meeting in the middest to stand there , and face to the front ; and the word is ; countermarch your wings into the middest of the battaile . obserue , that in countermarch by ranke , the three countermarches macedonian , lacedaemonian , and choraean may be practised , as well as in countermarch by file . if the flanke neerest to the enemy begin the countermarch , this the macedonian countermarch , because it maketh a shew of shifting away . if the flanke furthest from the enemy begin , it is the lacedemonian , in that it carrieth a semblance of falling on . but when one flanke countermarcheth , till it come iust vp to the other , and no further ; it is the choraean , because it keepeth the same ground . wheeling is the fourth and last motion ; and it is vsed in the whole entire battaile , or in the parts thereof . aelian giueth words of direction for the whole battaile onely , and they are these ; wheele the body to the pike , or to the target . when the battaile is to wheele to the pike or right hand , the right hand corner file-leader is onely to turne his body by little and little to the right hand , facing euen with the ranke of file-leaders , till such time as hee haue gained the right hand aspect ; and the rest are to moue about him , making him the centor , as it were of their circled motion . if to the left hand , the left hand corner file leader is to doe the like . the same order is of wheelin the battaile about to the right or left hand . aelian ( as i ●ai● ) giueth here no other words of command , then for the wheeling of the whole body , yet are the wheelings of the parts of great vse ; for either the flankes are wheeled into the front , or the front into the flankes . the front is wheeled into the flankes , when we desire to forme the antistomus phalange to resist the enemy , giuing on both flankes . and then the two middlemost bringers vp are to stand , and the middle file-leaders to diuinde themselues , and to moue halfe the battaile to the right , halfe to the left hand , making those two bringers vp the center of the motion . in this the word is : wheele the front into flanks by diuision . if the flanks be to be wheeled into the front , the two middle file-leaders are to stand still , and the two halfe bodies to moue about them , one to the right hand , the other to the left , till the two flanks be in the front , and the front in the middest . this kind is practised when we would frame the diphalange antistomus . the word is : wheele the flanks into the front . it is to be remembred , that after euery motion a restitution to the first posture is to be commanded in these words ; as you were . in facing you are to returne to the contrary hand ; as if the command were to face to the right , in returning you come to the left . in doubling you must doe the like . in countermarch likewise , whether you countermarch the whole body , or the parcels thereof , you are to returne by the contrary hand . after wheeling , there ought to be a facing to the same hand first before you returne , and then a returning the contrary way about the same corner file-leader , about whom the motion was first made . this is to be vnderstood of wheeling the whole body . in wheeling the front into the flanks , after wheeling performed , the body before returning is to face to the commander , then to returne about the same bringers vp , till all come to be as they were . in wheeling the flanks into the front , after the wheeling is made , the body is to face likewise to the commander , then facing about to the right or left hand to return to the first posture about the two middle file-leaders , as about their center . hic caestus artemque repone . finis . the contents of the chapters of this booke . the broad-fronted phalange , the deepe phalange , or herse , and the vn-euen fronted-phalange . chapter 30 parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , entaxis , and hypotaxis . chap. 31 the vse and aduantage of these exercise of armes . chap. 34 of the signes of direction which are to be giuen to the army , and of their seuerall kinds . chap. 35 of marching , and of the diuers kinds of battailes fit for a march . and first of the right induction , of the caelembolos , and of the triphalange , to be opposed against it . chap. 36 of the paragoge or deduction . chap. 37 of the phalange amphistomus . chap. 38 of the phalange antistomus . chap. 39 of the diphalange antistomus . chap. 40 of the peristomus diphalange . chap. 41 of the diphalange homoiostomus , and of the plinthium . chap. 42 of the diphalange heterostomus . chap. 43 of the horse rhombe , and of the foot-halfe-moone to encounter it : chap. 44 of the horse-battaile heteromekes , and the plagiophalange to be opposed against it . chap. 45 of another kinde of rhombe for horse-men , and of the foot-battaile called epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. 46 of the foot-battaile called cyrte , which is to be set against the epicampios . chap. 47 of the tetragonall horse-battaile , and of the wedge of foot to be opposed against it . chap. 48 of the foot-battaile called plesium , and of the winding or saw-fronted battaile to encounter it . chap. 49 of the hyperphalangesis , and hyperkerasis , and of attenuation . chap. 50 of conueighing the carriage of the army . chap. 51 of the words of command , and certaine obseruations about them . chap. 52 of the words of direction . chap. 54 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a05975-e450 a battaile . b cap. 1● . arr. l. ● . 4. c. ● . 9. § 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & § 77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. phalange macedonian consisting of 1634. pike●en phalangarch is the fourth part of a phalange . 4. pentecosiarchy hath in it 512 men . the ordinary depth is 16. a aelian c. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leo c. 9. § 77. aelian c. 9. a a body of foure files . b a body of ● files . c a body of 16 files . b diodor. sic. l. 20. c arr. l. 1. 3. c. d xenoph. hist . grac. l. 6. 558. a. e arr. l. 1. 14. c. f xenoph. hist . grac. l. 6. 558. a. g arr. l. 1. 14. f. h arr. l. 1. 14. c. i arr. l. 1. 14. b. k leo c 17. §. 26. l leo ibid. m arr. l. 1. 14. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s leo c. 17. §. 26. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x ●n a horse . a euclyd . l. 1. definit . 30. b aelia . c. 18. 38. 46. aelian hath afterward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈…〉 . l. a. 32. d. ●●● . ● . d polyen . l. ● . 549. ● . ● . t●● vse of the broad-fronted phalange , and of the herse . e leo c. 14. §. 10● . f arr l. 1. 14. g xenoph cyrop . l. 6. 167. b. h arr. l. 1. 36. c. d liu. l. 46. 112. a. e liu. l. 38. 215. c. f ael . c. 45. g arr. l. 1. 2. b. h xenoph hist . 〈…〉 6 ●o● . d. i polyen . l. 5. ●●3 . §. 1. a xenoph. cyrop . l. ● . 71 d b xenoph. d'exp . l. ● . 3●0 d. c xenoph. d'exp . l. ● 324. e. e arr. l. 4. 95. ● . d xenoph. d'exp . l 5. 3●3 . a. f xenoph. d'exp●d . l. 4. 340. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8000 armed . 1800 light-armed . a a song or hymne to apollo vsed by the grecians when they ioyned with the enemy . iul pol. l. ● . c. 1. §. 33. but the scholiastes of thucydides saith , there were two paeans , one to mars before victory , the other to apollo after victory . ● . 1. b xenoph. cyrop . l. ● . 55. a. & l. 5. 130. d. c thucyd. l. 2. 155. ● . d polyb. l. 1. 27. ● . c. d. e a broad-fronted battaile . f appian . in ly●●cis 22. g poly. l. 15. ●●● . ● . h or●● . g appianin syracis 97. c. h herse . transformation of one into another . doubling of files . i see aelian c 7. in my notes vpon the 11 chapt . a a body of foure files . b xenoph. cyrep . l. 2. 55. a. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifieth a file : in the ascent of cyrus , and in the greeke history it signifieth a company of 100 men . the file-leader commanded the whole file of 24. the decadarch the halfe rearefile . the two pempedarchs 5 men a peece ; one the 5 that followed after the first 6 in front ; the other the 5 that were next the rea●e . the bringer vp was the last of all . a xenoph. de exp . l. 4. 334. a. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c arr. l. 2. 3● . c. d. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e polyb l. 1● . 632. b. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g arr. ● . 1. 14. ● . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a polyen l. § 16. b diod. sic. l. 1● . 486. c. the lacedemonians had by lycurgus law two kings at once . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e the baeotian● were 50 deepe , the lacedemonians 1● . xenoph. bist . gr●● . l. 6 596. ● f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g diod. l. 17 592 e h diod. l. 19. 686. i diod sic. l. 19. 716. b doubling the front by middle men . c adioyning . d forefronting . e placing after . f placing betweene . g placing on the wings . h diod. sic. l. 19. 717. ● . a against the front . b doubling of rankes . c against the reare . d countermarch . e wheeling . a facing . a veget. l. 3. c. 5. b polyb. l. 9. 555. ● . a caesar de bell . gall. l. 7. 156. b three were 60 centurions in a roman legion . a ●lin natural . ●ist . l. 7. c. ● 7. b onosander ● . 25 ▪ c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d leo ● . 20. §. ●●6 . e onosand . c. 25. polemarches . lochagi . penteco●●ers . enomotarchs . xenoph. cyrop . l. 8. 203. ● . f polyb. l. 6. 479 ▪ & lipsius ad ●olyb . ● . 5. dial ▪ 9. veget. l. 3. ● . 5. sig 〈…〉 vocalia . semiv●calia muta . sig●● vocalia . a xenoph. d'exp . l. 1. 284. ● . d xenoph. d● exp●● ▪ l. ● . 386. ● . e polyen ▪ l. ● ▪ d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ● polyb. l 9. 5●6 . d 〈…〉 ● . 25. for the double signe and by-signe , ● aen● . ● . 24 , 25. & casaub . in notis ad aene ● . 4. &c. 24 , 25. semiuocalia . a see my notes vpon the 9. chapter . b diod. sic. l. 13. 3●3 . c leo. 11 § 27. d xenophon de exp . l. a. 275. a q. curtius l. 5. 107. b xenop . l. 3. 308. c diod sic. 673. 760. 372. d xenoph l. 1. d'exp . 265 diod. sic. l. 13. 372. e leo● . 12. §. 6● . 107. c f polyen . in ●●●● m●ne l. 5. §. 4. g diod. ●ic . 15. 475. h suidas i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a leo ● . 7. §. 31. b semiuocalia . mute signes . c onosand . c. 26. d aeneas c. 24. e arr. ● 1. 6. d. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f diodor. sec. l. 17. 566. g xenoph. hist . great . l. 6. 587. c. h a single file . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . xenoph. hist grec . l. 6. 587. c. b leo c. 19. §. 40. c leo c. 19. §. 42. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e le● c. 19 §. 42. f diod. sic. l. 13. 372. g toly● . l. 2. 151 d h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a caesar ● . ● . de be● . ciuil 323. b diod. sic. ● . 20. 759. c vegec . l. 3. ● . ● . d appian in hispanicis 306. ● . see vegec . ● . 3. ● . ●● f ae●●●●● . 6●● a leo● 9. ● . 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. b polib . ● . ●7 . 766. b a a xenagy and a syntagma , are all one : it consisteth of 16 files , 16 men to the file . a xenoph. cyr●p , l. 2. 56. b a taxiarch was a captaine of 100 men . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d this was a body of 1000 men , and they were now ordered to in front , the depth 100. e the file was 24 , and the dodecadarchs commanded the hinder halfe files . a xenoph cyrop . ●5 . 103. b. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d plesium is a hollow square battaile . a xen. de exp . l. ● 284. ● . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fiue foot make a pace , 30000 foot are 6 miles , 1000 paces making a mile . a onosand ● . 16. b forceps veges . l. 3. c. 18. 19. c a. gellius l. 10. ● . 9. ●orfex . d vege● . l. 10. c. 18 e vege● l 3. 8 89. xenoph. cyrop . xenoph. de exp . 13. 304. e. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a iul. pellux . l. ● . c. 10. arr. l. 5. ●09 . f. b leo c. 7. §. 58. 59. &c. 14. §. 8. ●9 . 70. 87. 89. . c xenoph. cyrop . 178. e. agathias pa. 39. l. 19. who also calleth the front-point of a wedge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . diodor. sic . li. 19. 693. 1184. c. suidas vseth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the right wing , now the wing stretcheth in front , from the middle section to the point of the battaile aelian . c. 7. a leo cap. 7. § 80. & cap. 12. §. 29. b appian puni●●● pag. 9 polyb. lib. 2. 115. a b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a arian lib. 5. 112. a a arian lib. 3. 60 c b app. in punicis pag. 9. suidus , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a xenophon de expied . lib. 1. 270. d a died sic . lib. 17. 592. arrian . lib. 3. 6● . d curt. l 4. 141. 149. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arr. l. 5. 111. c. diod. sic. l. 609. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a aelian c. 7. b a square battaile of men and ground both . la. noües second paradox . a evstathius in ho●●ri versu●… : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a polyen . 99. § 25● polyen . 210. § 7. in brasid● . b diod. sic. 〈◊〉 692. b polyen . 99. § 2● . c dioa. sic. 694. lib. 19. died. sy●ll . lib. 16. pag. ●1 . appian parthicis 162. plat. in antonie . darters . aelian ● 46. a diod. sie . l. g. p. ● b diod. sic. l. 20 p. 783. ar● . 41. 22. c. c onosand . c. 21. p. 65. d ● coc . 19. 45. ● &c. 24. 184. c leo c. 19. §. 41. d pausanias in arcadiais 471. e leo c. 20. §. 201. b diod. syc. ● . 15. 486. c onosand . cap. 66. leo. cap. 20. §. 184. a cicuta de l. c disciplimilitar . l. 2. 220. leo. cap. 20. §. 201. cesarde ●ell . gall . ● 7. ●63 . a. ●● . 1. a the french genorall . a peaple in narbon . cesar de ●el . gal l. 5. prg. 748. b a cap 4● . cap. 19. a suidas in epicampes . b diod. sic. l. 17. 592. arr. c. 3. 60. c. 3. a xenoph. hellen. ● . 7. p. 645. d. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , with the point of the wedge against the enemy . e light-armed . ● huius . a agathias l. 2. caput percium . a veget. l. 3. c. 1● . front. v calembolos front. λ embolos . a etymologie . magnum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b plut in vita alexandri . c plut. in vita demetrij . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de exp . l. 3. 310. a. ●rr . ● 4. 31. ● . e xenoph. d'exp . l. 1 264. a. f plut. in antonio . g app. in path. 162. h thucyd. l. 7. 550. c. these two generals had each of them half the army vnder their command . i xenoph. de exp . l. 3. 303. e. a leo ● . 2● §. ●●●● b lipsius de mil. rom. ● . ● . di●●● . p , 280. a xenoph. cyrop . l. 7. 173. b arr. l. 2. 3 5. e. & l. 3. 60. c. c poly● . l. 11. 6●● . b. liu. l. ●● . 204. b. hirt●us de bell . afr. 385. see diod. sic of philip against the illyrians l. 16 pag. 512. a thucyd. l. 5. 350. d. see the like example in xenoph. hist ●rek . l. ● . 515. e. 516. a. b. remedies against ouer-fronting . the plesiu 〈…〉 . epicampios opisthia . ●sod . sic. l. 17. 592 ar● . l. 3. 60. c. e. b xenoph. cyrop . 176. ● . leo. 14. §. 8. c poly●● l. 1●4 . § 2 arr. l. 2. 35 , 36. d caesar de bello gall l. 2. 36. & l. 3. 323. e plut in sylla & appian in bell . inithrida●ico . f turkish history 297. §. 2. remedies against ouer-winging . g aelian c. 29. fig. 5 h poly ● . l. ● . in clea●●rida . ● . 4. leo ● . ● . ● 19. i leo ● . 1● . § 108. k xenoph. ● exp . l. 4 341. f. l leo ● . 12. §. 34. a caesar de bell 〈…〉 322. b xenoph. de exped . 6. 1. 263. c. c arr. l. 1. 4. ● . 〈…〉 . l. 11. 25● myrias is 〈…〉 . a leo. c. 10. § 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. b leo. c. 10. § 1● . c vegetius . d leo c. 4. § 53 , 54 & c. 14. § 15. e leo. c. 10. § 19. f leo. c. 9. § 6. & . c. 12. §. 125. when the enemy is not feared . g leo. c. 9. §. 6● . h leo. 17. § 60. i leo. c. 10. § 18. h ●eno●h . cyrop . ● . 168. a. b. l arr●●● . 14 ● . ●●●● leon● . ● . 14. § 1● . leo c. 9. §. 46 , 47. leo c. 9. §. 36. leo. c 14. §. 24. xenophed ●●p . ●● . ●●● . ● . xenoph ▪ d'exp . l. 3. 304. 6. a ●e et l. ● . 6. 26. t. lia. cesar . ● . ● . ●●●eil . gal● . hirtuis de bed . alexand . 358. ●eo cap. 7. ●●● . leo c. 12. § 63. leo cap. 14. § 79. arrian li. 1. p. 6. d. holi●shead 684. col. §. ● . leo cap. 11. §. 2● . le● cap. 7. ● . 88. see aelian ca. 2● . leo cap. 7. § 88. see aelian cap. 81. facing . 1 motion . see aelian before cap. 25. a the amphostomus phalange . b the artistomus phalange . the plesium . deubling ▪ a motion . see aelian cap. 3 motion . aelian cap. 28. the fourth motion . military discipline: or, the yong artillery man wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike: the exactest way, &c. together with the motions which are to be used, in the excercising of a foot-company. with divers and severall formes and figures of battell; with their reducements; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military. by william barriff. barriffe, william. 1635 approx. 523 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 184 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04919 stc 1506 estc s101043 99836868 99836868 1160 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04919) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1160) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 825:2) military discipline: or, the yong artillery man wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike: the exactest way, &c. together with the motions which are to be used, in the excercising of a foot-company. with divers and severall formes and figures of battell; with their reducements; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military. by william barriff. barriffe, william. [24], 326, [10] p., plates : ill., port. printed by thomas harper, for ralph mab, london : 1635. with four final contents leaves. the last leaf is blank. p4 is a cancel. the last printed page has 17 errata. some copies have an additional slip with 23 errata including the previous 17. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general 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up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. strategy -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion coat of arms of the honourable artillery company arma pacis fvlcra vera effigies gvleielmi barriff aetatis svae 35. portrait of william barriffe though this effigies here does represent and portray forth his faces liniament yet read his booke , and you therin will finde that he hath pictur'd there a soldiers minde . g glouer fecit . military discipline : or , the yong artillery man. wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike : the exactest way , &c. together with the motions which are to be used , in the exercising of a foot-company . with divers and severall formes and figures of battell ; with their reducements ; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military . by william barriff . psal. 144. 1. blessed be the lord my strength which teacheth my hands to warre , and my fingers to fight . london , printed by thomas harper , for ralph mab , 1635. to the right honovrable algernonne , earle of northumberland , lord of the honours of cockermouth and petworth : lord percy , lucy , poynings , fitz-pain , bryan and lattimer : lord lieutenant of his maiesties forces in the counties of northumberland and cumberland ; and knight of the most noble order of the garter . right honorable : the glory of the meridian sun , is the more resplendently set off ; by the foile and darknesse of a shadow : which is a perpetuall follower of his light ; as my ambition in all humble service is , to be unto your lordship : the memory of so many heroicall ancestors , as ( in all ages ) have ennobliz'd your potent family ; together with their martiall and renowned atchievements : doe for ever stand recorded , in the booke of honour and of fame . and that ( were occasion fairly offered ) your honour hath spirit and bravery enough , in a military emulation , to arrive up to the heighth of their glory : your constant and noble deportment ( as well in your private carriage ; as of late dayes in your publike triumph , when you were installed into that most noble order of the garter ) doe most evidently presage of you . this as it hath attracted all eyes and expectations : so hath it incouraged my low ambition ( among the rest ) to esteeme your honour a fit patrone for a booke of this nature , your innate and inbred vertues ; together with that courtesie , noblenesse , and affabilitie , ( the inseperable companions of anciently descended honour ) speak you so easie , of accesse ; that my yong artillery-man despaireth not of acceptance & admission , to kisse the hands of your great lordship . the first-fruits , it is , of my weak endevours : and a collection , meerly of my private observations . such as it is , my humble request unto your good lordship is , that out of the accustomed freedom and goodnesse of your nature ; you would be pleased to deigne acceptance of it . and i withall beseech your honour , to give pardon unto that presumption , which hath proceeded from devotion . i confesse it an ambition in mee , to soare so loftily in my dedication . but as alexander ( sometimes ) refused not a mean present of fruit , from the hands of a simple gardiner : so my hope is , your honour will hold mee excused for offering so worthlesse and meane a mite to so great and honorable a personage . but considering that the subiect of my discourse is intended for the bettering of the souldiers knowledge of the trained bands ; and that your lordship is one of his majesties lieutenants : it may prove a good inducement to your honours liking ( who are known to be so great a lover of your country ) to vouchsafe the protection and patronage of these my first endevours , whereby i shall for ever stand obliged in all humilitie , and remayne , your honours most humble and devoted servant , william barriff . to the right vvorshipfull , sir ralph bosvile , knight , captaine of a select company of foot in the county of kent . you may be pleased to remember ( noble sir ) how often you have importunde me to write something ( by way of instruction ) for the bettering of the judgements of such young gentlemen and souldiers whose mindes stand this way affected . and although ( for my own part ) i can better mannage the pike then the pen ; yet that i might not be wanting in all acknowledgement , i have taken upon me to satisfie your request ; which shall ever carry the authority of a command with it . expect not ( i beseech you sir ) to finde my booke set forth with fine phrases , nor to be deckt with historicall discourses , of forraine fought battels : this being the onely thing by me intended in it ; to set forth the exact grounds of this our moderne discipline , for the exercising of a foot company . nor is it to be esteemed a small advancement to the knowledge of the art military ; even to have taught this little , seeing it must be confessed to have beene one of the chiefest meanes to make philip from a poore prince , to become a powerfull monarch ; and his sonne alexander amighty conquerer . i meane his exact observance of the true grounds of military discipline , which beginneth with the instruction of a private company . adde hereunto ( which i have also toucht upon ) his frequent practise and inuring of his souldiers to the use of armes : together with his well ordering and contriving the severall formes and figures of his battels . alwaies ( by the way ) observing how to make his advantage , either from the time , the number , or the place , or some other such like oportunity . but not to cloy your quainter eares with impertinent discourses : who are not onely a master of armes , but of arts ; also a gentleman that hath beene captaine either over horse or foot ; for the space of these last forty yeeres : and from your very infancy brought up in the very bosome of the muses . so that you are now become a nestor for counsell , an apollo for musicke , and a mars for the field . but lest by acknowledging your worthy parts , ( your native modesty being such , that you never love to heare your owne due deserved praises ) i purchase a frowne for a recompence : i forbeare . my humble desire now is , that your worship will be pleased to accept of my well meaning : and although i be wanting in artfull expressions , yet to rest assured , that i am yours in all humble and heartie affection , and shall still continue your , though unworthy , yet obedient lievetenant , william barriff . to the worthy captaines , captaine edvvard dichfield , and captaine henry sanders , and to all the gentlemen of the private and loving societie of cripplegate meeting . w. b. wisheth all health and long continuance . right worthy ▪ captaines , it is now something morethen seven yeares , since the beginning of that private and commendable exercise of armes by your two companies together ; how much experience it hath begot in your souldiers , your selues be the iudges . this must be confessed , that it is so orderly contrived , as to become no hinderance to mens more necessary callings . yea it rather calls them the earlier unto it : for that the exercise continueth onely one houre the thursday of every weeke ; and in the summer time , ending at seven of the clocke in the morning . some there have been notwithstanding , that have held a prejudicate opinion of this meeting : conceiving that it would prove an hinderance to the artillery ground . neverthelesse the proofe hath reported the quite contrarie : for that it hath become a great meanes towards the advancement thereof . and that by sending divers gentlemen thither to enter themselues therein , who before had not the least conceit or purpose that way . as for the souldiers of that meeting , they neither beat drumme , display ensigne , nor discharge musket : but onely exercise their postures , motions , and formes of battell , with false fire in their pannes . which is the cause , that the souldiers having attained some little skill in the handling of their armes : presently desire , to exercise with more liberty ; and so enter upon the artillery garden . wherefore ( most worthy captains ) you shall do well to cherish your diligent and industrious souldiers : that so they may be heartened to persist , in so honourable and commendable an entendment . it being such an exercise whereby god may gaine glory , the king and kingdome , honour ; your selues , credit ; and your souldiers , skill : for my owne part , i professe and acknowledge my selfe to be one of the first beginners of it : and do still continue a member of the same . and this maketh me the more silent , though still i wish in heart the continuance of so friendly a societie . and therefore ( fellow souldiers ) i pray you accept of my good will for the deed : for were i as able as i am willing ; i then , with the poet , would consecrate your memories to time , that yours might live , when i am turn'd to slime . yours in all service , william barriff . to all worthy commanders , and brave souldiers . gallant brave sonnes of mars you must not looke that here 's ought worth your reading in this book , since i intend not further for to goe then to the letters of our christ-crosse-row : to shew the vowels , or to learn to spell in disciplines high strains i will not mell . but if , perhaps , you have a mind to scan or spie faults in the yong artillery-man , i pray you for your credits as mine owne you 'l picke no fault till you be sure 't is one and then ( perhaps ) when reason taking place , opinion must retreit with foule disgrace . yet if you truly shall an errour spie tell me my fault , i 'le not in error die . then worthy followers in great mars his traine , that to peruse my worthlesse worke will deigne , iudge but the best , and you , perhaps , shall see the next i write shall a farre better bee in the , mean time , this is the best i have prove and approve . and more i will not crave . w. b. to captaine walter neale , now captaine of the artillery garden : and to all the rest of the worthy captaines , lieftenants , ensignes , serjeants , and other gentlemen of that noble society : w. b. wisheth all increase of knowledge and continuance of love and vnity . right worthy souldiers of th' artillery , me thinkes i see some of you looke awry , telling me i 've done our garden wrong and that in souldier-ship i am too yong : that the worst souldier of three hundred men should dare in discipline to use his pen , and he that th' other day scarce knew a ranke to write a booke should now be growne so cranke : but spare your anger for this booke you see can neither bring reproch to you nor mee : if for meane matter i shall be detected from a yong souldier much is not expected : if any say i have done prety well they needs must thinke should you write 't would excell , like lads at wasters i but lead the way that better gamesters may come in to play . therefore be pleas'd if any fault be found no shame at all can unto you redound . if ought be good ' i th' garden 't was me showne if ought be ill the errour is mine owne . then as i from amongst you learn't my skill , so grant me love your favour and good will. yours ever william barriff . faults escaped in the printing . page 17. line 5. for and , reade ad , p. 25 l. the last , for betweene before , p. 34. first line of the ●1 . chap. for off , r. 10 , p. 36. in the margens , for particular , r. particle , p 64 l. 13 for armes , r. armies , p , 74. l. 9. for also , r. all , p. 78 l. 8. for left , r. least , p. 86. l. 6. instead of for , r. or , p. 86. l. 19. for into , r. to , p. 87 l. 8. for with , r. without , p. 87. l 23. for drawne figure , r. drawne a figure p 89. l 6. for e●ft , r. left , p. 89. l. 17. for likewise , r. file wise , p. 97. l the last , for gratifie , r. satisfie , p. 106. l. 3. for ne , r. one , p. 108. l. 9. instead of for , r. in , p. 112 l. 4. for beh●nde , r. before , p. 117. l. 4. r. file-leaders , p. 11 ● . l. 19 & 20. instead of , or with the chorean it holds affinity , r. and with the chorean it holds no affinity , p. 124. the last line , r. be as at first . p. 127. the 2 m s which stand for the outmost file-leaders to the right , stand quite contrary . p. 137. l. 5 for in , r. to p. 140. the figure set wrong . pa 1●2 l. 8. or in , r. too p. 166. l. 11. for flanke , r. flanks . p. 173. l. 13. for innermost , r. outermost . p. 176. l. 32. for figures , r. figures . p. 307. l 14 for command , r. commanded . p. 217. l 4. for to , r. up . p. 290. l. 8 for figure , r firing . p. 269. l. 18. for tm , r. them . p. 271. l. 1● . for arme , r. armes . p 2●● . l. 13. for flanke , r. flanks p. 393. the title of the figure , for polium , r. plesium . p. 296. l. 6. for their severall , r. to their severall , &c. p. 297. the marginall note opposite to the ●● line , r. instead of one file and close . one file of muskettiers to give fire , and close , p. 302 l. the 9. for ho●swise , r herswise , p. 306. l. 27. for leader , r. leaders , p 311. l. 17 for over-head , r. overhand . to the reader . courteous reader , although i have set forth this small treatise , principally ayming at the benefit of my country , yet i know that some will not be wanting , to disparage both the workman and the worke , the matter and the manner . for such is the misery of the times , and the malice of men ; that the frothy depraver , shall found ( in some men ) an opinion of his worth , by detracting and undervaluing other mens merits : for mine own part , i ingenuously confesse , that amongst many in our owne ground , i was the meanest both for skill and schollership , to have undertaken a worke of this nature ; but being continually prest by my acquaintance : some for the postures , others for the motions , and by some againe for figures , i being alwaies willing to further men this way affected ; granted and gave to some men copies , and suffered others to peruse my notes , which i had placed in an old waste paper-booke . but at length , time and mens tongues together , had begot an opinion , that i had writ a booke . which was so freely divulged , that i was requested by some , to know when it would come forth of the presse ; when as yet i had not the least conceit , to put pen to paper tending to this purpose . so that being engaged something in my credit , and withall requested by a right worthy knight , my captaine , who had power to command : and lastly , being thrust on by the importunity of some of my familiar friends : i haue put my card amongst the rest into the bunch to bee shuffled : not much caring where it be dealt , so it be not mixt with the — if any carpe at the plainenesse of the stile , i conceiue that it fits best with the subiect : workes of this nature , chiefly requiring it . if such , whom opinion hath made proud , and custome , captious ; shall happen to be my supervisors , to them i say , that it is easier to finde faults , then mend them ; and to mend bookes , then to make them . but to the courteous and skilfull , whose better parts will yeeld better fruits , i shall request their favourable censure , and that with their judgements , they will mend what by over-sight i have mist . for which their loves , i shall ever stand engaged : and remaine their thankefull friend and servant , william barriff to my loving friend , the author . homer eterniz'd is for writing what achilles and his myrmidons did at the siege of troy. i envie not his fame , but needs must future ages greatly blame , if they forget to memorise thee too , that show'st not what was done , but how to doo . rowland gwyn . to his much esteemed friend , and fellow souldier , the author . critticke , observe thy distance , censure not , nor spend thy judgement like an ideot that nothing knows ; if knowing , know thou then , thou must be rank't amongst the envious men . if once thou dost attempt to contradict the matter that this booke conteins in it : the method's plaine ; not deckt with complements , those frivolous , idle , needlesse supplements . the substance ponderous is ; no fond conceit affronts thee , friend . with shame they shall retreit ; and so retrit , as not to charge againe in front , in reere , or flanks . thou shalt disdaine all formalists , that faine would souldiers seeme ; who much expressive are , in judgement greene . andrew wheatley . ex hospitio gray . in amicum willielmum barriff . young , and so old in martiall discipline ? distrust will say , this work is none of thine . but i , that know it , will averre the same to be thine owne , and not anothers fame . a noble souldier scorns to be so base by others worth to purchase his owne grace . aud such is barriff . what his booke doth speake , it is his owne : let envie swell and breake . amicus h. p. the art military ( how e're suppos'd ) is hard like other arts ; yet here disclo'd , in such a manner that who e're he be that hath in it but learn'd his a b c. without difficulty , with little paine , such knowledge in this noblest art may gaine : that he may say , and do as much as some , that for this art , have travel'd christendome . all by the learned helpe of barriffs skill , learned , i say , say others what they will. but if they speake ' gainst this he hath put forth , they will betray in them there 's no such worth : for this in him there is no fault at all . except in this , to teach this art to all . persist then noble friend , to th' world descry what worth lyes hid in our artillery . and we that long to learne this art shall say , thanks be to barriff , he hath showne the way . rich. clement . on his much esteemed friend , the author . as london , englands farre fam'd emperie , in her brave garden of artillery , with reason glory may : because therin is exercis'd exacter discipline , by motions and apt firings ; than is done in any other place of christendome . so maythat garden as deservedly , ( accomplisht barriff ) joy and boast in thee : who stil'st thy selfe the young artillery-man , of thy abounding modesty . yet can thy knowne experience thereby vailed be no more than sun-beames by a tyffanie : why young ? is 't cause chou'lt still a learner be ? " even so must all that ayme at excellencie . new accidents , and expert mens direction , brings th' arte of warre still neerer to perfection . 't is said , great alexander wept , for that he no more worlds could finde to subjugate . and yet if hee before ostend had beene , he might have easier wept , than gotten in . thy practicke part of drilling : i approve , as meriting thy countries thankes and love . the rather , that i oft have seene thee doe a captaines office , and a souldiers too . with such exact dexterity , as none could say thou cam'st short in perfection , to forraine discipliners ( neere or farre , ) though daily train'd up in the schoole of warre . yet as in thy assum'd title : so , th' art modest in thy faire expressions too . for thou adorn'st not thy book 's frontispiece , with glorious titles , to endeere its price . as th' art of warre : or souldiers academy . but thee confin'st within a company , or squadrons exercise . and yet a way to set a greater body in array ; thereby discover'st . onwards then , and stead , thy nation for supplying at her need . thy country with large troupes well-disciplin'd , for which , occasion will hereafter finde , a meane to crowne thy merit . whilst thy friends wish thy designes , acquire their hop'd for ends . ia. hayward ex hospitio graiensij . chap. i. concerning postures and handling armes . the first rudiments for the discipline of infantry ought to be an instruction , for the well mannaging of their armes ; whereby they may be brought , to use them with ease and delight : whereas to the contrary ( without exercise ) both sorts of armes , wil become a troublesom burden , unto the unskilfull bearers . no man is borne a souldier , neither can any attain , to be kilfull in the art military without practice . but by practice is gained knowledge , knowledge begets courage and confidence ; few or none being fearefull to execute what by frequent practice they have throughly learned . wherefore it is necessary for every one that intends any proficiency in this part of the art military , to be instructed in the postures and well handling of their armes ; a thing much to be desired in our trained bands , though small hope of amendment . seeing the souldiers are scarce called forth to exercise either posture , or motion once in foure or five yeares . whos 's the fault is i know not , only i pray god that it may be amēded , lest shame and infamy be the least of euils which our carelesse security may bring upon us : yet pardon this digression , for my zeale to my countries good had almost transported mee beyond the bounds of my intent , but of this no more . i will now come to the postures of the musket and pike : which , i conceive , are fittest to begin from the taking up of their armes , and arming the souldiers concluding them with the laying down of their armes , or disarming them . but before i begin the postures : mee thinks i heare some already inquiring what is a posture . wherefore that i may satisfie them , and not be troublesome to others . in briefe thus . posture in a souldier is the garbe or figure , that he useth in the handling of his armes , consisting of severall motions for atchieving of each posture . the motion being the working part , the posture the alteration or act , either in circumstance or matter . as to rest your musket being one posture , to shoulder your musket another , so likewise for the rest , howbeit some perchance will object , ( as formerly hath bin to one of athens , making a long oration in the praise of hercules his valour ) who ever doubted of it . so to me who ever questioned these for postures : yet i have known them not only questioned , but written against , peremptorily concluding that there are but three postures to be used for the musket , whose errours i shal easily confute . but more of this after the postures of the musket . wherefore for the more orderly proceeding conceive their armes to lie before them on the ground , and then the first command will be , to stand to their armes . the postures of the musket . take up your bandeliers . put on your bandeliers . take up your match . place your match . take up your musket and rest . rest your musket . now if you please you may performe your saluting posture . poyse your musket . shoulder your musket . take your rest into your right hand , and you are armed ready to march. now to begin to make ready , which may be done either standing or marching . take your match between the fingers of your right hand . put your rest string about your left wrist , and carry your rest in your left hand . return your match between the fingers of your left hand . unshoulder your musket and poyse . ioyn your rest to the outside of your musket . open your pan. cleer prime shut cast off your loose corns . blow off your loose corns , and bring about your musket to the left side . treile your rest , & ballance your musket in your left hand . charge with powder . bullet . draw forth your scowring stick . shorten put your scowring stick into your musket . ram home your charge . withdraw your scowring stick . shorten return bring forward your musket and rest . poyse your musket and recover your rest . ioyn your rest to the outside of your musket . draw forth your match . blow your coale . cock your match . fit guard your pan. blow the ash from your coale . open your pan. present upon your rest . give fire brest high . dismount your musket , joyning your rest to the outside of your musket . uncock and return your match . cleer your pan shut poise your musket . shoulder take your match between the fingers of the right hand . take your rest into your right hand , cleering your string from your wrist . return your rest into the left hand , the string loose . return your match into your left hand . unshoulder your musket and poyse . rest your musket . set the but-end of your musket on the ground . lay down your musket and rest . match . take off your bandeliers . lay down march from your armes . there is likewise the sentinell posture , which is , the muskettier having his musket charged with bullet , his match cockt , his pan guarded , stands with his musket rested to performe such duty as shall be commanded or given him in charge . some have likewise taught to make ready on , or from the sentinell posture : but note that as none comes to stand sentinell but comes ready charged : so if any occasion happen that he must give fire in the time of his standing sentinel , it causeth a generall alarme . so that he will have no fit time to make ready upon his rest : wherefore , i conceive it superfluous ; but will ever conforme to better judgement . we have also the funerall posture , which from the rest is to be performed at 3. motions , which cannot so well be exprest in writing , as it will expresse it selfe in action . wherefore seeing that it is rather an ornament to obsequies , than truly necessary for armies i will not spend more time about it , but come to the postures of the pike . yet before i passe upon them , give me leave to answer some , which out of a criticall humour will alwayes be carping at others , condemning these postures , saying , there are more by halfe , then are either good or usefull ; and that there are no more postures to be used , but make ready , present , give fire . the which wee will not deny that in service there are any other usefull : notwithstanding i would have them to know , that make ready is no posture , but a word of command , including all postures , from the first arming of the souldier to the present : or if the muskettier be charged , shouldered or both , then the word ( make ready ) commands the prosecution of the rest of your postures which are between the posture you then immediatly are at , when the word is given , and the other posture , present for which reason when wee teach muskettiers at first it is most necessary to instruct them punctually , from posture to posture : which being once attained , he manageth his armes more surely more comely , with more celerity , and with better execution : and at the first may as easily be taught the best way . but if he have got an habit of doing ill there wil be as much or more pains spent in reclayming his errours , as at first to teach him the best , safest , and readiest way . chap. ii. of the postures of the pike . that which followeth next of course is the posture of the pike . wherefore that we may observe order in our proceeding ; we will likewise conceive their pikes to lie in like manner before them on the ground ▪ and then , as before , the first command will be , to stand to their armes . handle your pikes . order to your open order . close charge with the but-end of your pike at the inside of your right foot , your pike in the left hand , drawing your sword over the left arme. charge to the right , left , reere . order your pikes , and put up your swords . note that these charges at the foot are to receive a desperate enemy on horse , upon a stand in some strait , or other place of advantage ▪ the muskettiers to give fire over the pikemens heads , or else-where , at the discretion of the commander . port your pikes . comport cheeke treile order charge to the front order as you were . right left reere   shoulder your pikes advance your pikes . port comport cheeke treile your pikes   advance as you were . charge to the front right left reere shoulder your pikes . port comport cheeke treile shoulder your pikes   shoulder as you were . charge to the front right left reere from comport , cheeke , or treile , the pikeman may at the discretion of the commander charge either to the front , reere , or both flanks , as shall be necessary or thought expedient . wherfore we shall not need to do it but once over , for the charges will be all alike , whether you comport from order , from advance , or shoulder . and so likewise for cheek and treile , &c. from comport charge to the front comport as you were . right left reere cheek your pikes .     from the cheek charge to the front cheek as you were . right left reere treile your pikes .     from the treile charge to the front treile as you were . right left reere order your pikes . lay down i shall undergo the censure of some , for that they will finde more postures of the pike here then formerly they knew of , and so by their conclusion more then there is any need of ; for now-a-dayes there are such that will limit discipline , to the verge of their owne knowledge , and whatsoever else they shall see either acted or written by others that is without the lists of their kenning , they will peremptorily conclude for superfluous and improper , howsoever i shall alwayes referre my selfe to the judgment of the more judicious . the charges of the pike are twofold either for defense or offence . charges underhand or over-hand ▪ but divers and different they are from their severall wayes and postures from which they are or may be done , although they are not all alwayes usefull , yet at sometimes they may be usefull , and therefore very requisite to be known to all such as either are , or at lest would be accounted for good souldiers . as i have set down the postures themselves both of musket and pike , so it were not much amisse , if that the motions of posture were likewise here exprest . but because they will take up too much time , & fill too much paper , and the subject it selfe not pleasing unto many ; i will spare my labour , and my booke the lines , rather suffering the censure of curtail'd brevity , then tedious prolixity . chap. iii. of the drum. ovr souldiers being sufficiently instructed in the postures of such armes as they carry , or are appointed to use : the next thing they are to learn , is the knowledge of the severall beats of the drum , which is as requisite to be learnt of the souldier , as any thing else in this way . for the drum is the voice of the commander , the spurre of the valiant , the heart of the coward , and by it they must receive their directions when the roring canon , the clashing of armes , the neighing of horses , and other confused noise causeth , that neither captaine nor other officer can be heard . wherefore it will be most necessary for him to learne these sixe severall beats , viz. 1 a call. 2 a troope . 3 a march. 4 a preparative . 5 a battaile . 6 a retreit . 1 by a call , you must understand to prepare to heare-present proclamation , or else to repaire to your ensigne . 2 by a troope understand to shoulder your muskets , to advance your pikes , to close your rankes and files to their order , and to troope along with ( or follow ) your officer to the place of randesvous or elsewhere . 3 by a march you are to understand to take your open order in ranke , to shoulder both muskets and pikes , and to direct your march either quicker or slower , according to the beat of the drum. 4 by a preparative you are to understand to close to your due distance , for skirmish both for ranke and file , and to make ready , that so you may execute upon the first command . 5 by the battaile or charge , understand the continuation or pressing forward in order of battaile without lagging behind , rather boldly stepping forward into the place of him that fals dead , or wounded before thee . 6 by a retreit understand an orderly retiring backward , either for reliefe , for advantage of ground , or for some other politicall end , as to draw the enemy into some ambushment , or such like . much more might be written concerning the drum , but this may suffice for the present . chap. iv. of rankes and files , their places and dignities . now that our souldiers are somewhat skilfull in managing of their armes , and no lesse capable of the severall beats of the drum , it is high time for them to know the difference between a ranke , and a file . wherefore know that a ranke is a row of men , sometimes more , sometimes fewer , standing , moving , or marching even a breast , or ( as some write ) pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder . a file is a sequence of men , standing one behinde another , backe to belly in a straight line from front to reere , consisting sometimes of 6. 8. or 10. men . on some occasions the spaniards make them 12. deepe . but when any one would shew much variety of exercise , then 8. will be the more pliant and dividual number , yet for service in the field , where men are not altogether so expert ( as i could wish our country-men were ) 10. men is the fittest number , not onely for the cause aforesaid , but also because that 10. is the square root of a 100. and is a better number to draw companies into grosser bodies . and now i thinke it would not be much amisse if i should here insert the severall places of digninity and precedency in ranke , as also in file . wherfore because that files are first to be drawn forth , and that by adding or joyning of files together , rankes are made ; we will begin first with files . wherefore conceive their honour according to the figures or numbers hereunder placed , first in file , then of rank , lastly of both cōjoyned . it will not be of it selfe sufficient that i have both marked and figured the places and dignities to each particular man in his file and ranke , but it will be looked for of some , that i should backe my opinions either with sound and good reasons of mine owne , or at the least with the opinions of some others : as for such as have employed themselves upon this subject , they have been as divers in their judgements , as their number , each man having a fancie to his owne way . and if it were much materiall , i might have here demonstrated unto you the severall opinions of leo , robertellus , count mansfield , sir thomas kellie , and many others : whose workes being extant , i will spare the labour . but above all the rest that ever i read , captaine iohn bingham hath in my judgement best delivered himselfe in this particular : which although he have exprest by way of tetarchies and mirrarchies , yet the same may be understood as well by rankes and files . his words are these : * every tetarch is over foure files , in all which the commander that hath the right , hath the first place ; he that hath the point of the left , the second place ; he that standeth on the right hand next to him , the third place . the last place is his that standeth next to the commander of the right point on the left hand : he demonstrates it by way of figure thus . chap. v. reasons for precedency of dignity in rankes and files . i shall now endevour to give some reasons for these severall places of dignitie in ranke and file . and first for that geometricall proportion gives both life and being to orderly discipline , consider that all parts of the body ought to be answerable . wherefore seeing that the joyning of files and rankes produceth greater bodies ; it is necessary that a true proportion should be kept from the beginning : and that in drawing forth of files they observe to make the reere halfe files answerable in skill and worth to the front halfe file . and that the file-leaders , and halfe-rankes of the left flanke , should be equivalent in worth , skill , and valour to the right flanke , that the reere division hold like proportion with the front division , and that all parts of the body depiction of 'ranks and files' be ballanced with true proportion , so neere as the knowledge of the souldiers , and the number of the men will give you leave ; and that there may be correspondency in their worth , place , and dignity ▪ you may observe by adding the figures of number together , which are in the margent , where you shal finde that the dignity being added together of the front halfe file , makes the number of 18. and the worth of the reere division being in like manner added , makes the like number . so likewise shal you finde the dignity and worth of the file leaders of the left flanke , to paralell the worth of those on the right flanke by the same rule . if you will have it yet more cleere , observe that the file leader is the chiefe in his file , the bringer up the second , the halfe file leader the third , the last man of the front halfe file the fourth . now note that as the worth of the first precedes the second , so the worth of the third exceeds the fourth . now adde the first worth to the fourth worth , and that makes five . and the second worth to the third , and it makes the same number ; so that there is equalitie throughout the battell both in front , reere , and flankes : for it were unreasonable , that all the chiefe men should be on the right flanke , and all the worst on the left . for the left must be opposed to the enemies right . the file leader ought to be worthiest , because he hath the command of his file , and marcheth the first against his enemy . the bringer up ought to be the second , because his place of march is in the reere , and is in most danger , should the enemy charge on that part . the halfe file leader is the third in honour , because that when the halfe file is taken off upon any occasion , he is the leader ( unlesse they be commanded to face about ) the last man of the front halfe file is the fourth man in dignitie , for when the reere division is taken off , then he is the bringer up . the next man to the file-leader hath the fift place of honour , for that one doubling brings him into the front . the next man before the bringer-up hath the sixt place of honour , for that if the body be faced about , one doubling brings him into the front accidentall , or keeping the proper front by once doubling of rankes , he becomes bringer-up to his file-leader . the seventh place of honour is his that marcheth next after the halfe-file leader , for that when the halfe files double the front , or marcheth forth , then one doubling , ranks him even with the front. the eight and last place of honour , is his that is the third from the front , the file being but 8. deepe , which may also be made a file-leader , though with more trouble than the rest : for by counter-marching front and reere into the middest , and then facing to the former front , & after doubling of ranks , makes him likewise a file-leader . now as every mans dignitie is more or lesse in his file , so is all his ranke with him . wherefore this that hath already beene said , may suffice to demonstrate unto those which as yet are ignorant of the severall places of dignity , both in ranke and file . i might have enforced many other reasons concerning the dignity of number and place : but i have insisted longer upon this subject , then at first i intended , which makes me the more willing , though somewhat abruptly to breake from it , and come to shew the manner of joyning or drawing up of files into forme of battell . and therefore this may serve for all , the serjeant that hath order to place them , is to lead them up according to their worth and honour . as first the right hand file ; then the left hand file ; and so the other files successively within them according to their severall worths and places . as by the following figure you may more plainely perceive . if there be any that shall say these are nicities , and of no repute amongst souldiers , i dare say they have been well reputed of by good souldiers , no disparagement unto the fault-finders ( if there happen to be any such . ) as for the noble , worthy , and well-knowing souldiers , i am almost confident that out of their true-speaking judgements , they will eyther conclude that it is so used , or at the least that it ought so to be ; but if this can worke no effect with the — i leave every man freely to his owne judgement , desiring the judicious , alwaies to hold a favourable opinion of my well-meaning . chap. vi. of the severall distances . now that our souldiers have attained some small knowledge in the use of their armes ( me thinkes like some of our little-knowing souldiers of the trained bands ) they already begin to be ambitious of file-leaders places ; therefore that their owne weakenesses may light them to reade their owne follies , we will see how they will behave themselves in exercise amongst the companie . wherein the first thing we are to instruct them in , is their distances . but because it is held by some a matter disputable , whether distance be one of the motions or no : we will first declare what is distance . to which i answer , that indeed distance it selfe is no motion , but there is motion in producing such distance ; for distance is the space of ground between man and man , either in file or ranke , having relation onely to the place between each partie . all the rest of the motions having not onely relation to the one , but the other . wherefore not to spend more time in a matter so apparant , we will say that the discipline of a foot-companie consists chiefly in distance and motion . and therefore seeing that distance is the ground of motion , and that no motion can be performed without distance , wee will leave to discourse it , and fall to the matter it selfe , and shew how many sorts of distance is ordinarily used in our moderne discipline , which are these foure here under named , viz. close order , which is one foot and a halfe . order , both in three foot . open order , rank & sixe foot . double distāce , file twelve foot . it hath been the opinion of some ancient commanders , that the distance of ranke , was alwaies double the distance of file , although they went both under one and the same denomination . as that order in file was three foot , order in ranke sixe foot , open order in file sixe foot , open order in ranke twelve foot , and so of other distances . but the best received opinions hold them to be alike both in ranke and file . there is to be considered in distance these three especially , that is , distance for march. for motion . for skirmish . you are to observe , thatyour distance for march is to be three foot between file and file , and sixe foot between ranke and ranke ; distance for motion sixe foot both in ranke and file , distance for wheelings and skirmish three foot in ranke and file . onely if you were to receive a charge from the horse , it is necessary for your files of pite-men to be at close order . wherefore we will rehearse all the ordinary wayes for the opening , and closing both of files and rankes . but in the first place command them to even their rankes , and streighten their files , to be silent & attend to their words of command and direction , &c. rankes and files to your close order . files open to the right to your order . rankes open forward files open to the right to your open order . rankes open forward files open to the right to your double distance . rankes open forward files close to the right to your open order . rankes close forward files close to the right to your order . rankes close forward files close to the right to your close order . rankes close forward files open to the left to your order . rankes open backward files open to the left to your open order . rankes open backward files open to the left to your double distance . ranks open backwards files close to the left to your open order . ranks close backward files close to the left to your order . ranks close backward files close to the left to your close order . ranks close backward files open right and left to your order . ranks to the front & reere files open right and left to your open order . ranks to the front and reere files open right and left to your double distance . ranks to the front and reere files close right and left inward to your open order . ranks to the middest — note that when files open to the right , the left-hand file must stand fast , every file taking his distance from the file next his left hand : and when they open to the left , then the right hand file stands , every file taking his distance from the file next his right hand . obserue also that when ranks open forwards , then the last ranke stands , every ranke taking his distance from the ranke next behinde him : and when they open backwards , then the first ranke is to stand , every rank to take his distance from the ranke next before him . you are likewise to take notice in the action , that you are either to face to the right , or to the right about . note also that in closing of files , if it be to the right , then contrary to the opening , the right hand file stands ; the rest closing to the right , taking their distance from their next right hand file . if you close to the left , then the left hand file stands ; the rest of the files closing to the left , taking their distance in like manner . when files close to the right and left , then they close inward , taking their distance from the files within them , neerer to the middest of the bodie . also note , that when files are commanded to open to the right and left ( or by division ) it must be outward . if ranks close to front and reere , then the first and last ranke stand ; the others taking their distances from them . if they close ranks towards the center or midst , then they close towards their two middlemost ranks . it is not required that every captaine or other officer that shall exercise a company , shall use all these several openings , and closings which are here exprest , but rather that he shall make use of so many of them , as he shall thinke fit for his present occasion or exercise . although they all may be usefull at some time or other . i may spare examples , for it must needs be apparant to the meanest capacities . chap. vii . of marching the company in divisions at length , the order and places of the officers , and againe drawing them into forme of battell . now that our souldiers are somewhat expert in their distances , we will next draw them forth into a long march. wherefore note , that our files must be at order , and our ranks at open order : the muskettiers of the right flanke , are to make the van , and to march next after the captaine : the pikes are to make the battell , and to march after the ensigne , either in one or two divisions , according to their number . the muskettiers of the left flanke ( sometimes called the second division of muskets ) make the reere guard , which is led commonly by the second serjeant . how beit if there be but one division of pikes , then the eldest ( or chiefest ) serjeant leads the second division of muskettiers . if the company be but small , then it is best to make but two divisions , one of the muskettiers , another of the pikes ; for the placing of the rest of the officers , you may perceive by the figure in the margent ▪ wherefore note that m. stands for muskets , p. for pikes , d. for drummes , s. for serjeants , e. for ensigne , l. for lieutenant , and c. for captaine . note , if you have but three drummes , then let the drumme in the second division of pikes be wanting : if onely two , then upon a march , the first betweene the third and fourth ranke of the front division of muskettiers . the second betweene the third and fourth ranke of the second division of pikes . note that betweene each division in march , there ought to be 12. foot distance ; 6. foot betweene the officer , and 6. foot behinde him . chap. viii . of drawing the divisions up into a square . when you would bring your body againe into battalia , command your front division to make alt or stand ; then give order to your ensigne either by a serjeant , or by some signe to leade up the first division of pikes on the left of the first division of muskettiers , with his colours flying , and the pikes to continue shouldered , so long as the drumme beats a march. but if it beat a troope , then the pikes are to advance , and close their ranks forward to their order , and so the ensigne to troop them up with his colours fierld . the eldest serjeant is to leadeup the second division of pikes ; the second serjeant in like manner is to leade up the second or reere division of muskettiers ; each division still marching up to the left of that division next before it . the manner you may plainly see in the figure ; where the front division is marked in the reere with the letter a. the first division of pikes with the letter b. the second division of pikes with c. the second division of muskettiers hath in the reere the letter d. the other figure on the other leafe in form of a square shewes their standing , after the divisions are led up . all the file-leaders standing even in front together making one ranke . the discipline of the art militarie may rightly be divided into these five generall heads , ( viz. ) distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings , which have beene not unaptly compared to the five vowels : for as without one or more of the vowels , no word can be spelled , so without one or more of these , neither forme , nor action can be performed . chap. ix . what is facing , and the use of the word , whether to be used or refused . before we come to shew the varietie of facings in the action , i thinke it will not be amisse to speake a word or two in the way of definition : and therefore what is facing ▪ to which i answer , that facing is a particular turning of the aspect from one part to another , whereby the front proper becomes a front accidentall : and a front accidentall , may be reduced to his proper front. there are some likewise that by no meanes will allow of the word face : concluding it altogether unnecessarie ; and no other word must be given , but , to the right , to the left , &c. yet i wonder that men will stumble at so small a straw , which cannot chuse but be better used than refused . for the word face is but one syllable , and quickly pronounced , and gives so cleare an expression of the intent of the commander that it concludes it necessary . as for example , should you command a company to double rankes to the right , and then command them as they were , and then say , to the left , it might puzzle a good souldier at the first , to discerne whether he should face or double : the like mistake might bee among countermarches : wherefore i conceive that none can justly taxe it for superfluous , seeing the easiest expression hath alwayes beene accounted for the best . yet spare me , for my intent is not to oversway any man in his opinion , but rather to deliver mine ; leaving all men freely to their owne likings . if my intent were to make a great booke with a little matter , i might then here insert figures for every particular facing , and their reducements to their first posture , which would take up divers sheets of paper , and to little purpose . for i suppose that every man that knows any thing , may easily conceive the idea of any ordinary facing in his minde . wherefore i will but shew one or two of the hardest . you are to note that in the motion of facings every man turnes on the center , or ball of the left foot , moving onely the right , the other being the keeper both of ranke and file . face to the right as you were . left right and left right about left about right and left inward right angle left foure angles the front halfe files standing , it will be requisite for the halfe files to the reere , to do as much by themselues : whereby , they will the more aptly perceive , how that the subdivision goeth under the denomination of the halfe files , &c. halfe files face to the right . as you were . left. right and left . right about . left right and left inward there is another word which is ordinarily used and proper , for reducements of facings , which is , to your leader . there is another facing sometimes used , which is , face to the center , and is when the body stands in some circular form , or else in an hollow square . there is also a facing , which causeth the body to face to the front , reere , and flanks , which some call , facing square . chap. x. of facing square , and how to performe it , the usefulnesse of facings , and the severall parts thereof . when we instruct our souldiers how to face square ( if the body be but 8. deepe ) command , the two first ranks stand fast , the two last ranks face about , the rest of the body face to the right and left . if the body be deeper we command more ranks to the front , and so likewise to the reere . it is very necessary for young souldiers to move 10. or 12. paces upon every motion of facings , whether they are entire , or divisionall . now i will pricke two severall figures of facing , which will be sufficient to demonstrate all the rest . the words of command , commonly used to produce this figure , are these as followeth . the two first ranks stand . the two last ranks face about . the rest of the body face to the right and left , ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their first order ▪ face all about to the right , march and close your divisions . face all to your leader ( who then stands at his front proper . ) facing square another way , & marching upon it . the words of command customarily used to produce this figure are these as followeth , muskettiers face to the right and left . halfe files of pikes face about to the right ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their former order , face all about to the right , march and close your divisions . face all to your leader . facings are so usefull and necessary , that you may as well dispense with any one of the grounds of discipline , as with them ; for they are usefull almost upon all occasions , and not onely sooner executed than any other of the motions , but may be needfull when wheelings and countermarches cannot be used , as in a strait . there are no more then foure facings intire , besides angular ; as for divisionall , there be divers , and indeed very necessary many of them be , as occasion may offer it selfe for their severall uses ; howsoever peremptorily to say , there be so many and no more , i conceive , hath beene concluded by none ; but it still rests at the discretion of the commander , to exercise more or fewer of them , as he best liketh , and the necessity requireth either for action or exercise . intire facings are so called when the aspect of the whole company are directed one way . divisionall facings are so called , when the aspect of the souldiers is at one & the same time directed divers and severall waies : as to the front and reere , the right and left , or to all foure at once , &c. angular facings are so called , when the aspect of the company is directed to the right corner man , which is the right angle , or to the left corner man , which is the left angle ; or to the foure corner men , which are the foure angles . angular facings were of great use among the ancients , for their figures called the diamond , the wedge , the sheeres , the saw , and such like , when they made use of such formes of battell . but for the use of them in our moderne discipline , i conceive there is little or none , onely thus , wee honour the memory of the ancients in their use . and some say they are very fit for exercise ; for that by their use the souldier is made more apt and perfect in the other . therefore let this suffice to be spoken concerning facings , and now be pleased to turne your aspect , and take a view how our young souldiers will behave themselves , in the performance of the doublings . chap. xi . of doublings , their use and parts . doublings are of most excellent and singular good use for the strengthening of any part of the battell , according to the occasion or discretion of the commander , and consists of these two generals , doublings of length , and doublings of depth , all times in quantity of number , sometimes both in number and place , both sorts having this restriction , to be doublings of rankes or flanks ; every particular doublings pointing at one of these , although there be sundry and divers waies for the doing of them , each of them being to very good purpose , for some consideration or other . doublings of ranks , from what forme soever it be done , doth make the number double so much as was before , and sometimes doth extend the length of the battell to double the proportion of ground , as well as well as number . doublings of files ( or flankes ) doe also double the number in depth , and sometimes becomes a doubling both of number and place . wherefore for the better understanding of the doublings , observe with me these sixe usuall waies following . the severall parts or branches of doublings . doublings of 1 ranks . 2 halfe-files . 3 bringers-up . 4 the reere . 5 files . 6 halfe-rankes . the first is the doubling of rankes , and is when every even ranke doubleth into the odde ; the second is , when the halfe-files double their ranks forwards into the front : the third , when the bringers-up double their ranks forwards into the front. the fourth when the front-halfe files doubleth the reere . these first foure being doublings of ranks , the length of the battell being by them extended either simply in number , or both in number and place . the next two are doublings of flanks : the first whereof is the ordinary doublings of files , every one of the even files being inserted into the odde files , accounting from the hand named . the next is the doubling of halfe-rankes , which is to be understood when one flanke doubleth the other , either by passing through , countermarch , doubling intire , or divisionall . you are to note in this motion of doubling , that as there is one part of the body stands , so the other part moves : the standing part is to be doubled , the part moving , are those that double , as you may perceive by the figures , which shew the manner of each doubling . that which next followes are the words of command , and direction for doublings with their severall reducements following next after them . the words of command for doublings . ranks to the right double .   left   rankes as you were . files to the right double .   left   files as you were . bringers up double your ranks forward to the right . bringers up face about to the left , march forth into your places . bringers up double your ranks forward to the left . bringers up face about to the right , march forth into your places . files to the right and left double outward , files as you were .   inward ,   halfe files double your rankes forward to the right . halfe files face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe files double your ranks forward to the left . halfe files face about to the right , march forth into your places . front halfe files face about to the left and double the reere to the right , march forth into your places . front halfe files face about to the right and double the reere to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double the reere to the right by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double the reere to the left by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-rankes to the right by counter-march , double your left flanke . halfe-rankes that doubled face to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-rankes to the left by counter-march , double your right flanke . halfe ▪ ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flank . halfe-ranks that doubled , face to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the left , double your right flank . halfe-ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your right places . halfe-files double your front to the right intire . halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front to the left intire . halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front inward intire . halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front by diuision . halfe-files face about to the right and left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reere by division . front halfe-files face about to the right and left inward , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reere to the right intire . front halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reer to the left intire . front halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flank intire to the right . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the left , double your right flanke intire to the left . halfe-ranks that doubled , face about to the right , march into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flanke by division . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about the right and left inward , march forth into your places . double your ranks to the right intire . ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your places . double your ranks to the left intire . ranks that doubled face to the right , march forth into your places . double your ranks by division . ranks that doubled , face to the right and left inward , march forth into your places . double your files to the right intire , advancing . files that doubled , face about to the left , march forth into your places . double your files to the left intire , advancing . files that doubled , face about to the right , march forth into your places . files double your depth intire to the right files that doubled , as you were . left files double your depth to the right , every man falling behinde his bringer-up . files that doubled , as you were . chap. xii . of inversion and conversion , and of doubling ranks . there is yet another doubling of the depth , which is called inversion . but because some out of their ignorance make little or no difference betwixt inversion and conversion . give me leave for the clearing of the doubt , to place conversion and inversion together , that by their contrary effects , the difference may be the more perspicuous to such as shall be desirous to know it . yet before i either enter upon figure , or command for inversion or conversion , i hold it necessary to shew some of the figures of those doublings , for which i have already given the words of command and reducements . and then next after them , i will place both the words of command , and the figures belonging to inversion and conversion . this figure next following , is a doubling of rankes to the right , where you may perceive how the even rankes are inserted into the odde rankes : the pricks denotating the places they stood in , before the doubling began , the little line or stroke drawne from the pricks , shewing the manner of the doubling : i thinke it would be needlesse to make another figure , to shew the doubling of rankes to the left ; for the meanest judgement may by this figure easily apprehend what the other would be . chap. xiii . of doublings of files . in this doubling of files , you may perceive , that each of the even files doubleth into the odde files , beginning from the hand named : as in this doubling of files to the left ; the left hand file stands fast , the second file doubleth into it , the fourth file into the third , and so for the rest . if your command be to double your files to the right , then contrariwise the right hand file stands fast , the rest of the even files doubling into the odde , accounting from the right , as before from the left . thus much may suffice for the doubling of files , onely take this by way of admonition ; that as in doubling of ranks any way , you are to observe your right hand leader : so in doubling of files , you are to observe your file-leader ; so that as neere as possibly may be , you may either in ranke or file , be altogether in one motion . if you please further to observe with me , that this doubling is a doubling of number , and not of place , the depth of the battell not being thereby extended , for further satisfaction observe this figure . files to the left , double . * files as you were . chap. xiv . of doublings by bringers-up . this doubling which next followeth , shall be a doubling by bringers-up , of which sort , one figure will be sufficient , which i hold most necessary to demonstrate in manner of motion ▪ the figure followeth . this doubling of ranks by bringers up , differeth from the other doubling of ranks , first done , both in quantity and quality . in quantity it differeth , in regard the other leaves a large distance betweene ranke and ranke , being double the distance they formerly stood at : this contrariwise continuing and preserving the same distance they formerly stood at betweene each ranke . in quality it also differeth , in regard that it brings the best and second sort of souldiers , together into the front. the manner of this doubling you may plainely perceive by the figure , where it is performed as followeth . the eight or last ranke , which are the bringers up , passe forwards even in ranke , through or betweene the intervales , to the right of them that stand before them , until they come even in ranke with the front ; the seventh rank following those which marched from behinde them , placing themselves in the second rank , the sixth in the third , the fifth ranke or halfe file in the fourth or reere of the front halfe file . this doubling maketh a very able front , in bringing all the best souldiers together . and although it hath diminished the number , in regard of the depth , yet it hath doubled the number in the length . this doubling is in quantity of number , not of ground . when you march into your places , remember this , that the rank which last tooke his place in the execution of this motion , must first march into his place in the way of reducement . for as they are led forth by their bringers up , contrariwise they are led off by their halfe file leaders . in the doubling of the front to the left by bringers up , it is the same , onely differing in this , that whereas before it was to the right , this is to the left. wherefore let this suffice for doublings , by bringers up . chap. xv. doublings of files outward and inward . the next doubling , is a doubling of files outward , which workes the same effect ; as to double files to the right and left . for the right flanke is to double to the right , the left flanke to the left . as you may plainely perceive by the following figure . this doubling of files to the right and left outward , strengthneth both the flanks at once ; by doubling their numbers in depth : but it weakneth the inward part , where it taketh two files cleane away , leaving a large interuale in the midst . some say it is good when a commander will grace any , to bring them through the center or midst of the battalia . but you must note , if you have an odde file you cannot so punctually performe it , as when the number of your files be even . the manner of the doubling , you may perceive by the figure ; the motion , by the little lines drawen from the pricks . the performance is as followeth . the outmost file of each flanke stands ; the second files double into them ; the third file from each flanke stands ; the fourth file double into the third ; the sixt into the fift , and so likewise for the rest . if you would double files to the right and left inward , it is to be done the contrary way : for whereas in this figure of doubling last performed ; the outmost files stand , the other doubling outward into them : contrarywise the two inmost files should stand , the rest doubling to them inward . and whereas in this there is a larger distance in the midst , then is in any other part ; the other part contra would bee closest in that part . some men doe not approove of either of these doublings . i leave every man to his owne choice . the practise of it makes perfection , and he that can doe much may doe lesse when he li●teth . chap. xvi . of doubling by halfe-files . the next doubling is a doubling by halfe-files , whereby the length of the battaile is extended to double the former proportion of number , the depth being extenuated both in number and place . this figure will demonstrate unto you the manner of the motion , which is as followeth . this doubling our rankes forward by our halfe-files , is a moriō generally approved of by all for serviceable , if it be done with conveniencie . it differeth from the other doubling by bringers up , in quality , not in quantity , ( for therein they keepe one proportion : ) in quality it differeth thus : the doubling by bringers up brought the best and second sort of souldiers together into the front ; the fourth and third sort into the reere : so that the reere was 4 / 7 worse then the front : this doubling by halfe-files brings the best and the third together into the front , and leaves the second and fourth in the reere : so that the front is made more able , then the reere , by ⅓ . it differeth likewise in motion thus ; for whereas in the other doubling , by bringers up , the motion was begun , by the last ranke ▪ every ranke following the ranke which came from behind him : this contrarywise is directly led foorth by the fift ranke from the front , ( if they be but eight deepe ) and so is executed more surely and suddenly ; the fift ranke passing into the first ; the sixth ranke into the second ; the seventh into the third , and so for the rest . for the reducement , when they are commanded to face about to the left , and march forth into their places ; then as the motion was led on by the halfe-file-leaders , so in the reducement , they are led off by the bringers up : doubling of halfe-files to the left produceth the same effect ; onely the contrary hand . chap. xvii . of doubling the reere by front halfe-files . the doubling of the reere by front halfe-files , is differing from the doubling last shewen , more in maner then matter ; both concurring in substance , although differing in circumstance . to say more of it , were more then needed ; only peruse the figure which presents it selfe unto you ( as it is in motion ) as followeth . this doubling of the reere , by the front halfe-files , is to bee performed after this manner . the command being first given , the front halfe-files face about to the left , ( the pikes being all aduanced , the muskets all either poysed or shouldred ) and so being led by the halfe-file-leaders to the reere , which are those that hold the fourth place of honour , they march directly forwards to the right of the other part of the body , which stood faced in opposition ; untill the leaders of the doubling have ranked , even in ranke with the bringers up , the rest ranking even with the other standing rankes , according to their places : if it be for service that this doubling is used , then the whole body is to face about to the reere , being the part to be doubled : if onely for exercise , then the commander may ( if he please ) keepe his place , and the doubling being performed , and the whole body faced to the leader , command for the reducement ; files to the right , double intire advancing ; every man falling before his leader ; which reduceth each man to his first place . chap. xviii . of doubling the reere by countermarch . there is another manner , of doubling of the reere , by the front halfe-files , contrary to that shewen in the precedent chapter , which is done by the way of the lacedemon countermarch ; which some would ranke amongst the countermarches . because ( say they ) the motion is a countermarch . but the act intended , or thing wrought , is a doubling ; and if it were , to have the denomination of a countermarch , then it ought not to mixe with any other part of the body , onely to countermarch the front into the midst , and there to stand , without passing forwards to the reere ; ( which makes it a doubling ) and then it might be accounted for a part-countermarch . but as it is here commanded , and performed , it is a doubling . obserue the figure following . this figure of doubling the reere by countermarch , produceth the same effect to the reere , as doubling the front by bringers up doth unto the front. the countermarch by which it is performed , is a countermarch of losse of ground , we will speake more of it amongst the countermarches . the command to reduce it is ( if the commander stand , at the head of that part that is doubled . ) front halfe-files , face about to the right , march forth into your places : if he keepe his first stand , having faced them to him ; then , front halfe-files , march forth into your places . to double the reere to the left , by countermarch , is the same , differing onely in the hand . i will next shew a doubling of the left flanke , by way of countermarch . chap. xix . of doubling flankes by way of countermarch . halfe-rankes ( or flankes ) are then said to be doubled , when the depth of your battalia , is increased to double , their former proportion ; of number , or place , or both : which may be done divers wayes . but this chàpter , and figure , is onely to demonstrate unto you , the doubling of the left flanke , by way of countermarch . the figure followeth : and stands as the doubling is in motion . this doubling of halfe-rankes by countermarch , is a doubling of number , not of place : for the depth still retaines , the same proportion ; onely augmented by one man , the length of your battalia , being diminished , both in number and place ; the right flanke being wholly inserted , into the left flanke , as you may perceive by the figure ; the motion is to be performed on this manner : the halfe-rankes of the right , face to the right , and then even in ranke together , countermarch betweene the intervales , untill the outmost file to the right , which is marked with the figure 1 , be come into the outmost file of the left flanke , which is marked with the number 16 : the second into the fifteenth ; the third into the foureteenth ; the fourth into the thirteenth : and the rest in like manner . the use of this doubling is , to strengthen one of the flankes , by bringing more hands , to doe present execution ; the other flanke being in more surety . the way for the reducement of this motion is , after this manner ; the halfe-ranks last doubled , being faced to the right , then they which were the last , which tooke their places in the motion , now are the first , which take their places in the reducement ; orderly marching in ranke together , untill they come to their places : then facing to their leader , they become files againe . the left flanke may in like manner , double the right by countermarch ; the difference is this : the right flanke stands , the left flanke is inserted into the right , as before the right was into the left. to shew another figure for it , would be altogether needlesse . chap. xx. doubling halfe files to the right intire to accomodate the doubling of halfe rankes . i should now come to shew another manner of doubling of flanks , by inserting the one flanke into the other , a different way from that last shewen . but if i should performe it , as the body stands , in the ordinary square , flanked with muskettiers : then it would produce a mixture of armes . to avoid which , before you enter upon this doubling , of passing in , through or betweene your halfe rankes ; cause your halfe files to double the front to the right intire , which being performed , you may then proceed to the doubling of your flanks , any way without mixture of armes . if i should have shewen this motion with pikes or muskettiers alone , this first doubling of halfe files intire , might have beene spared : but i desire not to leave any thing obscure or difficult , but to render it as easie and apparant as i may , to the capacity of the meanest reader : and if any place in this small treatise of mine shall seem ambiguous , i shall intreate the courteous to impute it to my lacke of language to expresse my selfe , rather than any will in me to conceale , or obnubilate the sense , whereby to deprive them of the true meaning of any thing in this booke contained . but left by doubling of words , i prove tardy in my worke ; i will forbeare further circumstance , and come to the prosecution of the matter : which in the first place , will be a doubling of halfe files to the right intire , whereby the next doubling may be the more commodiously accomplished . the figure followeth . this doubling of halfe files to the right intire , i have fully exprest in the figure , as the body stands , the motion being ended : because we are to adde another doubling , before wee reduce them . this figure next following , will be best shewen in the motion or action , not fully performed : that thereby the manner may be the more easily discerned . but by the way observe , that this doubling of halfe files , is a doubling both of number and place ; for the length of the battalia is not only double so many a breast as they were before , but they also have extended ther length to double their proportion of ground , which formerly they did occupie . i forbeare to speake more of this doubling , untill we come to shew it in motion : and now proceed to the next doubling upon this . the command is as followeth . this doubling of halfe rankes is a more speedy and sure doubling , then the doubling of halfe ranks by countermarch , but is most commonly used when the body consists but of one sort of armes , being either all muskettiers , or all pikes . but because in my figures i have as well muskettiers as pikes , i have made use of a doubling intire , and from that have doubled my left flanke , to prevent the mixture of armes : however mixture of armes upon some occasion may be necessary . the manner to performe the motion , is this . the left flanke stands , the halfe ranks of the right , face to the left ; and then the inmost file of the right flanke , ( all the files of the right flanke , being by this facing become ranks ) is the leader of this motion , marching forth right to their left hands , between the intervales of the rankes of the left flank , untill that the sixteenth file which now is become a ranke , have placed themselves orderly in the two and thirtieth file , ( which is the outmost file of the left flanke . ) the fifteenth in the one and thirtieth , the fourteenth in the thirtieth : the thirteenth in the nine and twentieth ; and so likewise of all the rest . the places may be perceived by the figure . the doubling is of number , and not of place . for reducement to both these doublings , first cause the halfe rankes which last doubled , to face to the right , and so to march into their places . they that last tooke their places in the motion , are the first that take their places in the reducement . the doubling of halfe ranks being thus reduced , next for the reducing of the halfe files , ( which were doubled before , for the accomodating of the doubling of halfe-ranks ) command the halfe files to face about to the left , and to march forth into their places : wherewith i will conclude these sort of doublings , which require open order in ranke and file , and come next to shew intire doublings , which claime a closer distance for their true performance . and therfore conceive them closed to their order , both in ranke and file . chap. xxi . the difference betweene intire and divisionall doublings , and of doubling halfe-files intire . having closed our souldiers to their due distance , i will next proceed , to shew doublings intire . but me thinkes , i heare some already inquiring , what is meant , by intire doublings ; and therefore without offence to the curious , give me leave to be so courteous ( to the ignorant ) to tell them , that all doublings , are either intire or divisionall . intire doublings being these , or such like , as when the files or halfe-files , rankes , or halfe-rankes , ( according as the command may be ) doe march forth joyntly together , without division or dissipation , to double the part commanded . particle and divisionall doublings being such , as i have formerly shewn ; as when the files or halfe-files , rankes or halfe-rankes , are disranked and divided into more parts or places than one . this may serve for way of distinction : i will now shew intire doublings , as they are in action : and first beginne with doubling halfe-files . the figure followeth . this doubling of halfe-files intire , hath beene held a better doubling ; then either the ordinary doubling of ranks , or the usuall way of doubling by halfe-files or bringers up : some of the causes are these . first it makes no disturbance to the other part of the battalia ; but that it may either be executed in time of motion , exercise , or skirmish . secondly , it appeares another solid body , to the great disheartening of any enemy . thirdly , it is very apt for over-fronting ; being a doubling both of number and place . the way to performe the motion , is this . the halfe-files face to the left , and march till they are quite cleere of that part of the body , which stands ; then they face to their leader , and so march up , untill they are become even in ranke with those which stand upon the right flanke : and then the figure will be perfect . for the reducement ; the word of command is , halfe files face about to the right , march forth into your places : having faced about , they march straight forth , untill they be cleere of the front halfe-files ; then they face to the left , and march straight forth , untill every man hath his right place , and then face right after their leaders . the doubling of halfe-files to the right intire , is performed after the same manner , onely differing in the hand . chap. xxii . of doubling the front inward intire . doubling of the front inward intire , hath beene a doubling as usefull , as ancient : notwithstanding , most commonly used by greater bodies , as when one regiment , division , or maniple , moveth forward , betweene two others , thereby seconding or relieving them : whereby the front of all the three divisions become ranged in an even line ; but i have onely taken upon me , to shew the motion , in a private company . the figure whereof followeth , as it is in the execution . it hath beene the custome amongst ancient souldiers and great commanders , that in the matter of exercise , they shew some things which are most apt for a private company ; some for a regiment ; other some most usefull for compleat arms ; so in like manner , it must be the discretion of every reader , ( whether hereade for apprehension or reprehension ) to suit and fit each motion to his true end & purpose , & with the wise man , rather reade twise , than judge once : and then perhaps , when the intent of the author is perceived , his opinions may be received ; yet what need i , or any other apologize ought , in the behalfe of this figure , or any other such like : sith they are but the expressions of the various figures which proceed of the words of command , used almost by every ordinary exerciser of a foot company ? neverthelesse if aesops long ear'd beast passing by , should peepe into this druggists shop , and quarrell with the compounds , i shall not studie for a further answer , then that the excellent and skilfull physitian , can convert that into an antidote , which the unlearned foole will make his poyson . but lest i be taxt for digression , the motion of this doubling is thus performed . the halfe files of the front , faceth to the right and left ; and march till they have left a distance between them sufficient to receive the halfe files of the reere , and then stand and face to their leader . then the halfe files march up , and even their front. for the reducement of this figure , there are ( as there are for all the rest ) divers waies . but because that it is necessary to shew one , let the halfe files face about to the reere , and march untill they are cleere of the front halfe files , then stand and face to their leader ; then the other halfe files of the front , close their division , and they are reduced . chap. xxiii . of hale-files , doubling the front by division . this doubling hath beene very well approved of by count mansfield , sir thomas kelly , captaine bingham , and divers other souldiers of good esteeme , who preferre these sorts of doublings before any other : because these doublings may be used in time of fight , without disturbance to the other part of the battell . the figure stands as it is in motion . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth : the halfe-files are to face to the right and left , and to march , untill rhey are cleere of the reere part of the front division ; then they face to their leader , and march up , untill they be come even in ranke , with the front , and so stand : which perfects this doubling . the way to reduce them is , as followeth . the halfe-files are to face about to the reere , and to march forth-right untill they are cleere of the front halfe-files ; and then they are to face to the right and left inward ; and so to march and close their division ; then being faced to their leader , they are reduced , as at first . chap. xxiv . of doubling the reere , by division . this next doubling , shall be a doubling of the reere by the front halfe-files , which will worke the same effect to the reere , as the last doubling , by division , did to the front. it may be usefull in the passing of a river , when the enemy chargeth or persueth in the reere . the front-division either opening , as you may perceive by the figure ( next following ) and suffering the reere halfe-files to passe through them , they maintaining the skirmish , untill the other have attained the further banke of the river ; or else the front-halfe-files , being opened to the right and left , and faced upon the enemy ; march gallantly vp , and receive the charge , whilest the others provide for themselves . this motion may also be usefull , when you have gained some place of aduantage , for then by this doubling of the reere , your battaile will bee both lengthened and strengthened ; and so by the suddaine bringing of these supplies into the reere you may not onely relieve your owne , but happily overfront your enemy . the figure followeth ▪ for the manner or way of this motion , it may be thus performed : the front halfe-files face to the right , and left , and march untill they are cleere of the other halfe-files of the reere ; then they face to the reere , and march on , untill they have attained to bee even in ranke with them , whom they had command to double ; which perfects the doubling . the way to reduce them , is as followeth : if you keepe your place of the first front , then let your halfe-files ▪ face about , ( according to former directions , ) and march untill they are cleere of the reere halfe-files , which stand ; then face to the right and left inward , and close their divisions ; and being eaced all to their leader , they are reduced . sundry , and divers ways there are , for reducement both of this and most other figures . neuerthelesse i conceive , if i give one reducement to each figure , it may suffice to those that know little ; as for such which know better , they know more wayes to the wood then one : and surely , should i inlarge my selfe , but halfe so much as i might , ( and indeed in some things , no more then were needfull ) i should then bring my volume into too great a bulke , and by the price , hinder some of the profit : but i am willingly silent in some things , whereby others may be the better encouraged by my weaknesses , to take notice of their owne worths , which may induce them to put pen to paper , and thereby produce some worthy worke , which may tend to their credits , and their countreys good . chap. xxv . of doubling the reere intire , by the front-halfe-files . this next doubling , shall be a doubling of the reere to the right intire , by the eront halfe-files ; which i intend not fully to expresse : but to deliver the figure as the body stands in motion . for i conceive it better to shew some figures in the manner of the motion , then to shew them as they would appeare . the motion being perfected for the way of the working , gives a great deale more light to the learner , then to shew the thing absolutely wrought . neither would i have any thinke , although i shew these varieties of doublings , and acknowledge them to be of singular good use for the extension of the length or depth of any battaile ; but that the wise conduct and skill of the commander must so order them , that the extending of the length , doe not too much weaken the depth ; nor that the strengthening of the depth , be not too great a weakening to the front or length of your battaile . i might give examples how divers great cōmanders , either by good foresight , or ill oversight , have gained to themselues and their countreys , honor and victory , or losse and slavery . but others have beene very plentifull in examples of this nature , which makes me the more sparing : for my intent is not to write a history of the actions of others ; but rather to shew to such as are not so skilfull , the bostures , motions , and some few formes or figures of battaile , with their severall reducements . the figure of this present doubling followeth . the manner of this motion ( or doubling ) is thus to be performed . the front-halfe-files , face to the left , and march untill they are cleere of the reere-halfe-files : then face againe to the left ( which is the reere ) and march outright , untill they ranke even with the last ranke of the reere-division ; which gives conclusion to the doubling . for the reducement . let your front-halfe-files , face about to the left , and march right foorth untill they 〈…〉 cleere of the reere-halfe-files : then face them to the right , and let them march into their places . then if the commander goe to his first front , and face them all to him ; they are reduced as at first . to double the reere to the left intire , may be done after the same manner : onely differing in the hand . chap. xxvi . of doublings by halfe-rankes intire . having shewed the particle doublings and the doublings of front and reere intire , and by division ▪ i will next shew the doublings of flankes after the same manner , and will first begin with a doubling of the left flanke , by advancing the right flanke , and placing it before the leaders of the left flanke ▪ which is a doubling both of number and place , and may serve to singular good use for the strengthening of any flank , where it may be needfull : for it makes the battaile defensible on every part . the figure , as it is in motion followeth . if you would have 〈…〉 muskettiers , to double even with the muskettiers of the contrary flanke . then it is no more but thus ; cause the halfe ranks of the right flanke , to march forth-right ( as you may perceive by the figure ) untill the reere ranke of the right flanke be advanced about three foot before the front of the left flanke , and then cause that flanke so advanced , to countermarch their rankes to the right . and then also your muskettiers will be together , and the pikes likewise by themselves . the reducement wil be after the same manner . but for instruction for the motion , by this figure intended according to the command formerly given . the left flanke , stands ; the right flanke marcheth forth right , untill the reere of the right flanke be advanced before the front of the left flanke ▪ as a foresaid ▪ then face them to the left ; and cause them to march , untill the pikes are even in ranke with the muskettiers , which perfects the doubling . for the reducement : let the halfe rankes that doubled , face about to the left ▪ and march , until they are cleere of the left flanke ( or standing part of the battaile ) then cause them to face to the right ; and to march strait downe into their places . then the leader being at his first from faceth them all to him , which reduceth them as at first . the right flanke may also double the left flanke ▪ to the left intire : and then as the right flank in this doubling , came crosse the front of the left ▪ contrariwise they will come crosse the reere . the left flanke may double the right flanke intire ; to gether hand in like manner . but by this that hath already been shown ▪ the others may be understood . wherefore i spare the figures . chap. xxvii . of doubling of flankes , by division . this next doubling , is a doubling of flanks by division , and without question , a serviceable doubling , and very usefull , for some occasions : for if you note the figure ; and conceive rightly ; what it will produce ▪ ( the motion being ended ) it makes a strong forme of battaile , to give fire three severall wayes at once . the figure followeth . the motion of this doubling , is thus to , be performed . the reere-half-files of the left flanke , face about to the right : and then both the front , half-files , and reere-half-files , march forth-right ; untill they are cleere of that part of the body , that stands : then each division , faceth that way , which they are to double , ( which the front half-files must doe to the right , the reere half-files , to the left . ) and so march forth-right , untill the doubling be performed . for the reducement ; you are to conceive , it may bee diversly performed : if the leader , be at the right flanke , ( which is the part that was doubled . ) then , the reducement is , as followeth : the half-rankes that doubled , face about , inward ; and march forth-right untill they are cleere of the right flank , which stands ; then , the front half-files , face to the left : the reere-half-files to the right , and then close their division . the leader going to his first front , and facing the whole body to him , they are reduced as at first ▪ if that the right flanke , would double the left flanke , by division ; the matter is the same : differing onely in the hand . chap. xxviii . of doubling rankes intire . doubling of ranks to the right intire , is a doubling , both of number , and place : and in some sort , worketh the same effect ; as the doubling of half-●les to the right intire . but differeth first in regard of the partias ; which are the doublers , and secondly , in the distance , left after the doubling . for the first , ( which is matter of dignitie . ) the fift and first in honour , are ranked together in the front ; the second , and sixt in dignity , make the last ranke in the reere : so that the front , precedes . the reere , ¼ in worth : whereas , in the doubling by half-files , the front exceeded the reere , by ⅓ : secondly , it differeth for the distance ; by leaving open order , at the left , betweene all the ranks . for further satisfaction , observe this figure following . the motion of this doubling , ought to be performed , as followeth , namely , if the doubling be to the right , as is above expressed by this figure : every even ranke , faceth to the right . the right hand man of each ranke , becomming the leader of his ranke file-wise : leading them forth , and in their march or moving forwards , a little bending to the left : that when the left hand man of each ranke , ( which are the bringers-up of the motion ) are cleere of the standing part of the body , by onely facing to the front , they may stand even in ranke , with the rest of the company . for reducement of this doubling : it may be as followeth . command the ranks that doubled , to face to the left ; and march forth-right into their places . or for variety , command halfe-ranks of the right , to face to the left , and double the left flanke . both which , as the company now stand , worke one and the same effect . the left hand men of each ranke , being the leaders of the motion , in the reducement . to double rankes to the left intire ; is to be done after the same manner ; onely observing the difference of the hand . this doubling , may also be done by division . but i spare the figures . chap. xxix . of doubling files intire , advancing . doubling of files to the right intire , advancing , is ( also ) a doubling both of number and place : for it increaseth the depth , to double their former proportion : of number , as from eight , to sixteene ; from ten to twenty , &c. it also gaineth so much more ground before the front , as formerly the battell did containe : by transferring the even files of the body , into the ground , before the front of the odde files : but this doubling , diminisheth the number of the length of your battell , although it preserves their place . i spare to speake further of it , onely thus . let the antiquity of this doubling , plead for it's excellencie , and if that may hold for a rule , then this may be ranked amongst the best . for further directions , observe the following figure . the motion of this doubling , ought to be performed after this manner . the odde files are to stand , beginning your account from the outmost sile , to the hand named . the musketticrs , and pikes , of the even files , are to advance their armes , and follow their file-leaders ; every file-leader leading his file forth right ; before his next file to the right , untill the bringers up of the even files are orderly placed , before the leaders of the odde files : as you may perceive by the figure . for reducement : let the files that doubled , face about to the left : the bringers up of each file leading them forth , right downe the intervales , which are on the left hand ; untill they are come even , with the reere : and then stand , and face to their leader , and they are reduced , as at first . the doubling of files to the left intire , advancing ; is after the same manner : it onely ▪ differeth in the hand : wherefore i spare the figure . they that love to be curious , may likewise double files , by division , advancing . chap. xxx . of files , doubling their depth . this next doubling , is a doubling of the depth , to the right intire : and is likewise , a doubling of files , as the other last , shewen in the precedent chapter . being alike , both for number and place : notwithstanding , it differeth from the other , both in manner of executing , and in some sort of the matter executed . for whereas the other doubling , by advancing of files , did transferre all the even-files into the ground before the front. contrariwise , this doubling doth transferre them into the ground next behind the reer . and as in the other doubling , you may perceive halfe the file-leaders , to remaine in the front ; the other halfe to be halfe-file leaders . this doubling , hath halfe the file-leaders in the front : the other halfe being the last ranke , of the reere . those which were the former bringers up , being become the two innermost , or middlemost ranks . the figure followeth , being demonstrated as the body stands ; the motion being ended . depiction of 'files doubling their depth' the manner of the motion for this doubling ; is as followeth . the command being given ; files , double your depth to the right intire : every man falling behinde his bringer up : then the even files ( accounting from the hand named immediately face about to the right , and the bringers up of each of the even files , turne behinde the bringers up of the odde files , that stand . and so every man , as he commeth down to the reere , turneth to the left behinde him , that marcheth downe the next before him ; untill those that were the leaders of the even files , are become the bringers up to those which were the odde files . the reducement is as followeth . bringers up that now are , double your ranks forward to the left . which being performed , they are , as at the first . if you would be instructed in the manner , turne backe and see it : where the bringers up double their ranks forward , into the front . it is the fourteenth chapter . i have willingly past over another doubling of the depth , because it is much after the manner of that , which is done by advancing file upon file ; which is the doubling of the last chapter . it differeth onely thus . in the last figure , the even files marched forth ; placing themselves before the odde files . and in this which i have omitted , the even files are to face about , and march forth right towards the reere ; untill the file-leaders of the even files , have placed themselves , just behinde the bringers up of the odde files : and then every man to face to his leader . some have a doubling of the depth by countermarch . which i conceive scarce worth penning , yet willing to leave every man to his owne liking ; & as i do nothing in it , so i 'le say nothing of it . there are others that have written concerning doublings of place , nevertheles because they are nothing , but the opening of ranks & files , wherby length or depth of your battell is extended , and so doubled in place , and not in number . i forbeare to write further of them , desiring not to treate of such things , which are more curious then necessary . chap. xxxi . of conversion and inversion , with their words of command , and reducements . according to my promise , i will next shew the difference , betweene inversion and conversion : the very names whereof is such a puzzling unto many , that they are more troubled with the words , then the worke . some are of opinion , that they are both one ; differing in letter not in matter . others would have a difference , if they could tell how , or where . but generally , they are so chopt and changed , one for the other ; that the souldier cannot in truth tell which is either . but that you may not be deceived , take this for a rule : that inversion doth alwaies produce , file , or files ; and conversion , ranke , or rankes . inversion consists of the files filing , or of rankes filing . conversion of ranks ranking , to the right or left . or by increase of files , ranking by even , or uneven parts : and of ranks wheeling , to the right or left . i shall speake further of them in their severall places . but by the way , you are to observe , that inversion and conversion , require larger distances of ground , then any other motions ; which must be , the officers care , to open the ranks , or files , to such distance as shall be necessary , to containe the rankes or files , so to be inverted or converted , whether it be double-distance , or twice double-distance for any other lesser , or larger quantity of ground . the words of command , with their severall reducements , are as followeth . inversion . files , file one , to the right , file-leaders , lead up your files as you were , left , files , file to the right and left by division . ranks , file to the right , files , ranke as you were . left , right & left . conversion . ranks , ranke 3 , 5 , 7 , or 9 , to the right ranks , ranke as you were . 4 , 6 , 8 , or 10 , to the left by increase 2. 4. 6. 8. &c. to the right by increase 1. 3. 5. 7. &c. to the left intire to the right into the front intire into the left into the front by division into the front ranks , wheele to the right left right and left files , rank 3 , 5 , 7 , or 9. to the right ranks , file as you were . 4 , 6 , 8 , or 10. to the left by increase to the right , 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. by increase to the left , 2 , 4 , 6 , 8 , &c. to the right into the front . to the left to avoid the words of inversion , and conversion , i have delivered the directions , with once naming either of them . onely i have exprest the six first words of command , to be inversion , and these last sixteen , to be conversion . for i conceive it ; not to be so necessary , to adde to every word of command , inversion , or conversion . for by so doing , the unlearned , and ignorant souldier will be so transported , with the strangnesse of the word ; that he will scarce , by any meanes be made , capable of the matter : for my own part , i have ever held this opinion : that the easiest expressions , are ever to be preferred in the way of instruction , to young souldiers . i might have much inlarged my self , in the words of direction , concerning this subject : but these being perfectly attained ; others by practice , wil be gained . i at the first intēded , to have drawn figure , for every one of these words , of command : but i have better considered , that some of them will require , so much roome : and againe are so easie to be understood without their figures ; that i conceive , i may both spare the pains , and cost ; and onely deliver the figures of some few of them , which will be the most necessary . and for the others i will expresse in words , what they will produce , in figure . chap. xxxii . of files , filing in sequence . the command is , files , file on to the right . to performe this word of command , or direction . the right hand file , marcheth away single ; the second file from the right , falleth into the reere of the first . the third , behind the second ; the fourth , behind the third . and so consequently , all the rest of the files ; fall into the reere of their next right-hand-files , untill all the whole company , become one file . it may bee usefull , to passe some narrow bridge , or thicket , or else-where ; where but one , at once can passe : the commander being willing , to preserve his files , intire ▪ and whole . the way for the reducement , may be after this manner . the place being convenient , every file-leader , is to lead up his file , to the left of him , that marcheth before him ; untill all the file-leaders , are even in ranke together : their files orderly following them . the word for the reducement ; is , file-leaders , lead up your files as you were : for files , to file on in sequence , to the left ; may be performed , after the same manner : but differeth in the hand . yet works the same effect ; only , the right-hand-file-leader , led the other : and the elft-hand-file , fell last of all into the reere . this , contrariwise ' , is led forth by the left-hand-file : and the right-hand-file , is the last , that taketh place , in the reere of the extended file . files , file to the right and left by division . this files filing by division ; is wrought after the same manner : but differeth in this ; that the right-hand-file of the company , and the left-hand-file of the same , begin to lead forth at one , and the same time in their severall places . the files of the right flanke falling likewise , behind the right-hand-file : the files of the left flanke , falling in like manner , behind the left-hand-file . so , that if the body be flankt with muskettiers ; then this filing by division , bringeth all the muskettiers into the front-division : and the pikes in the reere of them . if there be an odde file , it most commonly falleth to the right . the word for reducement is ; file-leaders lead up your files as you were . this sort of inversion , is called filing in sequence . i will now shew another sort of inversion , which is by ranks filing . the which i will demonstrate unto you , by two figures , which will be sufficient , to instruct the desirous . chap. xxxiii . of inverting rankes ; or rankes filing . this following figure of inversion , is of ranks , filing to the right ; where all the ranks are to be inverted , into the out-most-file to the right ; for the doing whereof , let all your files , be closed to their order , or close order ; as shall bee thought most necessary : the ranks opened , either forward , or backward , to double-distāce , or twice double-distance , ( more or lesse ) as the commander shall see most convenient , according to his number . having closed your files , and opened your ranks , unto their due distance ; then , let every ranke , move after his right-hand-man , untill every ranke stand right in file , after the right-hand-leader of his rank . in this figure , i have onely opened the foure first ranks to their distance , and inverted but two of the foure . by which it may easily be perceived , both the manner of the worke , and the matter which is to be wrought . but if the commander will performe it upon a march ; then they shall not need to open to any distance , but to take their distance , in the executions which is the easiest way , and will be thus performed . the right-hand-man of the first ranke , marcheth forth right ; all his ranke facing to the right , and marching file-wise after him . the right-hand-man , of the second ranke , falling immediately after the left hand-man of the first ranke , all his ranke in like manner following of him . the right-hand-man of the third ranke , after the left-hand-man of the second ; his ranke likewise following of him . and so for all the rest , untill they are all become one file . place this figure in chapter 33. betweene folio 90 , and 91. this rankes fileing , is sooner performed , and reduced ; then files fileing : and in the reducement will presently be ready to make resistance , against any opposition in the front. whereas if files , file ; it will be a great while before the file-leaders will be able to make good the front : the manner of the reducement of this figure , is as followeth . if they were eight men , before in ranke , then the first eight men , ranke to the left , into the front . the next eight men , ranke next after them , which makes the second ranke . the third eight men , ranking to the left , make the third ranke . and so forward for the rest , untill they are reduced , as at the first . but it may be , that some will object ; that in this figure , there is mixture of armes ; which if they will avoyd , they may either march forwards their muskettiers of each division , and close them before the pikes ; and invert them first . or they may march forwards their pikes first , and leave their muskettiers to come in the reere . or if they please , they may upon a long march , first invert the front-division of muskettiers : then their pikes , and last the reere-division of muskettiers ; which way so ever it be done . the word for the reducement will be , files , ranke as you were . rankes , file to the left , is performed after the same manner . it differeth from this last done , but onely in the hand . and whereas the right-hand-file-leader , was the leader of the last , this would be led by the left-hand-file-leader : the left-hand-leader of each ranke , leading forth his ranke file-wise , as before it was performed ; but to the contrary hand . i spare the figure , chap. xxxiiii . of rankes filing by division : and how vsefull . this next figure of inversion , is rankes filing by division is a doubling of the depth , by unequall proportion . for whereas in most of all other doublings , the number of the length , or depth is augmented , but to double their former proportion of number : this doubling of inversion , makes their depth so many times more in number , as there are files to double . or halfe so many times , if it be done by division , as in the next following figure . it hath beene , of ancient use , amongst the old grecians : and in these our latter times , it hath beene held of speciall use , to avoyd the shot of the great ordnance , when of necessity we are to march against any battery . it hath also been held good , to prevent the eminent danger of some great shower of small shot , likely to be powred out upon the front of your battalia . it may also serue for an honourable passage , large interualle , street , or gallery , ( as some call it ) for any great personage , or commander to passe through . it is also of common use , for the lodging of the colours , or ensigne . and many other such like . place this figure in chapter 34. betweene folio 92 , and 93. for instruction how to performe this motion , it is the same with the last figure ; differing onely in this ; that as in the other figure , all the whole rankes turned to the right , behind their right-hand-men : in this motion , the left-flanke , ( or halfe-rankes to the left ) fall into the outmost file to the left : the halfe-rankes to the right , behind their severall right-hand-men : as you may perceive in part by the figure . i have shewen the figure , in the manner of the action , not fully performed : the pricks ranke-wise , denoting the places , from whence they came : the quarter-circles , shewing the way of the motion : the prickes file-wise , directing , or shewing their places they are going too . for reducement to the figure : it is no more then this . the rankes which before inverted into files , now againe convert into rankes , as they were . the word of command for it , is , files , ranke to the right and left inward , as you were . i hope , this that hath already been shewen , will be sufficient , ( at least in some small measure ) to give satisfaction to those , which as yet have not knowne what is meant by inversion . yet i could wish , that such as exercise the companies of the trained-bands of this kingdome ; would rather make use of the plainer word of demonstration ; which is , rankes , file , or files , file : and leave out the word inversion , as a word not sutable with the capacity of divers of our souldiers of the trained-bands . especially of this city , where porters , colliars , water-bearers , and broomemen , are thrust into the roomes of men , of better quality , as though they themselves were too good , to doe the king and country service . chap. xxxv . of the severall parts of conversion : and how they-are to be understood . the next branch of discipline which i offer to your view , shall be of conversion : and of its severall parts : wherein if there be any that thinke me tedious ; let them turne it over , and settle on some other part , which may be to them more delectable : whilest i , in the meane time , shall endeavour to give content to all , neither stuffing out my booke with needlesse discourses ; nor yet too much abbreviating the matter , whereby to render it too obscure unto the commonest capacity . wherefore take their parts as they hereafter follow . conversion consists of these parts , viz. of ranks ranking in equall parts 1 in unequall parts 2 intire into the front 3 by division into the front 4 by wheeling to the flanks 5 files ranking by equall parts 6 by unequall parts 7 intire into the front. 8 first of ranks ranking , in even or equall parts . which is to be understood , when there are twelve , or twenty , ( more or lesse ) marching abreast , and the commander ( either for the narrownesle of a passage , or for some other intent ) causeth his rankes to ranke three or sixe abreast , or five , ten , or any other number , either according to the place , or occasion ; every ranke holding equality of number . secondly , rankes then ranke by unequall parts : when they ranke by increase or decrease . as when the first ranke shall be three , the next five , then seven , nine , &c. which is commonly used , for the making of diamond , and triangular figures . thirdly , ranks then ranke intire , into the front : when the first ranke stands : the second ranke placeth it selfe on the right or left of the first : the third by the second , the fourth by the third , and so forward for all the rest , untill all the rankes , ( either to the right or left ) according to direction are become one ranke in the front . fourthly , rankes then ranke by division into the front , when the second ranke , and all the rest of the rankes behinde , open to the right and left : the one part going to the right , the other to the left ; ranking even with the first , as before , and all together making one ranke . fiftly , ranks , then ranke to the flanke or flankes ; when either the right hand man of each ranke , or the left hand man ( or both together ) are as it were the hindge of the motion , the rest of each ranke wheeling about them , to the right or left , or each hand by division ▪ untill that every ranke be brought into the distance which was before the ranke ; betweene the right hand-man , of the ranke next before , and the right hand-man of the same ranke you stand in . if it be to the left , then they wheele into the distance between the left-hand-leaders of each ranke . if it be by division , then halfe the ranke wheeleth to the right : the other halfe to the left , and produceth two rankes . sixthly , files , then rankes by equall parts : when they rank three , foure , or five , abrest ( more or lesse ) still keeping the number of men in ranke , of due proportion . if you ranke three abrest ( either to the right or left ) and your files be but eight deepe ; then the first sixe men make two rankes , the third ranke must be made up by the leader of the second file . and so for all the rest . if you ranke foure , and the files be eight deepe , then every file makes two rankes . if you ranke five , the files being 8 deep , then the first five men make a ranke : and the first two men of the second file from the hand named , make up the second ranke . five of the other sixe , make up the third ranke . and so forward for the rest . if the depth of the file were ten men , then it would make two even rankes . seventhly , files then ranke by unequall parts : when they either ranke by progressionall increase , or by decrease . as when every ranke exceeds the ranke before it , by two ▪ three , or foure , be it more or lesse . or else that each ranke decreaseth , after the same manner . eightly , files then ranke intire into the front ; when there is so much distance betweene file and file , as will containe each file , ranke-wise : every man in the file marching forwards to the right or left , as shall be commanded , untill he stand even in ranke , with the leader of his file , which brings the body into one ranke . chap. xxxvi . of rankes wheeling by conversion . if i would strive to bee curious , i should need no other subject to lengthen my discourse , but onely this , of inversion and conversion , which of it selfe would yeeld matter sufficient to make a booke of . but i have taken a large taske . and therefore like the artists in geography , who sometimes by a spot , present a town , and by a wrinckled line , a large river : so must i crave of the favourable reader , that in this small treatise of discipline , he will not expect that i should inlarge my selfe so amply , as i might , upon every part . for then my booke would grow beyond his bounds , and i beyond my promise ; but lest i be taxed for digression , this that hath already beene shewne , may suffice for conversion . but because it may be expected , that i should shew conversion in figure , as well as the other motions , therefore to gratifie such , i shall demonstrate two figures unto them : which may serve for all the rest . the one shall be of rankes wheeling , by conversion : the other of files ranking , foure to the left . the word of command for the first , stands placed right over the figure . this foregoing figure of conversion , is of rankes , wheeling to the right and left , or ranks ranking to each flanke by wheeling . it differeth from ranks filing , both in manner and matter . in the manner thus , whereas in ranks filing to the right and left ; the right and left-hand file-leaders , preserve and continue their places ; and with that , their honours . in this wheeling by conversion to the right and left , contrariwise : the innermost file-leaders , become the outmost men in that pure where the front stood ; the other file-leaders ranking even within them . some men have called this , rankes , filing by conversion , to the right and left , but corruptly . for conversion alwaies produceth rankes , as i formerly said : and inversion , files . but their mistake groweth from this , that when rankes wheele to the right , or right and left , then ( say they ) they by wheeling , become file , or files , which is a palpable mistake . for when we have any command for wheeling , it is a maxime for us , to wheele our aspects unto the hand or part named . by which doing , we either become ranke , or rankes : and not files , as some have sought formerly to maintaine . one use , among many , for this motion is . it is the speediest way for a great body ( if they have their due distance ) to give fire to one , or both flanks , that as yet i know of . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the right and left-hand-men , of every ranke , became the hindges of the motion : the rest of each ranke , wheeling by equall division , to the right and left about , and above their right and left-hand leaders , untill they become ranks to the flanks . as you may perceive by the figure , where the pricks denote unto you , the places they stood in before the motion : the quarter circles , shewing the way of their motion : themselves being converted into two ranks , sheweth the motion executed . i have onely converted three of the rankes ; for it would have taken too much roome , to have wheeled all the ranks . and it is easie by this that is shewne , to conceive the rest . if you would avoid mixture of armes , then place all your muskettiers , either in front , or reere : or else wheele onely your muskettiers , and leave your pikes , standing . or else it may be done ; the body marching at length : the muskettiers being in the front , and reere divisions . the word for the reducement is ; rankes , ranke as you were . the easiest way for the reducement , will be first for to face to the reere , and then to wheele backe into their places . then , face to their leader ; and they will be reduced as at first . now we will come to shew the next figure of conversion , which is of files converted into ranks by equall proportion . chap. xxxvii . of files ranking in equall parts . in this chapter , i intend to shew the manner , of files ranking by conversion , in equall parts ; which motion , i have seene used by some commanders , at such times as their companies have been but small , having not had above two or three files of muskettiers , upon a flanke ; and being willing , to march forth their companies in divisions : and this , because , that two a brest would be somwhat improper ( unlesse it were upon necessity , in some narrow passage ) and that three a brest , is also somewhat with the thinnest . therefore to augment the front of their march , they have shartned somewhat of their depths , in each division : by causing their files , to ranke foure , or five , according as their depth may be , when the command shall be given . this motion of conversion , may also be usefull for larger bodies . for if upon a march , you are to passe thorough some streight , where not above foure or five , can march a brest ; and that being past thorough , you are to direct your course , to the right , or left : if your way be to the right , then cause your files to ranke to the left : if to the left , then let the files ranke to the contrary hand . for by so doing ; having past the streight , and faced your body that way , which you intend your march , by commanding the file-leaders to march ; and the half-files to stand , and take their places : your body will be led again by their proper file-leaders , all a brest ; the musketiers becomming again the flankers , which in the passage of the streight , were in the front and reere . for the better understanding the manner of the motion , observe the following figure . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the command being first given ( as abovesaid ) the right-hand-file-leader , leadeth forth his file : & the three next men behind him , move forwards to the left of each other ; untill they ranke even a brest with their file-leader . the next foure , in like manner ranking to the left , make the second ranke . the file-leader of the second file , placeth himselfe , next after him , that was the half-file-leader of the first , which now is become the right-hand-man of the second ranke ; the three next men behind him , making up of his rank , in like manner . and so forward for all the rest , untill the motion be fully perfected . this converts each file , into two ranks ; and brings all the proper file-leaders , and half-file-leaders , to make the outmost file to the right : the bringers-up , both of the front , and reere-half-files ; make the outermost file to the left . the figures of number , which are on the left flanke of the figure , in which , the word file added to each of them , demonstrate places of the first , second , third , and fourth file , and so consequently for all the rest ; according to their former standing , and the places they now occupy , being converted into ranks . the letters f , and h , which are placed on the right flanke ; shewes the places of those , which were the file-leaders , and half-file-leaders : each of the propex file-leaders , having now his half-file-leader , next after him ▪ i have showne this figure partly performed partly performing , and partly standing , as before the motion began . for reducement , of this motion of files ranking , foure to the left : one way is , to cause your ranks to file , ( or invert ) to the right , which being done , command every file-leader , to lead up his file to the left : and so every man will have his place : for another way , face the whole body to the right , and command the file-leaders to march , and half-files to stand , and take their places : and then they are all reduced , onely the file-leaders of the right-flanke , are on the left ; and the file-leaders of the left-flanke , are on the right : which is reduced , by any entire countermarch , of ranke , or file . chap. xxxviii . the conclusion of doublings . there are yet another sort of doublings , both of length and depth , which are performed by divisionall wheelings . which because they have ever been accounted for wheelings , i will not displace them ; but stil rank them in their former places : although in truth they are doublings . the working part indeed is wheeling ; but the intent , or thing wrought , is doubling . i will speake further of them , when i come to shew them , in their severall places . and here i mean to set a period to our doublings . concluding , that those souldiers , who can put every one of these to his right use ; as also give to each his right reducement , must needs be skilfull , and expert , in this part , of the art military . and contrariwise , they that are ignorant in these doublings ; can never truly attain , to the right managing of a foot-company , either for exercise , or service . for doublings , indeed , are the only motions , for varicty and alteration of figures , or formes of battaile : no other motions doing the like . and therefore doublings , must needs be accounted the most excellent amongst all the motions . you that have eyes to read , and skill to judge ; and have perus'd these doublings i have done : though i have tedious been , yet do not grudge : for you know well , i have skipt over some . but marvell not : the cause i do not show them , it is not much materiall for to know them . those that are skilfull in the art of warre , and take delight to exercise their men : shall find more pleasure in these doublings farre , if that they intermixe them now and then . and so contrive their doublings in these cases , that lastly one word brings them to their places . why in our country do we captains chuse , that have no skill nor artfull inclination ? they do themselves and country much abuse : thus to deceive them in their expectation . i thinke the cause of this fault in our nation is , that our gentry holds it not in fashion . but some , perhaps , will say , i am too bold ; there 's no such need for captains to have skill . the muster-masters have enough ( some hold ) the captains and the counties for to fill . so whilest the muster-master doth the labour . the officers may play upon a tabour . but stay ! me thinks , one puls me by the sleeve : and tels me that i have my selfe forgot . wherefore of doublings , here i take my leave : intreating those that read , mistake me not . let muster-masters take their money , then ; but let the captains exercise their men . chap. xxxix . of countermarches . their antiquity , and words of direction . the next branch of discipline which offers it selfe to your perusall , are countermarches : which are of three kinds . to wit , chorean , lacedamonian , macedonian : which is , maintaining , loosing , and gaining . each of them are to be performed two manner of waies . one by file : the other by ranke . there are also counter-marches , intire and divisionall . but divers men , are divers for their opinions concerning the macedonian and lacedamonian counter-marches . some will have the macedonian , a counter-march of gaining of ground ; because that it transfers the battalia , into the ground before the front. others will have it , a counter-march of losse of ground ; because ( say they ) the enemy being in the reere , it makes a semblance of flying . some will have the lacedamonian , a counter-march of gaining of ground : because the enemy appearing in the reere , it makes a semblance of charging or falling on . others call it , a countermarch of losse of ground : because it looseth all that ground the battalia stood upon ; taking in stead thereof , the ground behind the reere . there are others of opinion , that there are counter-marches of losse and gaine , in either of them . all these are furnished with reasons , to backe their opinions . but if i should stand to shew their many and severall reasons , i might well be thought to be without reason my selfe . my opinion is ; that taking the ground before the front , is gaining ground : and that to leave the ground we stood on , to take the ground next behind the reere , is losse of ground : and yet to take either , whereby there is advantage gotten , must needs be gaining . but where the matter it selfe is so indifferent , it were fondnesse to spend longer time about it . wherefore note , that countermarches were of ancient use amongst the greekes many hundred of yeeres since , & from them learned and practised , by many other nations ; and so still continued unto this day . but as the snow-ball by much rowling , becomes the greater : so , in like manner , these counter-marches have received addition in all ages . so that the three originall ones are now become more then thirty accounting those divisionall . and yet are all of them fathered upon one or other , of the three kinds . though some of them will scarcely be owned or acknowledged ; as you shall perceive , when i come to shew them in their severall places . but amongst all the motions , this might be the best spared : as being least beneficiall , to this our moderne discipline . but because that knowledge is no burthen ; and that at some times they may be usefull : therefore first take the words of command or direction , which are as followeth . intire countermarches , by file . files to the right left hand countermarch . files to the light left countermarch , every man turning on the ground he stands . file-leaders , face about to the right left the rest passe through to the right , left , and place your selues behind your leaders . file-leaders stand ; the rest passe through to the your leaders . right left placing your selues before file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right left placing your selues before your leaders ; following your bringers up . bringers up , face about to the right : left : the rest passe through to the right left and place your selues before your bringers up . bringers up , stand : the rest of the body passe through to the right left placing your selues behinde your bringers up . intire countermarches by ranks . ranks to the right left countermarch . ranks to the right left countermarch , every man turning on the ground he stands . this right hand file , face to the left : the rest passe macedonian . through to the right : placing your selues behind your right hand men . this left hand file may face to the right , and do as much . this light left hand file stand ; the rest passe through to the right , left , placing your selues on the our side of your right left hand men . this right left hand file face to the right , left , the rest passe through to the right , left , placing your selues before your right left hand men . divisionall countermarches , by files . countermarch front and ●e cre into the midst . file-leaders , and halfe-file-leaders , stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues before your leaders . file-leaders , and bringers up , stand ; the rest passe through to the right : and place your selues before your leaders and bringers up . file-leaders , face about ; bringers up , stand ; the rest passe through to the right ; and place your selues behinde your leaders and bringers up . front-halfe-files , interchange ground with the reere . divisionall countermarches by ranks . countermarch your ( wings or ) flanks into the middest ( or center ) . the out-most-file of each flanke , face outward ▪ the rest passe through to the right and left ; placing your selues behinde your out-side men . the out-most file of each flanke , face inward : the rest passe through to the right and left ; placing your selues behinde your outside men . the out-most file of each flanke , stand : the rest passe through to the right and left , and place your selues on the outside of your outside men . interchange your flanks . note , what is done by the out most files , may be reduced by converting the command to the innermost files ; but must be done before they have closed their divisions , &c. chap. xl. of the chorean countermarch : and the way to performe it . i could willingly have prickt a figure , for each of these severall countermarches , but that they will take up too much roome . and therefore i will onely pricke some few of the hardest of them ; and for the rest , i will endeavour by words to make them as facile as i may : that so they may be apprehended by the meanest capacitie . and first i will begin with the ( persian , cretan , or ) chorean countermarch . the word of command or direction is , files to the right hand , countermarch . this chorean countermarch , is by some called the moderne countermarch . i conceive their reason to be , because that it is more in use than any of the other : or else , for antiquitie , it might claime many ages . it is a countermarch for maintaining of ground : for it worketh its effect , on the same ground it stands ; neither loosing nor gaining . but it transferres the file-leaders , into the place of the bringers up : and the bringers up , into the place of the file-leaders : withall turning the aspect of the body or battalia , to the reere . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . assoone as the word of command is given , if it be to the right , then all the file-leaders step forwards with their right legges , and face about to the right : every file-leader with his file following him , passing downe towards the reere , through the intervall on his right hand , still observing , to keepe even in ranke with his right hand man. but by the way , note that no man must turne , untill he come to the ground where at first his file-leader began the countermarch . this motion is then performed , when the bringers up , have attained unto the place where before their file-leaders stood : being faced right after them ; files , countermarch to the left . to countermarch to the left , worketh the same effect ; and is done after the same manner : onely differing in the hand . for reducement , if you countermarch to the right ; do as much to the left : and they will be as they were . for any intire countermarch of files , will be reduced ( of what kinde soever ) by making another intire countermarch , to what hand soever . chap. xli . of countermarching to loose ground . the command is . files to the right , countermarch : every man turning after his leader , on the ground he stands . this lacedemonian countermarch , is a countermarch of losse of ground ; for that it leaves all the ground the battalia formerly did conteine , and in lieu or place thereof taketh the ground behinde the reere . this countermarch is to be performed , when the bodie is upon a stand . and as the chorean , turnes the aspect towards the reere . the greekes were wont with this countermarch , to bring their file-leaders to oppose any enemie , appearing in the reere : thereby gallantly bearding their enemies in the teeth : neither politickly making shew of flight , whereby to bring the enemie into disarray ; nor over providently carefull , of the advantage of ground . the motion of this countermarch , is to be performed as followeth . the file-leaders of each file , are to step side wayes to the right , and therewithall to face about to the reere ; and so march even in ranke together downe betweene the * intervalls , no man advancing a foot forwards , but turning in like manner after their leaders , when they are past by them ; still observing to keep their due distance . and so a whole ranke together , still turning off to the right , each ranke successively doing the like , untill the countermarch be fully performed . any intire countermarch of files , will reduce this . but for order sake , take one of the same sort to the contrary hand , which is . files to the left , countermarch : every man turning after his leader , on the ground he stands . i shall not need to speake further , concerning this countermarch of losse of ground to the left ; seeing that it differs from the other onely in the alteration of the hand . the substance and effect of both , being one and the same : onely i will now speake to a second fort of countermarch , which is of the same kinde . the command is . bringers up , face about to the right , the rest passe through to the reere , and place your selues before your bringers up . this lacedemonian countermarch doth also loose the ground , whereon it formerly stood , and takes the ground behinde the reere , the manner of the motion is as followeth : the last ranke or bringers up face to the reere , and stand : the rest of the body facing about in like manner , and passing through or betweene their bringers up , and placing themselues even in ranke before them . the motion is begun , by the ranke , next the bringers up , and so continued ; successively by the rest , untill the countermarch be ended . it may be reduced , by doing the same to the contrary hand . neverthelesse for brevity sake , i will make use of a sprigge , from the same bough , and reduce this lacedemon countermarch , by another of the same kinde . the command is , bringers up , stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues behind your bringers up . this lacedemonian countermarch , is thus to be performed ; the last ranke ( or bringers up ) are to stand ; and the rest of the body , to face to the reere , and passe through to the right , and place themselues behinde their bringers up , contrary to the countermarch last showne , where they placed themselues before . the motion is also begun , by the second ranke from the reere , the rest following successively , untill the file-leaders are become the bringers up : then face them about after their proper file-leaders , and they are reduced . chap. xlii . of countermarches to gaine ground , or the macedonian counter-march . the command is , file-leader face about to the right , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves behinde your leaders . this macedonian counter-march , is for gaining ground , for that it leaues the ground , the battalia formerly stood upon , taking in lieu thereof , the ground next before the front . it also turnes the aspect towards the reere . the motion of this counter-march is from the reere to the front , contrary to the lacedemon , whose motion is from the front to the reere : this macedonian counter-march , makes semblance in the reere of flight , but presently produceth an orderly settled front , when perhaps the enemy , with a too early pursuit , hath broken the order of their array . the way to performe this counter-march ▪ according to the directions formerly given , is as followeth : the file-leaders or first ranke , face about to the right : the rest of the body passe through , betweene the intervalles , ( or distance of files ) to the left : and place themselves behinde their leaders ; every ranke ( beginning with that next the file leaders ) passing through successively , and taking their places , untill the counter-march be fully executed . it may be reduced as the rest , by doing the same to the contrary hand , or as i have formerly said , by any intire counter-march of file ; and therefore i will reduce it by another macedonian counter-march . the command is , as followeth . file-leaders face to the reere , the rest of the body passe through to the left , following your bringers up , placing your selves behinde your leaders . this macedonian counter-march is rather remembred for its antiquity , then excellencie , ( as some more of them be ) neverthelesse if any will be curious to observe the motion , it may be performed as followeth : the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) face to the reere , then the last ranke begin the counter-march , passing forwarde betweene the intervalls , the seventh ranke following the eighth , the sixt following the seventh , and so likewise the rest , untill the whole body be transferred , into the ground before the front , and then joyntly together , facing to the right about , after their leaders , the counter marche is ended . for reducement , observe this for all ; that any intire countermarch of file , may be reduced , by another intire counter-march by file , of what kinde , or to what hand soever . these three last chapters of counter-marches , are the originall grounds of all the rest , yet i shall shew one in the insuing chapter , which time hath begotten out of the latter two , which takes part with either , being absolute in neither . chap. xliii . of the bastard counter-march . the command is , file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your leader . this passing through , ( or bastard counter-march ) is partly macedonian , and partly lacedemonian ; for first with the macedon , it takes the ground before the front , the motion being from the reere forward : it is partly lacedemonian , for that they passe through , and place themselves before their leaders , and for that it makes semblance of falling on , or charging the enemy : neverthelesse the macedonian disclaimes it , for that it alters not his aspect : the lacedemonian refuseth it , for that it takes the ground before the front , and not that behinde the reere : or with the chorean , it holds affinitie . and many there be that will not allow it for a countermarch , for indeed the word it selfe will not beare it ; notwithstanding seeing that it hath beene long ranged amongst them , i will not be he that shall displace it , but will passe forwards , to shew the manner of the motion , which is to be performed as followeth . the file-leaders stand , according to the former direction , the rest of the body , advance their armes ; the second ranke first passing through to the right , and placing themselves before the first ranke , the third ranke before the second ; the fourth before the third , and so forwards for the rest , untill the last ranke ( or bringers up ) are become the foremost , which perfects the motion . it may be severally usefull , as to skirmish against an enemy , advancing by way of introduction , or upon occasion , to bring the reere , men to march in front , and such like . for the reducement , you may doe , as much to the contrary hand , onely for order sake , i will reduce it , by another like it selfe . the command is , file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves before your leaders , following your bringers up . this motion may be done either to the right or left , and is nothing differing from that last shewne ; but that , whereas the other , began with the second ranke , this contrariwise begins with the last ranke , ( or bringers up ) every ranke successively , following the ranke , which came from behinde them , untill they which were the leaders , are become the last in the reere . if this countermarch be first done , it may be reduced by any of those formerly shewn , &c. chap. xliv . of countermarching ranks , to maintaine ground . the command is . ranks to the right hand countermarch . this chorean counter-march of rankes , is an altering or changing of one flanke for the other , the battalia still keeping the same ground , onely the right flanke becomes the left , and the left , becomes the right : the way to performe this motion , is as followeth : the command being given , then the whole body faceth to the hand named , and every man in the outmost file , to the right : ( files by this facing , being become rankes ) turnes down through the intervalle , ( or distance betweene ranke and ranke ) marching forth right unto the part , which was the left flanke , with their rankes , file-wise following them , being come unto their ground , they face as before , and the counter-march is performed : for the reducement , let rankes countermarch to the left , after the same manner , differing onely in the hand , and they are as at first . chap. xlv . of countermarching rankes to lose ground . the command is . rankes to the right-hand countermarch , every man turning after his right-hand-man , on the ground he stands . this lacedemonian-countermarch of rankes , is a falling on upon the left flanke : the motion being begun by the right ; it leaves all the ground , the battalia stood on , and takes in place therof the ground beside the left flanke , turning the aspect to the left : the manner or way , to performe this motion , is as followeth : the whole bodie faceth to the right ; and then the right-hand-file being faced , ( becomes a ranke ) begins the countermarch , turning downe the intervals of the ranks , ( which by this facing , is made the distance between the files ) and so marcheth forth-right , beyond the left flanke , every man following him that was his right-hand-man ( but not stepping forwards one foot of ground ) untill the countermarch be performed . for the reducement of this countermarch , do as much to the left , and they will he as at first : or ( if you please ) take another of the same kind ; the word of command , or direction is . right-hand-file , face to the right , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your right-hand-men . this lacedemonian countermarch of ranks , makes a falling on upon the right flanke , the motion being from the left flanke , to the right , leaving all the ground whereon the battalia stood , and taking in lieu thereof the ground beside the right flanke . in those dayes ; when countermarches were more usefull for their discipline , then now they are for ours ; the lacedemonian countermarches were of chiefe repute , aswell amongst the macedonians , as the spartans and others : the way to performe this motion is as followeth . the right-hand-file faceth to the right ; and passeth through the intervals or spaces , to the right : placing themselves , before their right-hand-men , untill the left-hand-file , become the foremost ranke ; if you doe this countermarch by it selfe , then for reducement , first face them to their front proper , then let the left-hand-files , face to the left , and do as much to the left ; and then they will be as at first . chap. xlvi . of the macedonian countermarch by ranke . the command is : right-hand-file face to the left , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves behind your right-hand-men . this macedonian countermarch of ranks , contrary to the spartan , dismarcheth from the enemy upon that flanke where hee appeares , and presents the contrary flanke , to receive the charge . it is performed after this manner . the out-most-file to the right , faceth to the left . the rest of the body , or battalia , faceth to the right ; every man passing thorough to the right and placing themselves , behind their right-hand-men : for the reducement of this countermarch , as all the rest , there are divers , and severall wayes ; but performe as much to the left , as you have done to the right , and they will be at first : or if you please , this following bastard countermand , will do the same . the word of command or direction is , right-hand-file stand , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves , on the outside of your right-hand-men . this passing thorough , or bastard countermarch of ranks , doth alter both ground , and flanke ; ( still reserving the aspect , without alteration . ) it is to be performed as followeth . the out-most or right-hand-file , stands ; the rest of the body , facing to the right , passe thorough to the right , every man placing himselfe , on the right side of his right-hand-man , and so standing euen in ranke , the motion still continuing , untill the left-hand-file , is become the right ; the right , the contrary . if this countermarch be done alone , for the reducement ; let the left-hand-file stand , and do as much to the left , as before to the right ; and they will be as at first . chap. xlvii . of countermarching front and reere to the middest . for the intire countermarches , i have indeavoured to expresse them , as well as i could in words , but for the divisionall countermarches , i intend to expresse , both in word and figure , whereby they may be the more easily apprehended by such as shall be desirous to know them : notwithstanding before i enter upon the divisionall countermarches ▪ i would willingly cleere one thing which by some will be carped at ; which is , the using of the word middest , insteed of the word center : the word center ( i confesse ) hath been the more usuall word amongst us ; and yet it is not altogether so proper to our use as the other ; wherefore give me leave , without offence , to use those words , which are not only more proper , but more significant . the midst of the battaile , is to be understood , either from the front , & reere ; or from both flanks ( or wings : ) if between front and reere , the midst must be betweene the half-file-leaders , and the reere ranke of the front half-files , extending it selfe from flanke to flanke : the midst betweene the flankes , is betweene the two innermost files ; continuing the whole depth : from front to reere : our first countermarch shall be chorean ; the word of command or direction is . this divisionall , chorean countermarch , brings our file-leaders , and bringers up together in the midst , and the ranks that were in the midst in the front & reere . it is a countermarch mayntayning ground ; for every man marcheth up , into his leaders ground ; before he faceth about to countermarch : the way to performe the motion , is as followeth . the command being given to countermarch , either let the commander , or some other of the officers , command the half-files , to face about : then the file-leaders stepping forwards , with the right legge , and face about to the right , passing downe the intervals on the right hand , the rest of the front-halfe-files , following their leaders , and not turning , untill they come to the ground , where their leaders ▪ turned down before them : the bringers up with the reere-half-files , at the same instant turning downe their intervales , on the left hand , the rest of their division following them , untill the file-leaders and bringers up , meet together in the midst of the battaile , and then having faced all to their leader , the motion is performed . for the reducement , of this figure , doing the same thing over againe , will reduce it . or any other divisionall countermarch of file . chap. xlviii . of bringing front and reere together , into the midst , by the bastard countermarch . the command is : file-leaders , and half-fileaders stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders . this bastard countermarch , doth bring the leaders , and bringers up , together , into the midst , and saves two facings , and is quicklier performed , then the other last done : or any other in the precedent chapters : the way to performe the motion , is as followeth : the first ranke stands ; and the half-file-leaders stand , then those of the front-half-files , passe thorough their intervals to the right , placing themselves before their file-leaders : the second ranke before the first , the third before the second , the fourth before the third ; the reere-half-files at the same instant , doing the like , and placing themselves , before their * half-file-leaders , as the other did , before their file-leaders : this motion may be either reduced by doing the same over againe to the contrary hand , or else by countermarching front and reere into the midst , or by any other of the divisionall countermarches of files . the next shal be a lacedemonian countermarch , the word of command , or direction , is as shall be exprest in the ensuing chapter . chap. xlix . of countermarching to make a large intervale between the first , and last ranks . the command is , file-leaders , and bringers up stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves , before your leaders , and bringers up . lacedemonian . this divisionall lacedemonian countermarch , makes semblance of falling on , or charging , both to the front and reere , and leaves all the ground , which was occupied by the souldiers , which stood betweene the front and reere , transferring them into the ground , before the front , and behinde the reere ; the ground ( or place ) of their former standing , being vacant , onely demonstrated in this figure by the pricks . the motion may be thus performed . the reere-halfe-files are commanded to face to the reere , and then the front-halfe-files , passe through to the right : placing themselves before their leaders ; the second ranke , before the first ; the third , before the second ; the fourth , before the third ; the reere-halfe-files at the same instant , passing through to the reere , after the same manner ; and placing themselues before their bringers-up . you may perceive by the figures of number , placed on the flanks of the figure of battell , both how the men stood , before the motion began , as also how and in what place they stand , the motion being ended : for the reducement , if you have not closed their distance , you may face them about , and so let them passe againe into their places : or else , by doing the same countermarch over againe , or to the contrary hand , or any such like way , will reduce them . this next following countermarch will also reduce them , or this will reduce that . the word for the command , or direction is , as you shall finde it placed , over the front of the figure . chap. l. of making a large intervalle , betweene the first and last ranks , by the macedonian countermarch . this divisionall macedonian countermarch , is little different from that , next before it , onely the other , turned the aspect outward , to the front , and reere ; this countermarch turnes the aspect inwards , towards the midst . it may be usefull , if the commander would shew , or publish ought , before his best souldiers , for that it not onely leaves a large distance , but that it brings the best souldiers into the midst , with their aspects directed inwards : it may also serue , to conduct any great personage , crosse the length of your battell , whereby to shew them , the braverie of your souldiers , &c. the figure followeth . the command is , file-leaders face about , bringers up stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues behinde your file-leaders and bringers up . this motion may be thus performed : the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) face about , the last ranke stands , the reere-halfe-files , face about , and so the front-division ; passe forwards , and place themselues behind the file-leaders , the reere-halfe-files , behinde their bringers up . the manner , you may perceive the plainer , if you note the figures , of number , which are placed , on the flanks of the figure , their number shewing the places , they had , from the front , before the motion began . this figure may be reduced , either by the same word of command , which produced it , or else by any of the foregoing divisionall countermarches . our next , shall be a countermarch of exchange of ground . the words for command , or direction , are as followeth . chap. li. of interchanging ground . the command is , front-halfe-files , interchange ground with the reere , passing through to the right . bast . countermarch . in motion . this bastard countermarch , may not rightly be said , to be derived from any one of the particular grounds of countermarch ; but rather , participating of them all : and yet considering it , as it is to be , it is different from them all : for whereas the other countermarches , of files in division , although they bring the front and reere into the middest , yet the front-halfe-files continue still , on the same part , and the reere-halfe-files do not alter into the places of the other . but this , contrary to any other , of the divisionall countermarches , transferres the front-halfe-files into the ground , or place of the reere-halfe-files ; and them , into the contrary part , bringing the file-leaders , and bringers up , together into the midst . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the front-halfe-files face about , passing forwards to the right ( being led by the bringers up , of the front-halfe-files ) betweene the intervalles towards the reere : the reere-halfe-files at the same instant in like manner marching forwards , betweene the intervalles on their right hands into the front , untill the front-division , have attained the places of the reere , and they contrariwise , the places of the front. for the reducement of this countermarch , do as much backe againe ; or if you would reduce it some other way , you may first make an intirc countermarch of files , and then countermarch front , and reere , into the midst ; for under two countermarches , it will not be reduced . now i will passe , to shew divisionall countermarches of ranks , or flanks ; the first shall be chorean , as in the chapter following . chap. lii . of counter-marching the flanks ( or wings ) into the midst of the battell . the command is , countermarch your flanks into the midst . this chorean counter-march of the flanks into the midst , is of ordinary use , when the commander would have the outermost files , to become the innermost : the motion to bee performed on the same ground , and is as followeth . the command being given , the whole body faceth to the right and left , by division ; the outermost files , by this facing , becomming rankes , every man in the right hand file , being a leader in his halfe ranke file-wise , and so likewise in the left hand file the same ▪ then they countermarch the right flanke to the right , the left flank to the left , which you must alwaies observe to doe , and your flanquers will meet just in the midst of your battalia . lastly , having faced them to their first front , the counter-march is ended . to reduce them , they may either use the same counter-march againe , or any of these following divisionall countermarches of flankes , ( unlesse it bee that of interchanging of ground . ) the next shall be lacedemonian , the command , or words of direction , are , as in the chapter following . chap. liii . of countermarching , to take the ground before the flanks . the command is , the outermost file of each flanke , face outward , the rest passe through to the right and left , placing your selves before your out-side men . this lacedemonian countermarch of halfe ranks or flanks , makes 〈◊〉 of charging on , upon both flanks , but leaves a wast distance of ground , unoccupied betweene the two outmost-files , or midst of the battell . the way to performe this motion is as followeth . the right-hand-file faceth to the right , the left-hand-file to the left ; the rest of the body faceth to the right and left , the right-flanke passing through to the right , and placing themselues , before their right-hand-men . the second file from the right , begins the motion on the right-flanke ; the left-flanke in like manner , passing through to the left , and placing themselues before their left-hand-men ; the second file accounting , from the left , begins the motion on the left-flanke : but you must note , that the files become ranks with the facing . for the reducement of this figure , if you will first face them , to their proper front , you may then command the two inmost-files stand , the rest passe through to the right , and left inward , and take their places : or if you please , make use , either of a chorean , or a macedonian countermarch of ranks by division , and with a facing , and closing their divisions , they will be perfectly reduced . chap. liv. of countermarching to take the ground on the outside of the flanks , and to direct their aspects inwards . the command is , the outmost file of each flanke face inward , the rest passe through to the right , and left , placing your selues behinde your outside men . this macedonian countermarch , differeth nothing from that last shewed , but onely in the turning of the aspect inwards : whereas the other , directed their aspect outwards : the motion is thus performed : the outermost-files , of each flanke , face inward : the rest of the body , face to the right , and left , outward ; those of the right flanke , passing through to the right , and placing them selues behinde their right-hand-men . those of the left flanke passing through to the left , and placing themselues behinde their left-hand-men : the motion is begun , by the second file , from each flank . i might here shew these countermarches , beginning their motion from their middlemost-files ; but i am willingly silent , hoping that these , may suffice to the courteous , not much forcing my selfe to give satisfaction to the curious . for the reducement of this countermarch , having faced them to their first front , you may if you please , command the two innermost files to face outward , the rest passe through to the right , and left inward : placing themselues behinde their right , and left-hand-men ; which being done , the whole body will stand faced to the right , and left outward ; then being faced to their leader , they are reduced . if you would reduce it , by some other way , you may make use , either of the countermarch , which is next before , or of that , which next followeth : or of any other divisionall countermarch of ranks ; ( which doth not interchange ground ) . our next two which follow , will be bastard countermarches , with the which , we will conclude this our fourth branch of discipline . chap. lv. of taking the ground on the outside of the flanks ; not altering the aspects . the command is , the outmost-file of each flanke stand , the rest passe through to the right , and left , and place your selues on the outside , of your right and left-hand-men . this divisionall bastard countermarch , produceth the same effect , which the other two next before it wrought ; onely differing in the aspect : for the lacedemonian , turned the aspect outward : the macedonian , turned the aspect inward ; and this , keeps the aspect still directed the same way . he that knows every way , may when time serveth , make use of those wayes , which are most necessarie and sutable to his present occasion : the proverbe saith , knowledge is no burthen ▪ the way to performe this countermarch is as followeth ( according to the command ) the outmost-file of each flanke stands ; the rest of the body faceth to the right and left outward , the right flanke passing through to the right , the left flanke to the left ; those of the right-flanke , placing themselues , on the outside of their right-hand-men : in like manner , those on the left flanke , placing themselues , on the outside of their left-hand-men . if may be reduced , either by any , of the foregoing divisionall countermarches of ranks , or else being faced , to any of the flanks , then the rankes become files . and by divisionall countermarches of files , you may reduce , divisionall countermarches of ranks , or by ranks , files ; onely you must observe some facings : yet for this figure , if you please , command the two innermost-files , stand ; the rest , face to the right , and left inward , and so march into their places . the next shall be a countermarch , of interchanging of flanks . chap. lvi . of interchanging ground by the flanks , and bringing the innermost-files of pikes , to become the outmost-ranks . the command is , interchange flanks . this exchanging of flanks , or bastard countermarch , is differing from all the other divisionall countermarches of ranks ; for this transferres the right-flanke into the place of the left , and the left-flanke , into the place of the right . it is very apt , for to receive a sudden charge , from the horse , for as soone as they shall be commanded to interchange their flanks , they face to the right , and left inward , and then the innermost-files of the pikes begin the motion ; the rest of each flanke following orderly file-wise , the pikes porting so soone as they begin to move , and charge as they see occasion : if need be , the pikes may charge at the foot , the muskettiers giving fire , over their shoulders : if any object , that the pikes have too large a distance , they may close at their owne pleasures , as soone as they have past through . for the reducement , you may , if you please , interchange ground againe : neverthelesse if you would reduce it , by some other way , countermarch your flanks into the midst , and then an intire countermarch , either of ranke , or file , will reduce them . i might have further enlarged my selfe , upon this subject , both in command , and figure ; but it may be , that some will finde fault with these , which i have already penned , concluding them for nicities , and for no service ; because they cannot presently apprehend , for what use , or service they may be fit . notwithstanding i would intreat such ( if any such happen to be my overlookers ) that they would suspend their censures , untill they have fully enformed their judgements . yet thus much i will conclude with them , that countermarches might the best be spared , of all the motions , as being least beneficiall , to this our moderne discipline . and yet to very good use , many of them might serve , if our souldiers were well practised in them . neverthelesse such is the wilfull stupidity of the times , that many good , and usefull things are disreputed , and accounted of no use , because the souldier wanting skill , cannot performe them , as they ought : which would the officers take more paines , by often instructing their souldiers , the hardest motions would become facile and easie . and to say truth , the greatest fault is , want of skill in those , which should give instruction to others ; and yet they will not sticke , to carpe at such , as shall shew more , than they , concluding such things for superfluous , and improper , which they themselues do not rightly understand : but lest i be taxed for digression , i will conclude this branch of discipline with these few lines following . some burthened are with more command than skill , which had they power suting to their minde , you then should see reason inthral'd to will , nor any 'bove their knowledge should you finde : for rather than they 'le study to learne better , they wish all wanting ; none to know a letter . so be there many officers in bands that neither know themselves , nor care for those that skilfull are in postures , and commands , nor are they carefull which end formost goes . they thinke , to dice , to drabbe , to sweare , and swill , is skill enough for them : learne more that will. and if that any man more forward be for to instruct the souldier ( as is fit ) with such a fellow they cannot agree ; he is vaine-glorious , strives to shew his wit. they will be sure to quarrell and deprave him , and in their cups perhaps they 'll — such honest hearts as spend both meanes and time to practise others for their countries good , why should this good be counted for a crime , to those that for their prince would spend their bloud ▪ that countrey sure will best be kept from harmes whose subjects pleasure take to practise armes . but on this subject i 'le no longer bide , of countermarches . here i 'le take my leave , to shew the wheelings , next i shall provide , which follows next of course , as i conceive . and though with verse my countermarches close , beginning wheelings , i returne to prose . chap. lvii . of wheelings , their kindes , and uses with their severall words of command . the next branch springing from this root of discipline , are wheelings ; which are of two kindes , viz. wheelings angular , and wheelings on the center , as also they are to be conceived , in manner of action , either intire or divisionall : the use of intire wheelings , is to turne the aspect of the front proper , to the right , to the left , or reere ; either for the gaining of the winde ▪ sunne , or some such like advantage ; or to confront the enemy with their best souldiers . most of the divisionall wheelings being indeed more properly doublings , either extending the length , or depth of the battell : notwithstanding , because i wold not be taxed with innovation , or alteration , i have , according unto the usuall received way , placed them amongst the wheelings ; and now i will shew their words of command , or direction . but before i enter upon them , give me leave to lay downe an observation or two , for the better instruction of the souldiers in their wheelings . the first is , that before you enter upon your wheelings , you close both rankes and files to their order , which is three foot , both in ranke and file : the other , that upon all wheelings , you must be sure , to observe your leader , and follow him , keeping your due distance ; your muskettiers being all , either poyzed , or shouldered : your pikes ought to be advanced . the words of commands , are as followeth . wheele your battell to the right ,     left ,     right about ,   left   right ,   on the same ground ; left ,   right about left wheele off your front by division .     your front inward to the reere .     front and reere into the right flanke . left your flankes into the front ,   reere ,   both flankes into the front and reere .     your front and reere into both flanks .     observe that the first foure wheelings are angular , the next foure are wheelings on the center , or more properly , on the midst of the front . but all the first eight be intire , the latter eight , are all divisionall . you may also observe , that every following wheeling is a reducement unto that , which is placed next before it , and the wheeling next before , may reduce that next following : as to wheele your flankes into the front , if you wheele your flanks into the reere , it is reduced ; or to wheele front and reere into both flankes ; if you wheele both flankes into the front and reere , they are likewise reduced , as before . for the last eight wheelings , which are divisionall , i will pricke for each of them , his figure . as for the first eight , which are intire , i conceive them so easie to be understood , that i may spare the labour ; yet i will endeavour to expresse them as well as i can in words : and first i will beginne with the wheelings anguler , and then with the rest , according to their places : and therefore note , that when you are commanded , to wheele to the right or left , &c. and no other command added , it is to be understood , an anguler wheeling , and so to be performed . chap. lviii . of wheelings anguler ▪ the command is , wheele your battell to the right . this is an angular wheeling , which transferres the aspect or countenance of the front proper , into that part which was the right flanke : it also removes the battalia from the ground wheron formerly it stood , and placeth it on that part , before the front , the hindge or axell tree of the motion , is the right corner man , or right hand file-leader , who with a small motion , moveth to the right ▪ every man , the more his place is remote from the right angle , the more swift must be his motion ; because his arch-quadrant , or semi-circle , is larger in proportion : wherefore it must be the discretion of the officers , so to instruct their souldiers , that when they wheele to any hand , they may so moderate their motion , that they on the contrary flanke , be not forced to runne , but so orderly to containe themselves , that they may still preserve an orderly and even front . for the reducement , wheele your battaile to the left , in the like manner , as it was wheeled to the right ; neverthelesse you must then note , that it will not bring you backe into the same ground you formerly stood on ; for it hath advanced you , the length of your battalia , before the place of your first front . but if you would be reduced into the same place , or plot you first stood on ; then face your battaile to the right , and being so faced , wheele your battaile to the left , which being performed , face to the left , and then they are compleatly reduced , both for aspect and place . the next command is , wheele your battaile to the right about . this is also an anguler wheeling , and transferres the aspect of the front , proper , towards the reere : it is to be performed in the same manner , as the wheeling to the right was ; onely the motion is twice so much : wherefore there ought to be the more care had , that so the motion may be orderly performed : by so much as every man is nearer , or further off , from the right corner man , by so much the more swifier or slower must he continue his motion , that so he may be sure , to keepe still , even in ranke with his right hand man. this motion being thus performed , your battaile will be removed from its former station , taking in lieu thereof , the ground diagonally opposite in the right angle . to reduce these to their former aspect ; wheele your battell to the left about , notwithstanding the ground you formerly did possesse , will be twice the length of your battaile to the left , of your left flanke , if you would reduce them , as well to their first ground , as their first aspect ; face them to the right , and then wheele them to the left about , which being done , face them to the left , and they are perfectly reduced , as at first . chap. lix . of wheeling on the center . the command is , wheele your battell to the right , on the same ground . this wheeling , is by some called a wheeling on the center : by others , a wheeling on the same ground . i cannot absolutely maintain it to be either , for that it onely wheeles about the midst of the first ranke . neither may it rightly bee termed a wheeling on the same ground , because it loseth ¾ . of the ground it formerly stood upon . this wheeling is quicker performed , then the anguler wheelings : and may be done in farre lesse ground . for the left flanke advanceth forward , still wheeling to the right , the right flanke contrariwise , facing to the left ; and so falling backward . if you have an odde file , then the middle file-leader must be the center or axelltree of the motion , if you have an even number of files , then the middlemost file-leader from the left . but if your wheeling be to the left , then the contrary . this by some is called the prince of oranges wheeling . for the reducement , wheele your battell to the left , on the same ground : and they are reduced as at first . our next command is , to wheele your battaile to the right about , on the same ground . this wheeling is also a wheeling on the center , or midst of the front : and transfers the aspect of the front proper , towards the reere , removing the battaile from the ground whereon it formerly stood , and placing it on the ground before the front . it is performed after the same manner , as the last : onely the motion is double so much as the other . in this motion , on the left flanke , every man is to observe his right hand man ; and the right flanke must keepe even and straight after their left hand man , which become their leaders file-wise , untill they have attained their ground : after which , they face as before : making an even front . for the reducement , wheele your battaile to the left about , upon the same ground ; and they will be reduced as at first . i will next shew the divisionall wheelings , and intend to giue to each of them his figure : whereby they may appeare the more easie to such as doe not yet rightly understand them . the first shall be a wheeling off by division : as in the next chapter . chap. lx. of wheeling off , by division . the command is , wheele off your front by division . this wheeling off by division in greater bodies , may be usefull to meete severall enemies at one and the same time , with the front of your battalia : and so consequently with your best souldiers . but if you will wheele off your battaile by division , and ioyne them againe when they be in the reere ; then it brings all your muskettiers from the flankes to the midst of your battalia : and your pikes on the out side or flankes . if any question the depth of the number of this figure , i have doubled files to make the figure more perfect . the way to perform this motion , is easie ; for all the file-leaders of the right flanke , wheele about to the right : the rest of each file following their leaders : the file-leaders also of the left flanke , wheeling about to the left , in the same manner ; and then joyne or close their divisions . this being done , if you would then reduce them , wheele them off againe by division , after the same manner ; and they will be as before . but if you would doe it some other way , make use of this wheeling next following : which will also bring them as they were . the word of command or direction followeth , as in the next chapter . chap. lxi . of wheeling the front inward , towards the reere . the command is , wheele your front inward to the reere . this divisionall wheeling of your front inwards to the reere , is here placed as a reducement unto the other foregoing wheelings : and so it brings the muskettiers to the flankes againe . but if you will doe it , the company being first reduced ; then it brings the pikes to the flankes . some say it may be good , if you be annoyd with horse in the reere , upon a march ; and that you have gained some side of a hill or other place of advantage : then to wheele your front inward to the reere , to the enemy will make shew of disbandoning or flight . but contrariwise , you march toward him with a settled and orderly body : your muskettiers being all in the midst , and so firing upon their enemy : the pikes being their flankers , thereby defending the shot from the fury of the horse . this motion will hardly be well done , if your body hold too large an extension of length . but at what depth soever , it is easie . the motion is to be performed as followeth . the right hand file-leader , with all the leaders of the right flanke , advance forwards , and so wheele about to the left : every file still keeping close to their right hand file . the left hand file-leader , likewise , with all the leaders of the left flanke , advance forwards , and wheele about to the right : every file of the left flanke , closing close to the left . thus the outmost files of each flanke , will meete and become the innermost : the front falling perpendicularly to the reere . for the reducement of this figure , you may if you please , either wheele them off to the right and left , by division : or else wheele your front inward againe to the reere . these two last wheelings , have beene demonstrated with their files doubled : whereby the figures might be the ●ore perfect , but with men , it would have beene needlesse : wherefore double rankes to the contrary hand , and they will be as at the first . chap. lxii . of bringing the flanks into the front of the battell . the command is , wheele your flanks into the front. wheele your flanks into the front , wings front ▪ front battell , front midst , front center , reere flanks . this divisionall wheeling of the flanks into the front , is , properly , a doubling performed by wheeling . it brings all your muskettiers , from the flankes into the front . so that whereas this bodie , before , could do execution , but with 8. muskettiers at once ; by this motion they may powre on 16. shot together . if they were deeper before the motion began , then it would bring the more hands to imployment . if upon some passe , you should be chased in the reere by horse ; by this motion of wheeling your flanks into the front , you not onely secure your muskettiers , but also barricado up the passe with your pikes ; if it be not above fifty foot over some call this , a wheeling on the center : because they wheele about the middle-men of the front . but i rather conceive it an angular ; because upon the first motion of dividing , every division wheeleth about his owne angle , untill the outmost-file-leaders of each flanke , meet together in the midst . you may perceive how , by the figures of number , where the figure 1. meets the number 16 : 2 with 15 , 3 with 14. and so for all the rest . then being faced to their leader , every two files that met being now joyned , make one ranke . there must be the like order and decorum kept , in the motion of wheeling each flanke : as i shewed in the instruction of intire angular wheelings . for reducement of this motion , wheele your flanks into the reere . or else foure times the same , as i have seene some do : although somewhat the further way about . divers men are diversly opinionated ; concerning the best word of command or direction , for this motion . these i have known used which i have placed in the margent , by the figure ▪ and if any man like one better then the other , be it at his owne choice , either to use or refuse , while i passe to shew the next wheeling . chap. lxiii . of wheeling the reere into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele your flanks into the reere . the direction is , face all about to the right . wheele y●●r fl●●k● into the reere , wing ▪ reere , reere battell , reere midst , reere center , front ●lanks ▪ this divisionall wheeling of the flanks into the reere , is also a doubling , and performed as the other . and whatsoever might be said , in the behalfe of the wheeling of the front into the middest ; the same may be also spoken , concerning the wheeling of the reere into the middest . for this wheeling , brings your two outmost-files to be the first ranke ; the bringers up of the right and left-hand-files , meeting together : the bringers up of the left flanke , meeting face to face with the bringers up of the left-flanke . and so being faced to their leader , they which before were complete files , are now become halfe-ranks : either to the right or left . but you must note , that before you begin to wheele , you must face your body about to the reere : and then the action will be all one , as if you wheeled your flanks into the front . wherefore i shall not need further to explaine it : having spoken fully to it in the precedent chapter . for the reducement of this wheeling , the commander being at his front accidentall , may command them to wheele their wings into the reere , and so passe through to that part , where his proper file-leaders are : and then face them to him , and they are reduced . or else , when he hath past through to the reere , and faced his company to him ; then his pikes being formost , let him wheele his flanks into the front , who being faced to their leader , they are reduced . for this motion , there are also divers and severall words of command . and because it may be , that some will better approve of some of the other words of command , then of this that i have made use of : therefore i have placed others in in the margent , that so any that will , may take their choice : while i passe to shew the next wheeling . whose word of command and direction , you shall finde over the figure of the next chapter . chap. lxiiii. of wheeling the right flanke , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele front and reere , into the right flanke . the direction is , face all to the right . this figure stands as the body is in motion . wheele front and reere into the   the left flanke right flanke . the right flanke front and reere . the right flanke midst . center . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere , into the right-flanke ; doth quadruple the depth : as may appeare by this figure , which before the motion began , contained but eight in depth : but this wheeling being perfected , makes them 32. namely , if you direct the aspect of the bodie , either to the right or left ; after the motion is ended . if you obserue this wheeling , it doth divide the muskettiers on the left-flanke : the one halfe of them , wheeling to the front ; the other halfe , to the reere : all the muskettiers of the right-flanke , wheeling together into the middest . the pikes are likewise divided ; those that were the front-halfe-files , are in the middest of the front-division of muskettiers ; and those which were the reere-division of pikes , are in the middest of the reere-division of muskettiers . this wheeling may be to singular good use , for the making of some formes of battell . but i forbeare now to treat concerning figures and formes of battell , reserving them to be spoken of in their due places : and come now to shew the way how to performe the motion . the command therefore being given , to wheele front and reere into the right-flanke , then the first thing the souldiers are to do , is to face to the right . that done , they wheele together about the fourth and fift men in the right-hand-file : which is the halfe-file-leader to the front , and halfe-file-leader to the reere . you may easily perceive how , by the figure : where the reere-division wheeleth to the left ; and the front-division , to the right : untill the bringer-up of the right-hand-file , meets in the midst with his file-leader : the second , with the seventh ; the third , with the sixth ; the fourth , with the fift . &c. for the reducement of this figure of wheeling , there are many wayes : according as the body may be faced . but first conceive , as if they stand faced the same way as they were before this motion began . and then the wheeling of front and reere into the left-flanke will reduce them ; when they are faced to their leader . or if you will , face them that way which they wheeled in the motion ; which was to the right : then wheele your flanke into the reere ; when being faced to their proper front , they are reduced . and so , in like manner , should you face them to some other part ; they might be otherwayes reduced . the next wheeling will be the same to the left , as this is , to the right : where notwithstanding that the motion be all one , yet it shall differ in the placing of the men . for before i begin the wheeling , i will passe through all the muskettiers , from the left flanke to the right : by which meanes the body will stand , as appeareth by the square figure following . from whence i will begin the next wheeling . chap. lxv . of wheeling the left flanke , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele front and reere , into the left flanke . the direction is , face all to the left. depiction of 'left flank wheeling' this divisionall wheeling , of the front and reere into the left-flanke , is , in like manner , a doubling of the depth . for the nature of the motion , it is altogether like unto the wheeling next before : differing onely in the flanke ; and after that the body is faced to the left , the wheeling is to be performed , as wheeling the flanks into the front . but by reason that before the motion began , all the muskettiers were on the right-flanke : by this wheeling , they are brought to the front and reere . for the aspect being directed the same way , it was before the command was given , the depth will be 32 , as in the other figure . for reducement , the ordinary way is to wheele the front and reere into the right-flanke . o● if upon any occasion , you have faced your body to the same way they have wheeled ( which was to the left-flanke ) and would give your command from thence ; then let them wheele their flanks into the reere . this done , the commander passing to his first front , and facing them to him : they are as when this last wheeling began . then cause the foure files of maskettiers , to face to the left ; and to passe through to their places . lastly , do but close them to their due distance , in ranke , and file : and they are perfectly reduced . chap. lxvi . of wheeling front and reere , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele both flanks into the front and reere . the direction is , halfe-files , face about to the reere . this divisionall wheeling of both flanks into the front and reere ; doth double the depth : making them from 8 deepe , 16. it doth likewise transferre the muskettiers , from the flanks into the front and reere : making a division between the front halfe files , and reere halfe files . so that of one body , flankt with muskettiers , it maketh two , each having their muskettiers in front . this figure , ( as most others , as well facings , doublings , counter-marches and wheelings ) is here set forth as the motion of each presents it selfe in the execution ; few of them being shewne , as they be when they are executed . and i conceive it the better way , as well for expression , as apprehension : to shew the worke as it is in doing , rather then absolutely performed . for the way how to performe this wheeling , take these directions following . the command being first given , ( as aforesaid ) the first thing the souldiers have to doe , is for the halfe-files to face about , and then the front halfe files , and reere halfe files wheele at one and the same time : the front division , wheeling about their two innermost file-leaders , which are figured with the numbers of 8 and 9. untill the file-leaders of the right flanke meete together in the midst , with the file-leaders of the left flanke : as you may easily perceive by the figure shewing the motion ; the rest of their divisions , orderly following them . the halfe-files , also being faced about ; the bringers up , in like manner , wheele together : being now the leaders of the motion , in the reere , as you may perceive . this being done , if you please you may face them all to their leader , ( whom suppose to be at the place of his first front ) and then command them to close their divisions : which being performed , all your file-leaders are in the two innermost files of the front division , file-wise , and all the bringers up , in the reere division of the same files . for the reducement of this figure , if you will , face them to either of the flankes , and command them to wheele both flanks into the front and reere , when facing them againe to their proper front , and closing their division , they will be as at first . but if you would make use of some other wheeling , to reduce it , then take this in the following chapter . chap. lxvii . of wheeling the flanks into the midst of the battaile . the command is , wheele front and reere into both flanks . the direction is , face to the right and left . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere into both flankes , may also be termed a doubling of the depth : by reason that from 8 deepe , it maketh them double numbers . by this motion , the muskettiers which before were flankers , are now transferred into the midst , betweene the front and reere of the pikes . and whereas in the other figure , the wheeling was about the two middlemost file-leaders , and bringers up ; this wheeling contrariwise , is about the two halfe file-leaders of the outmost files of each flanke . in the other wheeling , the file-leaders and bringers up , made the innermost file : in this , the innermost file of each flanke , as you may easily perceive by the figure . this motion being performed , it leaves a large intervalle ( or division ) from front to reere , betweene the flankes : which if the commander passe into the midst , betweene each division , and face them all to him ; causing them to close their divisions , and to march forth into his first place , ( directing their aspects the same way ) then will the pikes be in the front and reere . for the reducement of this figure ( of wheeling ) to its former posture ; you may face the body to one of the flanks . which being done , command them againe to wheele front and reere into both flankes ; when being faced to their former front , and having closed their division , they are reduced . but if you would make use of some other wheeling , for reducement ; then wheele both flanks into the front and reere ; and they are as at first : having faced to their leader , and closed their division . and thus as briefly and as plainely as i could ; have i runne through the severall motions and grounds ; for the disciplining of a foot-company . and although i neither can , nor hope to give satisfaction to all ; yet i shall intreat the better qualified , that where i am wanting , there they will supply my defects with their goodnesse . or if it so happen , that i undergoe the censure of needlesse superfluitie : i would have such to make use of so much of it , as they shall thinke fit for their owne turnes : and to leave the residue unto such as may have opportunity for to use it . thus courteous reader have i past the grounds and various motions of the infantry , where thou maist gaine the skill , cost others wounds , though from a young one of th' artillery . reade and consider , if thou nothing gaine , i aske as little from thee for my paine . if thou the distances dost well peruse , the severall facings and the doublings too , the counter-marches which of course ensues , and then our wheelings which we lastly doe . these being practis'd , learn'd , and understood , the benefit turnes to thy countries good . these , like the vowels , are in number five , with which me spell all words that can be nam'd ▪ so with these motions we all formes contrive , and from these grounds are all our figures fram'd . then frame thou no excuse , but learn to know them , and with as free an heart as i doe shew them . now next of all i should some firings show , but lest perhaps i hold you over long , i thinke it fit some respite to be stow , lest that our souldiers thinke i doe them wrong . so please the reader but to pause the whiles , and see our leaders exercise their files . for now each leader is so courteous growne , he strives to bring another to his place . but they as modestly would keepe their owne , and each prefers his follower to the grace . so please you then but winke at the digression , and you shall see each leader by succession . chap. lxviii . of making men file-leaders successively , the files being eight deepe . in the making every man in file , successively leader according to their first standing : may as well and easily be done in great bodies , as by single files . yea and with the same words of command and direction , as you may perceive by the table , where the figures of number shew the succession of each mans leading . the words of command which produce each leader , being placed in the columes beneath . in the first colume of the table , the file stands as at first ; with his proper file-leader in front : each man having his right place . the rest of the files , demonstrating the places of the men , according to their standing ; upon the making of every severall file-leader . the commands are figures , which produce the like leaders . the front of each file , as they come to be file-leaders ; successively . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 1 4 3 6 5 8 7 3 4 1 2 7 8 5 6 4 3 2 1 8 7 6 5 5 6 7 8 1 2 3 4 6 5 8 7 2 1 4 3 7 8 5 6 3 4 1 2 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 the severall words of command , which produce each file-leader . 2 ranks to the right double .   files 3 file-leaders and half-file-leaders stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders .   4 ranks to the left double .   files 5 the first ranke stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders .   6 ranks to the left double .   files 7 countermarch front & reere into the midst , then face to your leader .   8 ranks to the left double .   files 0 then face about or countermarch your files , and they are as at first .   the first , are the proper leaders of the files . for to make the second leade , if there be but one file , then file ranke two to the right : if there be more files , than rankes to the right , double , and files to the right , double . by which meanes , the second man is become leader of his file : every man being disposed , as you may perceive by that file , whose leader is the figure of 2. to make him that was the third man , leader , let file-leaders , and halfe-file leaders stand : & the rest passe through to the right , & place themselves before their leaders . thus will the file stand like that , led by the figure of 3. for to make him that was the fourth man leader ; rankes to the left , double ; and files to the left , double : whereby the file will stand like that , led by the figure of 4. for to make him that was the fift man , leader , let the first ranke stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place themselves before their leaders : by which meanes the file will stand like that , led by the figure 5. for to make him that was the sixt man , leader ; double your rankes to the left , and files to the left , double : and then the file will stand , like the file led by the figure of 6. for to make him that was the seventh man , leader of the file ; countermarch front and reere into the midst , and face them to the former front : whereby the file will stand like that led by the figure of 7. for to make him that was the eighth man , leade the file-ranks to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; and the file will stand like that , led by the figure of 8. for to reduce them , cause the first ranke to stand ; the rest to advance forwards to the right , placing themselves before their leaders . chap. lxix . of making men file-leaders , successively : the files being but sixe deepe . some will be inquisitive to know for what use the making of leaders by succession , serveth ? or whether it be not a meere curiosity ? to which i thus answer . that it is not only pleasant , but profitable . pleasant to the leader of a file : who having sufficiently exercised his file in postures , to give some time of respite , or delectation , for the recreating of their almost tyred spirits , brings each man , successively , to leade the file by proper words of command . and lastly , reduceth each man to his former standing . it must needs be profitable and much availeable in discipline , when the skilfull commander can thereby ( with much ease ) change and interchange : bring what rankes he pleaseth to lead in front ; and exchange them afterwards for others ; yea , and lastly , at his owne pleasure , bring the proper file-leaders againe into their places . this following table , shewes each mans severall place as they stand ; still being altered , according to their various leaders . by the figures of number ( which are placed over the heads of those columes , wherein are writ the words of command ) understand that those words under the figure of 2. are to make the second man , file-leader . those words , under the figure of 3. make the third man , leader . and so forward for the rest . the front of each file , as they come to be leaders . 1 2 3 4 5 6 2 1 2 5 6 5 3 4 6 1 3 4 4 3 1 6 4 3 5 6 5 2 1 2 6 5 4 3 2 1 the words of command , which produce each severall leader .   files 2 ranks to the left double . 3 half-files double your front to the right , files to the right double . 4 facc to the reere , or let the first ranke stand , the rest passe thorough , &c. 5 ranks to the right double , files double your depth to the right .   files 6 ranks to the left double . 7 face to the reere , and they are reduced . the first man , is the leader of the file . for to make the second man , leader ; command , file ranke , two to the left . if there be more files then one ; ranks to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; which makes the second man , leader ; every man in the file being disposed , as you may perceive by that file , led by the figure of 2. for to make him that was the third man , leader ; command halfe files , double the front to the right , and files to the right , double ; by which meanes , the file will stand like that , led by the figure of 3. for to make him that was the fourth man , leader : face to the reere , and then hee leads . but if you will keepe the same front ; command the first ranke to stand , the rest to passe through to the left : placing your selves before your leaders . thus will the file stand like that , led by the figure of 4. for to make the fift man , leader : command , rankes to the right , double ; and files to double their depth to the right intire : by which meanes the file will stand like that , led by the figure of 5. for to make the sixt man , file-leader : cause rankes to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; and then the file wil stand like that , led by the figure of 6. for to reduce them , there needs no more but face to the reere : notwithstanding if you would have the front the same way , the command is , the first rank , stand ; the rest passe forwards to the right : placing your selves before your leaders . for to make sixe men , successively leaders , by sixe words of command , besides facings . the first is leader : for the second file , ranke 2 ▪ to the left , and files to the left , double . for the third , countermarch front and reere into the midst : and face to that part which was the reere . for the fourth , face about to the right . for the fift , countermarch front and reere into the midst , and face to that which was the reere . for the sixt , ranke two to the right ; and files to the right , double ; face them about , and they are reduced . chap. lxx . of drawing the files againe into a body : and preparing them for a skirmish . by this time ( me thinkes ) i heare the drums beat a call : which summons each file-leader to his place : every man observing his order , both in ranke and file . the officers having taken their due places ; the captaine and ensigne in the front of pikes , the lievetenant in the reere ; the serjeant on the flanks , the drums on the front and reere angle s of the pikes : as you may perceive by the square figure next following . now the drums beat a march , the ensigne flying at the head of the pikes ; the pikes and muskets shouldered , marching at their distance of order in file , at open order in ranke : presently by a signe from the captaine , the drums beat a preparative : the ensigne furl-up , retiring into the midst betweene the pikes ; the pikes advance , the rankes close forwards to their order ; the muskettiers makes ready , and every man prepares himselfe for battell or skirmish . and here the eyes of the drum must be very vigilant , to observe his captaine or commander ; that by the least signe , either of his hand , leading-staf●e , or whatsoever else he carries , hee may either continue his charge , retreat , or else charge home : and every souldier ought to be so well trayned and practised , that in the time of battell , he may receive ample instructions from the sound of the drum. the body drawne into a square : with the officers in their places . thus many officers may serue for a larger company , if the souldiers be expert and skilfull : and to the contrary , they are all too few , if they be raw and unexperienced . i have seene some companies , which have been so absolutely ignorant , that each man would have needed an officer , to have kept him orderly in his place . neverthelesse i make no doubt , but that by the carefull oversight of the lord lieutenants , the good assistance of their deputies , and the diligence of the captains , and their officers , this fault will quickly be amended . and this might easily enough be done , if that those which are owners of armes , would but meet one houre or two in a fortnight ( at their best leisures ) and practise the postures of the pike & musket first , and the motions , and firings , when they are more expert . if any shall object , that how ever this may be done in townes and cities , yet it cannot be in the countrey villages . i answer , that if they meete not above foure , sixe , or eight in a place , although they have no officer to instruct them , yet by conferring , and trying , and often practising , they will begin to carry their armes with more ease ; and to use them with more delight . neither need they to be altogether ignorant , seeing there are divers printed portraitures of the postures of each armes : as also books , whereby they may have very ample instruction . by which having attained some little skill ; they will not be contented , untill they have better improved it by the instruction of their officers : after which they will proue better proficients in one houre , then as they were before , in a yeare . chap. lxxi . of firing by forlorne files . the manner , and use . before i enter upon formes and figures of battel , be pleased to observe with me , that all firings , are either direct or oblique : notwithstanding that the formes are full enough of varietie , occasioned ( most times ) by the scituation of the place ; the order of the enemy , and the number of men : with other politicall observations , for the gaining of winde and sunne . for the manner of firings , they are sometimes advancing against an enemy : sometimes receiving the enemies charge upon a stand ; or else retreiting . otherwhiles , we give fire in the reere , marching from the enemy : or in flanke , marching by an enemy : and it may so fall out , that the enemy may charge in severall places at once ; as in front , and reere ; or in front , reere , and flanke . of which particulars , i will severally treat , desiring to give content to all , not making the least question but that benefit may accrue unto some . and therefore hoping that the courteous and best qualified , will accept of my good meaning ; and not refuse my cates , although presented unto them in earthen vessels : whereby i shall be induced with more willingnesse , to proceed in my intended discourses , so you be pleased to favour me with your better opinions ; neither rashly condemning me of prodigalitie , for enterprising a worke of such consequence as this ; nor too suddenly accusing my simplicitie , for preferring my rush-light before the sunne ; when others suffer their torches to burne out in darke lanternes : whom i confesse to be farre more able ( were they but halfe so willing ) to have imparted of their talents , to the benefit of their countrey . but seeing that they will not vouchsafe it , and that i , like bold bayard , have adventured thus farre ; i shall ( with your good favour ) proceed . and first i will begin with firings in front ; advancing , and standing : and so to the rest . and for the more cleare expression of each firing , i will deliver them both in words and figures . the first whereof , shall be a firing by forlorne files : which commonly is used in our exercise , two manner of waies : one way is , for the two outermost-files of each flank of musketiers , to march forth , being led on by the two junior serjeants , so farre as by the superior commander shall be thought fit ; who being there to stand , the formost ranks are to give fire ; wheeling off , both to the right , or to the right and left ( if it be so commanded ) and to place themselues in the reere of their owne files , the rest of the ranks firing , and doing of the like , untill they have fired once or twice over , according to their directions . this done , the next two outmost-files of each flanke , are to march forwards unto the place assigned ▪ and to do the like : those files which formerly faced , in the meane time trooping backe , and placing themselues next the pikes , on the inside of the divisions of muskettiers : the rest of the muskettiers ( in like manner ) marching up , and firing : still placing themselues next the pikes , as aforesaid . when they have fired all over , and placed themselues according to these directions : they are reduced , as at first . a second way of firing by forlorne files , may be after this māner . the outermost files of each flank , are led forth by the serjeants ; according to the charge untill they have brought them unto a fit place for execution : and then they command their files to ranke inward , and to present , and fire all together : as you may plainly perceive by the figure following . the first two files , having ranked i●●ard , presented and fired , are to wheele off to the right and left : following their leaders in single file , and placing themselves on the inside of their divisions of muskettiers next the pikes ; the next outmost files , which followed the first in the reere in the meane time ranking inward , firing and wheeling off , as before , and placing themselves next the pikes . and so forwards for all the rest of the files : still marching up , and doing the like , so long as the captaine or commander shall fee fitting . these kinde of firings ( and all such like ) are either for the beginning of skirmishes , before the bodies come within shot one of another , or to provoke the enemy to battaile , to draw them from their trenches , into some ambushment , and other such politicall ends , the number of men which march forth upon such designes , nor the manner are not alwayes certaine , but consists sometimes of more , sometimes of fewer , according to the number , time , and place . chap. lxxii . of firings by two ranks , ten paces advanced before the front : next , even with the front ; and lastly , even with the halfe files . advancing of two rankes to fire , ten paces before the front , is most commonly used , when one or both battailes march against each other : the muskettiers being led forth by two rankes together , ten or twenty paces , before the front of the body ; that so they may come neere enough to doe ▪ certaine execution . a serjeant from each flanke leading up the two foremost rankes , ( according as they shall have order ) the first ranke of each flanke is to present and give fire , wheeling either all off to the right , or to the right and left , as you may perceive by the following figure . the first ranks having presented , fired , and wheeled off , ( as aforesaid ) are to march close downe in single file , within three foot of their owne flankes , untill they come to the reere of their owne divisions : where every man is to place himselfe in the reere of his owne file . the second ranke being at the distance of three foot , behinde the first ranke , when they first tooke their ground : they likewise are to rest their muskets , mounting their muzzles cleere of their leaders , and so to stand with their matches cock● , and pans guarded , that so they may levell and fire as soone as their leaders are cleere of them , and wheele off , in like manner placing themselves as they were before . the next two rankes are to beginne to advance forwards , when they see the last of the two former ranks , presented ready to fire . and they also having fired , wheele off as the others did before them . and so , successively the rest of the ranks advancing , fire and wheeling off againe , placing themselves according to former directions . this way , they may give fire , once or oftner over , as the enemy doth advance ; or the commander shall see fitting . all this while that the muskettiers advance so farre before the front , ( if the body be upon march ) the pikes may be shouldered : but when the bodies come within twelve score , or lesse , then it is fit that the muskettiers give fire even with the front of the pikes , and that the pikemen , advance their pikes , and close forwards to their distance of three foot , that so they may be even in ranke with their muskettiers , as you may perceive by the following figure . now the pikes being advanced , and the rankes closed forwards to their due distance of order , the muskettiers are to present , even with the front , every ranke successively moving forward , untill they come to be even in ranke with the first ranke of pikes , there to give fire , and to wheele off to the right and left , trooping , file-wise , downe close to their owne divisions : and taking their places in the reere , as in the former figures . the first ranke of muskettiers having fired , and wheeled away , the next ranks are to move forwards at three * motions , into their places ; and there to give fire after the same manner : wheeling away againe , and placing themselves according to former directions , every ranke still making good their leaders ground . in this sort the battell may be continued , untill they have fired once , twice , or oftner over ; and that the bodies become so close together , that the pikes begin to porte , and so at length come to push of pike . which done , the muskettiers are to give fire , either retreiting , or else not to advance further , then the halfe files of pikes . for in that place ( the bodies being come so neere together ) they will doe as much execution , as if they were even with the front . the manner of the standing , you may perceive by the following figure . the pikes being now come to push , the muskettiers are to advance no further than the halfe files of pikes : that ( so they may doe execution with their shot , and be out of danger of the pikes . this having attained , they are there to present , and give fire ; every ranke still moving forwards , and maintaining his leaders ground . after they have performed their firing , they are to wheele off by division , as in the former figures : still placing themselves in the reere of their owne files , alwaies taking their directions from the drum , either for charging or retreiting , &c. the battell or charge being ended , the reducement is easie . the leader of each file , being in his place at the head of his file ; command the muskettiers to march up , even with the front of pikes ; and then they will be as at first . obserue withall that when the firing is to be performed , even with the front ; then the muskettiers are stil to make good their leaders ground . the want to be in the place of most security ( which is the reere ) as you may perceive by the pricks , which i have designed , for noting out the empty roomes of such , who have closed forwards to make good the ground in the front : the others that last fired are wheeled off , and trooping downe into their places . when the firing is even with the halfe-files , they are to do the like : unlesse the drumme beat a retreat ; for then , the muskettiers neither advance , nor retreat : but every rank giving fire on the same ground , they stand : and then wheele off againe , that their fellows may do as much . neverthelesse when the forlorne files march forth , or that two ranks march forth , ten paces ( or more ) before the front : then they are to give fire , as upon a retreit : unlesse the enemy flye . i will now shew some other wayes of firing in front ; before i shew the firings in the reere . the first whereof , shall be the horne battell : as in the chapter following . chap. lxxiii . of the horne-battell ; how to make it : and to reduce it by firing . the horn-battell may be for the same occasion and use , as the firing by two ranks ten paces advancing before the front : and is by some held more serviceable , because that the muskettiers do their execution more roundly , without any intermission of time : and keepe themselues without stragling from their bodies . besides , the wings of muskettiers being so advanced , are more apt for over-fronting , and more easily to be wheeled ; whereby to charge the enemy in flanke ; each of these wings , or divisions , are to be led up by a serjeant ( or some other superiour officer ) unto the place appointed by the chiefe . but because that it may be performed in time of exercise , by the intelligible souldier , observe the command which produceth this following figure . pikes , stand ; muskettiers , march ; untill the bringers up , ranke with the front of pikes . the horne-battell . the figure being perfect , the firstranke of muskettiers , present and give fire wheeling off , either all to the right ; or to the right and left ( according as they shall have direction ) and placing themselues , orderly , in the reere of their owne files . the next ranke ( after the same manner ) firing and wheeling off , and placing themselues behinde those , which were their leaders . thus is every rank , successively ▪ to do the like : untill they have all given fire . if the commander would still preserve , and continue the same figure ; then let the muskettiers still move forwards , into the ground ( or place ) of them that fired before them : and the forme will be still the same . and if by the chiefetain it be found necessary , that after once or twice firing over , the shot should flanke their pikes ; then the muskettiers , must not advance into their leaders ground ; but , to the contrary , every ranke is to present and fire on the same ground they stand : and that so soone as they are cleere of their leaders . or if need be , the pikes may advance and march up , to make their front i●tire : which being done , the file-leaders of muskettiers being in front , they are reduced . chap. lxxiiii . of the demie-hearse battell : the use of the figure ; how to make it , and to reduce it by firing . the next firing in front which i present unto you , is the demie hearse : which is a figure most firme , most sollid , and most stable , yea , and doth as much execution , as any of the former : and that with halfe the danger . for the pikes in the former figure , they either ranke even with the front of muskets : or else , the division of muskettiers being open , they become liable to the danger of the enemies shot : themselues not being able to do any thing , either offensive or defensive . but , to the contrary , in this figure , they are securely covered by their owne muskettiers : untill they approach nearer to the enemy . whereby they may be able to do some service ; either by sending their showres of arrows amongst them , for bringing their array out of order , or else , by closing neerer , come to the shocke , and so try the fortune of the day . but not to hold you longer in circumstance , take the words of command : which produce the figure , as followeth . pikes , stand , muskettiers , advance before your front of pikes : and close your divisions . the demic-hearse . for the firings on this figure , they may be divers ; yet i shall content my selfe onely to shew two of them : the first is , that the muskettiers may at the discretion of the commander , give fire in front : and so wheele off by division ( or all to the right , as shall best please him that commands in chiefe ) placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions and files of shot , which is just before the front of pikes . the next ranks then moving forwards into their leaders ground , are to present , fire , wheele off , and place themselues after the same manner : the rest of the ranks of muskettiers , doing the like , untill they have all given fire : which firing , doth nothing alter the forme or figure of battell . having fired once or twice over this way , the second firing shall serue for reducement : which is indeed the firing intended to be exprest by this figure . and that i may by words , the more clearly explaine the worke , take these directions following . the first ranke having given fire , are to wheele equally off by division : each part falling file-wise downe , close by their flanks of muskettiers : untill the leaders of the ranks of muskets come downe as low as the first ranke of pikes ; which being performed , they are to face outwards , and to move so farre forth in a strait line , untill they have ranked even with the first ranke of pikes . but herewithall are they to observe , that they must leave an intervall betweene the innermost-musket of each flanke ; and the outermost-file-leader of the pikes . so soone as the first ranke hath given fire and wheeled away , the second ranke is to give fire , wheeling off , as before , and passing downe betweene the intervals on the flanks : placing themselues after their leaders . the same is every ranke successively to do , untill all the muskettiers are drawne from before the front , and placed on the flanke of their pikes . but when there are not above two ranks of muskettiers to give fire , then the pikes may port ; and when the muskettiers have fired , and are wheeled away , they may charge . and lastly , the pikes being re-advanced , the body stands reduced , as at first . chap. lxxv . of giving fire , advancing , by way of introduction : with the beneficiall use of the bow and pike . i shall next offer to your perusall , a figure of introduction : which is a passing through or betweene : being a firing by way of advancing against the enemy , and of gaining ground . i will not dispute how usefull it is ; but sure i am , it is over-ballanced with danger . as for such whom i haue seene to practise it , they have rather used it for varietie , in a well experienced company , then for any knowne excellency it hath in it selfe . but if these lines happen to be over-lookt by any , that preserues a better opinion of this firing by introduction , then i do : i shall be willing to leave them to their owne liking , while i in the meane time proceed to shew the manner of the execution , which is usually one of these two wayes . the first , when the motion is begun by the second ranke from the front . the other , when it is begun by the bringers up . neverthelesse you must note ▪ that your files of muskettiers must be opened to their open order ; before the firing begin : that so , the muskettiers may passe betweene the intervals of each file , to give fire in the front . and therefore take the words of command and direction ; which will produce this figure following . muskettiers , make ready to give fire by introduction to the right . files of muskettiers , open by division to your open order . this firing by introduction may be thus performed . the pikes being flankt with their muskettiers , the first ranke of each flanke , present and give fire : having fired , they stand and make ready againe in the same place . the second ranke passing forwards before the first , doe there fire and stand : the third rank then passing forwards after the second , and standing even in ranke with them that first fired ; that so soone as the second ranke hath fired , they may quickly step before them , and fire in like manner . in this firing , still the ranke which is next to fire , stands even in ranke with them which last fired ; untill those which stand presented , have likewise given fire : after which they then passe before them ; the ranke which was their next followers , passing forwards and ranking with those which last fired : every man following his leader successively , untill the bringers up give fire , & stand , and then the figure will become a horne battell . all the while that this firing by introduction , is continued , the pikes may be shouldered ( if there be no feare of horse ) or otherwise at discretion . if you continue this firing twice over ; the muskettiers will have their right places : which being done , march up your pikes , to ranke even with your muskettiers in front , and they are reduced . for the other way of firing by introduction , the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) are to give fire as before , and to stand , the last ranke ( or bringers up ) in the interim of their firing ; marching up , and ranking even with the second ranke : the rest following their bringers up ; as they do when bringers up double their front . the first ranke having fired , the bringers up step immediately before them ; present , and give fire ; the rest stil , successively , doing the like , untill every rank have given fire once over . observe withal that the file-leaders are to give fire twice over : being the first & the last & then to stand , the pikes marching up , even with their front of muskettiers . and thus they are reduccd , as at first . the pikemen , all the time of this firing , doe no service : notwithstanding , if one halfe of them had bowes fastened unto their pikes ( being able and well practised men ) they might , whilest the muskettiers are in firing , be dealing of their doles about : and although their arrowes did not happen to wound mortally , yet the whisteling noyse , the terrour of the sight , and the severall hurts ( which could not chuse but be many ) would be a great abatement to the stoutest courages . and great pitty it is to see , the lusty pike-man poorely to droppe downe by the musket-shot ; himselfe not being able to hurt his enemy at that distance , nor defend himselfe . chap. lxxvi . the way to make the diamond battell : severall waies to fire upon it : with divers other figures and firings , which are thereby produced . the diamond battell is also a firing in front ; though more for shew , then moderne service ; yet because that some hold it in venerable respect , i thought fit to place it amongst the rest ; leaving every man to his liking , either to use it or refuse it . it may be that some will looke , that i should make the sheere battell ; the wedge , the saw , and many such like : which might be made either hollow or sollid . but i shall intreate such to spare me ; for i would not willingly spend time to so small purpose ; chusing rather to insist on figures ; more profitable for them , and commendable for mee . yet if any man have a minde to practise any of them , by observation of this diamond battell , he may easily make them . but not to hold you longer with circumstance , the words of command , and direction , which are for the making of this diamond battell , are as follow . first cause your muskettiers of the right flanke , to open to the right , to a sufficient distance : for receiving the muskets of the left flanke . then command the muskettiers of the left flanke , to passe through into the space of ground on the right . this being done , for to make the figure , command . files of muskettiers , ranke 1. 3. 5. 7. &c. by increase , to the left . files of pikes , ranke by decrease after your muskettiers . the muskettiers may fire on this figure , divers waies : though i onely intend to speake unto two of them . the first , is the most usuall way : and that is , the giving fire in ranke ; the first man ( or poynt of the diamond ) first giving fire : then wheeling off to the right , and placing himselfe just behinde the single pikeman , in the reere . then , the next ranke being three men , give fire ; wheeling off by division : and placing themselves in ranke , behinde the single muskettiers , as they were before the firing began . this done , the ranke of five muskettiers , gives fire ; wheeling off , in like manner , by division ▪ ever observing , that where the number is odde , & they command to wheele off by division ; there the greatest number , alwaies goes to the right . and so , in like manner , the rankes give fire , successively ; and place themselves after their leaders , as before . when all the muskettiers have given fire , and are wheeled off ; then charge pikes , which will be fifteene in the first ranke ; the rest decreasing , having advanced your pikes , your figure will stand like two wedges , with their poynts ioyned , as you may perceive by this figure next following . if you would reduce your men from this figure , without firing , ( your men being sufficiently expert ) let the muskettiers stand , and pikes face to the reere : and so the wedges will stand faced in opposition . next , command them to interchange ground : the muskettiers advancing forwards , into the ground of the pikes , and the pikes , moving into the ground of the muskettiers ; and then by facing the pikes to the former front , the body will stand in forme of a diamond againe . if you would give fire from this figure ( all the muskettiers being in the reere ) the body must face about : and so the firing will be contrary to the former . but if you wheele them about , they may give fire the same way . howsoever , they having given fire , are to wheele off by division , and to place themselves in the reere of the pikes , even in ranke again , as they were when they gave fire . thus having all fired ouer , and wheeled away ; the pikes may charge : and being againe advanced , the body will stand in forme of a diamond ▪ and this i pray you to conceive , for i intend not to remake the figure . the second way of firing on the diamond figure , is by way of countermarch ▪ and is an oblique firing . for whereas in the other firing by ranks ( in the diamond battell ) each ranke fired by increase of two ( beginning with one , and ending with fifteene in a ranke ) this firing , contrariwise , begins with 15. and ends with 1. still decreasing 2. for this firing , your files must be at open order , because the muskettiers must countermarch downe betweene the intervals of their owne files to the right : every muskettier that findes himselfe without a leader , being to present and give fire : and then to countermarch to the right , and to place himselfe in the reere of his own file , behinde the pikes . when the first 15. have fired , then the next 13. present , fire , and countermarch , still placing themselues in the reere of their owne files . next there fireth 〈◊〉 th●● 9. &c. for still there fires ●o many , as are 〈◊〉 of any leaders . and in this manner of firing , they that fire together , stand neither in ranke not file , bu● o●liquely . when all the muskettiers have fired ▪ and ●●e 〈◊〉 into the reere of their owne files ; let the pikes charge : and so the forme of your battell , will be like a long wedge : as you may perceive by the following figure , where now your ranks are become 2. and 2 ▪ of a number . your men standing in forme afore-shewed , if you please yet to be more curious , face them all to the reere : and command your muskettiers to march ten or twelue paces . your pikes to stand , and your muskettiers will present you with an hollow wedge ▪ and your pikes with a sollid wedge . lastly , to reduce all these severall formes into the first proper square battell : first , let the sollid wedge , close forward , into the hollow of the other : then , let the muskettiers make ready , present , and fire , as before . that is to say , every muskettier that finds himselfe without a leader , is to give fire , and to countermarch to the reere of his owne file , the rest doing the like , successively . when they have all fired , and are countermarcht cleere , let the pikes charge : and then your body will have the form of a diamond againe . next , face them all to the reere ; and command , ranks , file 8. to the right . which being done , passe through the muskettiers which belong to the left-flanke , into their places ; and close the muskettiers of the right-flanke to their due distance : and so they will stand , all properly reduced . chap. lxxvii . of the convex halfe moone ; the use of the figure : and of severall wayes of firing upon it . the convex halfe-moone , or semicircular battell , is a forme both good and usefull ; which the time , the number , and place ( with other circumstances ) may make either beneficiall or prejudiciall . wise captains and commanders ever foreseeing with providence , what formes or figures may be most profitable and available , for the present service . this convex figure may be usefull , either at the landing of souldiers in an enemies countrey , or for necessity ( the enemy being more able in horse ) making use either of hedge , ditch , wood , creeke or river ; to secure the reere . for the figure it selfe , it may be made many wayes ; either with the muskettiers outermost , or innermost , or lined , &c. as pleasest he commander . it may also be made in a regimentall way , or after the way of a small and private company : but because i have onely in this my smal treatise , taken upon me to shew the postures , motions , and figures , which are most usually done in a small company ( although many of them , yea the more part , may be very fit for larger bodies ) i shall content my self to saile in so small a bottome , not desiring to put on more saile then will suffice for the bearing of so small a burthen . wherefore my request shall be , that every courteous and skilful pilot that shall come aboard this small barke ; will be pleased neither to launch it into the maine , lest it be swallowed in the surges ▪ nor to expose it to the danger of shelues , rocks , and sands ; lest it suffer shipwracke for want of good guidance , but so to steere it , that it may safely arrive at its ●●sir●d harbour : wherein they will both honour 〈…〉 expressing their vertues , and g●●tifie 〈◊〉 by applying each motion , figure , and forme , to his right use , and true intention . i will now shew , how the figure is to be made , which is as follow●th ▪ if yo●● battell be in forme of an hearse ▪ then 〈◊〉 them to the right or left about ; untill they have atteined this figure . but if in a square , then observe these following words ; which will produce the figure . wheele your flanks into the front : then face the body to one of the flanks : and wheele your battell into a convex halfe moone . the convex halfe moone . having brought your souldiers into this convex forme , you may face them all inward , for speech ; or outward for fight . then let the officers make intervals for the muskettiers ; and let the outermost arc , or first ranke of each division , present , and give fire : those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right ; the left-flanke , to the left ; placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; still making good their leaders ground . the rest of the ranks are to do the same : untill they have all given fire . neverthelesse , if your enemy be too potent for you by reason of his horse , your bow-pike-men need not stand idle ; although they stand behinde their muskettiers : for that they may plie them faster with their shafts , then the others can with their shot . but if the horse be so violent , that the muskettiers may not abide them ; then let them give fire , and wheele off by division , as before : passing quite through their intervals , and placing themselues in the reere of their pikes : every ranke making good their leaders ground . thus also are the rest of the muskettiers to give fire , placing themselues in the concave part of the body , as aforesaid : following the pikes which now make good the muskettiers ground . if need be , the pikes may charge over-hand : or if occasion serves , at the foot , drawing forth their swords , over their left armes ; and couching downe their heads : by which meanes the muskettiers may give fire , over their shoulders . for the first ranke having fired , may kneele downe on the ground , and charge againe : and so the second ranke may give fire , and kneele in like manner : making ready againe . and so in like manner for all the rest : all giving fire , and kneeling on the ground ; that so the next ranke behinde may give fire over them . thus continning the firing , untill all the muskettiers have given fire . neverthelesse if need be , the first ranke may rise with the rest , and give fire over again , as before . and so the battell may be continued ; the pikes still keeping off the horse . for the reducement of this figure , & to bring every man to his place : let your muskettiers ( either firing , or passing through ) be brought into the places they were in , before they first gave fire . then face the whole body to one of the flankes ; and march them untill they have evened their rankes , and straitned their files . this done , then if all your pikes be on the right flanke ; wheele your right flanke into the midst ; if on the left flank , wheele front and reere into the left flanke . this being done , let the commander passe to his proper file-leaders ; and face the whole body to him , and they are reduced as at first . chap. lxxviii . of extraduction : the severall uses , firings , and reducements . the next firing which i shall take upon me to demonstrate , shall be by way of extraduction : which is also a firing in front. it may be to singular good use , in a strait or passage sage where your wings and reere may be secured : your enemy being supposed to be too powerfull for you , either in horse or foot , or both . having gotten into some strait , there fill the mouth of the passage with your pikes : and if the length of your company be not sufficient to do it , then double your ranks ( as in this following figure ) and let y●ur pikes either order , advance , port , or charge : according to the occasion ; your muskettiers being in the reere , may march up into the front , and fire . but before i shew the firing , observe these following directions , which produce the figure . pikes stand , muskettiers face to the reere , and march u●till you are cleere of your body of pikes ; then face inward , and close your division : that being done face to your leader , and double your rankes . this being performed , the pikes are all in front , the muskettiers in reere . a firing by extraduction . having ordered your ba●tell in this manner , let the first rank●●f muskettiers ( which are those that follow next after the pikes ) face to the right , and march forth ( file-wise ) to close by the right flanke of pikes , untill he that is the leader of them , be come into the front of pikes , then hee is to leade them quite crosse the front of pikes ; untill he have attained the further part of the front to the left ; which being done , they are all to stand , present , and give fire . you must note withall , in this firing , that hee which was the right hand man of the ranke , and was the leader of the ●●tion , now becomes the left hand man , when he gives fire ; and that having fired , they are to wheele off to the left , close to the left flanke of pikes , and so to fall in the reere of the muskettiers . in the interim , whilest that the ranke which first fired , is wheeling away , the second rank is marching into their places to give fire . and in this manner they may maintaine their battaile , so long as they please : the pikes either porting or charging all the whiles . the muskettiers in the time of their crossing the front , are to couch , or stoope under their pikes ; that so they may be no impediment to the pikes in their charge . there is another way of firing ●y extraduction , which is , that the right hand leader of muskettiers , placeth himselfe before the right file●eader of pikes : the rest all falling beyond him : neverthelesse because i conceive it not to be so good a way as that already shewne , i will not trouble you with it : but come immediately to the ●educement of this , which is as followeth . com●and your pikes to stand , and your muskets to double their front by division : but if you want room to doe it , then first double your files 〈◊〉 the contrary hand of that , which you doubled your rankes ; and so hauing doubled by division , as aforesaid , they will be reduced , as at fi●st . chap. lxxix . of the broad-fronted battell : with the wayes of firing upon it . the broad-fronted battell , must needs be of speciall use ; for many occasions , either offensive or defensive . which because it is so apparant to all , i shall not need to stand to reason with any ; rather desiring to shew the manner of making and reducing it : which is ●s followeth . cause your pikes to stand , and your muskettiers to march : untill the reere ranke of muskettiers be advanced a little before the first ranke of pikes ; then let the muskettiers face inward , ( or in opposition ) and close their divisions ; and then face to their leader . and if you would bring more hands to fight , double rankes to any hand , and the body ( for forme and number ) will stand like the figure here next following . but the speediest way , and ( i thinke the best ) i am sure with expert souldiers , is to wheele both ●lanks into the front , which is the way intended by this figure . for the manner of the firing it selfe , you may partly perceive that there are intervalles made for each division , to wheele off to the right , that so they may either fall in the reer of the muskettiers , & there continue the firing ; or else fall in the reer of the pikes , & be therby secured from the horse . it may be done , one or both wayes : according to the occasion or discretion of the commander . neverthelesse , before i shew the firing , observe these words of command , which produce the figure . wheele your flanks into the front , face to your leader . the broad ●●onted battell . the first ranke having presented , and given fire , let them wheele off to the right : all passing down the interual●es to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the muskettiers making good their leaders ground ; and the next ran●es firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves as before . having fired once or twice over this way , a second way may be , to place themselves in the reere of their pikes ; either standing , or advancing : the pikemen in the meane time , clouding the cleere skie , with their ayrie armorie . the muskettiers having all given fire , and placed themselves in the reere : if need bee , the pikes may close their divisions , and charge over hand : and if the enemy shall still presse forwards , the pikes may charge at the foot : the muskettiers giving fire over them , &c. for reducement , there are divers waies by firings ; but because i would make every thing so plaine and easie , that those that reade for instruction , may receive benefit , it hath caused me to reduce each figure by it selfe : and not to multiply one upon another , whereby to make them too ambiguous . and therefore , if you make this figure by wheeling your flankes into the front ; and then fire , as aforesaid : the reducement may be , either * to fire them over againe , and so to fall into their former places : and then to wheele your flankes into the front againe , and lastly , face about to the right : and they will be as before . or else , if you would reduce them without giving fire over againe , then command your muskettiers to double your front by division : that done , wheele both flankes into the reere : then face to your leader , and command your muskettiers to double your front by division againe : and they are as at first . if i should proceed to shew the many and sundry wayes of firings , which may be done in front : my booke had need to have as many leaves , as lines : and yet all too little . but that i may keepe my selfe to my promise , and my booke to its compasse : i will next come to shew some firings in the reere : and amongst my divisionall firings , i shall insert some other sorts of front firings , which here i have omitted . chap. lxxx . of dismarching , or firing in the reere : the severall wayes , and how they ought to be performed . having so long maintained battaile in the front , i will now face them about , and see how they will behave themselves upon their firings in the reere . which kinde of firings , may be very beneficiall and serviceable , many wayes . for by keeping an orderly march , and firing in the reere , the eager enemy , ( by a too hasty pursuit ) may be disordered . or if it so happen ( as many timesit doth ) that you have a disadvantagious place to imbattell on ; by this firing you may march away : still preserving your order and array , untill you have brought your adversary into some ambushment , or such like inconvenience . for the manner of comming of the firing , it must either be by facing about , wheeling about , or countermarching : the pikes are to be shouldered . the figure followeth . a firing in the reere . the bodie being upon a march , if the enemy appeare in the reere ; let the last ranke of muskettiers , face about , and give fire , wheeling off , by division , file-wise marching up toward the front , and there placing themselues before the foremost ranke of muskettiers : ( the outmost man of each ranke , being the leader up of those which have fired ) where first taking their places on the outside , the rest wheeling about them , and ranking even with them on the inside ; ever observing , that they ranke even with the second ranke of pikes . the rest of the muskettiers also doing the like : and in this manner to continue the firing , as occasion shall require . neverthelesse , of all the figures and firings , that ever i have seene , this hath beene the worst performed in all places ; which might easily be amended , if the souldiers would observe this following order in their execution : namely , when the last ranke of muskettiers have presented to the reere , and are giving of fire ; the ranke which marched next before them , do then blow , open , and present , at three motions ▪ still keeping along even with the body , untill that , ( lastly ) they present to the reere ; by which time , the ranke that last fired , will be wheeled away . the next ranke , so soone as the other hath presented , is likewise at 3. motions , to do the same : and so , successively , for all the rest ; every ranke observing , upon each ranks firing , to loose one ; and to march one ranke neerer , to the reere of the battell : that so that part , may still be kept absolute . this giving of fire towards the reere for service , is to be continued ; according to the qualitie of the place , the occasion for fight ; and the discretion of the commander . in exercise , we commonly do it but once over ; and then ( if you please you may make alte ) and face your bodie about , giving fire over againe : and charging your pikes upon it : if need so requireth . notwithstanding , if the horse shall still continue to pursue you in the reere , you having gained some strait or place of advantage , may wheele your flanks into the front , then face to the reere , and with your charged pikes , defend your muskettiers : which ( the body being so wheeled ) will be in the reere . the body standing in this forme , the muskettiers may sleeve up by way of extraduction . the manner , you may perceive in the chapter which treats of that figure . if the horse still presse forwards , cause the pikes to charge at the foot ; the muskettiers giving fire ●ver them , as in the convex halfe moone . lastly , to reduce them , having thus fired , command them to wheele their flanks into the fron , and to face about after their proper file-leaders , and they are reduced . sometimes , we give fire in the reere : having all our muskettiers marching in the reere of the pikes . for the manner of the motion , it is as before : but for placing of the men , after they have fired ; it may be different . as , to wheele off by division , placing themselues in the front of the muskettiers , next behinde the reere of pikes . or if the body be large , to wheele all off to the right , through intervals ▪ and so to march into the front of pikes . or else , they may wheele off by division , flanke their pikes , and so fire over againe , as before . if you have brought your muskettiers ( by firing ) to the reere , before the front of pikes ; then to reduce them , you may either wheele the body about , and give fire in front , causing your muskettiers to fall off by division , and to flanke their pikes , as you may perceive by the figure of the demie-hearse . or else , if you will reduce them without a firing , cause your muskettiers to open to the right and left : and the pikes to march up in the miast : after which , facing all to your leader , they are as at first . i might have shewne a figure for each of these severall firings in the reere : which would have delivered them with more variety : but i conceive that this here already exprest , may suffice : especially this being the ground of what may be spoken . concerning firings in this nature , many men are of many mindes , about this firing in the reere . some will have it , that the last ranke , shall at one motion , face to the reere : and there present , and give fire . others will have it at two motions ; but either of them have their inconveniences . for however they pretend a more sudden execution , they are decerved : for would they make tryall , by causing the muskettiers of one of the flanks , to give fire at one motion ; and the muskettiers of the other flanke , at three motions , ( as i have here set downe ) they should soone finde , that the firing upon three motions were the best : and that the other would be cast so farre behinde their body , that they would be in some danger to be cut off . besides this , they are longer in clearing themselves from their owne men , which all the whilst must stay , untill they are marched off : or else kill them , in stead of the enemy , whereas in this other firing upon three motions , they still keepe along with their body , doing their execution more suddenly and more safely . neverthelesse , there be many so much wedded to ●heir own wilfull opinion , that they will more willingly persist in knowne errour , then be seene to alter what they have seemed to maintaine . but leaving such to steere by their owne compasse , i will here conclude my firing in the reere . and the next i shew , shall be firings in flanks : to which purpose , i passe all my muskettiers to the right flanke . the words of direction for it , are these . muskettiers of the right flanke , open to the right , or face to the right , and march . when they have opened to a sufficient distance , then stand . muskettiers of the left flanke , passe through betweene your rankes of pikes , to the intervalle on the right flanke : then stand , and face all to your leader . chap. lxxxi . of firings in flanke , in generall ; and more particularly , of the gathering firing . the muskettiers being all on the right flanke , ( as in the last chapter is directed ) it would be needlesse to make a figure , whereby to demonstrate the standing of the body ▪ seeing that none can be so ignorant , but must needs know that all the muskettiers being upon the right , the pikes must be upon the left . neverthelesse , i shall endeavour to shew what is meant by firing in flankes . which ( for the generall ) are of these two kindes . the first is , when the enemy skirm●sh with us in flanke as we march : the other , when as by some sudden attempt or ambushment , the whole body is engaged , and so forced to stand , and to face to the right , or left ; or both . by which facings , the flanks become fronts accidentall , and their firings wil be after the same manner of the firings in front . wherefore seeing i have already spoken sufficiently of them , i will now shew firings in flanke , marching : the particulars whereof , are as followeth . the first is for the outmost file to give fire , and stand untill the next file have fired , which by some is called the gathering firing . secondly , firings in flanke , and leading them up , between the muskettiers and pikes firing ; in flanke , being led off by the bringers up : firings in flanke , sleeving up on the contrary flanke of pikes : firing in flanke , and drawing them up betweene the innermost files of pikes . all these firings in flanke , are to be performed upon a march , the pikes are to be shouldered . our first firing in flanke , followeth . the command is , muskettiers , give fire to the right : and gather up your files . this kinde of firing on the flanke , i have seene and knowne used , by many good and able souldiers . neverthelesse , in my opinion , the men stand in a great deale of danger , when having given fire , they can doe no good ; but stand like so many markes for their enemies shot . notwithstanding , it may be that such whom i have frequently seene to use it in their practise , may be able to render good reasons for the service ; though as yet i cannot conceive it . i will therefore surcease any further prosecution my opinions , and shew the manner of execution : which is to be performed as followeth . the command being , to give fire to the right , presently the outermost file to the right , faceth outward , and presents : the rest of the body , still marching forwards . then the presented file , gives fire , and stands facing againe to their first front . by thattime , the body will be marched cleere of the standing file , then the next outermost file , presents and fires ; in like manner : the body marching as before . having fired , they in like manner face to their first front , and stand ; a serjeant leading up the file , that first fired on the out side of the file that last fired . then they both stand together , untill the third file hath given fire after the same manner . and then the serjeant leads up the two files , even with the third , which last fired . and after this manner , the ●●●es of muskettiers face to the flanke : and give fire , s●c●essively : and stand , untill the serjeant leads up the rest of the files which fired , even with the front of the file , which last fired . thus having all fired over , they are to march up againe , even with the front of pikes , and this reduceth them , as at first . chap. lxxxii . the second manner of giving fire to the flanke . if you would fire in flanke , a more secure way , then that last shewne : take this way of firing . and this shall be full as serviceable , for matter of execution , and shall farre precede it , in way of preservation : both in securing the muskettiers ( after they have fired ) from the danger of their enemies shot : as also in continuing the body intire , without separation . it is especially usefull , when two enemies are divided by a river , or by some such like meanes secured from the incursions of the horse . for then , by this way of drawing the muskettiers up betweene the innermost file of muskettiers , and the outermost file of pikes to the right : your battaile may be continued , according to the occasion or the commanders discretion . the figure followeth . the command is , muskettiers , give fire in flanke : marching up betweene the pikes and muskets . the way to performe this motion of firing , is as followeth . the outermost file being commanded to face to the right , and present : the rest of the body marcheth away ( as in the other figure ) and the standing file , gives fire . this done , and that the body is marched cleere of the standing file ; the next file presents to the right : & the file that first gave fire , faceth to the first front , and is led by a serieant , crosse the reere of muskettiers , and up betweene the muskets and pikes ; the muskettiers are still to open to the right ; as they march , that so there may be room for one file to march up betweene them , and the pikes . and so ( successively ) each file having fired marcheth up next unto the right flanke of pikes . when all your muskettiers have given fire once over , they are reduced as at the first . the battell may be continued , at discretion . the next firing in flanke ( for the matter of firing it selfe ) will be all one with this : but for the manner of the wheeling off , and placing them , it will differ . chap. lxxxiii . a firing in flanke , led off by the bringers up . the next firing in flanke , which i propound to your perusall , will be nothing differing for manner of execution , from the firings in flanke ; formerly shewed . the onely difference arising betweene them , is , that the other files of muskettiers , after that they had given fire , were led off by their proper file-leaders ; and this , to the contrary , must be led off by their bringers-up . and this , indeed , if the body be upon a slow march , is the readiest and quickest way : and doth more speedily secure the muskettiers , after that they have given fire . the words of command and direction , which produce the firing , are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : wheeling off , after your bringers up ; and placing your selues betweene your divisions . for the manner of execution , or way to performe this firing , it is as followeth . the body must be conceived to be marching ; upon all these firings in flanke : and that with their pikes shouldered . this being presupposed , the command being given , the outmost-file presents to the right , and gives fire : then faceth to the right , after their bringers up ; who leadeth them off , crosse the reere of muskettiers , marching them up betweene the divisions , the bringers up supplying the file-leaders place ; and marching even in ranke in the front , with the file-leaders ; the file-leader of the same file , becomming the bringer up in the reere . the files of muskettiers , or pikes ( according as the command shall be given ) are as they march , to open ; thereby giving way to the muskettiers , after they have fired ; to come up betweene the divisions , and so soone as the first file that fired , is cleare from the right flanke ; the second file , presents and fires : in like manner wheeling off , as before , and marching up betweene the pikes and muskettiers ; every file , successively , giving fire , and wheeling off as aforesaid . this firing may be performed , once , twice , or oftener over : according to the discretion , of the commander . neverthelesse , if it be twice performed , the men are reduced as at first ; every man hauing his right place . if you fire them but once , or thrice ( or any odde number of times ) over , then you must countermarch your files of muskettiers to reduce them . there is another way for the bringers up to wheele off : and each of them to leade off his file ; untill he comes to the reere of the division which is betweene the muskets and the pikes ; and there he is to stand , and ranke with the bringers up , the rest that follow , passing on forwards , by way of introduction , and every man ranking before him , that was his leader in the wheeling off ; untill the proper file-leader be come into his place againe . and after this way , they may give fire ; each firing being his owne reducement . chap. lxxxiiii . the difference betweene firings in flanke , marching : and of bringing the muskettiers on the outside of the pikes . all , or the most part of the firings in flanke , which are performed marching ; in point of execution , are the same : the especiall difference betweene them , being ●ither in the manner of the wheeling off , after they have fired , or in the materiall placing them , whereby to make them more offensive or defensive . and all this appeareth by this next following firing : which is to be used at such time and place , when as there may be doubt of the enemies horse : and , therefore , for the more securitie of the muskettiers having fired ; they are to be drawne up on the outer-side of the left flanke : if haply there may be some hedge , ditch , river , hill , marish , wood , or such like convenient safeguard ; whereby to shroud them from the furie and violence of the horse ; that so the pikes making alt , and facing to the enemy , may charge , and with their armed points ( strongly and closely coucht ) receive and abate the furie of the first shocke . and if need be , the pikes may all charge at the foot , closely serried together , with their swords drawne , and the muskettiers may give fire over them . the manner , you may perceive in the figure of the convex halfe-moone . but lest i anticipate my selfe , in shewing the use : i will returne to shewth e manner of the firing , intended by this following figure . onely first take the words of command and direction , which are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : placing your selues on the outside of the left flanke of pikes . the ovtermost files having presented to the right ; the rest of the body continueth the march , whilest they in the meane time , are giving fire . which being done , and the body cleere , the next outermost file , presents , the file that last fired , in the interim , facing to the left after their proper file-leader ; who leadeth them crosse the reere ( both of muskets and pikes ) a pretty round pace ; sleeving up on the out side of the left flanke of pikes . the next file having , in like manner , fired ; doth also troupe up on the out side of the file , led off before every file ; giving fire , and doing the like . when all have given fire , and are cleered away , then the pikes may charge . which is very necessary ; if but to accustome the ⊙ souldiers unto in times of exercise , both for charging on , and for retreiting , as also to push with their pikes , that so by practise they may be able to doe it , orderly , either way : still keeping their order and array . having given fire upon the right flanke , and drawne all your muskettiers in this manner to the left flanke , if you will cause them to give fire on the left flanke , and bring them backe againe to the right flanke : they will be reduced . or if you would reduce them without a firing , then either passe your muskettiers through between your rankes of pikes , or else , let your whole division of muskettiers , bee drawne crosse either the front or reere of pikes , into their places : or by division ( if you please ) your muskettiers ▪ also , may give fire in flanke : the first fire , sleeving on the left flanke : the rest of the files , still falling betweene the pikes : and the muskettiers which wheeled off the last before them . and this is also a very good firing , and may be reduced with doing the like backe againe : and many other waies , they may also fall off after the manner of the figure last shewn : being led by their bringers up , either into the front , or else after the manner as is discoursed in the latter end of the last chapter . but i endeavour , all i may , to contract my matter ; left my volume should exceed my intent . and therefore i will shew but one firing more in flanke , upon a march : wherewith i will conclude these sorts of firings . chap. lxxxv . of firing in flanke : and placing the muskettiers in the midst of the battell of pikes : with other firings from thence proceeding . firing in flanke , and bringing them off betweene the midst of pikes ; is to be used at such time , when as you would secure your muskettiers : the place ( otherwise ) affoording no naturall convenience of succour , such as i have formerly spoken of : and therefore by this manner of falling off , where we want naturall assistance in the scituation ; there , art ought to supply us , namely , by contriving to bring up the muskettiers betweene the pikes ; and so to defend them from the furie of the horse . and , if need be , you may draw 3. or 4. files of pikes ( more or lesse , according to your number or the danger ) crosse the muskets , both in front and reere , which are in the midst betweene the pikes , which will as well preserve the muskettiers in front and reere , as in flanks . but leaving further to discourse , what may be done ; i will now shew how this is to be done . onely first take the words of command and direction for the firing , as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : marching up betweene the midst of pikes . the command being given , for the outermost-file to present to the right ( as formerly in the other firings in flanke ) the rest of the body still marcheth on ▪ untill that the outermost-file hath fired , and is faced to the left againe : following their leader . he now leading them off to the left , marcheth up betweene the middlemost-files of pikes : who are then to open to the right and left : so to give them roome , to march up betweene them . in the meane time , the next file having given fire , wheeleth off : in like manner marching up on the left of the files , which fired last before them . and so , successively , for all the rest of the files of muskettiers , all which are to give fire , and to wheele off , as before : placing themselues still on the left of the files which last fired . wherein is still to be noted , that the files are still to open to the right and left : and that for the receiving of the muskettiers , after that they have given fire . this firing ( as all other the firings in flanke ) may as well be led off by their bringers up , as by the file-leaders : and then the reducements will be answerable . the muskettiers having all fired ; the pikes may charge , at discretion . the bow-pike-men , which are in the reere of the muskettiers , in the meane time not sparing to send their showers of arrows , amongst the thickest of their enemies , and if need require , the front of pikes charging at the foot , with their swords drawne ; the muskettiers may give fire over them , ranke after ranke ; for the formost ranks having fired , may kneele upon the ground ; and there make ready againe : untill the other ranks behinde them , have likewise given fire . after this manner , the battell may be continued : according as occasion shall require . for reducement , and to bring the muskettiers into both flanks againe , as they were before i began these firings in flank , command your pikes to face inward ; and your muskettiers to the right and left outward , and so to passe through and interchange ground ; then facing them to their leader , they will be reduced , as at the first . i would have the ingenious reader to conceive , that all these firings in flanke , may as easily be performed to the left : and with the same words . onely the words of right , must be changed for left : and left for right . i might have further enlarged my selfe upon firings in flanke : but these already exprest , may suffice for to instruct the ignorant . as for the skilfull and experter sort of souldiers , i shall rather request their approbation , then presume to write ought , which may seeme to passe me with the least conceit , tending to their instructions . wherefore , for the further prosecution of my intended discouse , i will next shew some divisionall firings . and ( for methods sake ) i will first begin with firings in ●ront and reere : which may be performed either upon a march , or stand . and to that end , suppose your muskettiers to march all in front , and reere . neverthelesse , because it will not be amisse , to shew with what words of command , or direction the muskettiers may be brought thither : therefore take notice from what part of the body they are brought . and if they be in the midst ( as in this last figure of firing in flank ) then command the halfe-files of the muskettiers , to face about : which done , let the pikes stand , and the muskettiers march ; untill they are cleare both of front and reere of pikes ; then let them stand ; and face to their leader : which being done , your battell will stand in forme of an hollow square . in which hollow , may be conveyed any carriage , or such like . but if you will not have your battell hollow , then command your pikes to close their divisions ; and the muskettiers will be all in front and reere . if your muskettiers be on the flanke , and you would bring them into the front and reere ; then after the same manner let the halfe-files of muskettiers face to the reere : and then both halfe-files of the front & reere , march untill they are cleare of the angular pikemen . this done , let them face in opposition , and close their divisions : after which , having faced all to their 〈◊〉 they will be rightly placed : namely , the 〈…〉 of muskettiers before the front o● ●ikes ; and the reere-halfe-files of muskettiers behinde the reer● of pikes . thus will the figure of battell be in f●●me of ●n hearse ; and the muskettiers , be ready to give fire to the front and reere : either marching , or standing . but before i begin my divisionall firings , i would intreat you not to expect , that i should reduce every particular firing , so soone as it is performed ; as i have done by these hitherto shewed , but rather let it be sutable to your likings , that i reduce firings by firings : sometimes giving fire upon a march : sometimes upon a stand : sometimes , to the front and reere ; sometimes , to both flanks . i do the rather desire to go on in this way , because thereby i may expresse farre more matter , in fewer lines and shorter time . chap. lxxxvi . of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . the muskettiers being all placed in the front and reere , ( according to the directions in the last chapter ) i will now shew the manner of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . which however that it may bee rare , and seldome usefull in service : yet it must needs be excellent for practise . for by the often using it , the souldier may be made capable of any firing : the pikes , ( you are to understand ) are to be shouldered . the command for the firing is . muskettiers , give fire to the front and reere : and flanke your pikes . the command being given ( as above said ) to give fire to the front and reere ; the first ranke presents ; the last ranke , faceth about to the reere , and doth the like : and so both giving fire together , wheele off by division . the one halfe of the ranke , following after the right hand man of the same ranke ; the other halfe , after the left hand man , who leads them close downe by the side or flanke of the muskettiers , untill they come to the pikes . the first ranke of muskettiers , now ranking even with the first rank of pikes , the last ranke of muskets , with the last ranke of pikes , leaving a sufficient intervalle betwixt them and their pikes , for the other muskettiers to march betweene . and here you must note , that he that was outermost when they gave fire , must likewise be outermost , when they have taken their places on the flanke . the first and last rankes having fired , and wheeled off , the next rankes , ( the body marching on , three or foure steps ) are in like manner to present , and give fire : wheeling off by division ; and passing betweene the divisions : there placing themselves ; they of the front division , behinde those which fired last before them ; and they of the reere division , before them which fired last , behinde them . and so they may continue to give fire after the same manner ; untill they have all given fire , once over . then may the body make a stand , and the pikes charge to the front and reere , if need be . or if the commander would continue his firing to the front and reere , still upon the same figure : then let the muskettiers of the front , place themselves ( after they have given fire ) behinde the muskettiers of their owne division ▪ those of the reere division placing themselves betwixt the reere of pikes , and the muskets of their owne division : and so the body moving but flowly forwards , they may continue the firing . having given fire to the front and reere , and flanked their pikes : if the occasion offer , or the commander please : they may give fire to the front and reere , upon that figure which indeed i hold the better , as you may perceive in the ensuing chapter . chap. lxxxvii . a second way of firing to the front and reere . this second way of firing to the front and reere upon a march , may easily be performed ; if the souldiers bee well and often instructed . without which , all matters in the art militarie will seeme difficult : and by which , all things will be made facile and easie . i could instance in divers motions and figures , by some reputed superfiuous niceties , which were the true uses knowne to the commander , and the way to execute , to the souldier , would be found to be of singular good service . neverthelesse , because to the ignorant nothing beyond their capacities may seeme excellent ; many good and serviceable motions are slighted , and not accounted fit for service . but i could well wish , that some good course might be taken , that the souldiers of our trayned bands might have a little oftener practise ; that so they might be able ( at least in some reasonable way ) to understand and exercise , what shall bee commanded them . but i have strayed from the matter . and therefore take these words of command and direction : which being orderly executed , produce this following firing . muskettiers , give fire to the front and reere ; placing your selves betweene your divisions . the way to performe this firing , is as followeth ; the command being given , the first ranke presents to the front , the last ranke of muskettiers , facing about , and doing the like , towards the reere : this done , they both give fire ; wheeling off by division ; and place themselves betweene the muskettiers of their divisions . those , namely , which were of the front halfe files , falling into the reere of their owne division ; those of the reere halfe files ( contrariwise ) falling before their halfe file leaders , and ranking even with the halfe file leaders of pikes ; the next rankes , successively , firing , and wheeling off , after the same manner . having fired , once over , they are reduced , every man to his place . these two last firings to be performed upon a march , would seeme very difficult to unexperienced souldiers : but by often exercising , they may be made capable of these , or of any other . chap. lxxxviii . a firing to the reere and right flanke , marching . having shewed firings in front , reere , and flanke , ( some marching , some standing ) i will shew one firing to the reere and right flanke , upon a march , which ( without question ) must needs be very serviceable at such times , as the enemy shall skirmish with the body , to annoy them in their passage ▪ in flanke and reere at one time . i shall not need with arguments to inforce the usefulnesse of the firing , for none that knowes any thing in the art military , but will ingeniously confesse that for some services , it must needs be necessary . you may ( if you please ) give fire to the flanke and reere : your muskettiers being in their ordinary places , on the flankes of their pikes . neverthelesse , a securer way for the pikes , will be to draw the muskettiers from that flanke , which is in least danger ; crosse the reere of pike-men . and this shall be the way i will observe in this firing . the words of command and direction for this firing , are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right and reere : placing your selves betweene the pikes , and your owne divisions . the command being given , to fire to the reere and right flanke ; the outermost file of muskettiers , presents to the right : and the last rank of muskettiers presents to the reere , and so both give fire . the rest of the body , in the meane time , marching a reasonable pace . the right hand file , and last ranke having fired ; the file faceth to the left , after their file-leader ; and so marcheth up between the muskettiers of the same division , and the pikes ; the ranke wheeling off to the right , and placing it selfe next after the reere of pikes , and before the first rank of muskettiers of the same division . if you please , you may make an intervalle betweene the muskettiers : that so part may wheele off to the right , on the out side , and the other part wheele off to the right , and march up betweene the intervalle into their places . the first file and ranke that presented , having given fire , and wheeled cleere off the body , the next file and ranke , present and give fire : after the same manner , wheeling off , and taking their places , as aforesaid ; and so successively , the rest ( both files and rankes ) give fire , observing the same order . and having given fire , once , twice , or oftner over , they are still reduced to the same they were before the firing began . then draw your muskettiers from the reere , to the left flanke againe ; and they will have their places as at first . chap. lxxxix . of firing to both flankes , marching . to give fire to both flankes , upon a march ; must needs be a serviceable firing , without exception : the time , number , place , and strength of the enemy , being alwaies to be considered . which may sometimes cause the muskettiers ( having fired ) to march up betweene their owne divisions , and the pikes , as in this figure . or ( sometimes ) betweene the midst of the pikes , the better to secure them . divers other such like waies there likewise be , at the discretion of the commander : and as the present occasion shall require them . but because i insisted ( somewhat largely ) upon the firings on the right flanke ; i shall not need to shew them againe , by division on both flankes ; but will conclude them all in this one . the words of command which produce the figure , are as follow . muskettiers , give fire to both flankes ; marching up betweene the pikes and your owne divisions . the command being given , the outermost file ▪ ( on each flanke ) presents outward : the ●est of the body still continuing the march . the presented files ( in the interim ) giving fire ; then facing after their proper file-leaders , who led them up betweene the muskets of their owne divisions , and the pikes , ) in the time of their wheeling away ) the next two outermost files present , firing after the same manner , and leading up as before . the rest ( successively ) doing the like , untill they have fired all over : which brings them to their former places . the firing may be continued at discretion , each firing being its owne reducement . neverthelesse it may so fall out , that either through the fury of the enemy , advantage , or disadvantage of ground ( or some such like accident ) the body may be forced to make alt , and to face to both flanks ; and so with fronts accident all , to maintaine the fight , standing . to which end , the firing in the succeeding chapter , shal be of that sort . therefore suppose the body faced to the right and left , preparing to give fire . chap. xc . a firing to both flanks , standing . firing to both flanks , upon a stand , is a good and serviceable firing . and although it shew but thinne , in the figure ▪ yet it may be substantiall and usefull for the field : especially if there be a larger proportion of number , then i have made use of in my formes and figures of battell . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . advance your pikes , and stand . face to the right and left. muskettiers give fire ; and flanke your pikes . the bodie being faced to the right and left , the formost ranks of muskettiers ( which were the outermost-files ) present and give fire ; and then wheele off by division ; ranking even with the formost ranks of pikes , and leaving sufficient intervals for the rest of the muskettiers to march betweene them and the pikes . the next ranke presenting and firing , after the same manner , but not advancing forwards : onely firing upon the same ground ; and wheeling off by division : afterwards passing downe betweene the intervals , and so ranke after their leaders . it is herewithall to be noted , that they that were outermost , when they gave fire ; are likewise to be so , when they have taken their places . if these instructions be not sufficient , utrne backe to the figure of the demie-hearse : where the manner of the execution is all one with this . all the ranks of muskettiers having fired , and wheeled off , as before ; the pikes ( if need be ) may charge , and the muskettiers give fire , over againe : wheeling off outward , and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions . having advanced your pikes , and faced your body to the first front , all your muskettiers will be in front and reere . and then if you face your halfe-files about , and give fire after the same manner to the front and reere ; having faced them againe to their first front , they will be reduced ( as at first ) into their ordinary square . neverthelesse , i will reduce it by another firing , which was first invented and shewed us , by that worthy citizen , and excellent souldier , captaine henry waller , now deceassed : it is a firing in front , the muskettiers of the reere division , opening to the right and left ; and sleeving up on the flanks of pikes , untill the leaders of the reere division ( who as then are the halfe-file-leaders ) ranke even with the front of pikes . the words of direction that produce the figure , follow in the next chapter . chap. xci . captaine wallers triple firing to the front. this triple firing to the front , hath had the approbation of good and well experienced souldiers : who have all acknowledged it to be both sollid and serviceable . bringing many hands to fight , in very good order : the pikes being securely covered by their muskettiers , in front . neither need they be idle in time of battell , if they have any bow-pike-men amongst them : for that they may send their whistling archery over their muskettiers heads , without offence to their friends : though not without dammage to their enemies . if any carpe at the depth of the muskettiers ( either in this figure , or in any other in this booke ) i shall request them to suspend their censures , and wisely to conceive by a little , what a great deale meaneth . my intent not being , to make my booke monstrous , by having little leaves , and targe figures . onely i desire with this small number , to shew the nature of severall formes and figures of battell ; the manner of their firings and wheelings off ; their orderly placings , and severall wayes of reducement : not having the least conceit , to induce any to beleeve , that men are able long to continue battell , at foure deepe ; although at ( sometimes , and for stratagems ) they may be reduced into a lesser number . but lest by digression , i too farre trespasse upon your patience ; i will returne to shew the manner of the firing . onely first obserue , the words of command and direction ; which produce the following figure . muskettiers of the reere , double your front of pikes , by division . the command being given , the first ranke of muskettiers ( both of front and flanks ) present to the front and give fire : wheeling off to the right and left by division . the muskettiers of the front-division being wheeled off ( as aforesaid ) close by the flanks of their owne muskettiers , passe directly downe betweene the intervals : and place themselues even in ranke behinde the muskettiers of the reere division , which are upon the flanks . this you may perceive by the pricks , that come downe betweene the intervals : the muskettiers , also , that fired at the same time on the flanks ; wheele also off ; ( the right flanke , to the right ; the left flanke , to the left ) marching directly downe , even with the reere ranke of pikes ; and there place themselues againe even in ranke with the last ranke of pikes . this done , the rest of the ranks ( successively ) give fire , and do the like : every ranke taking his place , after the ranke which fired last before them ; the other ranks moving one ranke forwarder . the muskettiers having given fire once over ; and falling off according to this direction , they will be reduced to the flanks againe , as they were at the first . the firing may be continued , or the pikes may charge , at discretion of the commander . chap. xcii . a firing tripartite , doing execution to the front , reere , and right flanke . figures and formes of battell , may bee infinite : according to the judgements of the commanders , and the various workings of the divers motions : no arte nor science yeelding more content , unto the studious practitioners ; none more honourable and beneficiall , for the good of our countrie : none more neglected and lesse countenanced , then the practisers of the art militarie , nor none more screwed up in the places of their abiding , then those men this way affected . the rich cubb'd gowne men , holding it as a maxime , that souldiers ( though never so poore ) yet they must be taxed in the parish bookes like gentlemen . thus much incouragement we have , for spending our money and our time for our countries good , and this ( in good time ) i hope will be amended : but of this no more . the next firing being a firing tripartite : doth execution to the front , reere , and right flanke , at one and the same time . for the use , i shall referre it to the judgement of the iudicious : for the instruction , how it is to be made , the words of command and direction shew it , which are as followeth . halfe rankes of the left , double your right flanke by division . for the direction , looke backe to the 27. chapter : which treats of this doubling . onely remember to face the divisions that way which you intend they shall give fire . for the manner of the firing , it is ordinary : the foremost ranke of muskettiers ( on each part ) having fired , they wheele off to the right , or to the right and left : ( according as directions shall be given ) placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions ; the next ranks , in the meane time , moving forwards into their leaders ground ; there , in like manner , firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves as before : the rest of the rankes , successively , doing the like . this firing may be continued , a● pleasure of the commander . the pikemen ( as advantage may be given ) in the interim either porting , charging , or sending their fatall showers amongst the thickest of their enemies . lastly , for reducement , face them all to their front proper , then command , halfe rankes that doubled , to face to the left , and so to march into their places . for further directions , turne backe to the 27. chapter , which shewes the reducement of the aforegoing figure , &c. chap. xciii . of the sconce battell . the sconce battell is a figure most properly fit for a whole regiment ; at least for a larger pro portion of number , then is here exprest ▪ it neither being good nor safe to divide a smal company , into so many divisions and maniples . and yet to give satisfaction unto some , i have placed it here amongst my figures ; yea and shewne the way , how to make it with a private company . for the manner or way how to fire upon it , may be divers . the muskettiers being so placed , that they may give fire to the front and reere , to the right and left , or to all foure together , at the discretion of the commander . if your muskettiers give fire to the front and reare , ( every ranke making good his leaders ground ) then the figure will still continue the same . if they give fire without advancing into their leaders ground , then the muskettiers will ranke even againe with their pikes : and the figure will become an hollow crosse , the muskettiers making the angles . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . halfe files of muskettiers , face to the reere . that being done , command all the muskettiers to march to the angles of their pikes . next cause the two first and two last rankes of pikes to stand . the rest to face to the right and left ; and march , untill they are cleere of the other pikes , then stand . lastly command the two first and last rankes of pikes , which did not move , to double their files to the right . these words of command and direction being executed , perfect the figure , as followeth . many and severall are the firings , which ( with some little alteration ) may be drawne from this figure . neverthelesse not to spin out time with discourse , the firing now intended to be shewne , is to be performed to the front and reere . to which purpose , the one halfe ( both of muskettiers and pikes ) are to face about to the right ; there presenting and giving fire : those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right ; the left flank to the left ; and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the next ranke still moving forwards into their leaders ground ; the other rankes ( successively ) doing the like . after this manner , the firing may be continued , and the figure still preserved . for reducement . first , face them all after their proper file-leaders . secondly , cause the front and reere divisions of pikes , to double their rankes to the left . thirdly , command the pikes of the flankes , to face , in opposition ; close their divisions , and then to face after their leaders . next , cōmand the muskettiers of the front division , to face to the reere . lastly , command the muskettiers ( both of front and reere ) to close their divisions . and then being faced to their leader , they are perfectly reduced , as at first . chap. xciiii . of firing by three files at once ; two of them standing oblique , the other direct . when i began the formes and figures of battell , i noted all f●rings to be either oblique or direct ; and now for satisfaction to the curious , i shall insert two or three oblique formes amongst the rest . the first whereof , shall be a firing to the front by drawing forth the outermost file on each flank , obliquely ( or the innermost , as shall seeme best to the commander ) untill the bringers up of the files , stand even with the right and left angle-men , over the front of pikes . they may also bead● a file of muskettiers , crosse the front of pikes ; when having placed and faced them ( as they ought ) for execution , they will stand in manner of this following figure . the two files of muskettiers which were led forth , having obliquely presented inwards , and the file drawn crosse the front of pikes , being presented direct rank-wise : upon the first command , they are all to give fire together , and then to face after their bringers up ; who leade their files directly into their places . this done , they face to their proper front againe ; the other files ( in the meane time ) leading forth after the same manner . these having done their execution , are to returne into their places : being led off by their bringers up ( as is aforesaid ) . the rest of the files , after the same manner , firing and returning : untill they have all given fire ; and then they will be all reduced , as at first . chap. xcv . a firing oblique , by foure files together , in forme of a w. all the commendations , that may be given of these oblique figures , is that they powre out a great deale of shot at once ; and may quickly be reduced to their places . notwithstanding , they are a great weakening to the bodie , if any sudden accident should happen before they are setled in their former stations . neverthelesse i shall leave them to themselues ; and if they be found to hold out weight , i shall not grudge that i have given them roome amongst the rest . but if they prove too light , let them be as lightly respected , yet beare somewhat with them , for their antiquitie . the way to make the figure , is as followeth . the two innermost files of muskettiers on each flanke , march forth ( each of them being led by an officer ) untill they have taken their places . then the officers that led forth the two middlemost files , are to returne to their places againe ; the serjeants that led forth the outermost files , standing to see them do their execution . yet before the muskettiers have order to give fire , obserue the manner of their standing , by the following figure . the muskettiers having presented , according to their directions ; they give fire all together ; and then suddenly facing after their bringers up ; march downe into their places ; the next two files of each flanke , in the interim of their marching away , are to move forwards to their ground : where they are , in like manner to give fire : and then to take their places , as aforesaid . the rest of the files of muskettiers ( if you have more ) must then move forwards , and do the like . and in this sort , may the muskettiers give fire , once , twice , or oftner over : each firing , being a reducement to it selfe . chap. xcvi . of the fort battell ; the way to make , and to reduce it . the figure of the fort-battell , is an oblique firing : and taketh its denomination rather from the 〈…〉 the strength of a fort. it s chiefe use , is for the entertainment of some great personage or commander in the field : who being received into the midst of the divisions of pikes ; the muskettiers may present and give fire , altogether in one vollie . or if they would have the muskettiers give fire , one after another ; then the vollies by succession ( which some call the peale ) will be the best . if there be more muskettiers , then will serve to make up the figure single ; they may also give fire with the rest : presenting obliquely betweene the distance of their leaders . the way to make this figure , is as followeth . first , draw forth the outmost files ( of muskettiers ) on each flanke , in forme of an hollow wedge , before the front of pikes . then , cause the next two outmost files , to face about ; and to follow their bringers up , in the same forme to the reere . then , let the last two files of muskettiers ( on each flanke ) be drawne after their file-leaders , in the same manner and forme , to the flanks . the muskettiers being thus ordered , and all presented obliquely outwards , command the two first , and two last ranks of pikes , to stand ; the rest of the pikes , to face to the right and left : and so to march , untill they are cleare off the other pikes which stand . then , command the pikes which moved , to double their files to the right . lastly , command all the pike-men to face outward ; each division of pikes , after their hollow 〈◊〉 of muskettiers . or else , let them face all inward to the center ▪ and then the body will stand in forme of the following figure . having fired upon this figure , there is no manner of wheeling off : because the forme is still to be continued . but when you come to reducement , first face all the pikes to their proper front , ( that is , unto the place , where you finde the proper file-leaders . secondly , let the pikes which are flankers , double their rankes to the left : and so close their divisions . then the pikes will be reduced . for the muskettiers , first command those on the flanke , to leade up their files in their due places , close to the pikes . next , command the muskettiers of the reere , to sleeve up on each flanke by division . lastly , command the muskettiers before the front of pikes , to face after their bringers up , and to march downe into their places . lastly facing to their leader , they are all reduced , as at first . chap. xcvii . of the crosse battell ; the way to make it with a private company . how to fire upon it : and to reduce it . the crosse battell , though it must needs shew thinne , ( in regard that the number is not sufficient , to expresse the worth of the figure ) yet may the forme be very usefull , with a larger body , and the muskettiers may give fire , two , three , or foure waies at once upon it : yea , if the number were as opulent , as the figure is excellent , then they might fire twelve severall wayes together . this notwithstanding , i spare to speake further to what may be done ; and come to shew what i intend in it . concerning this figure , the waies to fire upon it , are ordinarily two . the first , when the muskettiers give fire , and then place themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskets . the second way is , after that they have fired , to place them in the reere of their pikes : the pikes maintaining the muskettiers ground . the words of command which produce the figure , are as followeth . the two first rankes , wheele your front into the midst . the two last ranks , wheele your reere into the midst . the rest of the body , face to the right and left : and so march , untill the reere-angles meete . then let the commander goe into the midst , ( or center ) and face the whole company to him : giving tm such direction , as is meete . lastly , being all faced about to the right , the body will stand like the following figure . this crosse battell being faced to the front , reere , and flankes , and the muskettiers commanded to give fire : one way of placing them , is , in the reere of their own divisions of muskettiers ; for that hereby , the muskettiers will still continue their places . for the second way , after that the first rankes have given fire , let them wheele all off to the right ( or to the right and left , if the number be large ) and place themselves in the reere of their pikes , each ranke moving forwards , and maintaining their leaders ground . the second ranke , in like manner , is to fire , and to take their places after the muskettiers , which fired and wheeled off last before them . the rest , successively , are to doe the like , untill all the shot have fired , and are wheeled away againe . then let the pikes charge , &c. if any object , that it is dangerous to have so large distance betweene the fronts of each firing : then , if you have files enow , yo u may draw two or three files of each arme ; crosse the divisions from the angle of one front to the other : and so facing of them outward , they will make reasonable good defence on those parts , &c. having given fire upon the crosse battell , and brought your muskets to the reere of the pikes : if you would reduce them , passe into the midst of center of the figure , and face all ( both muskettiers and pikemen ) to you ; and cause those which were the flankers , to close their divisions . next , wheele the fronts into the midst of the two other divisions : then move to the front proper , and face the whole body to you , and so you shall have all your muskettiers in the midst ; flanked with pikes . if you would reduce them into their right places , command the muskettiers to face to the right and left outward , the pikes to face to the right and left inward : and so to passe through , and interchange ground : thus being rightly faced , they are reduced . chap. xcviii . of the hollow-fronted crosse battell , how to make it with a private company : and the way to fire upon it , &c. this next figure , shall be of the hollow-fronted crosse ; which is a stronger forme , than that last shewne , and yet thus much let me warne you of , that there can be but little expectation of strength to be perceived , in battels formed with so small a number . this notwithstanding , the ingenious martialists can easily discerne those things , which in warre may prove most usefull for his owne , and his countries benefit ; although they are here expressed to the publique view , in so meane array , and in such thinne numbers . wherefore , setting aside all apologies and excuses , i will briefly shew the words of command and direction , which will produce the following figure . the two first rankes , wheele your front into the midst . the two last ranks , wheele your reere into the midst . the rest , face to the right and left : and march untill they have made the perfect crosse . lastly , cause the muskettiers to flanke their pikes : according to this following figure . the severall directions for firing upon this figure , may be divers . but to avoyd distraction , i will shew onely one way ; and that directed to the front , reere , and flankes . neverthelesse ( for varieties sake ) you may cause them to give fire , once over , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions ; still moving forwards into their leaders ground thereby to preserve the figure in the same order . at the second time of firing , cause the pikes to move softly up , even with the front of muskettiers : porting as they advance forwards . the muskettiers having fired , and wheeled off , are to place themselves in the reere of their divisions of pikes , ( whom before they flanked ) every ranke of muskettiers firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves , as aforesaid . lastly , the pikes having charged , and againe readvanced , the body will stand in the figure of a perfect crosse . for the reducement , it is the same with the crosse-battell , delivered in the 97 chapter . wherefore i shall need to adde no further directions in this place , for the said reducement , then , that the flanke divisions are to be closed , and the front and reere divisions to be wheeled : that the body may be againe returned into a square , with the muskettiers in the middle . all this being here taught , i now proceed to shew one firing with the muskettiers , in that order . chap. xcix . of firing upon the square battell , flanked with pikes . the square battell flanked with pikes , must needs bee very safe for the muskettiers as being a very able defence for the flankes , against the incursions of the enemies horse . the figure followeth , just ●s the muskettiers are in motion . depiction of 'a square battell ' the wayes or manners of giving fire upon this figure , are ordinarily three . the first firing is , with the aspect being directed to the front ; the muskettiers wheeling , either all off to the right ; or to the right and left , as you perceive by this figure . the second is , for the muskettiers to give fire to the reere , upon a march ; which they may easily do , from this figure . the third is , to give fire to the front and reere , upon a stand ; the halfe-files being faced about . if the firing be performed to the front , then every ranke is to march up into their leaders ground . if the firing be to the reere , upon a march , then the ranks ( contrariwise ) close backwards towards the reere : to make good the battell , on that part . if it be to the front and reere , upon a stand ; then the muskettiers march up into their leaders ground ; and those which have fired , and are wheeled off , place themselues in the reere of their owne divisions . to write further of this firing , were more then necessarie , no one of these firings , any wayes altering the figure , but the aspect onely . neverthelesse , if the commander please , he may after the firing in front , wheele both flanks into the front , and so charge pikes ; and from thence , proceed to other firings . if the firing were in the reere , he may wheele the flanks into the reere ; and cause his pikes to charge that way . if the firing were to the front and reere , he may wheele both flanks into the front and reere ; and so charge with his pikes , both wayes . which by captaine bingham is called amphistomus . before i come to reducement , i shall proceed to the next firing in the ensuing chapter . chap. c. of the plinthium , or foure-fronted-battell ; by us called the crosse of muskets , flanked with pikes . the foure-fronted battell , is a figure both steady and serviceable : being usefull as well for a march ( thereby securing the carriage , and all other such like necessaries ) as for fight . for if it should so happen ( as it often doth ) that you should be charged in front , reere , and flanks , all at one and the same time : then are there both muskets and pikes so placed , that each armes is assisting to the other . for seeing that neither muskettiers nor pikemen alone , can be singly sufficient of themselues , to withstand the able and resolute horseman ( without great advantage of ground ) on the contrary , the muskettiers and pikes being conjoyned into one body , and being well ordered , they are not onely able to defen'd themselues against their furie ; but also to put them to the worser . yet this must not be understood , of raw and unskitfull souldiers , whose ignorance is cause of diffidence ; but of hardy , experienced , and well exercised men , such as know well how to demeane themselues couragiously , in time of fight . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . halfe-files of pikes , face to the reere , and march untill they are cleare of the last ranke of muskettiers . secondly , command , halfe-files of muskettiers , face to the right and left , ( then ) march betweene the divisions of pikes . thirdly , command , left halfe-ranks of the first division of muskets , face to the reere , and march betweene the reere divisions of pikes . lastly , having evened their ranks , straitened their files , and closed their divisions to an equall distance , and being rightly faced ; the body will stand like the following figure . the manner of the firing , may easily be apprehended by the figure ; the muskettiers giving fire in ranke , and wheeling all off to the right : do then passe downe their intervals , under the favour of their pikes ; and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; the pikes charging at discretion . having fired , once , twice , or oftener over , and still maintaining the same ground , the figure wil continue to be the same . if the reere part of the battell , were by any means secured ; so that you need give fire but three wayes , then the front-halfe-files of muskettiers , might have beene preserved intire . this plinthium , or foure-fronted battell , may as well be made with the muskettiers in the angles : the pikes making the crosse ; this kinde of command , alwayes making the crosse of the armes , in the midst of the battell . after that you have given fire at discretion , upon this figure , and charged your pikes , if you would reduce them to the first square , command the whole body to face to the front proper . secondly , command the muskettiers in the reere , to march up on the left of the muskettiers in front : the pikes being first opened , to give them place . thirdly , cause the muskettiers in flanke , to face inward : and to close their divisions . lastly , cause the pikes to march up ; placing themselues right after their leaders . this being done , the body will be brought againe into a sollid square , flanked with pikes . i forbeare further to reduce them , untill i shew the next figure . yet , for further satisfaction to any that shall require it : command your muskettiers to face to the right and left outward ; the pikes , to face inward , and so to interchange ground ; and then being rightly faced , they are reduced . chap. ci. of the hollow square for march. svndry formes there be which go under the denomination of the hollow square ; and very diversly they may be framed . some are hollow , impalled with pikes ; the pikes , againe , girdled with shot : other squares , are made with shot , and they impalled with pikes . some , againe , with divisions of muskettiers and pikes : orderly mixt with an hollow in the midst . a fourth sort is , when each armes are divided by themselues : as when the pikes make the front and reere , and the muskettiers the wings . a fifth way is , when the muskettiers leade in front and reere ; and the pikes make both the flanks . all these wayes are very necessary and usefull ; as the time , occasion , or place shall give cause ; or the judgement of the commander shall see fitting . neverthelesse , the hollow battell which i now intend to demonstrate unto you , is especially usefull for a march : whereby to secure the carriage , as likewise to preserve the sicke and wounded ; it may also serue , for the commander to consult with his officers or to make any speech or oration , to the souldiers . or the ensigne may in signe of triumph , display his co●●urs in the midst : upon a march after skirmish . the way to make this figure ( the muskettiers being in the midst ) is as followeth . first command the halfe-files of muskettiers , to face to the reere : then command all the muskettiers to march , and the pikes to stand . when they are cleare of the front and reere of the pikes , let them stand ▪ and face all to the front proper : and it produceth this following figure . if you would give fire upon this figure , to the front and reere , it may be done marching . but , more properly , standing ; by facing the halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to the reere . then the command being given , to present , and give fire ; they wheele off . by division : placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; each ranke moving forwards into their leaders ground , and doing the like . if you should give fire , and not move forwards into your leaders ground ; then the muskettiers would fill the hollow in the middest ; betweene the pikes . neverthelesse , suppose the figure still to continue to be the same . because i will now come to the reducement : and the rather , for that i have not done it , since i began with the hollow-fronted crosse . but now ( so please you ) i will reduce all , by a firing . and to that end , first close your divisions of pikes ; and then the muskettiers will be all in the front and reere . secondly , cause the halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to face to the reere . then , cause the muskettiers ( both of front and reere ) to give fire ; wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . when they have fired all over , the pikes may charge : who being againe advanced , and all faced to the front proper , they are all reduced ( as at first ) into the ordinary square , flanked with muskets . chap. cii . of the hollow hearse , and the crosse . the hearse-battell , by the greekes called orthophalanx , ( as in aelian ) is , when the depth doth manifold exceede the length , thrice at the least . it may be made , either sollid or hollow , at the discretion of the commander . and notwithstanding that this figure ( simply of it selfe ) hath ever beene accounted weake ( as bringing but few hands to fight ) neverthelesse being conjoyned with the crosse , it may prove serviceable . true it is , that being exprest by so small a number , the strength of it cannot so evidently be discerned : which , were the number more , each division would appeare to be the stronger , both for offence and defence . but i have onely taken upon me , to shew the severall formes and figures of battell , which may be formed , and practised by a private company : as having limited my selfe , not to exceed the number of 128 men . wherefore my request must be , that the courteous reader , when he shall finde that any figure for want of number , shall looke thinne , ( or poore ) he will there be pleased to clothe it in a larger number : for that thereby the battell will appeare the more sollid , and the beholder become the better satisfied . this figure may be usefull upon a march , for a convoy : the hollow parts thereof , being very commodious , to secure the carriage : the men also are very well disposed to helpe and assist each other , in whatsoever part it should happen them to be assailed . the words of command and direction which produce the figure , are as follow . wheele front and reere into the left flanke . that done , face them as before , and the muskettiers will be in front , midst , and reere . next , open the muskettiers in the midst , to the right and left , and cause them to double their rankes to the left . then cause the front-halfe-files of the front division of pikes , to open to the right and left : and the reere halfe-files of the reere division of pikes to doe the like . then , having evened their rankes , and straightened their files , and being faced to their leader , the body will stand in forme , like this figure . if so be , you will give fire upon this figure , you may doe it any way , or every way . if you give fire to the front , reere , and flankes ; then let your muskettiers wheele all off to the right , and place themselves in the reere of their own divisions . if you would still preserve the figure , then let every ranke ( before they give fire ) march up into their leaders ground . having either marched , or skirmished upon this figure , ( or both ) and then would come to reducement , first , face all the whole body to the proper front , and cause the pikes that are flankers , to face inwards , and to close their divisions . this being done , cause the muskettiers which are in the middle part of the battaile , to double their files to the right . secondly , let them face inward , and close their division . next , let them face all to their leader , and wheele front and reere into the right flanke ▪ which being done , and they faced again to the front proper ; they will be reduced into the ordinary square ; the pikes being flanked with the muskettiers , as at first . chap. ciii . of the hollow square , girdled with shot . the hollow square girdled with shot , is a figure to be used at such times of necessity , as the commander shall see occasion : who well knowing , that hee shall be enforced to fight , having found some commodious advantage or ground , drawes forth his battell into this forme and array . the use whereof is , that within the hollow parts of it , he may convey such of his carriage , or whatsoever else may not prove usefull for the strengthening of some part of the battell . having drawne his men speedily into this forme , lest that the enemy should take the advantage , to breake their order by entring at any of the angles , they are speedily to cast up a rampart of earth , in each of those parts of the angles . or if they have not time , ( or that the ground be not fit ) they may supply that defect by placing some of their wagons , carts , or other of their carriage , so orderly , that it may be sufficient to fortifie those parts , which are the weakest . this figure , may be as well made with the pikes foremost : but because that the musketiers may more commodiously fight before their pikes , and with lesse danger to their owne body : therefore i conceive it fittest , at first to place them in front of their pikes . and if the enemy shall too hotly presse them with his horse ; then , at the discretion of the commander , they may safely retreate behinde their pikes ; the pikemen making good the ground of the muskettiers . for better satisfaction , observe the direction to make the following figure . first , command a serjeant to draw forth all the * odde files of the right flank , ( both muskettiers and pikes ) and wheele them to the left , crosse the front . that being done , command the odde files of the left flanke , ( as well muskettiers as pikes ) to face to the reere , and let them in like manner be wheeled to the left , crosse the reere , following their bringers up . for the rest of the body , that remaines undrawne forth : let them close to the right and left outward ; untill the reere-angles of each division , stand diagonally opposite to each other . then , let them be all commanded to face to the center or midst of the hollow square ; where the commander is to give them such incouragement & directiōs , as shal be meet . lastly , let all face about to the right , and present . for the manner of firing upon this figure , it is as followeth . the first ranke of muskettiers ( to each front ) having presented and given fire , they are to wheele all off to the right . and because that eight or tenne men , are too many to wheele downe one intervalle , ( for that they will bee so long , before they can cleere the front ) therefore you may cause intervalles to be made , betweene the midst of each division , as you may perceive in the figure . the first ranke having fired , and wheeled off , the next ranks are to move forwards into their ground : they which wheeled off , in the meane time placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the next ranke of muskettiers having fired in like manner , are to wheele off , and to place themselves , as aforesaid : the rest of the rankes of muskettiers , ( successively ) are to doe the like , untill they have all given fire , ( once or oftner over ) that way , according to the occasion . and in this interim may the bow-pikemen be bountifull in bestowing their showers of arrowes , amongst the thickest of their enemies . if the horse prevaile so much , that the muskettiers may not endure to beare the brunt of them : then let the muskettiers ( after they have fired ) wheele off , and place themselues in the reere of their following divisions of pikes : they moving forwards , and maintaining the muskettiers ground ; charging with their pikes ( as they see occasion ) for securing the muskettiers , in the midst . this notwithstanding , if the enemies horse shall still presse forwards ; and with their shot shall continue to annoy the body ( the pikes on this figure being especially defensive ) then cause the pikemen to charge at the foot ; and your muskettiers , to give fire over them : according to former directions , on the convex halfe-moone . after this manner , the battell may be continued to the last ranke . when you have given fire in this order , your muskettiers being all in the reere of your pikes ; and that you be minded to reduce them , into the first orderly square , this is one way for it . passe through your muskettiers , before your front of pikes , as they were before the firing : that being done , let the commander face the whole body to the left angle , of the front-division , by which meanes he shall there finde the halfe of his file-leaders . this being performed , let them march : and so even their ranks , and straiten their files ; the reere division of muskettiers and pikes , orderly following after the front division of the like armes . after this , let the halfe-files which then are ( which indeed are the residue of the file-leaders ) double their ranks forwards to the left : which being performed , the men are reduced as at first . if you would reduce them some other way , without passing through your muskettiers ( as i have formerly said ) then first let the whole body face to the left angle , of the front-division ; and march , evening their ranks and files , as aforesaid . which being done , cause the halfe-files ( which then are ) to double their front to the left , which being in like manner performed , all your muskettiers are still in the midst . your next worke , is , to cause your muskettiers to face to the right and left outward : and your pikes , contrariwise , to face inward ; and so to passe through , and interchange ground . thus being faced to their front proper , they will be reduced , as at first . if any will be practising of this forme of battell , with a smaller number of men ( as with 64. or fewer ) whereby they will be constrained to double their halfe-files : then they will be reduced the same way ▪ onely they shall not need to double their halfe-files againe , in their reducement : as they must needs do , were the number larger . chap. ciiii. of the sollid square , with muskettiers in center and angles . the way to make the figure with a private companie : how to fire upon it , and to reduce it . infinite are the formes and figures of battell , which may be made ; yet all differing , either in circumstances or in matter . some of them are sollid , others hollow : some of them , again , being trines , squares , hearses , cirtes , crosses , diamonds , plinthiums , plesiums , paramekes , and infinite others . some of them taking their denomination from the nature of their numbers . others , according to the placing of each armes . a third sort , taking their names from things they most resemble , all of them being necessarie to be knowne , to such which would be accounted skilfull serjeant-majors : that with all numbers , upon all occasions , they may readily bring their souldiers into any forme or figure of battell ( according as the time , the number , and place will give them leave ) for opposition of horse , foot , or both together . but to returne backe to our single company , the worke of this chapter , being to shew the plesium , or long square . in which the muskettiers are halfe in the midst of the pikes ; and the other halfe equally divided , and placed on the 4. angles of the battell : the pikes making 4. divisions ; as being placed upon the front , reere , and flanke . yet not to hold you with longer circumstance , take these words of command and direction ; which produce the following figure . halfe-files , double your front to the left entire : onely do not close them , to make one body . that being done , your body will be but 4. deepe . next , command the 2. outmost flanks of each body ; to double inward , by division . for better satisfaction , observe these directions . first , see the halfe-ranks of the outmost flanks , faced to the front and reere : and that they march , untill they are cleare of the standing part of the battell . secondly , cause the halfe-ranks of the right-flank , and the halfe-ranks , of the left-flanke , to face in opposition , and to close their divisions : the two first ranks of each flanke , moving crosse the front of the standing part of the body ; and the two last ranks of each flanke moving crosse the reere . then , the whole body facing to the front , they will stand as in this figure . depiction of 'the polium' if you would give fire upon this figure , it may be performed either to the front and reere , to the right and left , or to all foure together . but which way soever the firing be , let the aspect of the muskettiers in the midst , be turned the same way , and cause the pikes which stand before them , to charge at the foot , and the muskettiers in the center , to g●ve fire over them . the first ranke having fired , let them kneele ( or crouch low ) upon the ground ; making ready againe : whilest the next ranks behinde them , give fire , and do the like : and so forwards , for the rest . having all fired once over , this way , let them rise up : and ( if need be ) give fire over againe , after the same manner . the muskettiers on the angles ( in the interim ) giving fire after the ordinary way , wheeling off , and falling in the reere of the muskettiers of their own divisions ; the others in the meane time moving forwards , and making good their leaders ground . this being done , and the pikes having charged ; the figure will stil continue to be the same , without alteration . and that as well in men as matter : if so be the firing be performed , according to the former direction . for reducement , command the two first ranks , and two last ranks , to face to the right and left : all marching forth , untill they are cleere of the standing part of the bodie . next , command them to stand : then , face them to the right and left ; and close their divisions . this being done , let them face all to their leader . lastly , by commanding the halfe-files to face about to the right ; and to march forth into their places : you shall see them fully to be reduced . i might have further enlarged my selfe , upon this subject of firings , and figures of battell : yea and shewed varieties enow of trine battels , round battels , the crosse and round , in one ; the sollid-square impaled , besides infinite other kindes . but i have already advanced further , then i at first intended : though ( well i hope ) no further then will be freely and lovingly accepted . which if it be , i shall conceive my selfe to have received a gratefull and most ample satisfaction . the hope whereof , doth somewhat encourage me to proceed a little further . and as i have already shewed divers and severall motions , with their formes and figures of battell : yea and in all ( or the most part of them ) as i have not onely given the words of command and direction , to produce them from the ordinary square , but also together with the demonstration of the figure , and direction for the firing : i have , in like manner , given direction for the reducements againe into the ordinary square : so now , for the satisfaction of some of the quainter sort of souldiers , give me leave to multiply one figure upon another , untill that by firings , i reduce firings . for the performance whereof , that i may observe some method , i will digest them into the way of exercise , &c. chap. cv . the first daies exercise . having brought your company into a place convenient , where you intend to exercise them ; if you have time enough , you may cause the file leaders , corporals o● serieants , to instruct them in the * postures and true using of their armes . wherein having spent some time , to the benefit of the company ; upon the * first summons of the drum , each file-leader with his file , is to march into his place . the captaine ( or other commander ) being at the head of his company , commands them to * even their rankes , and to straiten their pikes , and stand in their order both in ranke and file . * if your ensigne be not already in the field , but in some place neere at hand ; then cause your two innermost files of pikes to advance : commanding a serjeant with a drum , to troop them along to the place of rēdezvouz , there to fetch their colours . if the place be not nigh at hand , take as many files of muskettiers . having brought the ensigne to the head of the pikes , each file returnes into his place ; the officers likewise , withdrawing their severall stations . * silence being commanded , the captain ( or other commander ) begins * first to instruct the souldiers in the severall distances , betwixt ranke and file , with the waies to open and close to them . and if hee thinke fit , to instruct them in the severall uses of each distance . next after distance , they are to be instructed in the † facings , then in the doublings ; next , in the countermarches ; and lastly , in the wheeling . in each of which they are to be instructed , according to the opportunity of the time and place : but , especially is the capacity of the souldier to be observed . wherein , the captaine may doe very well , in each of the motions to lay downe some speciall rules and observations ; by which the souldier may the better understand what he is to doe , and how ( the best way ) to performe it . * after the motions ended , let them prepare for skirmish . and first you may cause them to give fire with forlorne files , marching forth twenty paces ( or thereabouts ) before the front . having all fired over that way , they may give fire once over , by advancing two rankes together , ten paces before the front . then let them give fire , even with the front , and then with the halfe-files : the pikes porting or charging , according to discretion . the pikes being advanced , and the muskettiers marched up , even with their front ; you may either * face about , wheele about , or countermarch , and so give fire in the reere . your pikes then being shouldered , and your muskettiers having fired over in the reere , you may ( if you please ) * wheele your flankes into the front , and so charge pikes to the reere . which done , wheele your front into the midst ; passe into your place , and face them to you . then ( if you will ) you may passe your muskettiers of the left flanke , through betweene the rankes of pikes , and place them next to the right flanke of pikes , opening the right flanke of muskettiers , to give them way . then let the * pikes shoulder , and muskettiers give fire to the right , upon a march ▪ their leaders leading them up betweene the pikes and their owne divisions of muskettiers . having fired once over , in this way , let them continue their firing to the right , each leader leading up his file on the outside of the left flanke of pikes . then * let the pikes advance , even whilest the last file is giving of fire : and so soon as the pikes are cleere of the muskettiers , let them face all to the right , and charge . having advanced your pikes , and faced your body againe to the left , you may then wheele your battell about to the right , and then facing the whole body to the left , the muskettiers will be all in front . then let your muskettiers give fire , and either wheele all off to the right , thereby making * an intervalle for the left flanke , or else let them wheele off by division , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . having given fire once ( or oftner ) over that way , let them give fire againe , and wheele off by division : ranking even with their pikes . that being done , cause the pikes to charge : the muskettiers giving fire once over , on that figure . the pikes being advanced , face the whole body to the right : and cause the muskettiers to stand , and the pikes to open to the right and left , and so to make the hollow square . then you may ( if you please ) command the ensigne to display his colours in the midst of the hollow ; in signe of triumph : the body , either standing or marching . after which , command the pikes to close their divisions : which being performed , command the reere division of muskettiers , to double their front of pikes , by division : and then they will stand in forme of captaine wallers triple firing : let them give fire upon that figure , and fall off againe , according to the directions upon that figure . which being performed , and the pikes charged , and readvanced : the body will be absolutely reduced , as at the first it was before you began your firings . these firings , may ( with the motions ) be sufficient for the first daies exercise . wherefore , for this time , we will lodge our colours : untill by the summons of the drum , we are called forth to the second daies practise . chap. cvi. the second dayes exercise . having brought your souldiers the second time , into the field , the body being drawne up into the ordinary square , and every officer vigilant in his place : the captaine commandeth silence , with some other generall termes of observation , both for the leaders and right hand men . having thus commanded them ( as before ) to even their rankes , and to straiten their files : he proceeds to shew ( as formerly ) the distances , the facings , the doublings , the countermarches , and the wheelings : therewithall instructing them either in all , or so many of them , as the time will permit , and he thinkes convenient . ever ( by the way ) observing that in the proverbe , a thing once well done , is twice done . that commander , that exerciseth his souldiers with good language , and with sollid reasons ; shall make them better proficients then he that shall use rigid termes , and rough hands . after the postures , distances , and severall motions ; that which next followes for this daies exercise , are firings and figures of battell . so soone , therefore , as the drum begins to beat a preparative , the muskettiers are to begin to make ready . and first , you may cause them to give fire on the horne battell , still marching up into their leaders ground : by that meanes preserving their figure . secondly , let the muskettiers close their diuisions before their pikes , and then give fire upon the demie-hearse-battell : falling off presently , either all to the right , ( the one halfe passing downe an intervalle ) or to the right and left by division ; and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the third time of their firing , let them wheele off by division , and flanke their pikes : and when they have fired over that way , let the pikes charge . for the fourth firing , let them give fire even with the front of pikes , wheeling off to the right and left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . then let them fire even with the halfe-files , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of the pikes . the pikes ( you are to understand ) ought to charge all the time of the last firing : who being advanced , you are to wheele your battell about to the right or left . then , your muskettiers being in the reere of your pikes , let your sixt firing be to the reere : the muskettiers wheeling off by division , and placing themselves before the front of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; and next behinde the reere of pikes . having fired once over , that way , let them give fire ouer againe , and flanke their pikes : which being in like manner performed , command them to wheele their flankes into the front , and then face to the reere , and charge pikes , at the inside of the right foot , with their swords drawne in their right hands . let the seventh firing be discharged over their pikemen , wheeling , either all off , to the right through intervals , or else by division , and placing themselues in the reere of their owne files . otherwise , ( for want of room ) the first ranke of muskettiers , having given fire , let them kneel , or crouch low upon the ground : and make ready againe ; the second ranke , in like manner , firing and kneeling : and so for the rest . having all fired once over , in that manner , let the pikes advance , and put up their swords : the muskettiers , in like manner , are to rise , then to even their ranks , and streighten their files . for the eighth firing , you may face the body to the reere ( or if you will continue your firing the same way ) then wheele your battell about , and having opened your intervals , your forme will be the broad fronted phalange , or broad fronted battell . let these give fire , the first time , falling ( or wheeling ) all off to the right : and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the second time of firing , let them wheele all off to the right , ( as before ) and place themselues in the reere of the pikes , which follow next after their owne divisions . in the interim of the last two ranks firing , cause your pikes to port : but when the muskettiers are cleered away , the pikes may charge . when the pikes are advanced , for the ninth firing , face them to one of the flanks , and wheele them into a semicircle or convex half-moone ; where the muskettiers being outermost , give fire upon that figure : the first time , falling behinde the muskettiers of their owne divisions : the second time of firing , cause them to place themselues behinde their pikes . for further directions , looke backe upon the 77. chapter , which discourseth of the convex halfe-moone . the pikes may also charge , and the muskettiers give fire over againe : according to discretion . the pikes being readvanced , face the whole body to one of the flanks , and march them out horsewise . then command them to double their ranks to the right : which being done , command that flank which are muskettiers , to double the contrary flanke by division : which being performed , all the muskettiers will be in front and reere . then cause the reere-division of muskettiers to double the front of pikes , by division . then let them give fire on that figure , as they may see further directions in the chapter . the pikes having charged , and advanced againe . for the eleventh firing , first face the whole body to the right : then cause the halfe-files that then are , to face to the reere ; and so let the muskettiers give fire to the front and reere : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . the pikes may also charge to the front and reere , which being performed , face them all againe , to their leader . for the twelfth firing , make the plinthium or foure-fronted battell : the angles whereof being filled with muskettiers . for further satisfaction , looke upon chapter 100. which gives direction , both for the motion and reducing thereof . next face the whole body to that part which was the front , before the last firing began . then , if you would have your ensigne to display , in an hollow square , cause your muskettiers to stand , and halfe-files of pikes , to face to the reere : and so both divisions of pikes to march , untill their last ranks are even with the front and reere of muskettiers . then face all to their leader . if you please , the muskettiers may give fire upon this hollow square , as they march , to both flanks : still leading up their files , on the inside of their owne divisions , and this will make the 13. firing . but by this time , our powder being spent , our men weary , and night approaching : we will come to reducement . wherefore , first cause the pikes to close their divisions , and the muskettiers to march up , even with their front of pikes . then let the whole body , wheele their flanks into the reere , which being done , all the muskettiers will be in the reere . then ( if you will ) face to the reere , and give fire ; causing your muskettiers to wheele off by division , and to flanke their pikes . or else , cause your muskettiers to open to the right and left ; and double your front of pikes , by division . which being done , double files to the left ; and they will be all reduced as at first . wherefore , we will now lodge our colours , and conclude our second dayes exercise , &c. chap. cvii . the third dayes exercise . having the third time ( as formerly ) brought your souldiers into the field ; it is very necessarie , in the first place , that they be taught the postures of each armes : either by the file ▪ leaders , or some other of the officers . wherein they must be carefull , to instruct them in the firings , both to front , reere , and flanks . as to give fire to the front , advancing ; to give fire to the front , upon a stand : to give fire to the reere , upon a march : to fire to either flanke , marching or standing . as also to instruct them in distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings : that so , they may be the more apt and capable , when they shall be brought into a body . having spent some time , in the exercising of files , let the drumme summon each file-leader , to his place : the ensigne be fetcht to the head of the company ; the captaine command silence ; and the souldiers tender obedience . the ranks being evened , and the files streitened , the captaine ( according to his accustomed manner ) begins to instruct them in the distances and motions . and after the performance of so many of them , as he shall thinke fit for the present exercise , he commands the drummes to beat , and muskettiers to make ready : and so causeth them to give fire , * three or foure severall wayes , after the ordinarie manner of firing in the front . then cause your muskettiers of the left flanke , to give fire to the reere ; and the muskettiers of the right flanke , to give fire to the right . this firing is to be performed upon a march , the pikes shouldered . for the second firing , let them give fire to both flankes . the gathering firing . for the third , let them fire to both flankes , drawing them up betweene the divisions of muskettiers and pikes . for the fourth firing , let them give fire againe , to both flankes , leading them up after they have fired , betweene the midst of pikes . when the last files are firing , advance your pikes , and close your rankes forwards to their order . then , face to the right and left , and charge pikes . your pikes being advanced , and faced againe to the front proper : all your muskettiers will be in the midst . then , open them some intervalles ; and let the fift firing be to the front , wheeling all off to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . then cause the pikes to charge , and when your pikes are advanced againe , let your halfe-files face about to the right . and so the fixth firing , may be to the front and reere ; the muskettiers of the front division , wheeling off to the right : those of the reere division , wheeling off to the left : either of them placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the muskettiers having fired once or twice over , wheele your flankes into the front , and cause your pikes to charge to the front and reere . the pikes being againe advanced , and all faced to their former front , wheele front and reere into both flankes . for the seventh firing , make the plinthium , or foure fronted battell , the angles being filled with pikes : and let them giue fire , and charge their pikes , according to directions for that figure . as likewise the firing being ended , reduce the men backe into their places , as they were before this firing . then , wheele off your front by division , which brings your muskettiers upon the flankes ; but doth not reduce your men justly into their places , if your number be any thing great . from thence , make them a perfect crosse battell , and let your muskettiers give fire , wheeling all off to the right , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . for the ninth firing , let them giue fire as before ; but place themselves in the reere of their pikes ; the pikes moving forwards into their ground , and charging . having advanced your pikes , command your flanke divisions to face about to the right , and to close their divisions . then command the front and reere divisions to wheele their flankes into the reere : which being done , face them to the front proper , ( that is ) after the right file-leader . for the tenth firing , ( your muskettiers being still in the midst ) let your muskettiers give fire by introduction ▪ ( beginning with the second ranke ) the pikes moving softly forward . for the eleventh firing , let them give fire by introduction , ( beginning with the bringers up ) the pikes may charge at discretion : then let the muskettiers stand , and the pikes march forwards : closing their divisions before the muskettiers . and so let the twelfth firing be by way of extraduction . let the pikes charge ; which being performed , command the first and last foure rankes to stand ; and the rest of the body to face to the right and left : and so to march , untill they are cleere of the standing rankes . then let the whole body face about to the right ▪ and let the ensigne display his colours in the midst . for the next , let the muskettiers give fire being foremost , both in front and flanke , which will make the thirteeenth firing . let them wheele off by division ; placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . which being done , next cause those which opened to the right and left , to face in opposition : and to close their division . then wheele off your front by division , or else , wheele your front inward to the reere . then let the commander march at the head of his pikes , all the muskettiers being in the reere . then for the fourteenth firing , let the muskettiers give fire in the reere ; wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes , which doth reduce every man to his place he had , when the exercise first began . aud herewith we will conclude our third dayes exercise , and lodge our colours , untill that the bellowing drum call us the fourth time into the field , to give an account of our proficiency . till when , we will leave our souldiers in their severall hutts or cabines , there to rest their limbs , refresh their spirits , and replenish their bande liers . chap. cviii . the fourth daies exercise . having , the fourth time , brought your souldiers into the field , and ( as formerly ) caused them to be instructed in the postures , ( both of musket and pike ) that so they may be capable to use them both with agility , and with safety . as likewise taught them their divers wayes of distance , with the severall and various motions : not forgetting , particularly to instruct them with rules and pertinent reasons to every one of them : that so they may , not onely learne to doe , but like rationall men , understand what they doe . which being deliberately performed , and each officer disposed to his severall place , the rankes being evened , and the files straitened : the captaine commands , the drum beats , and the muskettiers make ready for skirmish , &c. the first firing , being by drawing forth the innermost files of each flanke of muskettiers , to the right and left , obliquely before the front , and so to stand and giue fire . having given fire , let the bringers up leade them back into their places . and , in the meane time , let the next innermost files , leade forth and fire , after the same manner ; and so likewise the rest ; untill all the muskettiers have fired once over that way . for the second firing , let them give fire obliquely , and crosse the front , both at once . for the third , let them give fire obliquely : the muskettiers standing before the pikes , in forme of an hollow wedge . vpon this firing , the muskettiers fire outwards : whereas in the other , they fire inward . for the fourth firing , let them fire upon the oblique w. for the manner of these firings , with the waies both how to make them & reduce them : i refer you to their severall places , where i have shewne them plainely . for the fift firing , let them fire to each flanke obliquely ; the muskettiers making on each flanke , the formes of hollow wedges : and so they may performe as much to each flanke , ( or both flankes ) as hath beene to the front . for the sixt firing , let them fire over the first oblique firing , to front and reere . for the seventh firing , let them fire obliquely , and crosse the front and reere . for the eighth firing , let them fire to the front and reere , obliquely : in the formes of the hollow wedges . for the ninth firing , let them fire to the front and reere , obliquely , in the forme of the w. and for the tenth firing , let them give fire obliquely , on the fort figure , which is to front , reere , and flanks . in all these firings , the pikes never come to charge , but stand in a square battell , in danger of the enemies shot : themselues neither being able to offend the enemy , nor to defend themselues . and yet if by frequent practise , they were inured to the use of the long how fastened to their pikes : i make no question , but that , when they should become expert in the use of the b●w and pike ; they would not onely be a terrour to their enemies , by the continuall showers of arrows which they would send amongst them ; but also that they would be a great meanes to rout their enemies , & u●●erly to breake their order . on the contrary , if men should be put to use the bow and pike , and have not first well learned the use of the pike alone ; they would be so cu●●ersome to themselues , and so troublesome to others ; that instead of spoyling their enemies , they would ●out them selues . but pardon this 〈◊〉 whilest i proceed to the rest of this dayes exercise . the eleventh firing , being in ●●rme of a romane t ; is to be made as followeth . let the pikes , stand , and the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 wheele into the front : then let them give fire , making an intervall upon each flanke ; the 〈◊〉 of the right-flanke wheeling off to the right ▪ the mus●ettiers of the left flank , to the left ; and placing themselues in the reer● of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the muskettiers have fired , once or twi●● over , 〈◊〉 the pikes p●sse through , and wheele their fro●● into the midst , and then faci●● to the front , let them charge their pikes : and from thence having advanced their pikes , let the commander passe to the right flanke ; and face the whole body to the right . then , wheele the battell about to the left , untill the body be brought into a round battell : from whence we will begin the twelfth firing . the figure being made , face the whole body to the center , and give them their directions , what they have to do . when they have received their instructions , let them all face about to the right ; present , and give fire . the first time of their firing , placing themselues in the reare of their muskettiers ; the second firing , countermarch to the right , and placing themselues in the reere of their pikes : the pikes , at the same time , are to move forwards into the muskettiers ground : where they may charge over head ; and ( if need be ) at the foot : the muskettiers giving fire over them , as in the convex-halfe-moone . the firing being ended , and the pikes advanced , let the commander march forth of the round battell : at that point ; where he shall finde all his proper file-leaders . then let the whole body , be faced to that part , a●● the file-leaders caused to march forth , even a breast : the muskettiers and pikemen following their leaders , and marching , untill the body have atteined their orderly square againe . but note , that all your muskettiers are in the midst of the battell . for the thirteenth firing , make the impaled sou●d square : the way to performe it is as followeth . your 〈…〉 being now the flankers , draw forth the 〈…〉 of the ●●●es of pikemen , from the right flanke , crosse the front of the body ( taking the outmost-files ) let halfe the files of pikemen of the left flanke , be drawne crosse the reere , following their bringers up . then , face all your muskettiers to the front , reere , and flanks . the pikes may charge , all overhand : and ( if need be ) at the foot , with their swords drawn : the muskettiers firing over them . having fired , charged , and advanced their pikes , draw off the pikes , againe , from the front and reere , into their places ⊙ . for the fourteenth firing , ( the muskettiers being still in the middle ) make the hollow fronted-crossebattell ; the pikemen making the hollow , upon the flanks of the muskettiers . for the making whereof , wheele the front off the 2. first ranks , into the midst . that being done , wheele the reer of the 2 last ranks , after the same manner : and then face the rest of the body to the right and left ; and cause them to march untill there be a square hollow , in the middest of the battell . then command them to face to the front , reere , and flanks : which being in like manner performed , cause the pikes ( who are now in the front of the musketticrs ) to open to the right and left ; the last ranke of pikes , ranking even with the first ranke of muskettiers . the muskettiers may give fire upon this figure , wheeling all off to the right : and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . if need be , the pikes may close their divisions before their muskettiers ; and charge their pikes . which being done , and the pikes againe advanced : we will come to the reducement . for which purpose , face the whole body about to the center : and cause the flanke-divisions to close to their order . this being executed , let the front-division wheele together their front , into the midst ( as they now stand faced ) the reere-division doing the like . that being in like manner performed , face the whole body to the front proper : then wheele off the battell to the right and left : after which having closed their divisions , they are perfectly reduced as at first . and herewith we will conclude this dayes exercise , and leave our souldiers to rest : untill that the morrows sunne , and the thundering drumme , shall call us forth againe into the field . chap. cix . the fifth dayes exercise . having the fift time brought your souldiers into the field , if you have leasure , it will not be amisse for to cause them to be instructed ( in the first place ) in the postures of the pike and musket . for those souldiers which by often practice of their postures are growne perfect , will manage their armes with case , surety , and celerity : when , on the contrary , the unpractised souldier , will be a trouble to himselfe , a danger to his fellowes , and a dormant to his enemies . after the pastures , each file being drawne into his place ; and the ensigne ( according to former directions ) brought to the head of the p●kes ; the rankes evened , and the files streitned ; the captaine ( having commanded silence , and delivered himselfe in such ●earmes , as the present occasion doth require , ever preferring the industrious and painfull ; and , on the contrary , blaming the carelesse and the slothfull ) he next proceeds to instruct them in their sev●●a●● 〈◊〉 : and these , indeed , are the grounds of all motion : seeing that without distance , the motion cannot be excected . next to the distances , they are to be instructed in the motions : ever observing to each motion , its due 〈◊〉 . next after 〈◊〉 , distance , and motions ; let the rest of the dayes exercise be spent in firings and figures of battaile . each officer , having now received his severall charge : the captaine commands ; the drums , beat , and the muskettiers , make ready . the first firing being performed by leading forth the outmost file of each flanke twenty paces ( or thereabout ) before the front ; and no● 〈…〉 the place of firing● ; let the second men , 〈…〉 the right and le●● inward , even with their 〈…〉 so give fire , together , wheeling off by 〈…〉 the right flanke to the right , the left flanke 〈◊〉 the left ; placing themselves on the inside of their owne d●viss●ns of muske●●i●●s next the pikes file-wise , as they were when they marchedforth . so soon as the first two men of their files , have after this manner ranked , fired , and wheeled off ; the next second m●n , ranke even with their leaders , as before : giving fire , and wheeling away to place themselves , file-wise , aftertheir ●●●ders . the residue of their first files are to do the like ; and so still the outermost files leading forth , doing in like manner● ; and still placing themselves , file-wise , next to the pikes . for the second firing , cause the outermost files to march forth to the former distance before the front : and whereas in the last firing , they ranked but two and two● ; and so gave fire : now , let them ranke foure . that is to say , the three men next behind the right-hand-file-leader , shall ranke inward to the left , even with their file-leaders : the three next men , after the left-hand-file-leader , ranking inwards to the right ; even ●●rest with the leader of their file : the residue of each file , keeping themselves in file ; and closing formard● to the distance of order , just after their file-leaders . the first foure of each file , having presented , fired , and wheeled away ; the last foure men ( being the ●e●r●-half-files ) in the interim of their wheeling off , ranke to the ●ight and left inward : presenting● ; ●●●ing , and wheeling off ( as aforesaid ) and placing themselves in the 〈◊〉 of the former part of their files , which wheeledaway before them . the second files are then to lead forth , and to doe the like ; and so successively , the rest , untill they have all fired over , this way . for the third firing , let the outermost files lead forth to the same distance befo●e the front● ; whither being come , as tothe place wherein 〈◊〉 doe their execution● ; let the files 〈◊〉 to the right and left inward● ; and so fire all together : 〈…〉 , and placing themselves as in the 〈◊〉 f●●●ngs . the residue of the other files of muskettiers , at the sametime , marching forth ; giving fire , and still placing themselves file-wise , on the innermost part of their own divisions of muskettiers ; and next to the outside of pikes . for the fourth firing , cause your muskettiers to ranke to the right and left , into the front ; and so the whole body of muskettiers give fire at once : which being performed , let them face to the right and left inward , and so march into their places . they may ( if you please ) open the files of muskettiers , to double distance , and so cause the files to ranke to the right into the front , by conversion : giving fire after that manner , which ( if it be done ) will make the fift firing . after this , let them fall backe into their places , and having made ready againe , before you close their distance , cause the halfe-files to face about , and then let the files ranke into the front and reere , and so give fire : which will make the si●t firing . having thus fired , and being fallen backe into their places , let the halfe files , face againe to their leader ; and the files of muskettiers close againe to their order . for the seventh firing , let the rankes of muskettiers open backe to their double distance ; and the muskettiers , wheele to the right and left by conversion : and so give fire to both flankes . the men being returned to their places , and having againe closed their rankes to their order : after some little pause , by marching , ( or otherwise ) the muskettiers being all againe ready ; command your files of pikes to open to the right and left , to their double distance . then command , rankes both of muskets and pikes , to open backward to their double distance . which being done , command the muskets to invert to the right and left outward ; and then to face outward , and present ; and let the halfe-files of pikes face about . then cause your files of pikes , to ranke to the front and reere by conversion : and let the muskettiers give fire , and the pikes charge . this figure will take up a great quantity of ground , because that all the muskettiers are now become two rankes : that is to say , to each flanke one , all the pikes being likewise brought into two rankes , one to the front , and the other to the reere . this being performed , the body will stand in form of a great hollow square . the muskettiers hauing fired , the pikes being advaneed , and each souldier returned to his place , and all faced to their leader : let them close their rankes and files to their order . then cause the ninth firing , to be performed to both flankes , upon a stand : facing the whole body to the right and left , there firing and wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . whilest the two last rankes are giving fire , let the pikes port , and when the muskettiers have fired , and wheeled off , let them charge . having advanced their pikes , face the whole body to that part where you shall finde your file-leaders of muskettiers : then will all your muskettiers , be in front and reere . next , command your halfe-files that then are , to double your front to the left entire : which being done , let them face to the right and left , the muskettiers giving fire , and wheeling off to the left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the pikes may also port , and charge , at discretion . the pikes being advanced , and the whole company , faced to their former front , command the halfe-rankes of the right , ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to march , and the halfe-rankes of the left flanke to follow in the reere . having given them some time of breathing ; then for the eleventh firing , cause the halfe-files that then are , ( muskettiers and pikes ) to face to the reere . which being done , let the muskettiers give fire to the front and reere , upon a stand , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of their pikes ; they moving forwards , and maintaining the muskettiers ground . the pikes are then to charge , when they are cleered of their muskettiers . which being done , and they againe advanced , face them all to their former front . for the twelfth firing , command halfe-files to double the front inward intire . to which purpose , open the front halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to the right and left ; for receiving the halfe-files of both armes , within them : which being executed , each armes will stand in three divisions . then command the front halfe-files , to face about to the reere , and to present : the reere halfe-files keeping still faced to the front ; and there in like manner presenting , and both giving fire together . the first time of their firing over , they may fall in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; wheeling off to the right and left . the second time of giving fire upon this figure , let them wheele off , as before ; and place themselues in the reere of their following divisions of pikes . which being in like manner performed , let the pikes , charge . being againe advanced ; face the body to the former front ; and command , halfe-files that doubled , to face to the reere , and march into their places . the halfe-files being faced about , and marched cleare off , then are the front halfe-files to close their divisions . thus being all rightly faced , the muskettiers will be in the front and reere . for the thirteenth firing , make the horned battell to the front and reere . for the which , cause the halfe-files of muskettiers and pikes , to face to the reere . then cause the muskettiers to open to the right and left , ( both in front and reere ) and so to give fire : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . the pikes may also charge : having advanced , let them all face to their leader at the proper front . lastly , for the fourteenth firing , make the sconce battell . for further directions wherein , turne backe to the 93. chapter ; where you may finde instructions , as well for the making , giving of fire , and reducing thereof . and if you please , your ensigne may display his colours , in the hollow part of the midst of the pikes . supposing now , that by this time , the night hath almost overtaken us ; we will prepare to lodge our colours , with our accustomed bene-vale : and herewith we will conclude this our fifth dayes exercise ; suffering our souldiers to depart to their severall habitations . there leaving them to clense their arms , and to refresh their bodies , untill the morrows clamouring drum , doth invite us forth to our sixth dayes exercise . chap. cx . the sixt dayes exercise . having the sixth time brought your souldiers into the field , according to the accustomed manner : let each file-leader , exercise his file , in the postures of such armes , as they carry . which being performed , and the files againe rejoyned into one body : the ensigne being at the head of the pikes , and the rest of the officers in their severall places : the captaine having commanded silence , attention , and obeaience ( three especiall vertues , most necessarily requisite to every common souldier ) hee proceeds to the severall distances ; instructing them in the uses of each of them . next after the distances , he teaches them the facings , the doublings , the countermarches , and the wheelings , with severall observations upon each of the motions . after which ( having so commanded ) the drums , bcat ; and the muskettiers , make ready for skirmish : then ( if you please ) you may cause three or foure of the first firings , to be performed by light skirmishing before the front : and that with loose ranks , or files , or both : either some of those , ( or such like ) as i have formerly spoken off in the preceding exercises . after which , for your next firing ; cause your half-files to open to the right and left , by equall division : untill the reere divisions of pikes , stands right after the muskettiers of the front-division . now the muskettiers standing in foure divisions , let them all present , and give fire to the front : wheeling all off to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their own divisions of like armes : each ranke , still making good the leaders ground . having given fire , once or twice over on this figure : for the second firing cause the front-division to give fire to the front ; and the two reere divisions , to each flanke in a march. the front-division with fires in ranke , wheele all off to the right ; placing themselves in the reere of their ownc divisions of muskettiers : the other divisions with fire in flanke , leading up their files betweene their owne divisions of muskettiers and the pikes . having given fire once or oftner over , according to discretion this way ; let the third firing be performed upon a stand . for the which , cause your reere-divisions to facc to the right and left outward : the front-division , still to continue the same aspect . then , let the muskettiers give fire , those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right : and the contrary flanke , to the contrary hand ; the muskettiers of the front division , placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskets ; the muskettiers of the reere divisions , placing themselues in the reere of the reere divisions of pikes : each ranke of muskettiers , still making good his leaders ground . when they have fired all over , let the pikes charge , to front and both flanks . having advanced your pikes againe , and faced your body to the front proper , each armes still standeth in three divisions . then let the fourth firing , be to the reere , and both flanks upon a march . and to that end , open your front-divisions of muskettiers to the right and left , untill they are cleere of the reere-divisions of pikes : that so they be not troublesome unto them , in their march . then let your pikes shoulder ; and the muskettiers , give fire : the front divisions of muskettiers , firing in flanke , and leading up on the inside of their owne divisions . the muskettiers of the reere division , giving fire in the reere in ranke wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the front of their owne divisions of muskettiers . having fired once over , and the pikes charged ; let your fifth firing be to the reere , and both flankes upon a stand . in the which , let the half-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) face to the reere ; the front-division to the right and left , and so give fire one each part ; those that fire to the flankes wheeling off , and placing themselves in the reere of their divisions of pikes , and the muskets of the reere divisions , wheeling off to the right and left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of musketties : each ranke moving forward into their leaders ground . having fired over , let the pikes charge . the pikes being againe advanced ; face the whole body to the proper front : and then all the muskettiers will be in the midst , and the pikemen on the flankes . for the sixth firing , cause your half-rankes of the left , double your right flanke by division . for further directions , looke back to the tripartite firing : which you shall find , chap. 92. having fired over that way ; charged , and re-advanced your pikes : face the whole body to their former front . for your seventh firing , cause the front and reere divisions of muskettiers and pikes , to face to the right : the rest of the body ( both muskets and pikes ) to the left . let the muskettiers give fire , and wheele all off , either to the right or left , and place themselves in the reere of their following divisions of pikes ; each ranke still moving up into their leaders ground . when there rest but two rankes of each division , to fire , let the pikes port . having all fircd , and wheeled away ; let the pikes charge . then , face the whole body to their first front ; and command the first and last foure rankes to face to the left : and to march , untill they are cleere of the standing part of the body . then , cause the front halfe-files , to face to the left , the reere halfe-files , to the right : and so to close their divisions : and after that to face towards their leader . for the eight firing , make the sollid square girdled with muskettiers . for the which , draw halfe the files of the right flanke of muskettiers , crosse the front , and halfe the files of muskettiers of the left flanke , crosse the reere . then face the whole body ( both muskets and pikes ( to the front , reere , and flankes . this done , let the muskettiers give fire , and wheele off by division : placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ▪ all the time of this firing , the pikemen , being in the middle of the muskettiers , have good opportunity ( if the enemy be neere ) to gall them with their thicke showers of feathered shot . the muskettiers , in the meane time , having fired once , twice , or oftner over , on this figure , draw your files of muskettiers backe againe into their places . then having faced the whole body to the proper front , let your ninth firing , be captaine wallers double firing to the front and reere , after this manner . first , wheele front and reere into the right flanke : then face them all the same way they were before : which done , cause the halfe-files to face to the reere , and command the muskettiers which are in the reere of each division of pikes , to double their front of pikes by division . then , let them face about and close their divisions : and so having refaced them as they were ; let them give fire , wheele off , and charge , according to directions on captaine wallers figure . for the tenth firing , let them face to the right and left , and give fire to both flankes upon a stand : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . when the pikes have charged , and are againe advanced , let the captaine passe to the front accidentall of the left flanke , and face the rest of the body to him , and in the next place wheele their flanks into the front , and so all the muskettiers will be in the front : and by facing the whole body to the left ; all the muskettiers will be on the right flanke . let the eleventh figure be the diamond battell . having given fire two or three severall wayes , according to the directions upon that figure ; charged pikes , and reduced them againe into the square : face the body about to the right ; and passe the muskettiers which belong to the right flanke , betweene the ranks of pikes into their places . then , the muskettiers of the left flanke , being closed to their pikes , the body will stand at their first order . for the twelfth firing , make the hollow square girdled with shot : let them give fire upon that figure ( both without and within ) according to the directions for that firing . let the pikes , charge ; and reduce them in the same manner as i have discoursed upon that figure . for the thirteenth firing , make the plesium as you shall finde directions in the 104. chapter . having made it , given fire upon it , and reduced it as at first . let the fourteenth and last firing for this exercise , be the hollow hearse and crosse . turne backe to the 103. chapter , where you may finde ample instructions for the making , firing , and reducing of it . and lastly , that you may conclude with triumph , cause your ensigne to be displayed in the middle of the hollow crosse : and then having fired , charged pikes , and reduced your men , according to the directions on that figure , your men will be as at first . and therefore seeing that by this time night is come ; and our powder gone ; we will here give conclusion to our sixth dayes exercise . wherefore , that you may observe some forme in the lodging of our colours ; cause your muskettiers to march in the front of your pikes . then , as as they march , let them invert to the right and left : which is , when the ranks file to the right and left , by division . then , cause all your muskettiers to face in opposition ; to cocke their matches , guard their pans , and rest their muskets . in the meane time , let the pikes advance , and close their ranks and files , to their order . which being done , the captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , and drummes beating a troope , at the head of the pikes : passe through this guard into the appointed place for the alledgement of the ensigne . then , the serjeants cause the muskettiers to face all about to the right , and present : and upon the first beat of the drumme , they all give fire in one volley . and now having performed our sixth dayes exercise , the drumme beats a call : and makes proclamation , that every man may depart unto his severall home , untill his next summons into the field . finis . the contents of every chapter contained in this booke . chap. 1. concerning postures and handling of armes . page 1. the postures of the musket . page 3 2 of the postures of the pike , page 7 3 of the drum , page 11 4 of rankes and files , their places and dignities , p. 13 5 reasons for precedency of dignity in rankes and files . page 15 6 of severall distances , page 20 7 of marching a company in divisions at length , the order and places of the officers , and againe drawing them into forme of battell , p. 24 8 of drawing the divisions up into a square , p. 26 9 what is facing , and the use of the word , whether to be used or refused , p. 28 10 of facing square , and how to performe it , the usefulnesse of facings , and the severall parts thereof , page 30 11 of doublings , the use and parts , p. 34 12 of inversion and conversion , and of doubling rankes . p. 40 chap. 13 of doublings of ftles , page p. 42 14 of doublings by bringers up , p. 43 15 of doublings of files outward and inward , page 46 16 of doubling by halfe files , p. 48 17 of doublings the reere by front halfe files , page 50 18 of doubling the reere by countermarch , p. 53 19 of doubling flankes by wayes of countermarch , page 54 20 of doubling halfe files to the right intire , to accommodate the doubling of halfe rankes , p. 57 21 the difference betweene intire and divisionall doublings , and of doubling halfe files intire , p. 61 22 of doubling the front inward intire , p. 63 23 of halfe files , doubling the front by division , page 66 24 of doubling the reere by division , p. 67 25 of doubling the reere intire , by the front halfe files , p. 70 26 of doubling by halfe ranke intire , p. 72 27 of doubling of flankes by division , p. 75 28 of doubling rankes intire , p. 77 29 of doubling files intire , advancing , p. 79 30 of files doubling their depth , p. 82 31 of conversion and inversion , with their words of command , and reducements , p. 85 32 of files siling in sequence , p. 88 33 of inverting ranks , or ranks filing , p. 90 34 of ranks filing by division , and how usefull , page 92 chap. 35 of the severall parts of conversion , and how they are to be understood , page p. 94 36 of rankes wheeling by conversion , p. 97 37 of files ranking in equall part , p. 101 38 the conclusion of doublings , p. 105 39 of countermarches . the antiquity , and words of direction , p. 108 40 of the chorean countermarch : and the way to performe it , p. 112 41 of countermarching to loose ground , p. 114 42 of countermarches to gaine ground , or the macedonian countermarch , p. 117 43 of the bastard countermarch , p. 119 44 of countermarching rankes , to maintaine ground , p. 121 45 of countermarching rankes to loose ground , p. 122 46 of the macedonian countermarch by rank , p. 124 47 of countermaching front and reere to the middest , p. 125 48 of bringing front and reere , together into the middest by the bastard countermarch , p. 128 49 of countermarching , to make a large intervall , between the first and last ranke , p. 130 50 of making a large intervall , between the first & last rankes , by the macedonian countermarch , p. 132 51 of interchanging ground . p. 134 52 of countermarching the flanks ( or wings ) into the midst of the battell ▪ p. 136 chap. 53 of countermarching , to take the ground before the flankes , page p. 138 54 of countermarching to take the ground on the out side of the flankes , and to direct their aspects inwards . p. 140 55 of taking the ground on the outside of the flanks ; not altering the aspects . p. 142 56 of interchanging ground by the flanks , and bringing the innermost files of pikes , to become the outmost rankes . p. 144 57 of wheeling , their kindes , and uses with their severall words of command . p. 148 58 of wheelings anguler , p. 150 59 of wheeling on the center . p. 152 60 of wheeling off , by division . p. 154 61 of wheeling the front inward , towards the reere . p. 156 62 of bringing the flanks into the front of the battell , p. 158 63 of wheeling the reere into the midst of the battell , p. 161 64 of wheeling the right flanke , into the midst of the battell , p. 164 65 of wheeling the left flanke into the midst of the battell , p. 167 66 of wheeling front and reere , into the midst of the battell , p. 169 67 of wheeling the flanks into the midst of the battell , p. 172 68 of making men file-leaders successively , the files being eight deepe , p. 176 chap. 69 of making men file-leaders succes●ively : the files being but sixe deepe , page p. 179 70 of drawing the files againe into a body : and preparing them for a skirmist , p. 183 71 of firing by forlorne files . the manner , and use , page 186 72 of firings by two ranks , ten paces advanced before the front : next , even with the front ; and lastly , even with the halfe files , p. 190 73 of the horne-battell ; how to make it : and to reduce it by firing , p. 195 74 of the demie-hearse battell : the use of the figure ; how to make it , and to reduce it by firing ▪ p. 198 75 of giving fire , advancing , by way of introduction : with the beneficiall use of the bow and pike , page 201 76 the way to make the diamond battell : severall wayes to fire upon it : with divers other figures and firings , which are thereby produced , p. 204 77 of the convex halfe moone ; the use of the figure : and of severall wayes of firing upon it . p. 211 78 of extraduction : the severall uses , firings , and reducements . p. 215 79 of the broad fronted battell : with the wayes of firing upon it . p. 218 80 of dismarching , or firing in the reere : the severall wayes , and how they ought to be performed . p. 221 81 of firings in flanke , in generall ; and more particularly , of the gathering firing . p. 226 82 the second manner of giving fire to the flanke . p. 229 chap. 83 a firing in flanke , led off by the bringers up . page p. 131 84 the difference betweene firings in flanke , marching : and of bringing the muskettiers on the outside of the pikes . p. 234 85 of firing in flanke : aud placing the muskettiers in the midst of the battell of pikes : with other firings from thence proceeding . p. 237 86 of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . p. 242 87 a second way of firing to the front and reere . p. 245 88 a firing to the reere and right flanke , marching . p. 247 89 of firing to both flanks , marching . p. 249 90 a firing to both flanks , standing . p. 251 91 captaine wallers triple firing to the front. p. 254 92 a firing tripartite , doing execution to the front , reere , and right flanke . p. 257 93 of the sconce battell . p. 259 94 of firing by three files at once ; two of them standing oblique , the other direct . p. 262 95 a firing oblique , by foure files together , in forme of a w. p. 264 96 of the fort battell ; the way to make , and to reduce it . p. 266 97 of the crosse battell ; the way to make it with a private company . how to fire upon it : and to reduce it . p. 268 98 of the hollow-fronted crosse battell , how to make it with a private company : and the way to fire upon it , &c. p. 272 99 of firing upon the square battell , flanked with pikes . p. 274 100 of the plinthium , or fouṙe-fronted-battell ; by us called the crosse of muskets , flanked with pikes . p. 276 101 of the hollow square for march . p. 280 102 of the hollow hearse , and the crosse . p. 283 103 of the hollow square 〈◊〉 dled with shot . p. 286 104 of the sollid square , with muskettiers in center and angles . the way to make the figure with a private compani● ▪ how to fire upon it , and to reduce it . p. 291 105 the first dayes exercise . p. 297 106 the second dayes exercise . p. 299 107 the third dayes exercise . p. 304 108 the fourth dayes exercise . p. 308 109 the fifth dayes exercise . p. 313 110 the sixth dayes exercise . p. 320 finis . faults escaped in the printing . page 17. line 5. for and , reade ad , p. 25. l. 32. r. before , p. 34. first line of the 11. chap. 〈◊〉 p. 36. in the margent , r. particle , p. 64 l. 13. r. armies , p , 74. l. 9. 4. all , 〈◊〉 ●8 l. 8. r. least , p. 86 ▪ l. 6. r. or , p. 86. l. 19 ▪ r. to ▪ p. 87. l. 8. r. without , p. 87. l 2● 〈◊〉 drawne a figure ▪ p 89. l ▪ 6. r. left , p. 89. l. 17. r. file-wise , p. 97. l. the last , r. 〈◊〉 p. 106. l. 3. r. one , p. 108. l. 9. r. in , p. 112. l. 5. r. before , p. 117. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 leaders , p. 119. l. 19. & 20. r. and with the chorean it holds no affinity , p. ●24 ▪ the last line , r. be as at first . p. 127. the 2 m m which stand for the ou●●ost file-leaders to the right , stand quite contrary . p. 137. l. 5. r. to . p. 140. ●he figure se● wrong . p 152 l. 8. r. ●oo p. 1●6 . l. 11. r. flanks . p. 173. l. 13. r. o●●rmost . p. 176. l. 32. r. figured . p. ●07 . l. 14. r. commanded . p. 217. l 4. r. u● ▪ p. 250. l. 8. r. firing . p. 269. l : 18. r. them . p. 271. l. 11. r. armes . p 292. l. 13. r. flanks ▪ p. 293. the title of the figure , r. plesium . p. 296. l. 6. r. to her severall , &c. p. 297. the marginall note opposite to the a● ▪ line ▪ r. instead of one file and close . one file of muskettiers to give fire , and close , p. 302 l. the 9. for h●●swise , r ▪ herswise , p. 306. l. 27. for leader , r. leaders , p 311. l. 17 for overhead , r. overhand . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04919-e7010 charge to the reere is to be understood alwayes to the left about , because it is 3. times a nearer way then charging to the right about ▪ what is a ranke . what is a file . * in the tacticks of ae●an lib. 1. the notes of the 10. chapter . in motion of files you are to observe your leader . in motion of rankes you are to observe your right hand man. in the exercise of the motion of facings , you are to be at open order in ranke and file . when you face to any hand in the reducement , you are to returne by the contrary . when your souldiers begin any motion , let them advance their armes . when they come to a stand , and have performed their motion , let them order their armes . intire . divisionall . angular . the distance for particular and divisionall doublings , is open order in ranke and file . note that the ordinary doublings of rankes and files , is or ought to be performed by three steps , first stepping forth with that foot which is next unto the place named , and in the reducement , to returne by the contrary hand . note that in these doublings of ranks and files , if you double rankes to either hand , doubling of files to the contrary , reduceth them . or in doubling of files to any hand , doubling of ranks to the contrary will reduce them . note that upon all motions of doublings , that they that are to double before they move from their places , are to advance their armes . when they have performed their doubling , they are to conforme to the posture of those whom they double , whether it be order , advance , or shoulder . note that all entire doublings , are to be performed at order both in ranke and file . note that in the doubling of ranks , the even ranks are to double into the odde , beginning alwaies to reckon from the first rank . in doubling of files , note if the doubling be to the left , as in this figure , then every man of the even files , steps behinde his left hand man at three steps , every even file doubling into the odde files beginning your account with the outmost file to the hand named , as i have formerly said . * in this doubling of ranks by bringers ▪ up , as likewise in all other of like nature , they that are to move , are to adxance their armes . but if the commander please , it will be best for the ease of the musettiers , to be shouldered . and upon all doubling of ranks whatsoever , lot them be sure to observe their right hand men . a part countermarch is when one moity , or part of the body countermarcheth , thereby , not altering the number of the length , or depth of the figure ; but onely transferring one part into another . note that if the reere be doubled to the right , the countermarch must be to the left : if the doubling be to the left , the countermarch must be to the right . it is at the discretion of the commander , to face the company , which way he pleaseth , either for motion , or reducement of any motion formerly performed . order in ranke and file . the distance required for intire doubling . what intire doublingsare . what is meant by particle , and dividuall doublings . note , that the left-hand men are the leaders of the motion , in the reducement . inversion . chorean . lacedemon . macedon . bastard countermarch . bast . count. lacedemon . lacedemon . cretan or chorean lacedemonian b. a countermarch . lacedemonia cretan or chorean bast . countermarch . lacedemonia , macedonian . bast . count. chorean or cretan . lacedemoniā . macedonian . bast . counter . the distance for counter march is , sixe foot , or open order in ranke and file . note , that when there is a countermarch commanded without any other addition ; then it is alwayes intended , a chorean countermarch . lacedemoniā . * an intervall is the space of ground betweene fils & file , or ranke and ranke ; but in this place , is intended the space of ground betweene the files . lacedemoniā . lacedemonian . macedonian . macedonian . bastard counter-march . bastard countermarch . chorean lacedemonian . lacedemonian . macedon . bast . count. of divisionall countermarches . note , that for countermarching front and reere into the midst , the front-halfe-files ever turne off to the right , the reere halfe files to the left , which being truely observed , they will alwayes meet even in the middle of the battaile , where to the contrary , if they turne both off to the right , they can never doe the counter-march but wrong . bast . counter . * note that as the front half-files empiieth the space of ground betweene the leaders and halfe-file-leaders placing themselues in the ground before the front , so in the meane time their places are replenished by the souldiers of the reere-halfe-files which march up and supply their roomes . if you reduce them by another countermarch , first close their divisions . macedonian . note that when the reere half files face about , the last ranke which are the bringers up 〈…〉 ●ill to keep their 〈…〉 . note that upon the countermarching of flanks into the midst , the right flanke must alwayes obser●e to turn to the right , the left flanke to the left . for if they should both turne off to the right , they wil never meet right i● they turne off both to the left , it will be as bad . macedonian . note that if y●u please , y●u m●y paste the pikes alone through , and let the muskettier , stand . but then there wil lbe a la ge distance betweene the musketti ●s in the midst note that the distance for wheelings ought to be three foot betweene ranke and file . note that upō the exercise of the motions whether it be distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , or wheelings , the muskettiers ought to be all upon one and the same posture either po●●ed or shouldered : the pikes in like manner either shouldered or advanced . note the direction for angular wheelings . note that wheeling to the rightabout will not be reduced by wheeling back againe to the left about just into the same ground , if the wheeling be anguler ; but will be ●wise the length of the battell removed to the right of your former standing . vpon al wheeling● , you must obserue to follow your leader● , which must be understood , aswell of those which b●come leaders accidē●ally ( by reason of facings ) as of those which be the ●●●st and pro●●● leaders . as in th s wheeling ( ●or example ) where the up●te ●te become the leaders of the m●●●on . note that the two up●re ●re the hinge● of this wh●●ling . not● , that if the length of your bat●e●● , be double the num● r of your depth ; as in this figure then this wheeling of front and reere into the right or left-flanke , doth qu●d●uple their forme● depth . if the number were equall , in lengto and depth ; then by this wheeling , they would be but doubled . if the number of your length , exceed more then double your depth , by so much the more , will the extension of the dep●h be , beyond quadruple , &c. * the three motions are , blow your coal● , open your pan , present breast high . you are to blow your coal● , stepping forwards with your left foot . open your pannel stepping forwards with your right foot ▪ present , stepping forwards with your left foot . the 〈◊〉 a●e to bepetfor●●d , hand and foot together , by every one that advanceth 〈◊〉 to ●iv● fire , without expecting anydirecti●●● in time of skirm s● . * note that the second firing will cause the body to f●ee to the reer , which then becomes a front accidentall , and is the cause that the same command reduceth the figure which first made it . note upon all firings in the reere , blow your colt ; stepping forwards with your right foot . open your p●n , stepping forwards with your left foot present to the r ere , stepping forwards with your right foot note that all the muskettier● must be in the midst , and the pikes on flanke● , when you begin to make this figure . if your muskettiers be on the flanke when you make it , then the crosse will be pi●●s , and the angles muskettiers , &c. the plinthium is a hollow square battell ; fronted foure waies ; the number equall , in length & depth . another kind of plinthium , is to have the depth exceed the length ; the light armes to be placed in the miost of the hollow patt . see the ta●●ic● of aelian , the second books , the notes of the forty two chapter . * note , that the odde files on the right flank , are the outermost files to the right ; the third file , the fift file , the seventh , & so forward for the rest , if the 〈◊〉 be larger ; beginning your account from the outermost file , to the right . note , that the odde files on the le●t-flanke , are the file● the third , the fi●th , the seventh , &c. so still accounting the odde files , beginning with the outermost file to the 〈◊〉 ▪ * i is very necessary , still , so often as time will permit ; to instruct the souldiers , in the postures and the well handling of their armes . * each file-leader to lead up his file upon the first summons of the drum. * ever to observe to be even in ranke , and strait in file , and stand at the true distance . * fetching the ensigne to the head of the company . * souldiers ought to be very silent . first , the souldiers ought to have their due distance given them , with directions how most properly to performe . * facings , doublings , countermarches & wheelings wherein the souldier ought treatably to be instructed● the commander alwayes observing , what his souldiers are hee hath to deale withall , and to give h s directions accordingly . never striving to put more into the battle then it can conveniently hold * observe to march between each firing , & upon each figure , that may be convenient . * face about , or wh ele about , for to countermarch if any en my be n●●r , i● very dangerous . * wheele your flanks into the front if your souldiers have time enough , otherwi●e face to the reere , and charge pikes . * when the pikes shoulder the musketiers must observe to ranke even with them . * vpon this firing , advance pikes when there is but one file : and close forwards to the distance of order . * these kind of intervals ought to contain six foot in distance upon some other occasions , 12 foot is necessary . the hollow square . captain wallers firing . silence . vpon all motions be ●ure that the souldiers stand even in ranke and file . good words more available then blowes ▪ or ill language . the muskettie s make ready to give fi●e . ●etween each firing cause your body to march either in forme of ba●talia , extended in length : or upon any other figure , where it may conveniently be done without disorder . whosoever it be that teacheth the postures of the musket : ought to be very diligent , in his instruction , concerning the well managing of their a●mes : that they may not only fire to the front reere and flank : but that they observe order in their motion , which will better their execution . the file-leader if he have time may instruct his file in the distances and the severall motions . * by drawing fo●th ●ff loose files or otherwise . you may ei● t●●r draw forth the innermost or outermost at discretion . a discourse of military discipline devided into three boockes, declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier, and in each officer; servinge in the infantery, till the election and office of the captaine generall; and the laste booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande, as alsoe of firtifasions [sic]. composed by captaine gerat barry irish. barry, gerat. 1634 approx. 563 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 150 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a05146 stc 1528 estc s106980 99842685 99842685 7362 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a05146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7362) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 777:07) a discourse of military discipline devided into three boockes, declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier, and in each officer; servinge in the infantery, till the election and office of the captaine generall; and the laste booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande, as alsoe of firtifasions [sic]. composed by captaine gerat barry irish. barry, gerat. [10], 211, [17] p., [10] folded plates : ill. by the vvidovve of jhon mommart, at bruxells : m.dc.xxxiv. [1634] with an additional title page, engraved: militarie discipline composed by captaine gerat barry. .. the second and third books have divisional title pages; pagination and register are continuous. running title reads: military discipline. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bovttes en avant militarie discipline composed by captaine gerat barry . dedicated to the right honorable dauid barri earie of barri moar , viconte of buteuant , baron of ibaune , lorde of barri courte , and castelliones . 1634. brvxellis tipis iohanis mommarty . a discourse of military discipline , devided into three boockes , declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier , and in each officer ; servinge in the infantery , till the election and office of the captaine generall ; and the laste booke treatinge of fire ●ourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande , as alsoe of firtifasions . composed by captaine gerat barry irish. at bruxells , by the vvidovve of jhon mommart . m. dc . xxxiv . to the right honorable david barry . earle of barry-moor , viconte of butevante , baron of ibaune , lorde of barrycourte and castelliones , &c. righte honorable , havinge tried my fortune in foraigne nationes , thies thirty three yeares in this my presente profession of armes , in his catholike majesties service a monghste the spaniard , italian , and irish , meaninge the firste foure yeares in the real army of the ocean sea , and the other 29. yeares in the vvarres , and brave exploites of the lovve countries , and germany , as a souldior , princioner , aventajado , alferis , ajudāte , and captaine . novve beinge moved by certaine frendes , as alsoe by the greate affection i allvvayes had to this my presente profession of armes ; havinge intered so far into the blouddy boundes of mars . duringe vvhiche time i have imployed my selfe in gatheringe , notinge , and learninge oute of many brave auctors , as alsoe vvhate i have seene my selfe and otheres practised in vvarr , in many brave exploytes and rare incounters ; all vvhiche it oughte fitt to set dovvne in vvrithinge to inlighten my beloved countrimen . suche as are not skillful in vvarres , and are desirouse to inter into the noble profession of armes ; so that therby they may gather some instructiones , and vvith greater auctority and estimation acomplishe they re obligationes , ( vvherefore i make boulde to dedicate the same un to youre honour , ) vvhiche i vvoulde it vvere handled by a more perfecte souldier then my selfe ; soe that it may by the more agreable to youre incorrupted vertues , and noble inclination , acordinge to the obligation and love , vvherunto iam bounde , as a true and natural servante of youre honours , and specially for beinge decended from youre house , as alsoe for the general utility of youre honour and those of my nation , vvhich are inclined to this honorable exercise ; i have taken the paines to vvrite this volume entituled military discipline , in vvhich is contayned the observationes and obligationes of eache one servinge in the infantery ; biginenge vvith a private souldier to a captaine generall . hopinge youre honour vvill accepte this my vvillinge indevor under youre honours protection , vvith as vvillinge a mynde as i offer the same . beseechinge the almightie to bless yove vvithe longe life , and increase of vertue , that yove may follovve the true steppes , and undeniable prudence , hapines , brave conduction and cesar-like determinationes of youre predecessores , in beinge no inferior to them , but rather revive they re honour and parpetuall fame , as required and hoped of youre honorable birth and nobilitie , accordinge the greate exspectationes of youre frendes , and vvell vvisheres , to increase the honour of youre house . in leavinge a perpetuall memory to all posterity of youre honoures happie proceedinges , as i youre homble servante , and many more of youre frendes vvisheth both to see and heere . dated at the courte of bruxells the firste of may. 1634. youre honoures moste homble servante capt. gerat barry . to the reader . gentle reader , be diligente in a plienge youre selfe in the noble profession of armes , that youre proceedinges may the better prosper , and commaunde with prudence and auctority , and i will in devoure to inlighten yove withe more particularities of this arte ; soe that yove may the sooner conceive the difficulties and obscurity of many deepe secretes of this noble profession : and consider that there is nothinge soe difficill but that continuall use and exercice facilitateth the same . it is true that many who have spente the moste parte of they re time in the profession of armes ; not with standinge they are ingnorante , and unable in accomplishinge withe they re obligationes with prudence and auctority , and that is resultinge of they re idle life , and litle desire in well employenge there time , and for to hide theyr rude ingnorance , and litle skill in warr they are wonte to floute , and mocke at those of approved partes and sufficiency . suche fellowes moste comonly in occasiones and incounteres with the enemy , ( are puseled and amased ) and all moste oute of they re wittes , and that resultinge of they re rude ingnorance , and litle perfection in warr . not soe with the prudente and experimented souldier , who in time of moste neede withe a setled mynde maketh notoriouse his resolute determinationes and perfection . suche brave conductores of vertues and prudente cariadge are to by imitated , for that to all posterity they leave a memory of they re renoumed actes ; soe this fruite of my laboure and longe practice in warr , togither with the desire and affection i allwayes had to inlighten my belooved contrimen , and others who are inclined to this arte . i doe protecte under the defence of those of renoumed actes , prudente cariadge and perfection in warr . and not to those inclined to murmur , and full of burninge flames of diabolicall malice ; sheowinge a milde and amiable countenance , and in they re deedes infected with pestrificall , ambition , and emulation . the heavens are grived , and hell rejoyseth for they re wicked poysoned rancor . they leave to all posterity a memorie of they re bad and odiouse iuclinationes , they are hated by those of verteouse life , goode applicationes , and prudente cariadge , and moste comonly they finish they re lives with a tormented and miserable ende . qualis vita , finis ita . the firste booke treatinge of military discipline composed by capt. gerat barry irish. the firste chap. declaringe the partes and sufficiency required in aprivat souldior . he which intereth into the noble profession of armes firste and principally oughte to by agoode christian , fearefull of god and devoute , that therby his proceedinges may the better prevaile , and finish with ahappy ende . secondly to buylde his valerouse determinationes with a constante and uncorrupted zeale in servinge his prince with geeat love and punctuality . alsoe to by obediente to his officeres from the loweste to the higheste in degree . if otherwise he by inclined he erreth much , yea and harelly all the goode part●s in him can prosper . litle or no a peerance can by of his furtherance or goode success , hardly any body can truste in him , or hope of any goode proceedinges of his , hee is to by litle esteemed in referinge to his chardge any office or comaunde ; no man of qualitie and goode partes can truste in him , or keepe him company . hee which intered into this noble profession of armes oughte to shun eschewe and forsake all basenes imagined and thought of manes mynde . and he oughte diligently to applee him self to learne the arte of warr , from whence proceedeth all nobilitie , and wherby , many men of lowe degrees and base linadge haue attayned into high degrees dingnitie and fame , as caius marius decended of poore and vile parentes in a viladge of the arpines , came to by a romaine emperor ; and trough his vertue . valincian a po●●e man is son of cibaly in hongari came into the licke dingnitie , and alsoe maximino borne in a poure castel in thrasia , nicolas pichino a boucheres son by his vertue and valor , came to by captaine generall of philipp viconte ducke of milan is army and of all the potentates of italie . the senoria of venecia was governed by francisco carmanola a poure man is son , and that trough his prudence and valor . many more borne of loe degre , and base linadge , came into the licke and semblable dingnity , and creditt , and raised unto honorable degrees and reputation , of perpetuall memory . so let none by ingnorante , that vertue valeur prudente and braue conduction is the true . way of proceedinge in the noble profession of armes . let him alwayes with a pure and senseare harte aboue all thinges by carefull to serue god , for although all professions are therunto bounde , yet none more deeply then the braue souldior , whose actiones are day and nighte in danger of death , ( more then anny other ) and douptles he that soe doth a complish , fighteth with a more resolute determination , and suche men moste comonly are a fisted by the divine power : fighting in a iuste cause , and with a cleere conscience ; wher of there have beene to many examples , which i have read in antciēte auctores , and noted my self the same in many incounteres . he is alwayes bounde to by carefull , and vigilante in acomplishing his obligationes , and principally to by obediente . for mishinge this pointe , the other goode partes whiche in him do ocurr are of litle or noe estimation . aboue all thinges lett him alwayes liue in the feare of god , and let him by no blasphemer , for in this worlde it is moste o diouse , and can not escape withoute severe punishmente of his divine majestie . wherof theyr have beene many examples and we see that such blasphemers in the warres are shot in the mouth , or receive other impedimentes in the same , and comonly dee a moste miserable death , for theyr wicked a customed inclination to that diabolicall vice . lett him by carefull to chuse to his comarades and fellowes oulde souldiers if posible , and men well acquainted , and of good conditiō , and to by yerie carefull that they bee no factioners nor mutineres , whose company are more dangerouse then the divell , he is to by quiet and frindly , and rather seveare then licentiouse in spiches , for such like persones moste comonly doe loose there estimation togither with theyr owne quietnes , and are wonte to have many un happiecrosses in this worlde , and to be litle reputed , and hardly can prosper as wee dayly see . in his diet let him not by to couriouse nor inclined to delicate meates , rather to distribute , well his meanes and contente him selfe with such provitiones , as the campe or place shall affourde , for those that are given to there belly , and to the unsatiable vice of drunknes are apte for nothing , and moste comonlie are subject to many disgraces , wherof theyr are many examples . prisco captaine of maurish , emperor of constantinopla , a prehended and defeated the kinge of mosaquio de salabia , and his army , who beinge blinde drunk with drinking to muche wine in the selebratinge of a certaine sacrifice don for the soule of a brouther of mosaquio . which bienge killed the eveninge before in a certaine skirmish , and the victorious soulders havinge ended theyr , figt they fell to eatinge and drinkinge , and for that vice , and there litle care , and beeinge found unprovided and forgetfull in a complishinge there obligation were defeated , as many more unsatiable drunkardes and gluttons have beene . there contraries supposinge afterwardes to finde they re enemy in the like trap , with the like forgetfulnes wherin they were founde . thinkinge and consideringe that they were a smale distance of . they determined to turne , and fall uppon them , and revenge them selfes , and release they re kinge or die in his recoveringe , which they agried uppon with a resolute determination : soe that prisco nor none of his shoulde escape , and had itt not beene for a captaine of horse named gencono who beeinge hoth prudente and experiment in warr . comaunded that those under his chardge shoulde in no manner take anny liberty in not acomplishinge , with they re military obligationes . wherof hee and his officers tooke a spetiall care ; so that at the arivinge of his enemy , and determined to fall on with greate fury , he fell on them with greate couradge , and constrayned them ro retire , and turne they re backes . and with the like or semblable fortune tomires queene of the scithians did overcom kinge ciro , and his three hondereth thousande persians in they re slugish , and beastely drunknes , who came to revenge the death of sargapiso hir son , who beeinge before slaine by ciro , and the selfe same succes happened achab kinge of iraell againste kinge benado of ciria , so that trough the inclination which som have to this vice causeth greate disorders , destruction of the co●on wealth , and rebelliones , wherof they re are many exāples , not contentinge them selues with the ability of they re poore hoste , wher by greate scandles do offten tymes arise , causinge townes citties , and provences to revolte from theyr prinses , by resultinge of thies unsatiable drunckardes , which un ruly disorderes and filthy examples are to by well looked unto , and severely punished ; the tirantinos for this vice drived a way the romaines , and they re captaine cajo lucio , and rendered them to haniball his enemye . abidio casio did soe seaverely punishe his souldieres for they re disorders and insolences , that in five dayes space he cocomaunded to hange al moste the one hause of his army , for theyr robberies , and unruly factes comited a gainste the contry people : whiche severitie caused the enemy townes to yealed unto him , and with willinge myndes provided his army vvith vituales , and all other necessaries pesenio niger for takinge a cocke per force from they re hosste condemned to death a vvhole comarade of souldieres , marques de pescaro comaunded to cutt of the eares of a souldier of his for leavinge his order in marchinge , and for his intente to make spoyle in a villadge , ( vvhere he vvas aprehēded ) the souldier repleeinge to the marques that he vvoulde rather suffer death then receive such an offronte , to vvhiche the marques condecended presently , and commaunded to hange him in the firste tree ; greate tamberlan punished soe severlie one of his souldieres for the like or semblable offence , that the rigor therof did soe corecte and feare his vvhole army , that vvhere his campe did continue three dayes to gither , a tree full loaded vvhith fruite at there departeture remayned vvhole and untouched ( a mervayllouse example to all souldiores to imitate this vertue ) and abstaine from all disordered apetites , and patiently with greate couradge to indure hunger and misery , when extreame necessitie , soe requireth , as did the army of cesar in the seedge of abarico in france , vvho seeinge the emperor , takinge greate greefe and compassion of they re hunger , for vvhich cause he vvas determined to retire his campe ; vvhereunto they vvoulde by no meanes condecend , re pleeinge that firste they shoulde finish they re lives by chance of cruell fortune or hunger , rather then give overtheyre interprice . and vvith the like constancie valerouse and noble determination they tooke in duraco , eatinge earbes and rootes : in the honorable regaininge of breda by spinola many examples may by given of the necessitie of they re souldiores , and greate constancie , vvhere ihave seene many brave souldiores compelled to extreame and intolerable necessitie , and neverthelesh vvoed that they shoulde rather die in that honorable acte then spott they re honor by runninge a vvay in suche a famouse ocation of perpetuall memorie . marques de pescora vvith his ovvne handes kiled tvvo souldieres findinge them forceinge a gentle vvooman decended of noble linadge in the sacke or tacking of genoua . let him bee carefull to by vvell armed if posible beeing both honorable and profitable , and that besides it licketh much his superiores ; alsoe let him bee carefull in vvell a parelinge him selfe , a cordinge to his a bilitie and pay , and in no case let him hy not overloaden vvith muche b●gadge vvhiche is agreate empedimente in o cationes of marchinge , and specially in tyme of service . for wee dayly see that trough to much bagadge the whole army is often tymes troubled , and of the same resulteth many disgraces , and somtimes is wholy loste . it importeth much an honorable souldier to goe as lighte as may bee posible , without anny impedimente that shoulde cause him to bee absente from his coulors . much bagadge in o cationes of march causeth much trouble and care , and specially when it is loste as often times happened . he is to be carefull and vigilante in keepinge his culores or watch with greate puntualitie , and beeinge imployed in centery or rounde let him by verie warie in a complishinge his obligaciones , and specially not to fall a sleepe for beeinge soe founde it lieth in the disgression of the officer to use him a cordinge his desert , as did phirates in corinto going in the rounde of that cittie , and findinge a souldier a ●leepe killed him , when other wise the leaste affronte he coulde have , was to bee in publike punished , and that for example to the reste , that are not wourdie to carie armes for ther carelesh mindes and litle honor . let him looke well not to refuse his officieres beinge comaunded in o cationes of his majesties service , and be no meanes let him not by absente from his garde beinge on the watch withoute licence of his officer , though he thinketh the place to bee peasable , and of no suspicion . if he thincketh to goe forwarde , or to bee prefered in this arte he profesheth , he is to a complish with greate care and punctualitie his obligationes , that bee his care and diligence he may dayly hope of better prefermente . let him consider that oure predecessores were not captaines nor master de campes , nor that they were borne vvith thies offices but rather vvith goode partes , dilgence and goode service optained the same honorablie . let him not marry if he hopeth to a complish vvell his obligationes , or to bee prefered , for in o cationes of march if shee goe a longe vvith him hardlie can he vvell a complish with his obligationes , if his meanes be litle and beinge chardged vvith many children , consider vvhate and how many crosses shall happen , and he muste of force neglecte in a complishinge the obligationes of an honorable souldior in the righte performance of the kinges service , or forgoe his wife and children , for he hath inough in a complishinge vvell vvith the one , and give over the other . in the corpes de garde he is to behave him selfe sober and honeste , and looke vvell that he fall not unto any quareles , for they re he giveth bad example , as alsoe sheoweth litle respecte to his majesties service , and seemeth that he neyther feareth nor respected his officeres . wherfore the officer is to punish him , for suche as are given to quareles in suche places are moste comonly accounted for couardes , for it is knowen that suche places is not for quareles , nor fightinge , nor by no meanes can be permited , and so suche as are given to quareles in suche or semblabel places , are a compted for couardes , and for men of litle expectation of theyer valor before they re enemy , and ought not to escape vvithoute severe punishmente . he is to be earneste to imitate the goode partes , and verteuse cariadge of those vvhich raise unto degrees by they re prudente govermente , and to marke those that are daylie declininge ttough theyr bad and unruly factes ; litle fearinge god or man. of such persones litle expectation can be of they re furtherance , or happie success , but rather hated and envied by god and the vvorlde ; so let him allwayes imitate te beste . in all places in townes , citties , or villadges where he is lodged , let him by kinde and amiable vvith his hoste , and let him demaunde for no delicate meates nor regalose , as som are incliued unto , but rather conforme him selfe with his hoste : for all thinges don vvith amitie in thies ocationes is far better , and more laudable then rigor , and disorderes . wherof often times resulteth greate scandeles , disgraces , and revoltes . if it shoulde chance , as som times happened that his patr●o● or hoste shoulde be aman of unreasonable conditiones , let the souldier then repayre to his officer that he might by changed into another place , or els see his cause remedied better . if it be his chance to happen in the expuungnation of any cittie towne or forte , let him not be avaritions but rather folowe and persue the victorie untill such time as his contrarie be wholy yealded , and licēce granted to the spoyle and sacke . wherin he shall sheowe him selfe neyther covetouse nor cruell , ( as many gacelesh souldiores doe ) who vvithoute feare or respecte of god or man doe spare no kinde of crueltie uncomitted ) with bestiall ravismente both of maydes and vvoomen , vvholie givin to they re bruthis inclination withoute concience , reason , or consideration : like vvicked and blinde men , robbinge , of ch●nges and monasteries built for divine sacrifice . wholy given to they re disordered filthy a petites , and murtheringe of poore people , and inoo●tes yealded , which rather to the contrarie they shoulde sheowe them selves fearefull of god , and mercifull to the homble vanquised , and ra●●er defende them then offēde them , and in particular the honce● of woomen , as did don pedro conde de feria in the expanguation of du●● , brought all the woomen to the church of that towne , and defended them from the furie of the emperores people , vvho at that time re-resolved to put all to the sowrde . if in batteries , assaultes , or in counteres be shall happen to overcome his enemy . let him be of a generouse determination and set all his care in executinge the victorie , and in no vvife to attende the spoyle , nor leaue his order as doe many nowe adayes , like 〈◊〉 and base factioneres to the greate dishonor of the action and losh of ●●ly●●lives , and of litle regarde of they re owne honor and reputation . he is to serve and fighte in his prince his cause and de●gnes with afection and constancie , and he is not to 〈◊〉 vvhether the ●po●e by juste or unjuste , soe that it by not againste godes true religion . but in such o cation he is to looke vvell to his conscience , and to be vvel advised , for godes cause is to be loocked unto aboue all thinges . in all ocationes that shall happen or falle oute in the courses of vvarr , and specially in travailes and adversities , he is peri●h●ly to indure and suffer them . that therby his vertue may 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 knowen the uncorrupted affection he beareth to his prince , in acomplishinge his obligationes , vvith a generouse minde and 〈◊〉 constancie , not murmuringe of his sloe paymente 〈◊〉 ●e compelled to stande in greate nede therof . and specially let him be moste carefull not to yealde , or by any meanes give eare to mutenies or rebelliones , whiche sometimes resulte of suche cases , and vvhose ende moste comonly is sheamefull death , vvher of there have beene toe many examples . he whiche intereth in to this noble profession of vvarr oughte sence the day of his asentasion to serve his prince with greate loue and loyaltie , and obey his officeres and willinglie fighte for a juste cause , for suche vertues seeme to be a similitude of a generouse minde , and true religion . as platon saieth that loue and obedience are signes of a high ; and generouse minde , and he that wanted the vertue of obedience is un wourdie of this name , for cause that trough disobedience resulteth the greatheste disgrace than can happen to an army . let him be careful bin not murmuringe nor speaking ill of any officer of his nor of any that serveth his prince , for it seemeth a bad custome ; resultinge of litle prudence and respecte , to speake ill of him whome he is bounde to defende , and by whome he is to by governed , and comounded , but rather honor and respecte him : though his vertue and goode partes are not agreeable to his obligationes , neverthelesh for beinge a minister to his prince he is thereunto bounde . let him by no meanes trough his comarades wife , nor for any thinge that shoulde give him lawfull occation of discontentemente , because that of suche like inconueniences and disordered apetites resulteth many quareles and scandeles amonghste souldieres , and oftener kill one another trough the same ; then for any other o cation . neyther is he to receive the boy of another withoute licence , so that thereby he may the better acomplish his masteres service . in all ocationes of marchinge , skirmish incounteres , or assaultes with the enemy by force of armes , all officieres are to by obeyed and respected for it belongeth to them or any of them to see all thinges well ordered ; and specially where they re devitiones fall . not onelie those of his company , or regimente , but whosoever of the army , ( beinge so comodiouse for the kinges service . ) in such semblable occationes let him not stande uppon termes , not disputes as some doe , in sayinge do not knowe youe for my officer ▪ let him not by ingnorante therin , because that the officer may lawfully punish him , for if otherwise it falleth oute , and that the officer doth complaine of him to the higher superiores , he shall by reprehended for his ingnorance , for because that at all times and occationes his owne officieres can not be presente , wherfore he is to obey all officeres . let him exercise him selfe in all sorte of weapones , and of them let him choose the armes whereunto he is moste a fected , and findeth more fit for his purpose , the pike and coselett a mongste foote men is of moste estimation , for beinge the moste firmeste to defende and mantaine a place beinge vvell ordered and sett ; and specially againste the furie of horse . of manual firie weapons the musket is of greateste execution , nexte to the same the caliver , both which are to in viron , and line the pikes in they re due devitiones , a cordinge as time place and occation shall require . let him practice him selfe in eache sorte of weapon , to imitate as neere as posible the ianisaros turcos , who were moste experte in armes trough they re continuall exercice ; and let him frequente the sworde and target , and specially i woulde vvish oure irish to frequente the same for beinge more inclined to this sorte of weapō more then a ny other nation , and besides that of all nationes none are more fitt for the same , nor more resolute . this vveapon is of greate importance in many occationes , and specially when men close togither , or to vive or recnoledge a ny narowe or straighte pasadge or place as trenches , fortes , batteries , assaultes , encamisada , and for other purposes in warr ; and specially a boute the cullores or to defende or offende in a ny narow place . let him alwayes a plie him selfe vvith affection to vvarlike exercices , because that vertue exeleth fortune , and it avayleth him , much to reade histories , and to be experte in aritmeticke , for it doth both revive and perfectionate manes vvitt . there be shall he understande the cariadge , prudence , and valor of braue men , and base inclination of bad persones , the alteration or decayinge of kingdomes , and comon vvealthes , the braue and prudente conduction and stratagemes of battelles , both vvon and loste , the vertue and valcor of the renoomed , the shame and infamie of the vile , the maner and use of ancient and moderne vvarres vvith the stratagemes used both for the one and the other . if he happen to be at the siedge or takinge of any stronge place or fortress , he is diligentlie to vive , the scituation the orderes and industrie used for the defence therof ; and the stratagemes used for the vvininge of the same ; consideringe thiese aforesaide and many more used in vvarres , and that vvhich toucheth everie officer in particular , even from a corporal to a captaine generall , to the ende he may be perfecte in the arte he profeseth , that by his vertue he may be advaunced into greater dingnitie ; sith that this arte he profesheth is the moother and true fundation of nobilitie . therfore reason it is that it be perfectly understoode of the professores and followeres therof , seinge that the practice of mecanicall artes do folowe the same order and course to come to the cunninge of they re crafte . and that besides that no man can reduce into perfection those thinges wherof he is ingnorante , and knoweth not the arte , vvithoute much practice , and specially in this soe noble and couriouse arte , who for the executiones therof , vvith prudence and auctoritie is required both longe and diligent practice and theorike . it importeth him muche to be a goode swimer which is one of the foure qualities required in a souldier , to be rebuste or stronge of boddy , nemble and skillfull in armes , and obediente , thies are the foure qualities a foresaide required in a souldier . thus yove see who manny goode and honorable partes are vvished to be in a perfecte souldier , not learned be heersay nor gained withe ease and vaine glorie , but rather in a plienge him selfe well vvith affection , care , diligence , valor , and practice , and specially perfected with learninge and longe exercice in vvarr . the seconde chap. treatinge of the election and office of a corporal in a companie of infanterie . the office of a corporal is verie antciente for in times paste in the electiones made of captaines of infanterie in they re reall patentes , no officeres were elected with them but corporales , and afterwardes were elected the offices of alferifes , and sardgentes ; in the election of the a foresaied officeres the captaine oughte to doe it with great consideracion , and to choose those of greatest vertue and experiēce , to the ende he mighte be the more beloved and respeed : geevinge them goode exāples , and instructiones , procuring to pacifie they re quarelles , that they may still live in unitie and love licke bretherin . he is to procure that his squadron be devided into comarades and live togither in theyr lodginges and all other places vvithe greate conformitie and love : and if a ny contraversies shoulde happen or a rise betwext them , he is to be verie earneste to see it pacified vvithoute delay , and if in case a ny disorderes shoulde fall oute that he can not remedy : let him vvithoute delay repaire to his sardgent , alferis , or captaine vvhich of them firste he can finde , soe that the quarell may be a comotaded in due time . let him be carefull to see that they re armor be neate and servisable , vvithoute a ny empediment or let , that he may be readie vvith the same all times and occationes . let him not truste onelie to the rowle of his squadron , but rather learne everie souldieres name in memorie , and where each one lodgedh . let him teach and instructe the bisones and rawe men who to handle they re armes , and by experte in the same to a compilsh vvith they re kinge , and alsoe for they re one honor , utilitie , and defence . he is alsoe to by carefull to knowe the qualitie and condicion of eache one of his squadron , for beinge employed in convoy or a ny other separated service , vvherof he is to give a compte . if in his squadron they re be a ny disordered fellowes ; and it is alsoe necessary that he knoweth such as are soe inclined to prevente remedie a ganiste they re unruly disordered apetites . a corporall or cavo de esquadra beinge employed vvith his squadron in convoyes or a ny seperated vvatch let none be ingnorante that he is to oversee and correcte all disorderes comitted , beinge in o cationes of his majesties service ; or for any other kinde of disorder committed , for he is the person that muste yealde accompte to his superior of all that is refered to his chardge : wherfore he is to comaunde resolutely such as are comitted to his care and chardge , whome they are to obey and observe his orderes in all that he comaundeth touchinge his majeties service , and vvhosoever shoulde not obey his directiones as a foresaied of those under his chardge , if be faire meanes he doeth not a complish . let him severelie punish him with the sworde , but in no case maine the souldier as some raish and unconsiderate officeres doeth : but let him alwayes see vvho he comaunded , and a complished the contentes of the order given him a cordinge as discression time and the occation shall require ( and not otherwise . trouh much libertie wee dayly see resulte many disorderes , wherefore obedience muste be observed , and seaveritie minstred , but that vvith greate concideration and equitie , rather then vvith raishnes and litle prudence . for som times some officeres trough they re auctoritie blinde and sinister , understandinge doe comit faultes , but the souldier alwayes is bounde in obedience to his superiores , but nothinge the furder in optaininge iustic . all vituales and amunitiones that shall be delivered by the sardgentor furiell to the corporal , he shall with equalitie devide and distribute the same betwexte the souldieres of his squadron , vvithoute any fraude or parcialitie , and procure that they a comodate them selves in all places vvith amitie like true companiones , and let him selfe in vvourde and deede be carefull and lovinge towardes them , so shall he by the better reputed both by his superiores and inferiores . those that are bisones or rawe men , he is to be carefull in instructinge them , in handelinge they re armes , and who to serve whith the same because he is to instructe him to stande in his centerie , and who to a complishe his obligationes , to have his peece ready chardged and primmed , and to cock his burninge matche , and soe to presente his peece and who : and beinge a pickemam to terciar or chardge his picke . when the rounde comes let him demaunde for the wourde ▪ and vvith soe lowe a voice in receivinge or givenge the same , that they may understande one a nother and no higher . the thirde chap. treatinge of the office of asardgente of a companie of infanterie . in the election of a sardgente it is verie requisite for his majesties service that the captaine choose one of goode partes , and approoved suficiencie , consistinge in him the moste parte of the observationes of militarie discipline . for it is his office to execute the orderes given be his superiores ; wherfore it importeth he be not chosen , by favor nor affection , hut rather trough his valor and longe experience in warr : beinge soe chosen it is a greate repose to his captaine and alferis , and all other executiones shall have the better success . it importeth much that he doe reade and vvrite for many respectes , otherwise hardlie can he vvell performe his office : it importeth alsoe that he be skilfull in martiall matteres , yea and of soe greate importance , that more tollerable it were that all the other officieres of the company were it the captaine him selfe to be rawe men , and of litle experiencie , but the sardgente not soe , who of necessitie oughte to be of approved partes greate care and punctualitie in executinge the orderes given hy his superiores , consistinge in the suficiencie and care in him required . it belongeth to him the devitiones of the squadrones of his company , and see that each souldier do serve with his complet armes assented on him in the kinges liste , he is to oversee whith care and diligence all disorderes comitted in his company , and reprehende factioneres , and not dismeasure him selfe in the same : but rather with moderation to redresh and a comodate all disorderes , and eavell ocationes which shall occurr . in ranckinge and orderinge each sorte of weapon , there are sundrie maner of , wayes for they re devitiones , but allwayes let him put eache sorte of weapō by it self . touchinge they re devitiones , and who they shall be ordered , ( shall by at lardge declared in the office of the sardgent mayor . ) let him be alwayes carefull in the devition of his pickes , in puttinge or plasinge in the vangarde , retegarde , and two flankes theyr beste armed corseletes , and the ensigne or culores in the center . but in offeringe of occation , of framinge of a squadron he shall observe the order given be the sardgent mayor : sheowinge him selfe with grea● diligence , and care in a complishinge whate is refered to his chardge , in soe doenge he merite the honor and reputation , and doinge the contrarie , dishonor and shame , wherof resulteth disorderes and loosinge of muche time , and cause of greate discontentemente for not acomplishinge and observinge the orderes given . when ocacation offereth he is to fighte as vvel as the reste , choysinge a convenient place that he may returne to his office , for it is verie necessarie that he accomplish the obligation , of a prudente carefull , and vigilant souldier . he shall goe galantlie withe a faire millan hedpeece , and an extraordinarie good collet , and a halbart or geneton . but be reason of his overmuch travell and paines his armes by no meanes oughte to by heavie , for if they be soe , hardlye can he well execute his office . with care and diligence he shall execute in due time the orderes given by his superiores , not missinge any pointe therin , and if at one time two or three severall officeres give him order , let him followe the order given be the higher officer , if it be not recauled ; or that he seethe the occation to be of importance to his majesties service . he is to have alwayes aboute him a liste of all the souldieres of his company squadron by squadron , alsoe he is to be carefull to knowe where every one lodgeth , and whate comarades are togither in eache lodginge , and that for many respectes . he shall and oughte diligentlie to reprehende and procure to drive oute of the company all factioneres if they doe not a mindd , as theeves , dronkardes , quarleres , and revolteres for they are moste discomodiouse for his majesties service ; besides they doe noe goode , butt are rather dangerouse . for they are meanes to learne others theyr office , and moste odious kinde of life ; and drawe them to imitate there base factes . he is to be verie carefull in all ocationes of marchinge and imbattellinge , to instructe his souldieres to punctually keepe they re ranckes observe distance and file , to handell well and serve with they re armes , and to be verie varie to instructe suche as are ingnorante : whiche for the moste parte resulteth of the litle sufficiencie and care of some sardgentes chosen be favor or affection . for wee see that some souldieres of longe time have served , and knovved not who to handell they re armes , nor serve with the same in time of neede , which resulte of the litle regarde suche persones have of they re honor , and litle hope to by advaunced troughe they re goode partes : but in thies occationes and in many more the sardgente beinge one that knowethe who to complie well with his dutie and office , can redress thies greate faultes . butt oherwise he beinge unable , yove shall finde under his chardge some souldieres that in cominge before ther enemy , when occation offer ; they neyther knowe howe to handell they re armes , nor serve with the same as before spoken . to prevente thies and many more faultes , the captaine beinge vigilante and prudente , ought to by in formed of everie thinge in particular , of his inferior officeres , and he beinge carefull he can prevente eache particular , and see them redreste in due time . soe shall he be the more respected and beloved be the honorable souldieres of his companie , and shall with the more resolutiō fall on his enemy when occation is offered , and alsoe shall manifeste his care and affection in his majesties service . if he shall of his owne motive a prehende any souldier and acquaintinge his captanie there with , or any other superior ; let him in no case , put him at libertie , but afterwardes it apertaineth to him to procure his libertie , by faire meanes . let him by no meanes displace any souldier from his lodginge to put an o ther in his place , for it lieth not in his power withoute licence of his captaine for he hath no auctoritie to drive one oute , and to accommodate an other in his place , besides it is an ocation of greate discontentemente , excepte he put him oute for disorderes comited betwexte him , and his hoste or comarades ; for that lodginge is given him by the prince , and if he be driven oute for an unjuste cause and makinge his complainte to the master de campe or colonell he shall give him licence to chāge his place into an o ther company for the wronge don unto him , and his captaine may by justely reprehended for not ministringe justice . he shall permit noe souldier to put of his armes enteringe into the watch till the alferis firste be disarmed . in garison the wourde is not to be given , till the gates be shutt , nor in campana til the houre apointed be the sardgent mayor to sett the sinteries , and that to be verie late . till this houre all oughte to be in armes . in givinge the wourde in all places of importance . it is moste required that itt be given with greate silence for many respectes . in receivinge the wourde from his superior officere● ▪ let him be carefull not to forget the same , besides that it is discom●diouse for his majesties service , and it shall by toughte that suche a ●aulte shall resulte of the litle care in him . interinge into a cittie towne or place where he shall inter with his company , he oughte to visite and knowe where the ●inte●ies shall be placed , and the course of the roundes , as shall be a pointed and or dayned be the sardgent mayor , alsoe he shall with greate punctualitie and care procure to a complish and execute in due time all the orderes given be the sardgent mayor , that therby he may by the more honored and affected , besides that it is his obligation . let him beware not to be cruell nor inviouse to his souldieres which is a token of a bad inclination and nature , and of officeres of litle vertue . if by chance he shoulde by angrie with any souldier of his , ( in turninge his backe he is to forget that furie ) and afterwardes sheowe him selfe amiable and lovinge , and soe they cominge to the knoledge of his homoures , they shall have the more eare not to anger him ; and if other wise he sheowe him selfe rigorouse , and inclined to be revenged , tbey will run away , and he shall fall into disgrace , and shall be hated by his captaine . let him be no meanes presume to slashe or cutt souldieres with his swourde , exepte uppon juste occationes in his majesties service , and specially in disputes of plea , or any other particular quarell of his owne . in suche and semblable ocationes let him looke wel to him self , for the souldier in such a particular oweth him but litle respecte or none at all beinge therunto constrained , for a souldier is to defende his life and honor for whiche none can blame him beinge of force thereunto constrayned . the fourthe chap. treatinge of the election and office of an alferish of a companie of infanterie . the chardge and office of an alferis or ansign bearer of a companie of infanterie is to be reputed as a captaines leftenant in whose choysinge , his captaine is to have many and greate considerationes . for not onelie suche a one oughte to by agoo de souldier , and of boulde and valerouse determinationes , but to by his equal if it may be ; both in vertue and discresion ) because that oftentimes in his absence the govermente of the company dothe belonge to this officer ; and for as much as the ansigne is the true fundation of the company , and that in the same consisteth the honor both of his and of his souldieres reputasion . it is necessarie that he , unto whome this office is comitted have in him the a proved partes wissed in a brave souldier . for the greate truste in him reputed , and that in his captaines absence he ruleth , and governeth the companie , and from him the sardgente and corporales are to receive the orderes ; as they doe from they re captaine but the alferis is not to set at libertie any prisoner withoute consente or licence of his captaine , or other superior officeres , neyther is he to give licence to any souldier to leave the company . it is necessary to whome this so honorable a chardge is recomended never to a banden it as many brave fellowes have don to they re perpetuall fame and glorie . he oughte to goe galante and well armed for many respectes , as in day of battell , or in giveng an assaulte , or in marchinge before his kinge or c●ptaine generall . in ocationes of fightinge withe his enemy , he is to sheow him selfe dreadfull and terrible , with his sowrde in the righte hande , and his culores in the lefte , bravely displaying the same ; sheowinge him selfe valiante , and givenge goode examples to the souldieres , and animatinge them , he is to live and die in defence of the same , with a resolute mynde and brave determination , as did the alferis of oloa in the battell given be conde don gomes , and don pedro de lara , for the queene uraca of castilla againste don alonso kinge of aragon hir husband , in whiche they were overcome , and the conde slayne cutinge of the two handes of this gentleman to quite him of his culores untill which time he never yealded , after which cruell woundes he embrased his culores betwext his armes , and as did an alferis tudesco in the incounter which kinge don fernando de napoles had with the frence and dutch , with his righte hande cutt of , and the leifte sore wounded ; and findinge that he coulde doe no more , greepte the culores with his teeth , and toucke houlde at the same till he was slaine . in garison the day that he is to enter unto the watch with his company ; that morninge he is to putt or displaye his culores in his windowe , that it mighte be seene by the souldieres of his company , for a true token that that nighte he shall inter the watch , and in settinge the watch he oughte not to disarme him selfe till the gates be shutt , nor in campan̄a till the wourde be given , and all thinges provided . his souldieres oughte to imitate him beinge therunto bounde , he givinge them allwayes goode examples and instructiones . he oughte to honor and respecte his captaine , and a complish his orderes with love and punctualitie , beinge therunto bounde , for the honor don unto him , which his father beinge captaine coulde doe no more , for no greater honor coulde he give then referinge to his chardge the kinges culores . wherfore the alferis is to forbeare with his captaine in many disputes which happen , rather then sheowe him selfe ungratefull , as some unconsiderate fellowes doe . the verie same woulde he wish to him self if he came to that dingnitie and chardge , he is to make muche of the drummeres , and fifes because he may by sure to finde them when ocation is offered , and that he and the captaine shall see them contented for feare they run a way , concideringe the greate neede he hath of them . he is to garde his culores well in all places , and tacke a speciall care of the same . let it be before they re eyes that they may see itt , for the watch is not a pointed for his person , but for the securitie of his culores ▪ hardly can they give a compte of the same exepte they see itt , neyther doth the souldier vvell a complish his obligation excepte itt be soe . it is necessary that he by a man of goode partes , verteuse , of goode govermente and examples ; for thies are required in him , for in the absence of the captaine the govermente of the company a perteineth to him . for he is to give the orderes , and directiones to the sardgent , corporalles , and souldieres of his company ; for one to dishardge well this office it cā be with the greater facilitie and auctoritie , havinge exercised himselfe in the manadgeinge , practice , and executinge of other offices and degrees ; and douptles it doth further and helpe him in his executiones , that he findeth greater ease in reducinge unto perfection whatesoever shall be recomēded to his chardge ; though he can not sometimes but file the smarte of his overmuche travaile , care , and punctualitie . yett is he vvel pleased and contented , seeinge that his chardge is vvell governed and a complished . the office of an alferis or ansigne bearer is an honorable chardge , and in the muster he is not to empatch him self in the same nor sitt , neyther take , chardge of listinge or vvritinge , excepte urgente necessitie constraine him thereunto . for itt a pertaineth to the furiell , he is still to be armed with his vanable in hande duringe the time his company passeth muster ; allwayes lookinge to his coloures , and ordaine to garde the same vvith the firste souldieres of his company , that shall pass muster , and soe succescivelie shall be releeved by those that folowe one after an other , and the sardgent is to procure that the company pass in order , and vvith speede as they are called by the comessary , for beinge therunto bounde ; and eache one shall attend in a complishinge his obligation , that thinges may be the better ordered and dulie finished as it is required . it is necessarie knoweth the houses vvhere his company , doth lodge , and the comarades of each lodginge , and nowe and then to visite them , and informe vvho they live ; that thereby he may the better knowe the qualitie goode and badd conditiones of each ; that thereby each one mighte be honored and prefered a cordinge as he deserveth . he is alsoe bound to qualifie bee faire meanes some disputes vvhich happen betwexte them , and the sardgente ; for vvhiche disputes sometimes when it comes to the captaines eares , he is alsoe offended vvith them . to prevēte the one and the other the alferis oughte to visite them and to by a mediator to pascify all ; and specially to satisfie and contente the souldieres , so that they may have no ocation to run a vvay . for if every officer fall uppon them and none take they re parte they muste of force by grived ; and perhapes run a way . wherfore it is necessary and untill that the alferis be carefull as a mediator to a peace thies contraversies . it is verie necessarie he be a cōpanied still with goode comarades , men chosen of goode behavioure valerouse , and of brave and resolute determinationes , for none is more bounde to have suche comarades then he ; for in offeringe of ocationes of inconuteres a saultes or battell with the enemy they are to assiste and keepe him with a more willenge minde , in the assaulte or winninge of a any towne or forte of emportance , he is not to putt his colours in any place till the furie of the enemy be wholie vanquised ▪ orderlie and prudentlie a comodated and prevented , and when all the furie is paste and dulie prevented , he shall putt in his coloures into his lodginge , and display the same in the windowe nexte unto the streete , that the captaine , officereres , and souldieres may note , and marcke where the coloures are ; to repaire unto with speede when o catiō offereth . and alwayes let him be verie carefull to ordaine a good garde for the same , and that he him selfe shall looke well thereunto . let him take a special care that covetousenes nor disordered a petites doe ouerkome or master him . when all is setled and pasified quarteres shal be devided and a pointed for each regimente whiche shall be sente in due time be the sardgent mayor , or his a judante . in o cation of framinge of squadrones incounteres or assaultes with the enemy , he is to cary his coloures displayed , and passinge be the captaine generall , he is to advance it bowinge the pointe some whate downe wardes , but if he pass by the kinge or prince he is to bowe almoste to the grounde one of his knees a difference from the generall , and in passinge by the blessed sacramente he is to kneele on be the his knees , and with the coloures to the grounde sheowinge greate reverence unto the same , and all his company in like manner , and they re armes laied on the grounde till the blessed sacramente pass , vvithoute stirenge till they see they re alferis rise upp , and that when the sacramente is vvholie paste , duringe whiche time they are to keepe silence . the fifth chap. treatinge of the election and office of a captaine of a companie of infanterie . the electione of captaines of infanterie in spainie is made be the counsell of state , and warr , vvhen they re is any leavie or raisinge of men , and vvhen theese places are voide eyther in campe or garison , other captaines are elected in they re place be the captaine generalles or visroyes in they re govermentes . the electiones made by suche personadges shoulde by all lickhood seeme to be goode and sure ; notwithstanding it faulethe oute offten times that boath generales and viseroyes , and alsoe counseleres have missed in the consideration therof , bestowenge those honorable chardges uppon theyr owne followeres , frendes ▪ or uppon , greate courtieres , and favorites ; vvherby often times many scandeles and domadges do resulte to the prince , and to the action . for by the meanes , of thies inconciderate electiones , many valiante , brave , and skilfull souldieres do remaine withoute chardge , litle concideringe uppon those of longe seruice , prudente and brave cariadge , yea and who have shed they re bloode with greate valeor , sheowinge them selves in many brave incounteres a gainste the enemy . o cruell unhappie , and sinister electiones of smale expectaciones , when the verteouse , prudente , and valerouse souldier is not thoughte uppon ▪ trough vvhose meanes many scandeles doe a rise , and many brave o cationes are loste , vvithe greate dishonor and discomoditie to the prince . and the prudente and brave souldier remaineth almoste oute of all hope , and almoste os no desire to atemppte a ny hanorable enterprice , seeinge that they are neyther honored nor rewarded , and seeinge that bisones and men of litle skill are prefered before them . to prevente many sinister electiones vvhich often times happenethe , and are more necessarie to be remedied . i woulde wish that in all electiones of those vvho shoulde pretende to be prefered by meanes of favor , or afection as many are , it vvere necessarie they shoulde be comanded to serve ; as oftentimes i have seene be prudente and brave comaunderes , yea and they re sones and neereste frendes for example to otheres , and for the ob servation of true discipline . to prevente thies sinister electiones , vvherof resulteth greate shame and loshe both to the prince and contrie . the kinge of sprine ●acketh a goode cource vvhen o cation is presented to rayse a ny neowe levies , he sendes to his viseroyes and generalles of severall states and provinces , that they shoulde choyse and sende relation of the ancienteste alferises and beste a proved souldieres in the vvarres , both in vertue , valeor , and suficiencie , that suche persones be elected for captaines , and that alsoe a relation shoulde by sente of the anciēteste reformed sardgentes to be elected for alferises , and of corporalles , sardgentes , and of brave souidieres corporalles . the visroyes and generalles of righte shoulde looke vvell to see thies orderes yustly a complished , concideringe the emportance therof to his majesties service , soe shall the brave souldier of longe service prudente and resolute determinationes be prefered , and advaunsed ; and otheres imitate they re a prooved vertue and goode a plicationes , that there by eache one may with diligence , care , practi●e , and learne this noble arte of vvarr ; seeinge that eache one is prefered , by theyr vertue desertes and goode partes , but o ther vvise vvhen thies electiones are made by favor and affection to bisones of litle sufficiencie causeth greate dispe●ationes , and unwillinge myndes to attempte honorable enterprises , and brave incounteres , seeinge be experience that they are neyther honored nor prefered for the same . whiche causeth military discipline dayly to fall into greate decay ; wherof resulteth many disgraces and the losh of many brave ocationes , ruine of the comon wealth , and of the happie success of military discipline . he which of righte shoulde be chosen for this office shoulde by a goode cristian , prudente , and of vertuse cariadge , to live with greate temperance and measure in his affaires , and to by perfecte in military discipline , that therby he may with the greater auctoritie comaunde , and be the more respected and feared . hardelie can a ny coddy reduce unto perfectiō this honorable chardge , exepte he be learned and perfecte in thesame . it emporteth much for the prudente govermente , brave conduction and executions of his majesties service , as alsoe for ministringe justice , and redressinge many disorderes , that he knowe and take a speciall care in the electinge of his officeres : that therebe his prudence and valeor may by the better understoode ; electinge them as neere equall to him selfe as may be possible , rather then sellinge the same after choysinge his officeres as a foresaied , before he marches vvithe the same , he is firste to cause , the culores , to be bleste , and afterwardes deliver the same to the alferis , giving him to understande the honor recomended to his chardge , and that he is allwayes to take a speciall care of the same , and to die in defence therof as before declared . then he is to devide them into squadrones , electinge and naminge one squadron for him selfe of those of beste qualities and conditiones , for beinge soe necessary and of emportance . for of them moste comonly he is to choise his officeres , and consulte with them . in o cationes of fighte and enconteres with the enemy moste comonlie they are nexte his owne person , respectinge and honoringe them as his owne person , and sometimes they are employed for cavose or comaunderes of some brave exploytes . it emporteth alsoe that in the o ther squadrones ther by some particular souildieres and a ventajados . he is to procure that all by goode cristianes , and of a goode and verteuse life , to heere mass and often confes for beinge the true fundasion of happiness ; he is to a comodate all disorderes , quarelles , and disputes , that shall happen amongste them , and reprehende those of bad exāples , and dishoneste behavior , and if by faire meanes they doe not a minde to drive them a vvay . for factioneres and infamouse fellowes are not to be permitted to a company the kinges culores , nor to equal them selves vvith the observeres of the noble arte of vvarr . in o cationes of marchinge with his company let him procure not to be troubled with much bagadge , and specially to use suche moderation in not permitenge that his souldieres be overloaden with lugadge , or traishes ( as some times happened ) butt rather to goe as lighte as may by possible , vvith onelie they re armor and o ther litle inescusall necessaries , that therby they may vvith the lesser empedimente manadge they re armes , and fighte with the more resolution in offering o cation . in each company of infantery it were necessarie theyr shoulde be a feowe horses permited to some officeres and particular persones , but not many . thies horses doe serve for many purposes , and specially to recnoledge passadges , and places vvhere the enemy may be suspected to be in ambuscado ; which for suche o cationes are verie requisit , as alsoe to sende vvarninge of sodaine o cationes of importance . he is not to a tempte o cationes of litle a peerāee , faringe it shoulde fall oute unhappilie , excepte he be constrayned therunto of necessitie , for such as do not prevente and forecaste they re successes in time , are wonte when the o cation offereth to by muche troubled , yea and some times oute of they re vvittes , he is to by carefull in a complishinge and observinge the orderes givē him by the officers mayores , vvhen manifeste o cation , doth not offer that the a complishinge of suche orderes shoulde be hurtefull . it is verie necessarie he knoweth eache souldier of his company by his name , and in o cationes of marchinge that he procure and see that they still observe they re order and rankes , and not to permit them to stragle hire and there for beinge verie necessarie for many o cationes , because that greate scādeles doe arise trough the over much liberty of stragleres in spoyling gardines , orchardes , and the houses of the inhabitāce or contrye where they march ; wherof resulte greate discorde and discontentmente to the inhabitantes for the loshes they receive of some unrulie campaniones . in the redresinge vvherof the captaine is to be verie carefull , and not to permit them to by rigerouse with they re hoste for they re meales , butt rather contente them vvhith vvhate he can give ; and see those that do not observe thies orderes severelie punished . for beinge the obligation of a goode cristian , and vertuese souldier . if o ther wise he doe , hardly can he escape scandales and bad reputasion , and besides if it come to the generall is eares . he and his officeres are in danger of reprehension , yea and often times see they re souldiers hanged before they re faces , for they re spoyles don uppon the poore innocente people . wherfore they re have beene many punishmentes executed for such and semblable disorderes . julius caesar passinge from cicilia to africa againste cipio and kinge juda de numidia havinge lefte in that ilande the minthe and tenth legion , and afterwardes when he sente for them , beinge informed of the captaines and o ther officeres in permitinge they re souldieres to spoyle the contry vvithoute ministringe any goode discipline , comanded that they shoulde by broughte in presence of the vvhole army reprehended they re bad goverment , presently comaunded them to by banished oute of the army , and yvithoute any delay to embarck oute of all africa . the licke punishmentes did ducke de alva in the vvarres of portugal , reforminge soe many captaines for theyres and they re souldiers disorderes : they vvere banished for example to the reste of the captaines , and officers of the army ; and soe many souldieres vvere executed to death for robberies and stelth that in they re reconinge vvas founde , that more souldiers vvere executed to death by justice for theyr disorderes then killed or dead o ther vvise in that vvarr . disorderlie shall he governe in vvarr vviche never was practised in the arte ; wherfore it vvere verie necessary that men chosen for this office shoulde wourdily passe trough all the degries before spoken of , or at leaste parte of them , to the ende he may the better knowe howe to governe and comaunde , and particularlie that he be alwais mindfull to feare god , and to be verteouse and experimented in martiall affaires , in many can thies goode partes be had , and many more , and in suche as they cannot be wholie founde , let they re choyse be made of those of vvhome the moste are to by founde , because that itt importeth muche the kinges service , for all observation of military discipline . if he be comaunded vvith his company and o ther troupes ioyned to them as often times do happen to the garde or defence , of a ny place . let him vvith greate care , vigilance , and valeor animate his souldieres , and consulthe vvith his officeres , and beste experimented souldieres , and beinge resolved let him with all care and speede fortifie and intrince him selfe , as many brave and valiante captaines have don , sheowinge them selves vvith prudence , valeor , and brave conduction , presentinge them selves in all actiones of the firste , with a brave and resolute determination , but let him by verie varie that he a tempte nothinge inconsiderate , and raish as often times happened to ingnorant men of litle experience to they re owne and companies confusion . to a voide such enconveniences and hasardes let him be verie carefull to a complish and observe the orderes and instructiones given by the higher comaunderes . if o cation do nott offer wherof greater domadge may insue , or a goode o cation to by loste , in whiche captaines are some times of force to prudently prevente the beste . let him never deney a ny honorable interprice beinge comaunded thereunto be the generall or governor , though he finde it a jorney of greate danger . but he is to presente his reasones if he finde o cation necessarie , and soe fall on vvith a valerouse determination . he shall vvith a generouse mynde and goode vvourkes procure to vvin the good vvill of his souldieres , a continge them as his sones , and children and that by suche faire meanes , in not sheowing him selfe over coveteouse , and greedy , but rather liberall ; still secoringe his souldieres to his abilitie in they re necessities and vvantes , and not to basely wronge them in robbinge or deceivinge them of they re payes , as some captaines are wonte to doe ; with litle honestie or feare of god ; makinge a comon practice therof , trough whiche they win bad fame , and toughte and reputed by they re higher comaunderes unwourdie of the name of a captaine , and often times are severely punished for the same , and deprived of they re companies vvith a juste sentence . he is to be verie carefull to visite the centeries and corpes de garde under his chardge , sheowinge greate diligence , care , and punctualitie in his owne persone , that the officeres and souldieres doe imitate him , and precisely a complish vvith they re obligationes , a cordinge the orderes given by the highe superiores , and be him . let him be carefull that his souldieres be not given to vice and to much libertie trough there owne negligence , and bad a plicationes , all fin fallinge into bad customes , for in permittenge thies unruly factes vvithoute necessarie redress , he offendeth god and his kinge , for they beinge under his chardge as his familie , he is to cause everie one of them to confess at leaste once in ayeare , and specially in all times and o cationes of danger of death as befiteth a goode cristian to doe . it is verie necessarie to haue a goode furiell a ble in aritmeticke , as also in readinge and vvritinge , and to be one of truste and vvell acquainted , for the lifte and reconinges of the company moste comonly is refered to his chardge , as vvell to pass muster of his company , as in distributing munitiones , armes , and a parell vvhich are given be the kinge to the souldieres ; of vvhich he is to yealde a compte when it is sought for by the prince is ministeres , to vvhose chardge the same a pertayneth , to thies furielles or clearkes dothe a pertaine to receive the orderes for the makinge of quarteres , in townes viladges and campana from the furiell mayor as shall be ordained and a pointed by him , and moste comonly the distributinge and devidinge of the quarteres are refered to the chardge of the sardgente . it hapēeth some times that the furiell doth marche with his company a lone , from one place to a nother , may be of reasonable distance , carienge vvith him his patente or order for the same , goinge for the moste parte before the companie to cause the quarter to be made att they re a rivenge . in suche o cationes the captaine is to be verie carefull , that thies persones do not comit greate faultes , as some times happen trough the covetousenes of such persones , resultinge often times troubles to his captaine , for robbinge and stealinge not onelie in the vvay butt alsoe in the villadge vvhere they doe lodge , spoylinge the same and givinge o cation to the inbitanes to run avvay . whiche disorderes soe comitted doe often times come to the highe comaunderes eares , and chardinge all uppon the captaine is honeor and reputasion , and the factioneres run avvay for feare of punishmente , and sometimes thies furielles or clearckes in meetinge a goode fellowe doe fall a drinckinge and makinge goode cheere , and his chardge not finised , nor findinge him , nor knowen vvhere to be founde , yea and often times for a peece of money leaves the company , trustinge to smale comoditie , and it may by in o cationes of moste necessitie ; beinge vveary and vvett to the skin , thinckinge to stopp they re mouthes vvith envented fables and lyes , for which disorders the captaine as a father of his souldieres is to see him severely punished , beinge thereunto bounde for the dischardge of his conicience and reputation . it is verie necessary for the captaine and company to have a goode chapleyn reasonable learned , and specially verteouse , and of goode life and examples ; but not a frier excepte it be vvith licence of his superiores . aboue all o ther prpfessiones the arte of vvarr is of moste danger , soe the souldier is to be verie earneste to be devote , and of cleere conscience , for he is more neerer dangeres of death then any o ther sorte of men ; and it is necessarie that he allwayes haue a prieste not far of , for the soules health : to whome he may cōfess at all times and o cationes , a cordinge as time and necessitie shall require . in the choisinge and keepinge of thies priestes the captaines in conscience are bounde to procure that they be verteouse and of goode life , if o therwise , itt were far better not to have any at all . he is of necessitie to have a barber in his company , and if it be possible of goode skill in this arte , for beinge a verie necessarie instrumēte in warr ; for when a souldier is hurte the greateste comforte he can have is a goode barber , that shall cure him vvell , and with speede , for if he depende to be cured by another which at all times is not to be had , excepte he sende for him may by a far of ; hardlie can he be well cured ; and besides he is in danger of deathe . if the wounde or hurte be dangerouse , he is both in danger and trouble : this beinge such a necessarie instrumente in warr and because that souldieres are men of libertie they fall often times into many disgraces , excepte they re officeres have a speciall care to prevente the necessarie remedies . for whiche and for many more dangeres they incurr , it is uerie necessarie they have a goode barber as before spoken . and if his pay be not able to intertaine him with instrumentes and o ther necessaries , the officeres and souldieres are to further and asiste him , that he may the better , and with a more willinge minde serve them , and a complish with the more punctualitie his obligationes . in o cationes of marchinge with his company , the captaine , and other officeres are to by verie earneste that they re souldieres doe not dismaunde oute of theyr order , and rankes , ( as many unruly factioneres doe ) litle regardinge they re captaines honeor nor they re owne reputation , as before declared ; and at his departinge oute of any towne or viladge where he shall lodge ( though it were but for one nighte . ) he is to see all disorderes comitted redressed , not opresinge nor a beedinge injuries don to the poore innocente inhabitantes , but rather stay after the companie till they be cleere oute of the towne or villadge , givinge order to the alferis to march to the a pointed place or distance where he is a pointed to mak alto or stande , and alsoe givinge order to the sardgente to chardge the bagadge with speede ; havinge soe don he him selfe is to visite over the quarter and see if there bee any complaintes , and to see them remedied before the company doe departe . havinge finised well with his obligation , and desire herein . it is necessarie he carie withe him in writinge from the comaunderes of that towne or villadge that they are satisfied with the goode govermente ministred bee the captaine in not permitinge injuries nor disorderes withoute redress and satisfaction : havinge acomplished with thies he is to repaire to his company , callinge the corporalles that he may knowe , and be well a sured if any boddy wantes or no , and then he gives order that the bagadge doe marche in they re due place , as time and o cation shall require , and the same still acompanied with a garde . if the countrie be peaceable and of no feare of the enemy , he may vvell comaunde the bagadge to marche in the vangarde , and if o therwise let them march in the rergarde or battel , acordinge as he shall suspecte of feare both in the vangarde and reregarde , commandinge the alferis to leade the companie , and the captaine to stay in the reregarde , and the sardgent to and froe all a longste the flanke of the company , soe shall they orderlie marche , keepinge they re ranckes and doinge litle spoyle and disorderes . let him cause that they marche still in goode order , givinge wareninge to the sardgente to be verie varie , and vigilante in 〈…〉 the same , soe shall he instructe and perswade his souldieres to be apte , and readie to goode actiones , and dissaude from unrulie and bad factiones , reprehende faultes and disorderes , and commend valor , vertue , and obedience , that therbey they may be readie and apte to all incounteres and o cationes , which shall or may happen , and indure them by faire meanes . to indure patiently all toyles , discomodities , and wantes , soe that they arise not into mutenies trough there impatience bad inclination and govermente which some times happen for vvante of goode govermente , and litle care of some captaines , in givinge goode instructiones and examples . let him be carefull that no souldier of his company play nor pane his armes nor aparell , for he which is givē to such vice seemed to be of litle shame and of less honor . wherfore suche unrulie fellowes oughte to be severely punished for there villeny and bad examples . some times it hapened a captaine with his companie to be employed in secrett services of importance , or may by with parte of his cōpany ; and some souildieres that are given to learne hire and they re of neowes , doe burste with desire to knowe where he shoulde goe . in suche o cationes the captaine oughte to by severe , and not to permit any souldier to treate or demaunde where he is bounde . for it is a dangerouse wourde resultinge of litel prudence , and besides he offendeth muche , for in thies and semblable exploictes there are greate misteries ; wherefore the captaine is to sheow him self rigorouse to vvhosoever shall presume to intermiddell in any such fulish and dangerouse demaundes , and pardon none that shall intermiddell in the same , for example to the reste : happie are those that are considerate scilente and obediente , and do nott intermiddell in thinges oute of sence , and not apertaining to them ; for comonlie of such souldieres are greate expectationes in time of neede , hopinge all goode corespondance of theyr goode life examples and cariadge . wherefore suche are still firste prefered , and of moste estimation , vvhiche by all reason oughte soe to by : if a captaine be carefull that his officeres doe well acomplis they re dutie and obligationes , he is to procure that they be persones that can reade and vvrite for beinge moste necessarie , for o ther wise they beinge unable , he can hardely truste to write to them , and specially any thinge of emportance , touchinge his majesties service , for of force such o cationes muste pass trough the handes and understandinge of o theres , vvhere hardlie he can truste unto , noe sorte of men or professiones are more boūde or more in neede in knowinge to reade and vvrite then the officeres and comaunderes of the souldieres ; for often times matteres of greate qualitie secrett and importance to they re kinge are recomended to ther care and chardge , vvho requireth more secrecie , then advertissementes or affaires ot marchantes , or any other tradesmen vvhatesoeuer ; soe that this officer may be reputeth unable to fully acomplish his obligationes , and he may vvell say that he oweth butt litle to his father for not instructinge or learninge him , beinge soe greate a faulte , and specially in this profession . the sixthe chap. treatinge of the election and office of a sardgent mayor enteringe withe his regimente to garison . the election of the sardgente mayor of a regimente is to be choysen and elected of suche as the master de campe , or coronel do name or putt in election to the generall , in this election greate consideration oughte to be taken , and be no meanes the generall is to give way or intrance to favor nor affection ; but rather to vertue , valor , and sufficiēcie ; for cause that this office is of suche emportance to his majesties service , and beinge a generall minister of a whole regimente of many companies , and superientendente of all the sardgentes of the same be whose prudence and industrie , the master de campe or coronel doth give convenient orderes for the due govermente of his regimente , in o cationes of marchinge , fightinge or imbattelinge , and in o ther matteres concerninge the same , whereby may be gathered the aproved partes , valor , experience , care , and diligence wished in suche a person . who beinge chosen to this degree and office of such importance ; we reade that in times paste the generales of the romaines , and of o ther nationes trusted the execution of this office to none , but the generalles them selves administred the same , concideringe that in day of battell the beautie and force therof consisteth in the well orderinge and framinge of the same ( be vvhich the victorie moste comonlie is vvon ) for undeniable it is that those that are beste ordered and exercised in vvarr are masteres of the victorie , though they be lesser in number : where of they re have beene to many examples of anciente and brave auctores , and all a firminge the same , as did a peere in the laste and famouse jorney in vvhiche haniball carthagenense vvas overkome by scipio africano . not vvith standinge haniball havinge to his judgemente prevented and ordered all thinges as necessarie and fitt ; neverthe less the sagacitie and prudence of scipio vvas at that day soe greate , that it vvas inough to putt them all to flighte , vvith his singular and extraordinarie military prudence . amongste the frence and dutche this office is more estimed then in o ther places , wherfore it shoulde be alwayes comended to the chardge of the more prudente experimented captaine that can be had in the regimente , and togither with this office they have companies ; soe that they have the name of a captaine and sardgente mayor , and profitt togither , and in absence of they re coroneles or master de campes to them by righte belongeth the govermente of the regimente . this election of all reason and justice shoulde be provided in one as before spoken , and the counsell of state and vvarr shoulde alwayes have a speciall care to see thies electiones soe prefered , and specially the generall , rather then chosen by favor , frindsihip , and affection , as some times it falleth oute , recomended to unable bisones , of litle service , and less sufficiencie , wherof resulteth to many inconveniences , and because that in them doth not o curr the aproved and prudente partes and auctoritie required for executinge well this office , captaines of the regimente doe give them some times but litle respecte or creditt : for this election be all equitie and justice , and for many considerationes of importance , oughte to be earnestly soughte a souldier of the beste o pinion and sufficiencie , that amongste the vvhole regimente can be had , and that he be verie perfecte in arithmetick , for beinge the moste necessarie pointe for the executiones of this office , after havinge exercised much in the vvarr . and not elected be no meanes by favor , for beinge an office whoe requireth much abilitie . verie many can be founde who have spente they re time in the warres who are not fitt for this chardge , rather by triall and examination made of his a proved sufficiencie , as with doctores in winenge they re chaire of dingnitie be triall of theyr a proved partes and sufficiencie . and he who in his examin representeth him with auctoritie , in givinge the beste reasones , is firste prefered . for by thies meanes douptless souldieres shoulde be the more willinge to study to by perfecte for the optaininge of this soe honorable a chardge by triall of they re vvoordie deserte . but vvee se it dayly given to persones vvho a plied them selves but litle , neyther in the theorick or practice of this arte , and whoe have seene verie feowe o cationes of importance , that by they re goode and diligente aplicationes they may be the sooner preferred and honored . this office beinge o ther wise given , the kinge and o cation is offended ; for some to dischardge them selves in this office doe truste to the dialoge of valdese or to the table or numerato of catanae novarae of the state of venecia , who made a table from 100. to 2000. men to forme squadrones which table they vvere vvonte to carie in they re poketes , and if the numerato or table be loste , he remaines in darcknes ; that besides it dothe not serve in yerie many o cationes nor for many sortes of squadrones . soe none is to truste to itt , but rather leaarne diligently to shifer and thereinto to exercice him selfe , which is the true vvay for beinge once perfecte it can not be loste , and he shall with the greater auctoritie and respecte acomplish his obligationes . he is to acomplish with the orderes of his master de campe as a superior head governor and conductor , and justice of his regimente , but the executiones a pertaineth to the sardgent mayor , for beinge the principall minister of the same in all ocationes , as well in campan̄a , as in garison , soe that in the profession of vvarr , it may of all righte by reputed fot an honorable office , and of greate preminiences and truste , and of righte he oughte to by of extraordinarie care at all times . when o casion offereth he is to by freely permiited to come to speake to his generall , yea and to the verie kinge beinge in the o cation , noe doore or intrie oughte to hinder or lett him from freelie comenge and goinge at all times , for it is soe required for the execution of his office , as well in receivinge orderes from the generall , as in deliveringe tha same unto his master de campe or coronell , and alsoe in a complishinge and executinge his office . this office is of righte wourthie honeor , and reputation , but til the yeare 1500. amongste the spanardes they had but smale payes , meaning twentie five crownes a month , buth in the same yeare his majestie encreased they re pay with fifeine crownes , which in all is forthy , and togither with patentes of captaines and sardgente mayores , soe that they were equal in meanes with captaines , and afterwardes they vvere augmented with 25. crownes more vvhich in all is 65. crownes vvholie paied , soe that they pass captaines in meanes and degree at this presente ; and the o cation of murmuringe and equalitie betwexte them and the captaines is set a side : which of right oughte soe to by ; and by them the order of the generall and master de campe is given to the captaines , and there executipnes acordingly acomplished . for to a complish vvell with the extraordinarie care and travaile of this office , it vvere verie necessary that he be provided with two or three goode nages stronge and well proportioned , and that can indure greate travaile , and it is verie necessary that they goe with a faire pace for his more ease : somtimes oceasiones doe offer that he weareth oute three or foure horses a day for the well acomplishinge of his office . for the vvell executinge of this office it is verie necessarie to have two ajudantes vvhich are to be chosen of men of longe exercice in vvarr , and of a prooved partes and sufficiencie , presentinge them selves with auctoritie , prudencie , and brave cariadge , and specially to be verie experte in arithmeticke , many goode partes are required in thies persones ; for some times it hapeneth that the sardgent mayor is hurte or sicke . in the meane time his a judante may execute his office ; it is verie necessary they have goode meanes to intertaine them selves , and they re horses ; for it faleth oute moste comonly that he traveleth and taketh greater paines then the sardgent mayor . wherefore and o curinge in him thies befitinge partes , he is to by much esteemed and furthered by the superior officeres . to acomplish vvell withe his office he muste bee moste vigilante and carefull , he oughte to knowe in memorie the names of all the officeres of his regimente , yea and besides of many souldieres , and to knowe all the ensignes by they re coloures . he is alsoe to knowe the officeres reformed and particular persones ; as the sardgente mayor is the principall minister in executinge the master de campe is orderes , soe is he to by resolved in executinge the orderes given him by the sardgente mayor , and that with moderation and love , he is to be verie carefull to acomplish in due time the orderes given by the master de campe , or sardgente mayor ; and by the entercession of none to omitt any faulte withoute reprehension or necessarie redress . it is the sardgente mayor is parte to diligently procure and sollicite with the prince and generall , and other superior officeres for the providinge of armor munitiones , and all o ther necessaries for the companies of his regimente , as pouder , led , match , vituales , &c. the which he shall cause to be vvell distributed betwexte the sardgentes , and by them to be delivered to the corporalles who are to distribute the same betwexte the souldieres withoute any fraude . he is alsoe to be an universall procurer of all thinges fit and necessarie for the souldieres soules healthe , in severelie punishinge and banishinge publicke and uglie crimes oute of the companies of his regiment as theeves , disordered persones of no feare nor shame , as dronckardes and all such as live enfamously , oute of hope of a mendemente ; and specially blasphemeres , vvho like base and blinde factioneres withoute feare and conscience , doe highlie offende his divine majestie . suche as have a speciall care to see thies haynouse faultes and disorderes redressed , and justly punished , oughte and are moste comonlie to be reputed , fauored , and highlie recommended , and specially by his divine majestie for they re affection and care in acomplishinge his vvill . he is to be earneste that the master de campe doe choyse the drom mayor of his regiment of one that he knoweth to by able in well executinge his office , and that he by noe meanes by elected by favor , but rather for one vvho knoweth to instructe all the dromeres of his regimente , for beinge one chosen for that effecte : he can assiste in many occasiones in carienge and bringenge of orderes , as shall by more at lardge declared in his election and office . when he shall inter into any towne or place of defence , he is to use greate consideration in the devition of the gardes , and watch therof , and specially if it be a frontier , or place where the enemy is to be muche feared . he shall in no case devide unto every company the parte or place of the vvall where they ordinarilie shall assiste or keepe , for by cause townes and places of importance have often times beene betrayed , and taken by treason . the principall cause vvherof hath bene that the officer and souldier which selleth that place knoweth the parte and quarter where ; ordinarilie he is to watch . wherefore the sardgent mayor is to prudently prevente thies haynous plottes and that no boddy may knowe vvhere he is to garde or vvatch : som doe cause them to caste the deece otheres to drawe lottes or billettes , and otheres doe ordaine thies devitiones oute of they re owne heades . and to observe such discipline and order that no company may fore knowe they re quarter nor any o ther boddy eyther litle or greate may knowe the parte of the wall which shall a pertaine unto him , untill the verie time that the watche by set or a litle before . when occasion shall offer that he shall inter vvith his regiment to lodge in any towne , he or his a judante is to revewe the place or market , to knowe vvhere he may finde a comodiouse and fitt place to frame a squadron of his regimente , and presently after this , he is to revewe all the rampar and circuide of the towne , carienge a longe vvith him one of his ajudantes , and alsoe he is to revewe the gates and corpes de gardes , and a pointe the convenient place for the postes and roundes , and see that vvithin and vvithoute the circuide of the towne that he prevente in due time all thinges necessarie . he is alsoe to revewe the master de campe is lodginge , the store houses or magasenes and prison , and to a pointe the necessary gardes . after all he is to relate unto his master de campe of all the difficulties he findes in ; as vvell on the rampar , gardes , and circuide of the same , and vvithoute delay to prevente and redress eache particular vvith speede , and to consulte vvith his master de campe to see vvho many companies shall by required or necessarie to inter the vvatch each nighte , and then make his devitiones , and deliver the orderes to his a judante , that he may deliver them to the sardgentes , and sheovve them the places a pointed for the centeries , and the corpes de garde , and at vvhate howre they are to sett the cinteries . he is alsoe to a pointe the places conveniente , and fitt for the coloures , and give the alferises necessarie instructiones . after that he causes the drum mayor to joyne all the dromes , and proclaime the orderes delivered by the sardgente mayor , then naminge the companies that are to be that nighte on the watche , and soe shall he breake the squdron , leavinge the coloures that are on the vvatch , givinge order to the reste to retire to they re quarteres ; then shall the a judante directe eache company to they re a pointed place , and shall make the divitiones of the gardes as ordained by the sardgent mayor , deliveringe them the orderes they shall observe , he shall a pointe and provide the garde of the master de campe , and of the magasenes , or store houses , and alsoe the place of armes vvhere all the companies and coloures shall repaire unto when a larme or occasion shall be offered . havinge made the devitiones of the vvatch , and gardes as before spoken , he is to revewe all the circuide on the outewarde parte , and see if they re by any fitt place for ambuscadose for the enemy , of hedges vvoodes or gardines , and prevent itt vvith all diligence , and all necessarie endustrie , so that the enemie may not prevaile in takinge any advantadge , as often times itt faleth oute in the morninge at the openinge of the gates . to prevente this he is at the openinge of the gates to comaund foure or five lighte arcabuseros to revewe the campe withoute the gates for the better security , and the reaste of the garde in the meane time vvith they re armes in they re handes , and not to vvholy open the gates till thies returne , givinge them order to visit and revewe well all the circuid on the outerwarde side , some 300. paces more or less till he see that they re is no suspicion . and if they speethe enemy they are all to shoote , and the cinterie above the gates shall presentlie advertice the garde or vvatch , and vvhen otherwise he seeth that they do not spee the enemy the gates may by opened by order of the officer , that they re comaundes , and then shall he cause the centeries to be set on the gates and bridged as ocasion may be suspected , not failinge to be verie varie , and carefull in previntinge whate might insue or mishappen , and specially to be carefull that the souldieres doe not absent them selves from they re vvatch , and for feare of stratagemes of treason , it is verie necessary that in each porte or gate vvhere any suspition may be feared , that they re by two longe sharpe yrones like spittes , vvhich shall serve to pass trough from side to side vvagones of hay and strawe , for feare that any men may by secretlie hiden in them . and to lett no men armed pass into the towne , vvithoute order , and specially if it by a frontier or place to by feared much of the enemy . at the shutinge of the gates the officer and souldieres there a pointed to garde , shall by all in armes till the same be shutt , and the officer of the vvatch shall looke vvell that the gates be vvell shutt : all beinge soe acomplished , the officer shall sende the souldieres he thinketh fitt to convoy the keayes to the governor or cheefe comaunderes lodginge . the bagadge of the vvhole regimente , interinge to garison is to march in the rergarde vvith a companie of souldieres guardinge the same , and the sardgent mayor and a judante are to goe still a horsebake till all thinges by vvell ordered and provided , until suche time they see that all by lodged . for in the biginēge of such partisiones moste comonlie are many questiones and disputes vvhich ought vvith all care and haste to by redreste : in vvhich occasiones the sardgent mayor is to comaunde vvith resolute auctoritie , in ordaininge all thingss to by pacified and redreste , ministringe justice and equitie , not admitenge any disorder vvithoute due redress ; causinge his orderes withoute repleee to be executed with obedience . if otherwise it by not acomplished as he firste ordayned , his executiones can not vvell prosper , but let him before hande looke that his orderes by prudently given , soe that with this resolution he shall vvell a complish all : and shal be reputed and respected for a man who knoweth vvho to governe and comaunde vvith prudence and auctoritie , and shall be both respected and feared by the souldieres : when any vando or proclamation is to be given he is to procure with the master de campe that it be put in vvritenge uppon the corpe de garde that the orderes may be observed and the better understoode be all . after the proclamation is made , and that none may by ingnorante in understandinge the penalties in the same mentioned , and the executiones acordinglie made , ( for if otherwise not executed ) it were far better not to sett it fourth , but in thies executiones consideration is to by used acordinge as the occasion shall require , after true informacion by taken of the case . all officeres in vvarr are broughte into goode perfection vvith prudence , care , and templance , rather then sheowinge him selfe rigourouse and licenciouse in speeches vvith a furiouse contenance , beinge not therunto constrayned , for the souldier feeleth no punismente almoste soe grivouse as this , vvhich seemeth to him to resulte trough ingnorance and envie , and of al the reste of the officeres this bad custome is more odiouse in the sardgent mayor , beinge the master of vvhome they shoulde by righte learne good examples and instructiones , and in vvhome by reason the befittinge partes therunto necessary shoulde acurr ; beinge a minister to see faultes redreste . such officeres as doe sheowe them selves , vvith a furiouse and odiouse contenance doe opress they re condition , vvhich doth not resulte of a generouse minde , and moste comonlie they are hated . but suche as sheowe them selves with a prudent cariadge and amiable behaveure are muche esteemed , obeyed , honored , and respected , by the souldieres , and doe binde them in obligatione and repose of minde : but for one contrarie another contrary , that if in case the souldier doe not acomplish his obligationes , as he is bounde to doe . and in doinge the contrarie in comitinge disorderes it is necessarie to punish him severely , yea and soe far that it may sticken into his harte if by faire meanes he dothe not a minde . some officeres of prudente cariadge , and amiable behavior doe onelie with a groomely contenance and goode reasones cause they re souldieres to tremble , and feare them vvithoute any o ther rigoure , and the souldieres knowinge of ther officers goode inclination , doe both obey love and feare them , findinge by experience that he lovethe them and assisteth in time of moste necessity and neede , sheowinge thē goode examples , and giuinge them goode instructiones , and knowinge that he hath noe rancor , envy , nor revenge in his harte , but rather to couradge them in al necessities , and equallinge him selfe with thē in all dangeres and travailes , and to be inclined to redress they re wantes ; in this case they both love and feare him , and indure all dangeres and necessities with him , and doe followe him in all perilles with a vvillinge mynde ; soe that nothinge doth more contente an honorable souldier then a lovinge officer , havinge in him the partes and qualities before declared . the sardgente mayor is to give order that if the rounde doe heere any rumor or stirr in the towne or any other place , that he with speede advertice the nexte a dioyninge garde , and that he by no meanes give over his rounde , but continually with care and vigilance visite till his time by expired ; and the corpe de garde or vvatche to vvhome he gave intelligence are bounde with greate speede to repayre to a comodate the occasion , as alsoe to give intelligence to the superior officeres if the occasion be of suche importance . he is alsoe to give order to the officeres of his regimente , that they have a speciall care , that they re souldieres doe not lende armes one to a nother for to inter the garde , for it is a bad custome , of which resulte noe goode , for often times a musquetier lendeth his musket to one that shoulde carie a pike and if in that night doe offer ocasion of an a larme both are discomodiouselie provided . and besides when the musketier is restored of his musket , and interinge with the same into the watche , not remembringe that he lente it , shooteth it freely thinckinge that they re is no bullet , ( as he chardged the same ) and the other to whome it was lente leaveth a bullet in it , he shooteth thinckinge no ill and killeth one of those before him ( which often time hapened ) yea and sometimes beinge on the watch , often times the one caries the muskett or caliver of his fellowe , and puteth a bullet into the same , the other thinckinge of noe suche matter frily shooteth , and alsoe killeth another . this bad sinister and dangerouse custom oughte to by prevented , and to severelie punish the souldier that did lende his armes , for a remedie of thies ingnorante careless and inconsiderate faultes : all prudente and skilfull souldieres oughte to be verie varie to prevente and dischardge thies dāgerouse chardges before they inter into the watch : some base companiones and covardes dayes of feastes doe chardge they re peeces vvith bullet and killeth vvith envie and revenge vvho pleaseth them ; wherfore a straighte order oughte to by given to all , that they shoulde be verie varie and in paine of death no souldier shoulde be founde in suche an acte . moste necessary it is for a sardgent mayor to be carefull to exercice his souldieres in manadginge of they re armes , and in knowinge howe to serve vvith the same , as alsoe howe to observe they re order in march and squadron , and fall withoute confusiō into they re juste place in battell a ray . all vvhich the sardgente mayor is bounde to instructe , for beinge the master vvho is to learne and leade them ; for it belongeth to his chardge and office , and besides it importeth him muche that they be vvell instructed and exercised in martial affaires , for soe vvith greate facilitie shal he execute his affaires , as did the thesarios to vvhose chardge be the romanies was recomended this office , as vvell in filde as in garison . they instructed they re souldieres in the scoole they , exercised the tirones which were the bisones , or newe souldieres two times a day , and the veteranos vvhiche vvas they re oulde souldiers once a day : soe they vvere very experte as vvell in knovvinge howe to manadge they re armes , as to serve with the same , as alsoe in punctualy knowinge to observe order in march and squadron , as alsoe induringe greate travailes . they alsoe vvere exercised in runinge , leapinge , shevvminge , and all other exercicee and vertues necessarie and fitenge for warr : they were constrained to march with they re complet armor both foote , and those that wente a horssbake two dais in a month carienge alsoe with them on they re backes al necessary foode for that jurney , fightinge as it vvere vvith the enemy , givenge and receivinge the chardge as if it vvere in a bloody vvarr , for the space of ten thousand pases in they re vvhole yurney , cominge and goinge , and vvith this as customed exercice they were apte and nemble whensoever occasion of service or employmente did offer ; soe that vvith two thousande of these , greater exploytes and executiones vvere made , then with thirtie thousande bisones or rawe mē , for vvhich cause they vvere victoriouse councoringe with greate renoome till they vvere vvholie given to vice idelnes and regalitie . trough which meanes they begon to fall into decay ; and of they re longe repose and idel life , did resulte a bad and sorowfull ende , for beinge vvholie given to woomen , delicate meates , sleeepe , and ease , and of no care to exercice them selves in armes . they became to forget all vertue , to by covardes and fall into decay : now see a plaine example vvhich happened to one of the moste famouseste captaines of the vvorlde vvhich was anibal cartagenes son to amilcar beinge nine yeares oulde vvas broughte to the vvarres and vvas caused to swere to be enemy to the romaines duringe life , and cominge to the adge to governe an army he marched from spaine trough france into italie , vvhere in passinge the river rodane . the romaines a tendinge him , where he had a moste sore incounter in pasinge the river ; but aniball with prudence and greate valeure with tables tember and greate tries made a bridge trough with dificultie and greate hasarde , that at lēghte he paste his army over the river by force of armes , and vvith no lesh endustrie did he pass the hugie montaines of the alpes , breakinge downe greate rokes and makinge them plaine , where he made a way that his army coulde pass ; which contained 120000. of foote and horse , and they re bagadge on elefantes and brute beastes , and pased to piamonte vvher he rejoysed of his safe a rivall trough such a trouble some and dangerouse vvay , comfortinge and givinge his to understande that they vvere oute of danger and trouble , and arived into a fertill countrie abondante of all necessaries befittinge . ther havinge reposed his army he touke his jurney towardes the river of trevia in plasintin , and met vvith the romaines where he optained the victorie , and from thence he touke his jurney , and paste by perusa til he came to trasimeno vvhere he gave an other overtrow to the romaines , and kilth of them three and twenty thousande . and after this he paste with his army to pulla in canas which nowe is barleta , vvhere he alsoe foughte vvith the romaines , and had the victorie of them vvith the slaughter of fortie thousande of them , as plinius and francisco petrarca tuscano declareth . soe that he had the bridell vvith italie sixtime yeares ; poseste vvith that brave and prudente conductor skilfull and valerouse army : after this he came to capua a pleasante country of vveomen , and other comodities , and they re gave him self and his army to repose in garisones a longe time , vvhere he and they became idel and forgetfull of all military exercice , as thoughe they never had managed armes . which vvas cause of the ruine and perdition of all his army , as they say that capua vvas a greater perdition to anibal then to the romaines the losh of canas , and after beinge constrained to pass unto africa to soucour cartago his countrie , beinge informed that cipio ( that famouse captaine ) vvente thiter vvith his romaine army be vvhome aniball vvas overcome ; so that his vice longe repose and neglectinge of armes vvas cause of his destruction , as alsoe hapened to many other brave vvarrieres . but this of aniball is a sufficiente example for those that followe the profession of armes , to alwayes houlde and keepe they re souldieres in exercice of armes , and that vvith greate care , for feare of destruction . soe this is a goode and sufficiente example for a sardgent mayor , to alwayes keepe his souldieres in the exercice of armes , and to imitate still the romaines in they re continuall practice ; and in case that the moste parte of the companies of his regimente are not togither vvhere he is residente . let him advertice they re captaines that they be carefull to exercice they re souldieres , and it vvere not amiss that he in the ende of everie three or foure montes shoulde visite them all over , and vvith care exercice them in the ocasiones of marchinge and imbatelinge ; wherby he shall finde them apte and ready to his will not needinge overmuch paines nor disputes as alwayes muste by with rawe men litle exerciced in armes . in nothinge is he to be more curiouse then in learninge and instructinge them who to observe orderes of marchinge , and in framing with them all sortes of squadrones , and to cause them skirmish sundrie manner of wayes , and cause them to toss the pike , and to by apte in handelinge the same , beinge queene of armes and moste noble of all the reste . this office of a sardgent mayor vvas in times paste cauled thesariouse or master who is to instructe military discipline , he which is apte and skilfull in vvell a complishinge the aproved partes ordained for the execution of this office , is fitt for any other office in vvarr , to the verie office of a master de campe generall , which of all the reste requireth greatesth care and sufficiencie . wheresoever the sardgente mayor shall happen to by with his regimente or vvith parte of the same , ( eyther in campana or garison ) when the companies of the same shall inter the watch he is to by presente and take care that the captaines be vvell armed with faire and complet corseletes , and all peeces therunto a pertaininge , and vvith a faire peeke of sixtine or seventine foote longe , the musquetier with a complet goode muskett , and that by no meanes it by permitted to cutt any peece of the barell , ( as some doe ) to lighten it , and such as are founde gilthie in this soe greate a faulte oughte to by severlie punished . they are to be provided vvith goode flaskes , and flaskillos ▪ vvith faire and stronge cordes , and hurquillos of six foote vvith they re yrones on both endes as behooveth , and the arcabuseros are to be provided with goode caliveres of a stronge and sure barrell fitt to receive a bullet of an once or verie litle less , and a faire frask fraskillo and cordones , the measure of the pouder ●all by at leaste a haulfe once or rather more , he is never to wante a bagg of leader with twentie five bullettes , and an yron to strike fyre at all times vvhen occasion shall require , for oftentimes beinge in centery and other places his match is quite gon oute , and then if he can get no fire his pouder is to no purpose at that instante if occasion often : some are wonte to carie heade peeces which in many occasiones are goode , but that they are to much trouble some in longe marchinges . both the musketieres and arcabuseres shoulde knowe howe to make match , for sometimes it hapeneth that they re is no munition , and then is it verie necessarie that the souldier knoweth to make matche , for hardelie can he ever faile to get flax , but otherwise the souldier beinge un expert , and knowinge not to shifte , and alsoe failenge amunition they incurr greate dangers ; soe that the souldier ought allwayes to procure with greate care to by couriouse and experte in all thinges that apartaineth to his obligation , for it may well fall oute that he shoulde march in a countrie ingnorante in vvarres , where no match nor amunition is made ; wherefore the brave and carefull souldier is to thincke alwayes before hande to prevente whate mighte in sue after : soe shall he be not fluted at , but rather much recomended for knowinge vvho with care and prudence to acomplish his obligation ; vvhich shall give greate contentmente to his captaine and reste officceres . fiery weapons vvithoute they re full necessaries are of no service , vvherfore the prudent , carefull , and honorable souldier oughte to prevente in due time whate he is bounde unto , in as much as may by possible ) soe shall he be highlie esteemed by his captaine and officeres . if the kinge or prince woulde faine take a veowe of the whole army regimente be regimente , and alsoe the standartes of horse one after an other to pass before him , as did the spanish army before kinge philip the ii. and the queene don̄a anna in the plaine of cantillana neere to badajoes where the whole army did pass before them , and soe neere that they plainelie vived the visadge of everie one of them as they paste by , as well of the horse vvhich did firste pass , and afterwardes the infanterie . the firste that did pass was the regiment of lombardie , vvhich don pedro de sotemayor did leade , a rivenge righte againste the place where his majestie stoode did vvith grace and speede arbolare his pike turninge his face righte ●o his majestie , and made greate reverence as to such a place of so ●●gh dingnitie a pertaineth , and having acomplished his dutie and obligation withoute stiringe did shoulder his pike , and marched in his jurney , in the verie same place the firste rancke of pikes that did arive observed the self same order , and in the selfe same manner did all the other rankes of pikes pass . with him at this time vvas duke de alva present , and the prior don fernando . necessarie it is for a sardgent mayor to cary still aboute him a table booke or booke of memories , for hardly can be conceive and houlde all thinhes in memorie , and vvhate he vvritheth is sure , of o nely the captaine generall master de campe generall is he to receive the vvourde of governores and other persones the ajudantes are wonte to receive the watch wourde , and other orderes , or the sardgente that is on the vvatche in absence of the ajudantes , which at all times they can not be presenre , and specially in garison . the sardgente mayor as a generall procurer of his regimente , ought to solicite and procure that the corpes de garde garites or centerie houses be well provided , and the corpes de garde withe a place made of tables or plankes wheron the souldieres may sleepe , and this to be a foote and haulfe above grounde , and to see t●at they re by a conveniente place where the fyrie armes be sett , and alsoe for the pikes . he is to procure withe the townes men that they acomodate the way of the rounde , and that the garitas be well acomodated that the souldier may keepe him self and armes drie : that be no meanes he be gridy inconsiderate or covetouse , neyther permit● or give care to any but that the gardes by vvell provided of fire and lighte , for som provinces are extraordinary and excessive coulde , vvher vve see many souldieres not vvell a parreled that after acomplishinge they re dutie , and standinge they re poste som thre or foure houres ( more or lesh ) they come bake frissd full of snowe , and vvhen they re is no fire to comforte them they die . in conclusion there officeres , and specially the sardgente mayor is to by werie earneste in solicitenge this particular for in wantinge this comoditie of fire and of capotes vvhiche some times the prince , and some times they re captaines do provide them , if ohterwise , it is impossible for the souldier to escape to frise , for vve see those well a parelled perish for coulde : this and many more occasiones of importance can prudente and brave captaines remedy to they re greate renoome , and that besides they sheowe they re affection to his majesties service ; if they re procuremente can not prosper in this , nor they re abilitie reache in remedienge the same they discharde theyr conscience and honor , vvhen they in devor vvith care and diligence to pittie they re souldieres in earnestly procuringe for them , vvherunto they are bounde . if in garison occasion require as moste comonly it doth , to provide a rounde to visit all over , ( if posible it vvere necessary ) that an officer or person of respecte by apointed for cavo of the same , and that officer or cavo onely doe cary the watch wourde , for beinge necessary if accasion shoulde by offered that they shoulde be constrayned to come to the wall to learne what the occasion was , or to pass trough the postes that is betwext them and the walles , or to pass by the postes of the corpes de garde , if occasion shoulde presente : it is necessary that the outeward centeries whiche are not under defence nor sure securitie that the vvatch vvourde be not given them , and if by change suche postes shoulde be ingnorance or negligence permit to pass in vvardes any man ; let him not come to the courte de garde vvithoute an officer firste to receive him , and informe of his cause . thies roundes are to goe very silente and secrett , vvithoute any rumor , and that they enter in no conversation nor other place , butt rather with greate care and vigilance acomplish they re order , and still goe forwarde in visitēge the magasenes or store houses , churches , and church yardes , emptie greate houses , or any other place wher suspition mighte be feared ( of joyninges and mutenies . ) and he heeringe or understandinge of any rumor or joyning , and beinge therof vvell informed and assured , he is to aquainte vvith greate speede the sardgent mayor , with one or two as the officer cavo shall thinke fit , and he shall continue in that place till the sardgent mayor sende him order , or come him selfe in person in the meane time the rounde is to by verie vigilante and silente . thies roundes moste comonly have one thirde parte of musketes and arcabuseros , and if they re be any suspicion they are rather to goe stronge then vveake to prevente the empetue of the enemy . in vvarrlike affaires and exercices , all comaunderes ought continually to be vigilante , varie , carefull , and fearefull in nott trustinge to manny , for vve see that in many places that townes and citties doe revolte , when lesh suspicion is of them ; soe that often times in truste is treason . therefore the professores of the noble arte of vvarr are bounde in all places to be varie and vigilante , and continually feare of sodaine improvided disgraces . continuall exercice and practice in warr is of greate importance , vvherfore the sardgent mayor beinge in garison or els where is never to permitt the companies under his chardge betwexte vvatch and vvatch to sleepe at home above thre nightes , for soe the souldieres shall by the more apte to indure when occasion shall presente , for douptles continuall use and exercise helpeth much to compass , and ease difficulte matteres . whosoever shall be inclined to comitt disorderes , and give bad examples in the corpes de gardes ought to by severelie punished , for suche places are to be respected for reall houses , and he vvho vvithout honor , discipline , and shame doth comit disorderes in a place of such greate respecte , oughte not to escape vvithoute due punishmente . the sardgent mayor is to advertice the captaines of his regimente not to give licence to anny of they re souldieres to pass unto an other regimente , nor oute of the country by no meanes , because that it dothe not lie in his auctority , neyther to give him leave withoute beinge firmed of the master de campe , or governor that shall comaunde . who shall apointe the dayes fitt to a complishe his jurney , and affaires , and in the vedoria generall noe souldieres place oughte to be changed unto another company , vvithoute licence of his captaine , or master de campe , for som unrulie factioneres are desirouse to have liberty to run the contry to comitt disorderes , and neglecte they re dutie and obligationes ; spoylinge the country , deceavinge the kinge , and dishonoringe they re nation , and dayly provookinge otheres to that base kinde of life , of no honor feare nor shame . whosoever shall a sente his place amonghste the infanterie , and vvho entreth in rancke with the observeres of true discipline , oughte not to be tollerated to lay hande in anny mecanicall trade , for it is not fitt that suche a one shoulde equall him self vvith honorable souldieres of noble and vertuese life . dayes of solme feastes kermishes or fayeres , the sardgent mayor is to reforce the gardes or vvatches , for in suche time greate congregation of people of other places are wonte to joyne ; and at suche times may happen tumoltes and revoltes ; findinge the men of armes unwarie and unvigilante they re enemyes may fall uppon them and optaine they re desire , vvherof both notable disgrace and loss may resulte , as by experience hath beene tried in diverses provinces and places of importance . when the sardgent mayor seteth the vvatche he or one of his a judantes are to ride a horsbake ▪ and visite all the gardes and rampar , to see if each garde be provided vvith the men apointed , for some times trough the litle care or forgethfulnes of some sardgentes , and corporales they err in the orderes . wherfore in such occasiones by righte they shoulde by severelie reprehende , that they may be the more carefull and vigilante , beinge refered to they re care and truste the repose , and safetie of all the reste . if need require he is to advertice the captaines of his regimente , that in suche places where they are with the master de campe they can give no order to sound the drom , excepte it by for extreame necessitie , or in time of the watche withoute order of the master de campe : when occasion shall offer that armes , or any sorte of amunitiones shall be received from the kinge it apertaines the furiell mayor to receive the same , and to yealde a compte to the kinges ministeres ( when it shall besought for ) thies amunitiones are to be devided betwext the companies by the sardgent mayor , causinge to deliver eache sardgente whate belongeth to his company , as he shall thincke conveniente , and fitt for his majesties service . he is earnestelie to procure to see severelie punished such as are inclined to vices and bad examples , and alsoe to advertice the captaines of his regimente , that they a siste in whate toucheth they re companies , touchinge this particular for beinge therunto bounde ; soe that all factioneres of base life , as theeves quarleres , mutineres , dronkardes , and suche as are vvholie given to vice may by driven a way , soe that those of good life may live at reste ; beinge in garison with his regimente , or with parte therof he is to apointe , and ordaine where shall eache company repaire when occation of alarme doth represente to frame his squadron , and he is alsoe to apointe each company of those on the vvatch whate place of the rampar they are to defende , and alsoe he is to give chardge to his ajudante , where they shall asiste that they may acomplish with care , diligence , and perfection , vvhate is refered to they re chardge , and those orderes beinge once given eache one with greate speede and care shall repaire to acomplish his obligation ; soe that duringe the time he is framinge his squadron the reste doe repaire to they re apointed places , that of a sodaine all thinges may be prevented in due time , advertisinge that he is to choise the moste convenientest and fiteste place for the framinge of his squadron , and of less empedimentes of casteles , towres , or offencive places nexte adjoyninge . the company or companies that are of the vvatch he is not to permit them to departe the same till firste other companies doe relive them , and take possession of the place , but stande in array till the other companies doe inter , and take posession , and then they are to marche towardes they re quarter , in this manner shall he perceiue those that intred the garde , and those that doe departe from it . he is not to give the wourde till the gates are shutt , he is to be carefull to see all thinges well ordered and acomplished , and see that the corporalles them selves in person doe acompany the souldieres till he leave them in they re centeries , where he is to give them the vvourde , bringinge backe along vvith him those that were relived to the corpe de garde , where he is to keepe them that nighte for respecte of the watche wourde , sometimes it happeneth that corporales of litle discipline and honor , do give the vvourde to those that goeth to relive the postes , vvhich resulte of pure ingnorance , and for they re ovvne ease , not thincking of the sore reprehension they may have of they re superior officeres for that badd and sinister custome : thies disorderes in no case are to by permitted , for beinge verie dangerouse . in this particular the high dutch is to be comended ( for at nighte they cause the drom to by beaten againste every relife , ) and the corporalles doe a company the souldieres til they leave them in they re postes , and bringe those that are relived a longe with them to the corpe de garde ; but in garison and other places nowe a dayes they use it diferente withoute the sounde of drom , not failenge in the reste , and the corporall yealdeth goode a compte of all that a pertaineth to his chardge , and trusteth the care therof to none but to him selfe , to by the more asured . greate and speciall care ought to by taken dayes of the watch that no souldier of the same doe absente him selfe excepte it by to eate , and the officer therin oughte to take a goode course in licencinge them orderly by comarades , one after another , givinge thē straighte comaunde to returne vvith all speede . and if they be founde longe absent eyther , drinckinge , pleainge , or pasinge a way the time idell , to severelie see them punished , and to repeehende the sardgente or corporall that shall licence them beinge in seperated gardes , and specially dayes of greate feastes and fayres . let no souldier absente him selfe from his vvatch , you if it vvere but to change a shurte or bande , beinge bounde such dayes to o cupie him selfe in nothinge but in a tendinge his vvatch : some times gamesteres who beinge therunto much inclined not findinge pleainge in they re ovvne garde do goe unto other vvatches to play , vvho oughte to by severely punished , for the redresinge of thies faultes , and many more , the a judantes oughte nowe and then to visitt the courte de gardes , rampares , and centeries , to see many faultes redresed . when occasion is offered in pasinge of muster it hapeneth , that some times the veedor generall , or contador is sente to see that muster by order of the generall , in which occasiones the sardgent mayor is to asiste , in sheowinge and instructinge the more convenienteste places for the same . as alsoe of all other necessaries therunto apertaininge , and he is to repaire and comunicate with his master de campe , and receive the necessary orderes for the same , and at the faulinge of the nighte to camaunde the drom mayor , and all the dromeres to joyne in the place or principall corpe de garde , givinge order to the drom mayor to beate a vando of the muster , not advertisinge the a pointed place for the same , for sertaine respectes , but rather pasinge the same in severall places that none may knowe where till the verie instant they marche , givinge order to the drom mayor that he proclaime thatt all companies be readdy , at the breake of the day to pass muster , and to be carefull to observe the instructiones of the veedor generall touchinge the muster , for duringe that time he hase ful auctority for ministringe vvell his office , or vvhosoever is apointed by him for that purpose , givinge firste order to the company of the master de campe to marche and after the same if they re be companies of arcabuseros , and after thos vvhiche he thinketh beste , and in pasenge muster they are to be cauled in the self fame maner , one after another as they did formerly enter , advertisinge that the company or companies that are on the watch shall marche laste to muster , and the firste that shall pass muster . the ajudante at this time shall cause the gates of the towne to be shutt ; and presentlie after at leaste one of the companies of the watche shall pass muster , and then the company of the master de campe , and after the reste companies that are ●●inter the watche , and the reste shall pass muster as they have intered , the muster beinge paste , and the listes confronted , the sardgent mayor is to get a relation of the number of souldieres that shall be conteined in each company , and bringe the same to the master de campe to knovve the full number of the muster of the companies of his regimente . wherof the sardgent mayor is to have a copie for many respectes : a sardgente mayor who woulde with prudence and auctoritie have his office vvell executed , it is verie necessarie that he knoweth the qualities and conditiones of eache captaine of his regimente , that he may employ eache one with discretion , as time and occasion shall require , consideringe the partes and suficiencie of eache one , that thereby he may employ each one acordinge to the partes that in him doth o curr : when his captaine generall , or master de campe generall , or ordinary master de campe giveth order for any execution of emportance . some are goode for all executiones vvhiche are esteemed for perfecte souldieres , some to fighte with a valerouse determination , others thoughe valiante of unhappie proceedinges , and that resultinge for the moste parte of they re litle prudence , som otheres doe o bey and carefully acomplish with whate they are comaunded by they re superiores ; of whiche often times happie proceedinges doe resulte ; otheres with prudence , valor , auctoritie , and brave conduction . it is moste necessarie that the sardgente mayor doe knowe the one , and the other that he may vvith the more securitie employ each one acordinge as the emportance requireth of eache execution ; he is alsoe to knowe the qualitie and condition of the inferior officeres , vvho are to assiste and who are to by employed acordinge to the partes and sufficiencie in them : he is to presente him selfe with auctoritie and brave resolution , reprehendiges faultes and disorderes with discretion , vvhiche shall oblidge them to obey and acomplish they re obligationes vvith love , he is to instructe them and sheowe them goode examples , as vvell in the exercice of theyr armes , as in acomplishinge they re obligationes with punctualitie , he is to comaunde vvithe prudence and greate resolution for beinge soe moste required for the executiones of his office , but with prudente consideration , for vvhich it is required that he be of a sober and gentle mynde for o therwise hardely can he bringe to pass his obligation in this , and specially in vvinenge the love of the souldiers . the sardgente mayor is to visite novve and then the postes or centeries , instructinge them who to handel they re armes and comaundinge them to let none pass by nighte tyme , nor permit none come nere him , withoute firste givinge the wourde , though it were his captaine or master de campe , and the souldier that otherwise permitethe any to pass is to be reprehended , for ocation may be invented at nighte of greate emportance , and soe it is verie necessary that none be permitted to come neere the centerie , withoute firste givinge the vvourde , and that for many respectes . yea and if it were his officer presuminge that he knovveth him , and intreating and repleeinge to lett him pass , he is to answer , vvith aresolute determination , and say i knovve none but he that giveth the vvourde for soe doth he vvell acomplish his obligation . in garison he shall comaunde the maner and vvho the roundes shall be distributed , whiche is the moste and sureste securitie of the place , and whē he him selfe shall rounde by night tyme to discover redress and reprehende the faultes and negligences of the roundes and cinteries ; he is to hid him selfe and aproache verie secretlie to perceive the care and punctualitie of the rounde , and if otherwise he finde him still , or vvith rumor in they re jurney not attendinge the outewarde as the inwarde side of the vvall , he is to severely reprehēde them . for the more securitie of a place dependeth on the care and prudence of the rounde : alsoe if he findes the centeries negligente and careles in not acomplishinge theyr obligation , let him see them severelie punished , that therby it may be an exemple both for them and otheres to complish vvith greate vigilance and care they re obligationes : some sardgent mayores for they re better securitie doe carie at nighte a target , because that often tymes unruly factioneres doe pass at nighte and comittt many disgraces ; soe it is not amiss he goeth vvell provided to prevente they re unruly tached inclinasiones , he is to use greate discressiō , and moderatiō vvith the cinteries in goenge the rounde . the ajudante is to rounde alsoe novve and then to seconde the sardgente mayor in differente nightes as ordained by the sardgent mayor , imitatenge the steppes and order of his master , and he is to informe of the cinteries if they hearde any rumor or ocation eyther vvithoute or vvithin , givinge the cinteries goode instructiones , as alsoe in the corrpes de garde or vvatches , and sheowe him selfe amiable to the souldieres , and reprehindinge they re faultes vvith prudente reasones . soe shall he by both feared and beloved . the officeres of the vvatches are alsoe to asiste in visitenge the cinteries as ordayned by the sardgent mayor , and that with scilence and vigilance demaundinge the cinteries if they have hearde any thinge , soe that remedy mighte be prevented in due time if ocation require . and specially the corporall , in givinge eache souldier to understāde who he shall handel or manadge his armes , and who he is to take the wourde , and to be alerto , let him not be given nor muche credible to uncertayne shadowes , as many bisones and rawe men doe , givenge many alarmes withoute o cation ; and when the round a procheth the cintery is to terciar his pike and demaund quin viene alla and if he houldeth his peace , let him turne againe in demaundinge with much severitie with an angrie and furiouse contenance , if he answere amigo which is to say afrende , then let him demaunde the vvatche vvourde , preparinge and makinge ready him selfe for that purpose ; and if it were soe that he shoulde suspecte of the rounde that it were an enemy , thoughe they give the vvourde let them not pass , aleadginge that they have not the righte vvourde : but otherwise knowinge the rounde and givinge the vvourde he is to lett them freely pass . the cinteries are alvvayes to by moste carefull and vigilante , for some tymes it may happen that the enemy shoulde steale the wourde , and fall of a sodaine on the cinterie and kill him , vvherefore he is alvvayes to by alerto and verie varie , and if he suspecte the rounde to be an enemy as before spoken let him be no meanes come neere to master his armes , and specially if they replee let him cause them to retire , if not , presently he is to caule alarme vvith great furie and high voice that he may by vvell hearde , and if neede require lett him by a litle and litle retire , defendinge him selfe the beste he may beinge therunto constrayned but not otherwise , vvheresoever the sardgent mayor shall asiste vvith his regimente or parte therof he shall comaunde the comon table ordained for gamesteres to be putt on the principall courte de garde , and the barata of thies gamesteres he shall a pointe one to oversee the same , vvhiche barata shall be to sheovve his horses . he is not to permitt to putt this table in other places nor permitt any joyinge of gamesteres oute of that a pointed place , for many respectes , and specially to avoyde quareles disputes joyninges and rumores of some that are given to thies vicees , but rather in the corpe de garde as a place of respecte and vvhere each one shall not presume so muche to comitt disorderes , for knovvinge of the severe punishmente for suche as comit errores , and loose respecte to a place of soe greate priviledge . the seavente chap. treatinge of the election and office of a sardgente mayor , marchinge in campaina . the election of the sardgent mayor moste comonlie is made by the generall of such as the coronelles or masteres de campe doe name or give in relation , his office is to by a generall minister of a vvhole regimente of sundrie companies ; and a superintendente of all the sardgentes of the same . by vvhouse , prudence , and brave conduction the coronell or master de campe doth give him the orderes necessarie for the due govermente of his regimente , in marchinge , orderinge , and embattellinge of the same , and of suche materes hereūto a pertayninge , be vvhose a proved goode partes may be gathered the brave conduction , valor , and prudence , required in a perfecte souldier , beinge chosen as a man who hathe the be fittinge partes required for this office of suche greate emportāce . whiche in time of the greekes and romaines vvas trusted to none , but the generalles executed the same in there one persones for many rare respectes of importance . the firste thinge that he is to doe before he begines to march , is to consulte withe his master de campe of all necessarie thinges for his jurney , and see such thinges befitinge prevented , and provided in due time ; advertisinge all the captaines of his regimente to put them selves in order to marche , vvith as litle bagadge as may be possible , and within so many dayes to have all thinges in areadines , and givenge order to the captaine de campana to prepare him selfe , and his sutleres , as alsoe to the auditor , furiell mayor , surdgent mayor , drom mayor , and that he be carefull that dromes and phifes by vvell provided in each company . the office of a sardgent mayor is of higher degree then any ordinarie captaine , for the captaines doe receive the orderes from him , and follow this directiones , and the sardgente mayor , from the coronel , master de campe , or generall , or from the kinge or emperor him selfe if he be in the fielde , for he is barred no entrie gate nor other place but freelie sufered to pass into rhe kinge or emperor is chamber , for beinge a person of greate respecte and fidelitie : wherefore they re ought greate concideration and regarde to be taken in the election of this officer . which otherwise beinge chosen by favor , frindship , or affection of one of litle sufficiencie , resulteth many enconveniences : it alsoe faleth oute often times that such persones so chosen , vvantinge the prudence , auctoritie , perfection , and brave conduction in him required , looseth often times his due respecte , and reverence of the captaines and other officeres : wherefore it vvere farr better for him to remaine a captaine rather then intermiddell in a matter vvhich requireth suche greate capacitie and perfecte experience in vvarr . in occasiones of marchinge he is to consider the qualities and conditiones of the countrie , if fertill or scante , if hilly or plaine , and not to permit to mounte a horsebacke but as feowe as can possible ; alsoe to consider the quantitie of bagadge , and provision , youe are to cary , and that to by as litle as may be possible as before spoken , rather onelie so much as neede shall require , and that the wantes therof can not be excused . after that all thinges necessarie for youre marche are treated and consulteth of ( and put in order ) yove shall comaunde that all the companies of youre regimente shall joyne where voure master de campe shall ordaine , and thincke moste fitt : then bigen to make youre devitiones to marche as youre superior shall comaunde . but if onelie one regimente doe march by it selfe , the sardgent mayor is to consulte with his master de campe , never failenge if they marche in any place or countrie where yove shoulde chance , or feare to encounter your enemy to provide youre selfe vvith sertaine barreles of pouder , match , and bullettes , that alwayes yove carie of thies rather more then lesh ; some pikes fearinge to wante , a quantitie of shoules bills , hatchetes , which is necessarie if neede or occasion require to make a way with trees boughes , and earth , in places where vvith difficultie the infantery , and bagadge may pass , or to cutt tries to shutt up a pasadge of o sodaine , or to make even places when otherwise but with greate difficultie youe can pass them , thies are necessary pertrechos , for not knowinge when occasion may offer to have neede of them , and speciallie pasinge troughe a foraine country . in occasiones of marchinge the sardgente mayor is to make the devitiones , and ordaine where each captaine shall leade , and in such maner that each captaine shall take his turne , meaninge that the captaine or captaines that did leade this day the musketteria shall to morowe leade the arcabuseros , that did followe and another day the pikes , and another day the arcabuseros of the rergarde , and soe fall a neowe and be his turne take possession of the vantegarde and reregarde as his turne shall fall : and it is inogh to ordaine this once , and let each one unconfusedlie be his turne take place of the vangard , rergard , and battell . pasinge trough any cittie or place where any danger mighte by suspected ▪ in the devitiones of the shott and pikes greate industrie and consideration is to by used , youre shott are to marche in goode order , and not confusedly , and be noe meanes to let none miss his rancke , givinge order to all the shott to lighte theyr matches , and to by redy of a sodaine if neede require , and otherwise where they re is nothinge suspected , one or two matches in every ranck may serve , it vvere not amiss to have no more bagadge then neede shoulde require , and not to permitt the souldieres to putt they re musketes in vvagones as often times they doe , and in ofringe occasion to serve with them , it hapened that trough this bad custome many are of no service vvith the barreles , and lokes of theyr musketes brocken , soe that in time of moste neede they wante . it is moste necessarie that the sardgente mayor and captaines by curiouse to see many faultes redresed , and that the souldieres be well provided of all necessaries , in as muche as can by posible and specially the shott to by well furnished with bulletes , at least twenti five , and in no case to faile in this : the captaines and alferises , are to goe bravelie armed with complet corseletes , and let no captaine not alferis monte a horsebacke till all the devitiones of shot and pikes are well ordered , and when all the bagadge is readie , and that the master de campe doe pass to the vangarde . then havinge all thinges in order ; in amile distance from the quarter the sardgente mayor shall step into the vangarde , and give order to the captaines to goe a horsebake and not before , as alsoe the alferises and other particular persones , the alferises recomendinge they re culoures to they re a vanderadose , and the captaine or captaines that are of the vangarde shall permitt noe souldieres to pass but such as have order in vvritinge for the same from the generall or master de campe generall or ordinary master de campe , and the captaine that goeth in the rerergarde shall take a speciall care to permitt none to tarie behende , but rather cause them to stepe forwarde to they re rankes . that alsoe no boyes nor sutleres by permitted to stay behinde for some of purpose doe stay to no goode entende , but to steale robb and spoyle the poure enhabitantes goodes , vvhiche is a thinge not to by permitted : and such sutleres and other unrulie factioneres as are given to this base and odiouse acte , are to be severelie punished in publicke . wherof speciall care oughte to be taken for many respectes . before youe marche the captaine de campana and all the sutleres and amunition vagones are all to by drawen oute of the quarter , ordayninge those that shall garde them . and then consideration is to be taken of the maner who to march with the amunition and bagadge vvhich is , that if it by knowen that the enemy is to by feared in the vangarde , on the way vvhere yove are to pass , let the bagadge by placed in the rerewarde , and if contratie yove have intelligence to feare the enemy in the rerewarde yove are to pass the bagadge to the vangarde . and if on the righte side , to conducte it to the leefte , and if on the leifte side transporte it to the righte ; and in this maner the army beinge smale or greate it shall be a vvall and defence to the a munition and bagadge . and this don by alwayes provided and ordered in due time , for otherwise it vvere a greate miss if sodaine occasion shoulde represente , and that the enemy of a sodaine shoulde fall uppon , and chardge on yove ; douptless it vvere a greate let and danger if yove were not provided and well ordered : to prevente the sudaine incursiones and stratagemes of the enemy they re oughte to by sente certaine lighte horse to scoute , and revewe before a certaine distance : soe beinge advertised before the enemy a proache , all thinges necessarie may by prevented in due time . the furiell mayor or quarter-master with the reste furielles are to marche all at once and not otherwise , for to make the quarter in due time . for if otherwise they goe they may use fraude and villany in spoylinge the villadges and poure enhabitantes , to whome all equitie , justice , and goode examples are to be ministred , for many goode respectes . some souldieres of litle honor and reputation some times in they re marche to ease them selves doe breake they re pikes or leave the same behinde , of suche base fellowes the sardgent mayor is to take a speciall care to see them severelie punished in publike , excepte it be one that is sicke or hurte , of vvhich persones he is presentlie to give enteligence to theyr captaines , and see that order be tacken to save them . in ocasiones of marchinge , the sardgent mayor is to order , and make his devitiones when he thincketh that all the souldieres of his regimente are gathered ; and comenge to a conveniente place to frame a squadron of them , of whate forme he thincketh beste . and when he cometh within a mile to the quarter vvhere he is to lodge with his regimente , he is to step forwarde to see whiche is the fiteste place to frame a battell ; as alsoe to revewe the sallies and entries of the quarter . the quarter-master is to receive him , and sheowe howe and where the regimente shall be lodged , as alsoe the fiteste place for the embattellinge of his regimente , and after the squadron is framed , he is to a pointe the companies that shall be on the watch that nighte , if on the generall a munitiones , or master de campe , or elsh where , let him see that ther by no empedimente in the place vvhere he choiseth to be more fit for the framinge of his squadron ; alsoe he is to be verie carefull and diligent in ordaininge the necessarie places for the watches , and he shall a pointe gardes a goode distance from the quarter ; soe that the enemy of a sodaine doe not fall uppon him , of which for many respectes greate consideration oughte to by taken and prudenrly prevented . he is to procure with the master de campe to cause avando or proclamatiō to by beaten for the observationes in passinge the wourde in march , battel , or eilsh where , and such as do not observe this vando to see them severelie punished for this beinge amatter of greate emportance , and wherof greate disorderes and inconvenienses doe resulte often times for not observinge the same : the wourde is to by given be foure persones , that is the master de campe , sardgent mayor , and from the captaine that leadeth the vangarde , and from him that leadeth the rergarde : and greate speede oughte to by tacken from whence it came and the cause . for it may be that the enemy shoulde of a suddaine chance to fall on the rergarde , or that some other ocation of emportance may offer ; for whiche respectes and many more considerationes this order is to be inviollabbly observed : and let itt with greate speede pass from rancke to rancke in youre march or order . it is moste necessarie nowe and then to make some altos , or standes to ease the souldiores , and refresh them with suche sorte of vituales as they cary a longe with them , and specially where they re is comoditie of water , and take a speciall care that some unruly fellowes by not permitted to goe oute of the order , and fall aspoylinge the contry , neyther there boyes . the sardgent mayor is to oversee and informe of all thinges that paseth in his regimente and give order to the captaine de campan̄a or borachell to see that his sutleres by well provided with vituales and other necessaries therunto a pertaininge , and to take a speciall care that noe wronge by don unto them . but rather to see severelie punished suche as vvoulde presume to doe them wronge . that ther by they may vvithe amore willinge minde a complish they re obligationes in furnishinge them selves with vituales and other comodities , and alsoe the sardgente mayor is to see that they be well paied for otherwise beinge ill paied and seeinge that there is no justice minestred they will run avvay and give a bad reporte , soe that noe other sutleres shall dare to come , and soe provicion will be vvantinge to the greate discomoditie of the officeres and souldiores . the captaine de campan̄a is to use discression and concience in seeinge that the sutleres doe fell there vituales with suche concideration that they may gaine and not overpress the poure souldior troughe coveteousnes and griddie deceite , as often times they doe . in thies and many more ocationes if the sardgente mayor be courious and carefull in a complisinge with his obligationes , hardlie can any thinge pass vvithoute discoverie and redress in due time , for he is aprincipall minister to oversee redresh and remedie many faultes , disorderes and fraudes , and he is in conscience bounde to procure the goode of the poure souldior , that noe fraude be permitted in deceivinge him of his poure meanes . if the sardgente mayor be in the filde with his regimente alitle before the fallinge of the nighte he is to relive the watches soe that the enemy may not discover them cominge nor goinge : but in garison the watches is to be sooner set . in campan̄a aspecial care oughte to be takē that the enemy for cause of oure negligence litle care and prudence do not of asodain fall on us beinge un provided , for to prevente such soddaine ocationes it is necessarie that a corpe de garde volante be ordained acertaine distāce towardes the enemy where yove moste suspecte they re cominge , which is a greate securitie for that quarter of the campe , but this muste be set at the fallinge of the nighte , and they re can hardlie any fire be made that the enemy may not discover yove , they oughte to be verie readie varie and vigilante vvith there armes at hande to fall on the enemy if of asoddaine they be therunto constrayned , and see if they can finde any conveniente shadowoe to shelter them ; and if perhapes the enemies spies doe knovve or discover vvho oure vvatches are set , and not knovvinge of this vvatch set soe late and soe secrett , it may fall oute that the enemy may fall into they re handes , for not beinge advertised by there spies of the prevention taken ; and fall of a sodaine on them , and give the a larme to the vvhole campe , soe that they may be ready in due time to prevente the enemy his incursiones , and purpose , and at lenghte cause them to retire , in executinge nothinge of they re designe or desire . for this purpose muste by chosen a captaine vvho is vvell knovven to by prudente , vigilante , and valerouse , and of a brave and resolute determination : and findinge the enemy brocken , let him in no c●se follovve them any greate distance , for they may prevente him vvith a secrett ambuscado , and findinge them pass the ambuscado fall on them on bothe sides , before and behinde , and defeate him : often times it happened that ravve souldieres and men of litle consideration doe give a larme vvithoute any occasione , wherfore they are to by advertised not to give any such till they by informed , and vvell assured that it is the enemy , for such as otherwise doe , they are estimed of litle consideration and of a vveake spiritt findinge them selves presentlie a mased , trustinge to they re inconsiderate imaginatiō of noe firme grounde nor reason figuringe in they re imagination to have seene this , and that , and of no purpose nor firmenes ; advertisinge that if an alarme be given where occasion doth presente , it is not to pass all the campe in soundinge dromes and trumpetes , but rather verie secretly , and withoute any rumor nor voice and vvith greate silence , joyne , and speedilie put them selves in order ; which orderes the master de campe , generall , or the person that comaundeth shall comaunde to be observed all over : soe that all thinges by preventeth with better order , and with amore setled minde ; and if otherwise the a larme be given every vvhere it is harde to knowe in due time , vvhere the occasion is . the centerie oughte to by verie firme , and seeinge one come let him not stirr , but rather prepare him selfe till he be well informed , and knowinge that it is an enemy then in a prochinge neere and assured , to shoote at him , and to be assured in as muche as may possible not to miss ; and beinge a pikeman he is to let him com under the puiesh of the pike , and then give the a larme , sheowinge him selfe with a valerouse determination , and kill the enemy , or take him , and to learne the designe of the enemy , and to whate purpose he was emploied , and then to retire to the nexte adjoyninge cinterie , and from thence to the seconde , and soe from hande to hande till he be sente to the firste garde , and from thence presentlie to advertice the sardgent mayor , advertisenge that everie cintery shall remaine in his a pointed place , and to be verie varie and vigilante fearinge that otheres shoulde followe , and inter of a soddaine findinge conveniente opportunitie for they re purpose : another thinge is to be considered that some times it doth happen that a spie favorable to us doth come from the enemyes campe to give us inteligence of whate occurreth , which spies are to be received and causinge him to stande or make alto till the officer of the garde by advertised , who is to receive him and presentlie carrie him to the sardgent mayor , who shall advertice his master de campe , and withoute delay conducte him to the superior to inform and sheow him the cause of his cominge . if be chance the enemy shoulde fall on the pikeman standinge in cinterie , and seeinge that they are of such force , that he can not resiste , let him retire to the nexte cintery shot that he may shoote at them , and give the alarme , and soe by litle and litell retire , and the pikeman shall with all speede goe to the firste watche and give inteligence of the occasion , that they may be readdie in time . and this order oughte the sardgente mayor to give that all thinges may be don in order and in due time , givinge alsoe order to the watches and culoures , where they shall ' oyne , and whate they shall doe ; soe that withoute delay they shall be founde to be putt in order to fighte as the situation of the place and occasion shall require . in all places on the frontier of the enemy where greate suspicion may be feared of soddaine exploites and embuscados of the enemy . in such places , and occasiones , the sardgente mayor is to give order in the morninge , that noe cintery doe retire till all places of suspicion by visited ; and then the cinterie perdue shall retire a litle further inwardes : and he is to by examined to see if he did a complish the vigilance , care , and truste referred to the exspectationes of his fidelitie ; and findinge his reasones and proofes goode in a complishinge his obligationes , he is wourdie of thankes , and if the contrie be founde , and he beinge founde hiden in some sure place of no danger , nor service to rewarde him a cordinge his merit with a publicke reprehension , for not a complishinge his obligation in a place of suche importance ; and soe shall he be rewarded and imputed be all brave souldiores which doe hire of his doinges , and pusilanimitie . when inteligence is had that the enemy are readdie to fall on you , or that any suspicion or a peerance may by of the same , eaverie one oughte to be readdie with they re armes in hande with a setled minde and brave determination , soe that with the firste alarme they may have no kinde of lett , but presentlie followe they re leader withoute beatinge drom or phife or makinge any kinde of rumor , but rather with greate scilence fall in to they re order . and concideringe that this is not onelie for the obligationes they owe unto they re kinge or prince but alsoe for the safegard honor and securitie of they re owne persones , for thies and suche ocationes all honorable souldiores oughte to by well prepared and specially the shot withe they re peeces all in areadines with as muche pouder as they re flaskes can houlde , and twentie five bulletes , soe that in offereinge ocation he shall not caule for pouder and led as some careles and covardlie fellowes are vvonte to doe , not beinge vvell provided before hande ; litle regardinge the kinges service and they re owne reputasion ; to prevente thies , and suche faultes they re officeres ought allwayes to see all thinges prevented in due time . soe that they re be no escuse . and suche as woulde not a complish the same in preparinge all necessaries befitinge as ordained for that purpose , to see them reprehended , and in case the souldier hase not wherwith to buy thies and other inescusable wantes the captaine is to helpe him therunto , for beinge conveniente for his majesties service , that the soulderes alwayes be well provided and suche as do not obey thies inescusable wantes to give them publike afronte like , covardlie and disobediente fellowes ; such souldieres as are of prudēte cariadge and have a speciall care in acomplishinge with punctualitie they re obigationes , and in givinge goode examples to otheres to imitate them , unwourdie is the captaine and officeres that will not honor futher and assiste thē . for in thies ocationes we see many brave and honorable souldiores whiche , are wonte ordinarily to carri apice of extraordinary goode match in there pocketes withe the two endes of the same in areadines , and rubbed in pouder , that without delay it may kindel fire , and alsoe with a fleaskillo in his pocket with fine and drie pouder for touch pouder , whiche if it were wett and afterwardes dried in aqua vite or in gineper oyle or in bothe togither it were verie goode , which beinge well dried , can not miss ; and suche souldieres as are knowen to be curiouse , and punctual in this and many more occasiones . they re captaines and officers ought to have a speciall care to honor , and prefer them a cordinge to the trial of ther valor , care , punctualitie , and prudence , in givinge goode examples , and sheowinge them selves in all occasiones , and incounteres , vvith a brave and resolute determination , vvhiche is a vvonderfull cōforte to they re captaine , and puteth him in greate hope of the victorie , and goode success , unhappie is the captaine , and unwourdie of the name that vvill not make knowen to his brave souldieres his inclined affection towatdes them , and specially in time of moste neede . in ordaininge the conveniente places for the cinteries both in the fielde and garison . the sardgente mayor is to use greate discrestion , in oversienge all the circuide and entries of moste importance and danger , ( and after viwenge all ) he is to a pointe a conveniente place where eache cintery shall by placed a luenge twentie five or fortie paces betwexte every cintery , some times more , and some times less , as occasion shall require : but in the fielde is there to be a pointed a cinterie perdue , or rather call it the contrary ( the securitie of the campe ) this cintinel is to be put doble meaninge a pike and a caliver , in a distance of , som o honderth paces litle more or less towardes the enemy , and withoute all the other cinteries , in the place or places wher there is moste suspision of the enemy to come . some houlde an opinion , that this cinterie is not to get the wourde ( not soe ( for if they see or hire any rumor , or a peerance of the enemy cominge , the pikeman shall repaire vvith speede and tel the nexte cintery vvhate he hath eyther seene or hearde , and if he have not the wourde or contrasena he shall not let him come neere , and this cinterie with speede is to let this pass to the nexte , and soe from hande to hande verie secret and scilent till it come to the nexte adioyninge vvatche or garde , that they may be prevented in time . thies cinteries of righte is to be caulled the securitie , of the campe rather then centerie perdue : they are to by chosen of valerouse and setled souldieres , of goode judgemente and brave determinationes ; and when the advise cometh vvith goode securitie to the watch , that the enemy are in armes , or approchinge neere , presentlie the master de campe , and sardgente mayor is to be advertised . and they are with speede to advertise the master de campe generall , in findinge as before true relation of the occasion to by suspected of any emportance . thies outewarde cinteries are never to retire , but when urgente and assured accasion doe constraine them therunto , in seeinge the enemy a prochinge , ( and not before ) and untill they reviwe if it be foote or horse . or if they come in order of squadron or marchinge in single file : after well reviwenge them , let them retire to the nexte cintery , and let the wourde pass very secretly from hande to hand til it come to the next watch , or let the pikeman goe forwarde with neowes and the other stay vvith the firste cintinell til they be constrained to retire to the nexte , and soe retire be litle and a litle , observinge still the enemy , and with whate order they doe marche , and soe fall into they re owne people , and informe of all of whate they have bothe seene and hearde : and seeinge them come disordered , thinckinge to fall uppon oures of asoddaine beinge a sleepe or in provided . then oures to turne uppon them with full resolution with the short dromes and phises which douptlesse if as before they come , they shall finde them selves pusseled and amased : thies exploites require prudence , valeor , silence , and brave resolution . it is necessarie that the sardgent mayor give order that uppon paine of deathe none doe presume to give a false alarme vvithoute occasion , excepte it be vvith order of the superior . and in occasiones of encounteres , skirmises , or assaultes vvith the enemy let the sardgent mayor give order that none call for pouder but verie silente ; for it is a thinge moste odiouse and of litle discretion , that the enemy shoulde knowe of oure vvantes in such occasiones : if neede require the pikes and raperes vvill serve in goode steede , if the souldiores vvithe brave resolution and determination doe a complish they re obligationes , for vvhich extremities is required a prudent and brave conductor of a valerouse and resolute determination . in all occasiones in the filde where the enemy , is to be feared and suspected , the sardgent mayor is to give order that the outewarde cinteries of oures nexte unto the enemy doe take a speciall care that none doe pass unto the enemy from oure campe ; which is rather to be suspected then if one of the enemy came into oures , for such as run unto the enemy they may be suspected , that they goe with some advise or secrett intelligence , if such persones can not be killed or tacken , let they re warninge by presently given to his captaine , and then presently to the sardgent mayor who at that instant shall comaund that noe souldier of the watches who hath the wourde shall be permitted to leave the same that night wiche orderes he shall deliver the sardgentes to deliver they re captaines to see the same executed ; and in such occasiones the watche wourde is to by changed , and if any boddy by founde absente , of those of the watch let they re warninge , presētlie be given to the captaine , for it may be a villaine of a base minde , and that he did goe with some advise to the enemy , and within foure or five dayes after come into oure campe , and give faluse excuses , hopinge to be pardoned , and comitt more villany : in thies occasiones goode heede oughte to be taken . a verie necessarie thinge it is in a sardgent mayor to by carefull in seeinge that all the souldieres of his regimente be well armed , and that there may be noe escuse in a complishinge they re obligationes , in escusinge that theyr armes are brocken or a mindinge . all thies and many more may they re captaines , and officeres prevente in time , withoute troublinge the sardgente mayor theyrwithall , for he hathe to many other employmentes of greater momente , and as isay thies may be well prevented be they re officeres , beinge coriouse and carefull . when occasion shall require that the sardgent mayor woulde have oute of certaine companies of his regimente a quantitie of souldieres to be employed , this he is to demaunde of the capitaines , who is to apointe and ordaine the number demaunded , and not to intermidle in takinge them otherwise , for the captaine is he which is to give a compte and reason of the souldieres of his company , and the sardgentr mayor in noe case is to intermidel in takinge them but those which the captaine shall apointe , for the sardgente mayor hath no auctoritie to take them otherwise ; excepte they be on the watch , and that urgente occasion shoulde be offered which requireth greate speede . and in such occasiones the officer beinge not presente he may take them ; and such souldieres as the sardgente mayor shall demaunde the captaine is to make no acceptiones , of all such occasiones as are necessarie for his majesties service : but he is not to intermidle in takinge from any officer any priviledge a pertaininge to the executiones of his office , which if otherwise he shoulde presume itt is a sinister and odiouse thinge in warr . some times it hapened that pincioneres gentelmen of the artillerie , and other particular persones are emploied be the master decāpe generall , and by the generall of the artillerie , and be otheres , whiche are to be permited to pass to deliver theyr mesadge in due time , and none ought to trouble or moleste them in there voyadge , excepte they be suspected . the sardgent mayor is to take care that if his regimēte in occasiones which mighte happen they breake uppon the enemy , and followe on the victorie , let none in paine of death fall a robbinge the hurtemen , nor none of the slaughter , which if any officer finde them in that base acte in such occasiones , may execute this sentence , beinge moste base and odiouse , but rather persue the victorie , and keepe his order as behooveth an honorable souldier of resolute and noble minde to doe . in like maner in occasiones to inter per force of armes into any towne citti or stronge place , the sardgent mayor is to by verie , vigilante , and carefull , that noe souldier of whatesoever qualitie or condition : be permitted to inter into any house , eyther ro robb or steale till such time as the enemy be wholie vanquised , that no danger nor execution of theyres might be feared , and that till all there furie be paste , and that uppon paine of death , for otherwise they incurr greate danger , some leavinge they re armes hire and they re in divers places ; of vvhich if the enemy take pocession they may easilie master them ; of suche blinde ingnorance and covetouse desire of gaine , greate digrace may resulte . if the enemy doe secretlie joyne in some secret place , and fall unavare in masteringe they re armes and murder them , which may well fall oute if prevencion be not used as before declared , in suche sorte that the enemy may not come in possession of the honeor gained vvith the lives and losse of soe many brave souldiores . for the executiones of rare exploites and brave interprises in warr is required prudente and brave conduction , and specially that the sardgent mayor be moste earneste to exercice the officeres and souldiores of his regimente ; whiche beinge soe practised in warr , greate expectationes mighte be hoped of them : beinge exersised in well manadgeinge they re armes , observinge theyr order and not stiringe oute of the same when they marche , in knowinge who to fall into squadron , and observe the proclamationes given , and ordained be the generall , nothinge soe dificill but that contuall use and exercice maketh easie . who soever woulde faine be couriouse in the framinge of many sortes of batteles , it is necessarie that he be exercised both in the theoricke and pratike of this arte , and specially to be able in aritmetick : soe shall he in time bringe his purpose to perfection with greate ease . and let him be carefull in knowinge who to give the orderes to each officer of whate shall be comended to his chardge , and cause all thingss to be a complished as they were ordained withoute replie , he shall not recall any order given , excepte it be trough goode concideration , neyther shall none be discomodated to put another in his place by favor or affection : greate consideration oughte to be taken in choysinge one of befitinge partes for the well executinge of this office , and that be no meanes it be given be favor or affection for many considerationes of emportance . after those of perfection in this arte we loocke dayly and finde feowe , but those of imperfection in multitude . some houlde an opinion that in orderes of marchinge and framinge of squadrones the number par , is beste , true it is that this number is good , but in the divitiones to fall oute of youvre march into squadron , let none be ingnorante that they are to marche acordinge as the devition fauleth oute . and for beinge of number par or impar it importeth nothinge , and for the contrariethere is no rule , buth rather conforme vvith the divitiones as they shall fall oute , ( which is the true way ) for we finde no other reason to the contrarie , neyther had pirho . kinge of the epirotes the firste enventor of squadrons , neyther the romaines , greeckes , nor macedonios nor any other nation : a sardgent mayor ought not to by ingnorante in framinge and givinge reasones of all sortes of squadrones , at leaste all suche as ocatiō and situation shall require , of which the sardgent mayor oughte to be curiouse , and not to err in any thinge that belongeth to his office , and specially in the devitiones and framinge of sundrie sortes of squadrones , though many do imagine and supose it needlesse ( more then onelie the foure formes . ) they are far deceived , for occasiones and situtationes shall offer where neyther of the foure formes will serve : in framinge of batteles the sardgent mayor is to sheowe him selfe with a setled prudent and brave resolution , and by no meanes permitt any crosinge or confusion in the orderes be him apointed , nor wronge none to take him oute of his rancke for him that came late , soe hittinge uppō the juste devitiones of his shot and pikes , he shal place an officer or two as he thincketh beste in the head of each devitiō , and that the sardgentes doe a complish they re obligationes in letinge none to stragel , nor fall oute of they re ranckes ; soe the sardgent mayor shall with ease and brevitie frame his squadron , and without any crossinge or confusion beinge so conveniente . for each companie of pikes shall take they re turne on the watch and soe needeth no contraversie nor confusion . the master de campe as a superior of his regimente is to choise to march where he pleaseth , and if ther by two companies of a●cabuse●os the one is to march in the vangarde , and the other in the rergarde , it is inough that the sardgente mayor giveth once thies orderes that each one be his turne shall come do optaine his right in occasiones of marchinge , withoute troublinge him any more . but if they re be more then one regimente eache of them shall take they re torne acordinge as they have the vvatche , marchinge firste uppon the righte hande , and soe goe by turne , and shall alsoe be lodged firste , and the reste of the companies withoute any crossinge or confusion as they come , yea if it were to frame a battell of the whole exercito . many goode partes are required in a sardgent mayor and principally to be experte in well executinge his office , to observe goode order in march , to prudently finish with expedition his affaires , to reprehende and redress disorderes in due time , with prudence and auctoritie , soe shall he be beloved and respected , and moste comonlie have goode successes . in the greatest dangeres he is ●o●hcowe him selfe with asetled minde and brave couradge , animatinge the souldieres , sheowinge him selfe with them in all dangeres and extremities , comfortinge , and givinge them goode instructiones and examples , and in the greateste dangeres that shall happen to presence him self with them with a brave and valerouse determination ; soe douptles shall he by beloved , feared , and respected by thē . let him by no meanes be overcomed by disordered a petites but rather be moderate mylde , and faire condisioned , a● be●itinge ●o person of soe greate comaunde . treatinge of severall sortes of squadrones . bigininge with the rule who to finde oute the square roote of any number , the table pitagorique , a table ●● by put in memorie for the framinge of squadrones , for suche as are not experte in arithmeticke , the table of the proportiones of unequall numberes , and who to frame severall sortes of squadrones , of severall sortes of weapones , and the industrie used for they re due orderinge and devidinge in proportion , acordinge as time , occasion , and situation shall require and permitt . a square roote is a digit or number whiche beinge multiplied in it self bringethe fourth a square number , as 2 beinge multiplied in it self make the 4. in sayinge two times two make the 4. and so from the number 1. to the number 9. yove shall understande in the table pitagorique , the raise of 1. can not be but , 1. the rayes of 4. is 2. the raise of 9. is 3. the raies of 16. is 4. that of 25. is 5. and soe consequently as in the table folowinge yove may perceive . to finde oute the square roote of any number be it square or not square , yove muste wourke thus , firste havinge set downe the number propounded whiche at the leaste muste consiste of 3. figures . set a prick under the firste digitt of the saied number on the righte hande , that donpricke every other digit or number therof towardes the leiftehande ; havinge alwayes one voyde space or chifer betwext every 2. prickes , as yove see heere don in the number folowinge 946. to finde oute the square roote of this propounded number , yove are to pricke the saied number as before taughte , havinge so don seeke oute one of the 3. digites , whiche beinge multiplied in it self may take a way the chifer 9. that is on the lefte hande , or as muche therof as may by , in sayinge 3. times 3. maketh 9. soe that 3. is the rays of 9. firste chifer of youre propounded number , and restethe nothinge , whiche yove shall put right a bove the 9. soe that yove have wholy don withe the 9. that liethe on the lefte hande that don , doble the quotient whiche is 3. and it makethe 6. and set the same in the voide place righte under the figure 4. and seeke oute a digit or number , whiche beinge multiplied in it self may take a way the 4. and say how many times 6. can yove finde in 4. nullo ; soe set downe 0. in the quotient right under the 6. that stand the on the righte hande , and say that in plasinge nullo in the quotient yove have don and there restethe 46. that remaineth , soe say that 30. is the square roote of 946. and there remainethe 46. that is not comprehended in the square roote in sayinge multiply 30. the square roote of 946. by 30. and it will make 900. to whiche 900. a● 46. that remaineth , and itt shall a monte the full some of youre propounded number of 946. as by the proofe yove plainely see . in all suche numberes to knowe whether yove have dō well or no , multipliy the square roote by it self , to the producte of which multiplication yove are to ad if there by any remainder , and if yove finde the summe therof to be like to youre firste propounded number , yove have don well , and if it be not like yove have errede . but if suche number doe consiste of many numberes or figures in workēge wherof yove muste doble the quotiēt once , twece , or threece , acordinge as the number dothe require , whiche yove shall more plainly perceive by this example followinge : presupose that 37424 is the number wherof yove woulde knowe the square roote ; to doe the whiche wourke as before taughte , firste prick the 4. that standethe on the righte hande , then fall to pricke the other 4. towardes to lefte hande , and havinge so don pricke the digit 3. that standethe on the lefte hande of all , nowe seeke oute som digit or number , whiche beinge multiplied in it self , takethe a way the laste chifer on the lefte hande , whiche is 3. or the moste therof that can be , whiche yove shall finde to by 1. and havinge set downe the saied 1. in the quotiēt say one time one is 1. whiche beinge substracted oute of 3. restethe 2. whiche is to be placed right over the 3. and conzeale the saied 3. that don , double the quotient 1. and it makethe 2. whiche yove are to place righte under the 7 of youre propounded numberin the seconde place towardes the lefte hande , that don say who many times 2 in 27. yove shall finde it to be 9. in sayinge 9 times 2. is 18. oute of 27 restethe 9. whiche yove shall place righte over , and above the 7. in the seconde place on the lefte hande , and in the quotient right under the pricke of the chifer 4 in the 3 place towardes the lefte hande yove shall place 9. havinge soe don , say 9. times 9. is 81. beinge substracted oute of 94. restethe 13. nowe double the 18 in the quotient , and it will be 38. whiche yove shall place under the 9. in the quotient towardes the righte hande , havinge soe don say how many times 38. in 132. that standethe right above it , yove shall finde it to be 3. whiche yove shall place in the quotient under the firste prike on the right hande under the chifer 4. that don say 3. times 3. maketh 9 oute of 13. resteth 4. then say 3. times 8. makethe 24 oute of 42. restethe 18 that don fall to the 3. in the quotiēt and multiply it in it self and it makethe 9. whiche yove shall substracte oute of the producte of youre laste division whiche was 184. and there shall remaine 175. soe that 193. is the square roote of the firste number given whiche was 37424 whiche square beinge multiplied in it self is 37249. and the remainder is 175. whiche two partitiones beinge putt togither makethe the firste number of 37424. yove are alsoe to understande that if yove finde any number oute of whiche youre quotiēt beinge doubled and can not be substracted , yove muste set downe a chifer in the quotiēt as yove do in divisiō . moste necessary it is for a sardgent mayor , or who soever doth pretende to be curiouse in the profession of armes , that he be expert in aritmeticke , and in knowinge who to finde oute the square roote of any number , that he may withe the more facility order devide , and ranke his souldieres , eyther of greate or smale numberes ; yea and of whate soever forme a sardgent mayor , oughte not to be ignorante , for some times occasion and situation offerethe that neyther of the 4. formes of squadrones are to be used ; wherfore i will set downe the rules , firste for the framinge of the foure formes of squadrones moste a customed and moste in use , as alsoe the rules to frame squadrones acordinge to the situation and disposition of the place , and occasiones to fighte , as well of equalities as of inequalities . the 4. formes of squadrones moste acustomed and moste in use , is the square of men the square of grounde , bastarde square , and broade square , whiche the spaniarde caule quadra de gente ; quadra de tereno , prolongado , y gran frente . gentell reader , understande that the firste thinge to by understoode in framinge of squadrones , is that the principall boddies of thē are to be framed of pikes , to the whiche are required a certaine quantity of shot , which are to be devided as time situation and occasion shal-require , touchinge whiche divisiones greate consideration and industry is required in many occurantes of warlike affaires , and it is of greate importance for who so ever takethe this chardge in hande to be perfecte in aritmeticke to facilitate many rare occurrantes of this arte , and specially in the office of a sardgent mayoyr . it is to be understoode that the rule whiche is observed in setinge in order or array souldieres , is that from the shoulder of the one to the shoulder of the other , is required 3. foote or at the moste three and haulf , and from ranke to ranke 7. foote , meaninge from the breaste of the one to the backe of the other . but when occasion shall offer to fighte 3. foote or 3 ½ . is i noghe from ranke to ranke meaninge frō the breste of the owne to the backe of the other , and one for his one statiō , soe that he ocupies before and behinde , and for his person 7. foote . to forme a squadron square of men , yove shall wourke , as before taughte in findinge oute the square roote which shall serve for fronte and flanke , as by the example folowinge yove shall more plainely understande , suppose that yove are to frame a squadron square of men of 464. pikes , to finde oute the square roote of this nūber firste pricke the laste chifer 4. towardes the righte hande , that don , pricke the other 4. towardes the lefte hande , so that the figure 6. standethe in the midel , nowe fall to the 4. that standethe on the lefte hande , and say the raise of 4. is 2. in sayinge two times two makethe 4. whiche 4 yove are to substracte oute of the 4 that standethe on the lefte hande then conzeale the 4. and plase azero above it , nowe fall to 2. that is in the quotient , and say two times two makethe 4. whiche yove shall place right under the 6. whiche liethe in the mideste of the number given , and say how many times 4 in 6. whiche can be but one , in sayinge 4. times 1. makethe 4. oute of 6. restethe but 2. which 2. yove shall place a bove the 6. and cāzeale the 6. that don fall to 1. that liethe in the quotient under the chifer 4. on the righte hande , and say one time one is 1. oute of 4 that layethe on the righte hande there shall reste 3. whiche shall be plased righte over the 4. towardaes the righte hāde , then canzeale the 4. and there shall remaine 23. soe that 21. is youre fronte and flanke , and 23. remaininge whiche shall serve to guarnish the culoures , to se if yove have don well , multiply 21. the square roote in it self , and the producte will by 441. to whiche producte ad 23. pikes , that did remaine , and the som therof wil be like unto the firste number given which was 464. as by the figure folowinge yove may see . a battel square of men of 464. pikes whose fronte and flancke is 21. square roote . 1 1   50 2500 2 4   51 2600 3 9   52 2704 4 16   53 2809 5 25   54 2916 6 36   55 3025 7 49   56 3136 8 64   57 3249 9 81   58 3364       59 3481 10 100   60 3600 11 121   61 3721 12 144   62 3844 13 169   63 3969 14 196   64 4096 15 225   65 4225 16 256   66 4356 17 289   67 4489 18 324   68 4628 19 361   69 4761 20 400   70 4900 21 441   71 5041 22 484   72 5184 23 529   73 5329 24 576   74 5476 25 625   75 5625 26 676   76 5776 27 729   77 5929 28 784   78 6084 29 841   79 6241 30 900   80 6400 31 961   81 6561 32 1024   82 6724 33 1089   83 6889 34 1156   84 7056 35 1225   85 7225 36 1296   86 7396 37 1369   87 7569 38 1444   88 7744 39 1521   89 7921       90 8100 40 1600   91 8281 41 1681   92 8464 42 1764   93 8649 43 1849   94 8836 44 1936   95 9025 45 2025   96 9216 46 2116   97 9409 47 2209   98 9604 48 2304   99 9801 49 2401   100 10000 for suche as are not expert in aritmeticke i have set downe the a fore saied table to finde the square roote of any nūber to then thousande , whiche shall healpe muche suche as are not able in aritmetike , but suche as are inclined to be perfecte in this noble arte of warr : i woulde wishe them not to wholy truste to this rule for the reasones before declared ; but rather learne to be perfecte in arithmetike , which is the sureste way . a squadron square of men of 361. souldiers of the whiche 144. are pikes , and 217. musketes . fronte of the battel . square of men . 144 pikes . 48 musk. 36 musk. 76 musk. 57 musk. 361 supose that yove are to frame a squadron square of men of 361. souldiers of the whiche 144. are pikes and 217. are musketes and that yove woulde have the squadron proportionally lined , every way withe the shott . to wourke the whiche firste take the square roote of the 144. pikes whiche yove shal finde to be 12. and say that 12. is the fronte and flanke of the squadron of pikes , that don take the whole number of shott and pikes whiche is 361. oute of the whiche alsoe take the square roote , whiche yove shall finde to be 19. oute of this 19 substracte 12. the square roote of the pikes , and there shall remaine 7. and so yove finde the number that yove demaunde for the girdlinge shott , nowe devide the 7. into two partes and say that yove finde 4 in one parte and 3. in the other , and say that by youre devision yove finde that the firste maniple of musketes is to marche withe 12. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , whiche is for the linenge shot of the right flanke of youre squadron . that don say that also by , youre laste devision yove finde 12. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke to guarinshe the liefte flanke of youre squadron , and say that the two flankes of youre squadron are linede , withe shott , meaninge 4. in eache ranke of the linenge of the righte flanke , and 3. in eache ranke of the linenge of the liefte flanke ; so the two flankes are lined . that don , say that 12. the fronte of youre pikes adinge therunto 7. musketes of the linenges of the two flakes makethe 19 and say that in youre laste devision yove finde that 19. rankes of 4. musquetes in eache ranke are to marche for the linenge shott of the vangarde , and alsoe 19. rankes of 3. musketes are to marche in the laste devision of shott for the linenge of the rergarde of youre battell , as by the figure before and in the devisiones of the same yove see plainely declared , and so youre squadron of pikes is proportionally lined every way in as muche as the devision and number can affourde . a squadron square of men of 576. souldiers of the whiche 256. are pikes , and 320. musketes devided proportionally as by the figure folowinge yove see . fronte of the battel . 256 pikes . 64 musq . 64 musq . 96 musq . 96 musq . 576. for the framinge of all suche squadrones eyther of greate or smale numberes , whiche yove woulde have to be proportionally lined withe shott yove shall wourke in this maner folowinge : firste take the number of pikes whiche is 256. oute of the whiche take the square roote , whiche is 16. and say that so many pikes shall the fronte and flanke of youre battell containe , and that it is of equall strenghte every way as well , to offende as to defende , and when yove woulde drawe them into squadron , for the more breuity yove may devide the fronte therof into two maniples eache one contayninge 16. rankes of 8. pikes in eache ranke , nowe to proportionally guarnish the same withe the shot take youre full number of pikes , and shot whiche is 576. oute of whiche nūber take the square roote whiche yove shall finde to by 24. that don , substracte 16. the square roote of the pikes oute of 24. the square of the full number of pikes and shot , and there shall remaine 8. this digit devide into two equal partes , whiche is foure in eache parte , and say that the squadron of pikes is to be lined every way withe 4. shott as by the devision of the same yove see , meaninge that youre firste division of shott is to marche withe 16. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , whiche is to line the righte flanke of youre squadron of pikes , and so many more rankes shall marche to line the lefte flanke of the squadron of pikes , meaninge 16. rankes of 4. musketes in every ranke , so the two flankes of youre squadron are lined . that don say that the fronte of youre squadron is 16. and therunto ad 8 the linenge shott of the two flankes , and it wil a monte to 24. to line the fronte of youre battell , say that yove are to marche withe 24. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , and so many more for the linenge of the rerwarde of youre battell as the figure and divisiones shewethe , and soe shall yove finde youre squadron proportionally lined every way ; whiche by the rule forme , and divisiones of the same yove may plainly understande this rule will serve to frame all suche sortes of squadrones eyther of greate or smale numberes , whiche yove woulde have to be proportionally lined withe shott , as plainely the figure and divisiones before sheowethe . in many countries hardly can youe finde the one haulf of there pikes armed withe complett corseletes , soe that this rule will sheowe yove how to guarnish the unarmed pikes , withe the complett corseletes proportionally every way , advertisinge that the culoures is to marche in the center . a cross battell of 1416. souldieres of the whiche 512. are pikes , and 904. musketes , whiche are to be divided into 4 batteles , and lined proportionally on the two flankes , as by the figure and divisiones followinge are reasoned . to wourke the whiche , firste take the number of pikes , for eache squadron of the 4. required for youre cross battell . nowe to youre purpose take the square roote of 128. pikes of youre firste squadron , whiche will be 11. and 7. pikes remaininge , and say that 11. pikes is the fronte and flanke of youre firste battell of pikes , as alsoe of the other 3. batteles , and 7. pikes remaininge in eache battell , whiche shall serve to guarinsh the culoures ; soe that 11· is the fronte and flanke of eache one of youre 4. batteles of pikes , and 7. pikes remayninge for the linenge of the culoures of eache battell of the 4. nowe for the division of youre propounded number of shott . double the one flanke of eache one of the 4. batteles of pikes , whiche double will by 88. this 88. the double flanke of the 4. batteles of pikes divide by 904. youre propounded number of musketes , and the number in the quotient will by 10. and 24 musketes remayninge , and say that the two flankes of eache of youre 4. batteles of pikes are to by lined withe 11. rankes of ten musketes in eache ranke as by the figure , and deutiones folowenge yove may playnely see , and withe the observation of this rule withe any other number eyther greate or smale yove shall withe facility knowe how to proportionably divide yovre shott for to guarinsh the two flankes of yovre squadron of pikes . thiese cross batteles are esteemed to be wonderfull stronge consideringe well the framinge therof . it is also of wonderfull safegarde , for the security of the bagadge amunitiones and hurte men , and if the enemy shoulde chance to charge the firste battel , or any of the other 3. whiche beinge a lone are but of litle force . wherfore consideration oughte to be taken of the stratagemes of the enemy , and withe what order they do marche , and then yove may double or tribele yovre fronte acordinge as occasion shall require and the situation shall permitt . and if the enemy are stronge on horse , regarde oughte to be taken in due time of the bagadge that it goe deposito , or be twexte the two laste batteles , and for theyr better security in suche ocationes , i woulde cut two rankes of eache of the two laste batteles and therwithe guarnishe the fronte and regard of the bagadge and also withe shott under the shelter of this guarnison of pikes so that they may be shadowed and defended every way and give a triple fronte to the two laste batteles . cross battell . severall sortes of armes are manadged in all coutries and in many places hardly can yove finde the one haulf of there pikes armed withe complett corseletes . wherfore i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the due orderinge in proportion of thiese severall sortes of armes , for beinge moste necessary in many occasiones in warrlike affaires : put in case yove have 1112. souldieres , of the whiche 260. are unarmed pikes 316. armed withe complett corseletes , 114. officeres reformed and particular persones who are armed withe gilted corseletes , and for the linenge shott 422. musketes . of the whiche number the campe master general , woulde have a squadron square of men to be framed , puttenge the unarmed pikes in the center , proportionally lined every way withe the armed corseltes , and the armed pikes proportionally lined withe the gilted corseletes and officeres reformed , as also that the 4. sides of the full battell of pikes to be proportionally guarinshed withe the 422. musketes . to wourke the whiche firste take 260. whiche is the unarmed pikes oute of whiche take the square roote whiche is 16 and. 4 pikes remayninge , and say that 16 pikes is the fronte and flanke of yovre center of unarmed pikes . that don take the full number of unarmed and armed pikes whiche is 576. oute of whiche also take the square roote which will be 24. nowe deducte of this 24.16 the raise or square roote of the unarmed pikes , and there shall remaine 8. this 8. devide into two partes , and it is 4. in eache parte , and say that 16. rankes of 4. corseletes in eche ranke is to guarnish the right flanke of yovre center of unarmed pikes , and so many more for the guarnision of the leifte flanke of the center of the unarmed pikes . nowe to proportionally line the fronte of the center say that to 16 the fronte of the center is to be aded 8 of the 2. lininges whiche make the 24. so say that the fronte is to be guarinshed withe 24. rankes of 4. armed pikes in eache ranke , and so is the fronte of yovre center and unarmed pikes lined , and the rerwarde is to be guarinshed withe the self same order , imeane 24. rankes of armed pikes of 4. pikes in eache ranke , so the center of the unarmed pikes is proportionally lined every way withe the complet corseletes . nowe to line the armed pikes withe the 114. gilted corseletes take the full number of pikes as well armed as unarmed whiche is 690. oute of whiche take the square roote whiche is 26. oute of this 26. the laste rays deducte 24. the square roote of yovre armed and unarmed pikes and there shall reste 2. this 2. devide into two partes whiche will be one , and say that the righte flanke of the armed pikes are to be guarinshed withe onely 24. gilted pikes which iuste ocupies place of one in eache ranke of the flāke and iuste so many more for to guarinshe the leifte flāke of the armed pikes , and say that the two flankes are guarinshed : nowe youre fronte is 26. and iuste so many gilted pikes are to guarinsh the outewarde side of the armed corseletes , and iuste so many for the linenge of the rerwarde so youre squadron is proportionally guarinshed every way , imeane the center withe the armed pikes , and the armed pikes withe the gilted corseletes . nowe to devide youre 422. musketes , youe are to take the square roote of the propounded and full number of pikes and shott whiche is 1112. whiche square roote will. be 33. oute of this square deducte 26. the square roote that was of the full number of pikes and there shall remaine 7 , this 7. devide into two partes , the one will be 4. and the other 3. and say that by youre devition youe finde that the right flanke of youre squadron of pikes is to be lined , withe 26. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , ( that don ) say that for the linenge shot of the leifte flanke youre devition yealdethe 26. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke so are youre two flankes of the squadron of pikes lined withe shott , nowe withe the two linenges of shott youe finde the fronte to conteyne 33. and say that 33. rankes of 4. musketes is to line the full fronte of the battell of pikes and 33. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke is to guarnish the full fronte of the rerewarde , for by the rule of divition and proportion it can not be other wise , so youre unarmed pikes are in the center , proportionally lined withe the corseletes , and the corseletes withe the gilted armor , and the squadron of pikes proportionally lined every way withe the 422. musketes as youe shall see by the figure and devisiones folowinge , advertisinge that in youre devisiones there do remaine 4. unarmed pikes and 14. of the gilted corseletes and five musketes as in the devisiones folo winge youe may see , all whiche are comprehended in the 23. the remainder of youre laste devision , as here folowth declared . a squadron square of men . 256 pikes . 64 cors . 64 cors . 96 cors . 96 cors . 24 gilt. c. 24 gilt. c. 26 gilt. c. 26 gilt. c. 104 mus . 78 mus . 132 mus . 99 mus . 4 pik . 14 gilt. 5 mus . 1112. 16 ran. 16 16 rank . 4 16 rank . 4 24 ran. 4 24 rank . 4 24 rank . 1 24 rank . 1 26 rank . 1 26 rank . 1 26 rank . 4 26 rank . 3 33 rank . 4 33 rank . 3 260 unarmed pik . 316 armed pik . 114 gilted corsel . 422 musketes . 1112 consideringe that many are ingnorante in knowinge the proportion of many sortes of squadrones and unequall numberes ● toughte necessary to put hire the tabel and rules for the same as hire foloweth . i woulde wishe allsuche as do pretende to step forwarde in the noble profeshion of armes , troughe there prudēt cariadge , and goode applicationes , to consider that many goode partes are required in them , amongste the which we finde it moste necessary that he be expert in aritmeticke , for otherwise hardly can he bringe unto perfection the rare curiosities required to the severall executions of the arte of warr . and especially the sundry devisiones of the severall sortes of squadrones , which by dayly triall , and experience , we see that many who are not curiouse nor expert in aritmeticke do err in uerie many ocasiones , and can not compass , nor bringe to iuste perfection withe grace , many rare occurantes in warrlike affaires ; and that for the moste parte resultinge of there litle aplicationes in imitatenge the vertouse prudent and approoved souldier ; and also troughe the blynde consideration of som , who consideringe that nowe in oure later warres for the moste parte all electiones goes by favor frindship or affection : yea and uery many by meanes of enteres , so that very many do not take the paines in aplieinge them selves in learninge the severall rare curiosities of this arte but rather mocke , and floute at those of rare and curiouse iudgementes by cause that their skill and capacitie can not reache in resolvinge the rare and deepe secretes of this arte , after those of perfection in this arte we looke , for those of imperfection we finde on every foote : so none oughte to reprehende in absence wherof in presence he is ingnorante . proportiones of inequalities is that the battell may be more broade then longe or more in fronte then in flanke . thiefe proportiones of inequalities is as 2. to 1. that is to say the battel to be two tymes more broade then longe , or more in fronte then in flanke , as is one to thre or 1. to 4. ett . or the battell to be three times or 4. tymes more broade then longe , or more in fronte then in flanke , or to be 2⅓ . or 3¼ . more broade then longe or any other suche like proportiones , to whiche effect i put this table and the rules thereunte apertaininge . 1½ is as — 2 to 3 1⅔ — 3 — 5 1 2 / 4 — 4 — 6 1⅔ — 5 — 7 1 2 / 6 — 6 — 8 1 2 / 7 — 7 — 9 1 2 / 8 — 8 — 10 1 2 / ● — 9 — 11 2 / ● — 3 — ●8 2¾ — 4 — 11 2½ — 2 — 05 2 / 1● — 8 — 17 2⅔ — 3 — 7 2 2 / 4 — 4 — 10 2 1 / 7 — 7 — 15 2 2 / 6 — 6 — 14 2 3 / 7 — 7 — 17 3½ is as — 2 to 7 3 / ●3 — 3 — 10 3¼ — 4 — 13 3⅕ — 5 — 16 3 2 / 6 — 6 — 20 3 1 / 7 — 7 — 22 3 1 / 8 — 8 — 25 3 2 / 9 — 9 — 29 3 3 / ● — 9 — 30 4½ — 2 — 09 4⅓ — 3 — 13 4¼ — 4 — 17 4⅕ — 5 — 21 4⅙ — 6 — 25 4 1 / 7 — 7 — 29 4⅛ — 8 — 33 4 1 / 9 — 9 — 37 4 2 / 9 — 9 — 38 5½ is as — 2 to 11 5⅓ — 3 — 16 5 / ●4 — 4 — 21 5⅕ — 5 — 26 5 ● / 6 — 6 — 31 5 1 / 7 — 7 — 36 5 2 / 7 — 7 — 37 5 2 / ● — 8 — 41 5 1 / 9 — 9 — 46 6½ — 2 — 13 6⅓ — 3 — 19 6¼ — 4 — 25 6⅖ — 5 — 31 6 2 / 6 — 6 — 37 6 2 / 7 — 7 — 43 6 2 / 7 — 7 — 44 6⅛ — 8 — 49 6 1 / 9 — 9 — 55 to reduce theese fractiones into whole numberes , and to knowe theyr proportion youe are to wourke in this maner folowinge . firste multiply the whole number by the fractiones denominator , and ad therunto the numerator of the saied fraction , and the proportion is founde , as for example to have the battell to containe so muche and the one haulf more in front then in flanke whiche the spaniard call tanto i medio ; seeke in the table 1½ wher of the whole number is . 1. and the fraction is ½ nowe multiply the whole number 1. by the fraction is denominator 2. and it makethe 2. wherunto youe shallad the saied fractiones numerator which is 1. whiche two adisiones dothe amount 3. and the fractiones denominator is 2. so say it is in proportiō as is 2. to 3. and so muste yove wourke withe all suche numberes to knowe the proportion therof , or say that youe will have the battell to be 3 3 / 3. more in fronte then in flanke , and to finde the proportion say it is as 3. to 10. as in the table yove shall see , and that yove may better understand it wourke as before taughte , firste in multiplienge the vvhole number 3. by 3. the fractiones denominator and it vvill be 9 to this 9. ad 1. vvhiche is the fractiones numerator and it vvill be 10 and say that it is in proportion as 3. to 10. and vvithe this observation and rule youe shall knovve in vvhat proportion shall by anny number . to frame a battell of 819. souldieres , whiche shall containe so muche and the one haulf more in fronte then in flanke , whiche the spaniarde and italian call de tanto y medio . the advantadge of grounde goode order , and military discipline are suche that troughe the conduction of prudente and brave comaūderes smale numberes offten times repulse far greater numberes , and some times the situatiō and disposition of ground-so faulethe oute , that neyther of the 4. formes of squadrones can serve ; wherfore a sardgent mayor ▪ or whosoever undertakethe to by curious or perfect in this arte , ought to be expert in framinge all sortes of batteles , as well of equall and inequall numberes whatesoever , wherfore i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the framinge of suche batteles bigininge with a battell of so muche and one haulf more in front then in flanke , which the italian calle tanto y metcho ; which i supose to by framed of 507. armed pikes , and that the fronte therof containe so muche and the one haulf more in front then in the flanke , to wourke the which put downe the number propounded whiche is 507. pikes , unto which number ad the one haulf of the self number , whiche will be 253 ● / 2. that don , ad bothe numberes and it will a monthe to 760 2 / 1. oute of whiche take the square roote , which will by 27. and 21. remaininge , and say that 27. is the front of the battell . to finde oute the flanke take 507. the number of pikes , and divide it by 27. the front , the quotient therof wil be 18. and 21. pikes remaininge , and say that 18. is the flanke ; and the 21. pikes which did remaine oute of youre laste division will serve to guarnishe the culoures , soe that 27. is the front , and 18. the flanke , whiche comethe to the juste proportion of the forme and number propounded , to see if yove have don , well multiply 27. the front by 18. the flanke the product of which multiplication , and the 21. which did remaine in youre laste diuision , and if it agrie with the number of pikes propounded yove have don well , if not yove err , advertisinge that the proportion of the front and flanke muste be observed , the forme wherof yove shall see here followinge , and lined proportionally every way withe the 312. musketes , as yove more plainely may perceive by the figure followenge , and by the divisiones of the same . a squadron of so muche and the one haulfe more in fronte then in flanke . pikes contained in the boddy of the battell . 486 p. pikes remaininge to guarnish the culoures . 021 p. the lineng shott of the righte flanke . 057 m. the lininge shott of the leifte flanke . 057 m. the lininge shot of the full fronte . 099 m. the lininge shot of the front of the reere . 099 m.   819 m. a squadron of so muche and one thirde parte more in fronte then in flanke . 208 pikes . 2 pikes . 42 musk . 42 musk . 88 musk . 66 musk . 12 musk , remaininge . 1 1 / ● 460. some times occasion and situation may offer to frame a squadron of so muche and one thirde parte more in front then in flanke , whiche the spaniarde caule tanto y un tercio , whiche i supose to be of 460. souldieres of the whiche 210. are pikes and 250 musketes , and consideringe that asargent mayor or any perfect souldier oughte not to be ingnorant in the framinge of all sortes of squadrones as tyme occasion and situation shall require , wherfor i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the framinge of any suche or semblable sortes of batteles , nowe biginenge withe the aboue nūber . to wourke the whiche firste take the propounded number of 210. pikes , that don devide it by 3. the quotiente wherof will by 70. this 70. the 3 parte of the propounded number , ad to it the propounde nūber of pikes and it wil be 280. oute of whiche take the square roote whiche wil be 16. and 24. remainenge and say that 16. is the fronte of youre battell ; that don , to finde oute the flanke devide 210. the propounded number of pikes by 16. the fronte , the quotiente wherof will be 13. and two pikes remainenge , and say that 13. is the flanke and 16 the fronte and two pikes remayninge , to see of youe have don well , multiply the fronte by , the flanke addinge to the producte of youre multiplicatiō the remainder , and if it agrie withe youre propounded number of pikes it goes well . nowe for the devition of youre propounded number of short whiche is 250. musketes take the whole number of short and pikes , whiche is 460. and divide the same by 3. whiche quotient youe shall finde to by 153. and one remaininge , nowe thiese 153. the quotiente of youre laste devision of the propounded number of 460. the producte of whiche 2. aditiones wil by 613. that don take the square roote of 613. which will by 24. the fronte of the number , nowe to finde oute the flanke , take youre principall number of pikes and shott whiche is 460. whiche youe are to devide by 24. the square roote of 613. and the number in the quotiente will be 19 and 4. remayninge and say that 24. is the fronte and ●9 . the flanke , that don deducte 13. the flanke of youre squadron of pikes oute of 19 the laste flanke and there shall remaine 6. this 6. divide into two partes and yove shall finde 3. in eache parte , and say that the firste division of shott is 14. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke comprehended one ranke of 3. musketes for the lininge of the culoures of the righte flanke of youre squadron of pikes , and say that the leifte flanke or side of youre battell of pikes are to be lined withe the self same order i meane 14. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke ; soe is the two flankes of youre battell of pikes proportionally lined withe musketes . nowe to finde oute the shot that will line the fronte and rerwarde of youre battell of pikes deducte 84. musketes the lininge shott of the two flankes oute of 250. the full number of shott , and there will remaine 166. musketes theese 166. divide by 22. the full fronte of youre pikes of the two linges the quotient of whiche wil be 7. this 7. divide into two partes the one will be 4. and the other of 3. and say that the guarnison of musketes that is to line the fronte is 22. rankes of 4 musketes in eache ranke , and 22 rankes of 3. musketes for the linenge of the rerwarde , so is youre battell proportionally guarnished or lined every way , ad . vertisinge that 12. musketes remainethe oute of youre division vvhiche vvill serve for to guarinsh the culoures , so vvithe this observation and rule youe may divide youre shott of any other suche semblable battelles . advertisinge that tvvo pikes , vvhiche dothe guarnish the culoures are above the number the devision of the battell yealdeth , vvhiche at leaste are to be taken oute of some ranke for that inescusable purpose to guarinsh the culoures , as also to be rekoned but once in theire firste division ; so that in all squadrones when in the divisiones of theire pikes and shott , shall not reste the conueniente number required for the due lininge of the culoures , then of force must that number be taken oute of some parte of the battell , advertisinge that this number so taken is not to be rekened but once , and that is vvhere theire first division sheovveth , as declared in the tabell of the battell , vvhich is the true observation , and explication of the divisiones bothe of the pikes and shott . so is it to by vnderstoode that the number takē oute of thies divisiones for the culours the battell shall containe so many above the number alued in theire firste division , and so for not to err , the divisiones of the table are to be observed for bienge infallible , and for cause that moste comonly of force order and array muste be broken to orderly place the culors in the center as also to guarnish them vvithe the conveniente pikes and shott . a squadron of two times more in fronte then in flanke . to finde oute the fronte and flanke of any number of pikes , whiche yove woulde have to be two times more broade then longe or more in fronte then in flanke , whiche i supose at this instant to be 1008. of the vvhiche 520. are pikes and 488. musketes , firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is 520· and multiply the same by 2. the producte will by 1040. nowe oute of this producte take the square roote , whiche wil be 32 , and 16. remaininge , and say that 32. is the fronte of youre battell of pikes , nowe to finde oute the flanke , take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is 520. this 520. divide by 32. the fronte , and the number in the quotient will be 16. and 8. pikes remaininge so yove founde oute the fronte and flanke , meaninge that 32. is the fronte , and 16 the flanke , and 8. pikes remaininge , in youre laste division , whiche will serve to guarnish the culoures , withe the observation of this rule , yove may frame a battell of pikes eyther of smale or greate numberes , and of whate forme yove will have the same to conteine of 3. times 4. times or 5. times more in fronte then in flanke in multiplyinge the propounded number of pikes by the proportion therof , if yove woulde have it containe 3. times more in fronte then in flanke multiply youre propounded number of pikes by 3. if yove woulde have it to containe 4. times more in fronte then in flanke multiply it by 4. and in wourkinge as before taughte yove shall finde oute the fronte and flanke , and there juste proportion ; for the impalinge shott i have spoken of in other forme of squadrones , but for suche as woulde be curiouse and experte , is required greate consideration to be had for the severall sortes of divisiones of shott , as time occasion and situation shall require , and it is moste necessary for him that undertakethe this chardge in hāde to by expert in arithmeticke , and so withe continuall practice shall he withe greate facility bringe to juste perfection all the divisiones befitenge for this purpose , and let none be ingnorante but that for the severall and rare curiosities of the divisiones of shott is required muche practice , and specially in aritmeticke , whiche is the principall fundament in reducenge thees devisiones into there iuste perfection , alwayes consideringe of tyme occasion and situation , as also of afore caste prevention againste the stratageames and orderes of youre enemy . a squadron square of men of 3024. souldieres of the whiche 1764. are pikes , and 1260. musketes divided into severall maniples , and troupes to marche that they may fall into battell presently when occasion is offered as by the figure and divisiones folowinge set downe , and for suche as have not intered into the deepe judgement and practice of this arte . i will here set downe the order of there divisiones , firste take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is 1764. oute of the whiche take the square roote , whiche will by 42. the whiche is the fronte and flanke of youre pikes . that don take the full number of youre shott , whiche is 1260 and divide this by 42. the flanke of the propounded number of pikes , and the number in the quotient will by 30. that don divide 30 the quotient into two equall partes , and youe shall finde the haulfe therof to be 15 so say that 15. shot comes under the shelter of eache pike of youre flanke for the guarnison of the same , i meane to eache of the two flankes , for triall wherof multiply 42. the flanke of the pikes by the quotient of youre laste devition whiche was 30. and the producte will by the iuste number of shott propounded , and that youe may the more easy perceive thiese devisiones i will set them downe in breefe as heere folowinge youe may see . the firste division is 42. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche shall marche in the vangarde of the divisiones of youre marchinge whiche mōted . 210 musketes . the seconde division of youre squadron is 42. rankes of 7. pikes whiche folowes the firste division of musketes and monteth . 294 pikes . the thirde diuision that folowes the seconde shall marche withe 42 rankes of 7. pikes in eache ranke whiche monteth . 294 pikes . the fourthe division shall by of 42. rākes of musketes of 5. in eache ranke monteth . 210 pikes . the fifthe division shall marche withe 42. rankes of pikes of 7. pikes in eache ranke whiche monteth . 294 pikes . the sixte division is 42. rankes of musketes of 5. musketes in eache ranke whiche is the laste division of shott of the vangarde and linenge shott of the right flanke of the squadron of pikes whiche monteth . 210 musketes . so are the pikes and shott of the vangarde divided and the reste of youre shott and pikes are divided as folowethe . the firste division of the rergarde is divided into 42. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke whiche shall marche in fronte of the linēge shott of the liefte flanke of youre battell whiche monted . 210 musketes . the seconde division of the reregarde is 42. rankes of 7. pikes in eache ranke whiche monted . 294 pikes . vhe thirde division of the rergarde is divided into so many more rankes . 294 pikes . the fourthe division of the reregarde is 42. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke the firstwinge of shot of the lefte flanke of the battell of pikes . 210 musketes . the fifthe division is 42. rankes of 7. pikes in eache ranke monteth . 294 pikes . the sixte division of the rergarde is divided into 42. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke for the seconde winge of shott of the liefte flanke . 210 musketes .   3024. if youe woulde have the one haulf of youre shot to marche by them selfes in the vangarde of the pikes as comonly many do , youe may withe ease and breuety in observinge the same divisiones and withoute breakinge of any rāke , in onely comandinge that the firste 3. divisiones of shott do marche in the vantgarde , and then cause all the divisiones of pikes to folowe , observenge there order as before set downe , plasinge the culores in the center , and after them in therergarde to marche the other 3. divisiones of shott which is for the lininge of the liefte flanke and observinge their order as before spoken of . 1764 pikes . 1260 musk . 3024. men . by the figure followinge youe see the saide divisiones fall oute of theire marche in to battell , and proporsionally lined on the two flankes with the 1260. musketes , as by the divisiones of the same , and the figure followinge youe may see as the table of the divisiones of the battell hire folowinge sheoweth . youe shall understande that in the division of the pikes there did remaine nothinge , and for bienge inescusable to guarinsh the culoures withe pikes and shott , i cutt of the fronte of the battell one ranke which containes 42. pikes and 30. musketes , of thies pikes 20. shall guarnishe the two flankes of the culoures and the other 22 pikes shall by imploied for other purposes , and the 30. musketes with other 30. that are to be taken oute of the battell shall guarinsh the culoures , so for suche as for curiositie woulde confronte this rekoninge it is necessary they knowe the diference is that 60. mueketes are to by taken oute of the battell to guaruish the culoures as before declared . which are to be rekoned but once for otherwise there shall by 30. musketes diference . the pikes contained in the boddy of the battel . 1722. p. the pikes that doth guarinsh the culours . 20. p. pikes employed in ocasiones of service . 22. p.   1764. p. 1764 pikes . 1260 musketes . 3024 men . table of the battell . 210 musketes . 294 pikes . 294 pikes . 210 musketes . 294 pikes . 210 musketes . 210 musketes . 294 pikes . 294 pikes . 210 musketes . 294 pikes . 210 musketes . 3024 men . square of men. 3024. men . front of the battell . 1764 pikes . 1260 musk . 3024. a battell square of men whiche ocupies place of 694. men in which battell goes avoide center which ocupies ●oume of 49. men apointed for the safetie of hurte men and amunitiones , or for vnarmed men and bagadge . the emptie center . 49 men . unarmed pikes . 121 pik . armed pikes or corseletes . 172 cors . musketes . 352 mus .   694. the emptie center for hurtemen amunition and bagadge ocupies plase of 49. in fronte and allsoe in flancke whose fronte and flanke is 7. the firste division of unarmed pikes that lines the right flanke of the uoide center shall be devided into 7. rankes of 3. unarmed pikes in each ranke . 21 pikes . the seconde division of the unarmed pikes shall alsoe marche withe 7. rankes of 3. pikes in each , to guarnish the left flanke of the voide center . 21 pikes . the thirde maniple of unarmed pikes that shall line the front of the center shall be divided into 13. rankes of 3. pikes in eache 39 pikes . the fourthe maniple of the unarmed pikes that shall march to line the rergarde of the center divided into 13 rankes of 3. pikes in eache ranke . 39 pikes . the first division of armed pikes shall be divided into 13. rankes of 3. corseletes to line the right flanke of the unarmed pikes . 39 corselet . the second division of corseletes that doe line the left flanke of the unarmed pikes is divided into 13. rankes of 2. corseletes in each . 26 corselet . the thirde division of corseletes that shall line the front of the vnarmed pikes shall be divided into 18. rankes of 3. corseletes in eache . 54 corselet . the fourthe division or maniple of corseltes that shall line the rergarde of the unarmed pikes shall be divided into 18. rankes of 2. corseletes in eache ranke . 36 cors . in the divisiō of the armed and unarmed pikes there did remaine 18. pikes of the whiche 17. are corseletes . 18   293. the division of the 352 musketes of the siyed squadron to line the battell proportionally everie way shall be divided in this maner fol●owinge , the rules bothe for this division , as also for the divisiones of the drie pikes and corseletes . i will set downe af ter this . the firste division of shott of the saide squadron shall march in the vangarde withe 18. rankes of 4. musketes in each ranke for the lininge of the right flanke of the battell of pikes monteth . 72 mus . the seconde division of the uangarde shall marche withe 18. rankes of 4. musketes in each ranke for the linenge shott of the lieft flanke of the squadron . 72 mus . the first division of shott of the rergarde shall be divided into 26. rankes of 4. musketes in each ranke for to line the front of the battell . 104 mus . the second division of shott of the rergard shall be divided into 26. rankes of 4. musketes in each ranke which shall line the rergarde of the battell . 104 mus .   352 mus . table of the battell . i do not doubpte but many who have not longe practised in the framinge of squadrones , and that are not skilfull in the severall divisiones of the same , and in particular suche as are not able in arithmetike , will in the begining finde greate difficulte in well orderinge and dividinge in proportion thiese batteles withe centeres , and lined every way proporsionally withe sundrie sortes of weapones . wherfore i tought fit to set downe in writinge the maner of they re severall divisiones . to wourke the whiche yove muste bigin withe the center ; then withe the divisiones of youre unarmed and armed pikes , and then withe the divisiones of youre shott to see how they fall to line the squadron of pikes in proportion as hire folowethe . to wourke the whiche , firste bigin with 49. youre propounded number for the voide center , and demaunde for the square roote of 49. whiche is 7. so youe finde that 7. is the front and flanke of the void center , that don say that youre voide place or center ocupies 21. foote in front and 49. in flanke , then place downe 49. the center and 121. the unarmed pikes whiche two adisiones , will amont to 170. oute of whiche take the square roote which is 13. and say that 13. is the front of the vnarmed pikes withe the voide center , that don substract 7. the front of the center oute of 13. the front of the center and unarmed , and youe shall finde that 6. remaniethe , this 6 divide by 2 ! and the quotient will be 3. so say that by youre division youe finde that 3. unarmed pikes comes to the linenge of the center everie way , beginenge firste withe the right flanke of the center which is 7. and say the linenge of pikes of that flanke is 7. rankes of 3 pikes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes for the linenge of the leift flanke of the center , conteinenge 21. pikes in each linenge , so by youre division youe fouude the 2. linenges of pikes of the 2. flankes of the center . nowe say 7. the front of the center and 6 the 2. linenges of the same maketh . 13. the front of the center and 2. lininges , nowe say that the thirde maniple of unarmed pikes that shall line the front of the center and the 2. linenges of the same , shall marche witth 13. rankes of 3. drie pikes in each ranke , so the 2. flankes and front of the center are linde : that don say that the 4. maniples of unarmed pikes are to be divided into 13. rankes of 3. pikes in each ranke for to line the rergarde of the void center , and say that the center is proportionally lined everie way withe the unarmed pikes , and that one unarmed pike did remaine in youre laste division . nowe to divide the armed pikes , to line the unarmed proportionally every way , take the full number of the center , of the unarmed , and armed pikes propounded , which 3. partisiones dothe amonthe 342. that don take the square roote of this number which wil be 18. and resteth 18. of the which 17. are armed pikes and 1. unarmed , nowe substract the square roote 13. oute of the square roote 18. and there shall reste 5. this 5. divide and say that 3 comes to line one way , and 2. armed pikes the other side of youre unarmed pikes ; then say that the firste division of armed pikes that shall line the right flanke of the unarmed , muste march withe 13. rankes of 3. armed pikes in each ranke which dothe amonth to 39. so say that the right flanke of the unarmed is lined with corseletes , nowe in the seconde division of corseletes shall march 13. rankes of 2. armed pikes or corseletes in each rancke to line the leifte flanke of the unarmed as by youre division so fallethe oute , nowe say that the 2 flankes of the unarmed pikes are lined with the corseletes . then in the third division of the corseletes shall march 18. rankes of 3. corseletes in each ranke for the linenge of the full front of the unarmed pikes , and cēter . that don cause the fourth division or maniple of corseletes to marche withe 18. rankes of 2. corseletes in each ranke for the linenge of the rergarde of the battell so say that the voide center is proportionally lined withe the unarmed pikes , and the unarmed withe the corseletes , and that there did reste 18. pikes whiche shall serve to guarinsh the coulors in the center , advertisinge that 17. are corseletes and 1. unarmed pike all which diuisiones youe se ordered as by the figure followinge apeereth ; nowe to divide youre propounded number of shott which was 352 musketes take the full number of the center of the armed and unarmed pikes , as also of the musketes whiche will amonte 694 oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by 26. oute of whiche substracte 18 the square of the center of the armed and unarmed pikes , and there shall reste 8. this 8 divide into two partes and eache parte will by 4 and say that to guarinshe the righte flanke of the squadron of pikes youe are to marche withe 18. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , and withe iuste so many more shall youe guarnishe or line the leifte flanke of the full number of pikes , nowe to finde oute the lininge shott of the frōte and rerwarde , say that adinge to 18. the fronte of the pikes 8 of the two linenges of the two flankes it makethe 26. and then say that to guarinshe the full fronte youe are to marche withe 26. rankes of 4 musketes in eache ranke , whiche is the lininge shott of the fronte , and iuste so many more rankes shall guarnishe the rerwarde of the battell of pikes meaninge 26. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke and so is youre battell proportionally lined every way as the figure and divisiones folowinge sheowethe . a squadron square of men withe a voide center . front of the battell . table of the battell .   pikes . musketes . soilderes . spaniardes . 1040 840 1880. italianes . 0888 780 1668. irishe . 0946 760 1706. englishe . 0840 740 1580. borgonones . 0847 694 1541. valones . 0939 686 1625.   5500 4500 10000. a battel square of men framed of six nationes , and who they shall un confusedlie fall into battell withe grace and brevitie , dividinge to each nasion his parte of the vangarde , acordinge the number of men they give in relasion , as by the figure folowinge are orderly divided , to fall into battell of a soddaine withoute any crossinge or cōfusion , with the ensignes of each nation in the center of their pikes . the enemy aproachinge and understandinge that they are resolved to give battell , the campe master generall knowinge of the prudent brave conduction , and resolute determination of the spaniard , italian , irishe , englishe , borgonones , and valones , comaundeth that there shoulde be chosen oute of thiese nationes to the number of 10000. of chosen men of tried valor and full resolution givenge order that a battell square of mē shoulde be framed of the saied 10000. men , and for feare of confusion or contrauersie in tyme of fallinge into squadron , he give the order that the italianes shoulde folowe the spaniardes , the irishe to folowe the italianes , the englishe to folowe the irishe , the borgonones after the inglishe and the valones to folowe , the burgonones , and that eache natiō shoulde folowe one another as before declared withe the fronte and flanke that toucheth eache nation acordinge to the number of men they give in ralation , that withe grace and brevity and withoute any crossinge or confusion eache nation may fall into squadron of a sodaine , and that eache nation may have his parte of the vangarde acordinge to the number of men he givethe in relation . to wourke the whiche i tought fit to set downe the rules for the divisiones of theese nationes , as here foloweth . firste take the full number of pikes given in relation by the saide six nationes , which is 5500. oute of whiche take the square roote , whiche is 74. the fronte and flanke of the battell , and 24. pikes remaininge , whiche shall serve to guarnishe the culoures . that done bigin to guarnishe or line the two flankes of the battell of pikes withe short aleowinge five shot under the shelter or defence of eache pike , whiche is the moste that can conveniently be defended under the same . to finde oute the linenge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , as before ordained , multiply 74. the flanke by 5. and the producte will by 370. and say that the linenge shott of the right flanke is 74. rankes of 5 musketes in eache ranke , and say that the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is lined withe shott . to guarnishe or line the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes , also say that it is 74. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke whiche makethe 370. musketes , and say that youre two flankes of the battell of pikes are lined , nowe to knowe the short that shal guarnishe the full fronte of the pikes , and of the two lininges of the 2. flankes , ad 10. the musketes of the 2. lininges to 74. the fronte of the pikes , and it makethe 84. the full fronte , then say that the division of shott that shall line or guarnishe the full fronte is to marche withe 84. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes shall marche in the fourte division of shot that shall guarnish the full fronte of the rerewarde , advertisinge that eache division of the two last that lines the fronte and rerwarde conteines 420. musketes in eache , so that the full number of shott of the afore saied 4. divisiones that shall line the two flankes fronte and rerwarde dothe a mounte to 1590. musketes , comprehended 10. musketes for to guarnish the coloures , thiese 1590. musketes deducte oute of the propounded and full number of musketes whiche is 4500. and there shall remaine 2910. musketes whiche i divide into 30. troupes whiche comethe to 97. musketes in eache troupe , the whiche 30. troupes is divided in the 4. angles and two flankes of the battel as by the figure and divisiones folowinge youe may better perceive , where all is ordered and set downe , and withe as greate facility as the divisiones can affourde , that there by suche as are not experte in aritmeticke nor in the theorike and practike of this arte may the sooner conceive the same .   pikes . musketes . soilderes . spaniardes . 1040 840 1880. italianes . 0888 780 1668. irishe . 0946 760 1706. englishe . 0840 740 1580. borgonones . 0847 694 1541. valones . 0939 686 1625.   5500 4500 10000. the full number of shott of the saied six nationes monted . — oute of whiche is to be deducted the divisiones of the 4. linenges . so that after deductinge the linenge shott of the 4. frontes of the battell of pikes resteth 2910. m. whiche is divided into 30. troupes at 97 m. in eache troupe , whiche are divided in the 4 angles and two flankes of the battell of pikes as by the figure and divisiones folowinge ordered and proportionally divided . advertisinge that oute of one of the troupes of musketes of the angles youe are to take 10. musketes to guarnishe the culores . the divisiones of the pikes and the order wherewithe each nation shall marche to fall into battell withe grace and brevety . by the divisiones of the pikes before spoken of in dividinge 74. the flanke of youre squadron of pikes be 1040. the number of pikes the spaniardes gave , yove shall finde the number in the quotiente to by 14. and 4. remayninge and say that the spaniardes are to marche withe 74. rankes of 14. pikes in eache ranke whiche is the order they are to observe when occasion offerethe to fall into squadron withe there coloures in the center of there pikes , advertisinge that there restethe 4. pikes oute of there division . 14 front . 4. the italianes who gave relation of 888. pikes is divided by the self same rule into 74. rankes of 12 pikes in eache ranke , and in offeringe occasion withoute any crossing or confusion shall fall into battell withe this order , and close uppon the leifte hande of the spaniardes withe the culoures in the center , and conforme them selves with the spaniardes in fronte and flanke . 12 front . the irish who gave relation of 946. pikes , shall be divided into 74. rankes of 12. pikes in eache ranke withe theyr culoures in the center of theyr pikes , and restethe 58. pikes oute of there division , and they shal fall into battell withe this order , and close uppon the lefte hande of the italianes . 12 front . 58. the englishe who gave relation of 847. pikes is divided into 74. rankes of aleaven pikes in eache ranke withe there culoures in the center , and restethe 26. pikes . 11 front . 26. the borgonones who gave relation of 841. pikes are divided into 74. rankes of 11. pikes in eache ranke , and 33. pikes remaininge , and withe there culoures in the center shall close uppon the lefte hande of the english , when occasion offereth . 11 front . 33. the valones who gave relation of 939. pikes is divided into 74. rankes of 12 pikes in eache ranke , and 51. pikes remaininge , and in offeringe occasion to fall into squadron shall observe this order , and ioyne uppon the leifte hande of the borgonones withe there coulores in the center . 12 front . 51. advertisinge that of the 172. pikes that did remaine in the divisiones of the spaniardes , irishe , english , borgonones , and valones . they shall by divided into 74. rankes of two pikes in eache ranke and shall close upp on the leifte hande of the valones when occasion shall offer to fall into battell , and there shall reste 24 pikes . 2 front . 24.   74 front . 24. the firste division of shott that shall guarnishe or line the righte flanke of the squadron of pikes is divided into 74 rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , consideringe that a pike can hardely defende under the shelter or defence of the same above five shott at the moste . 370 musk . the seconde division of shott that shall guarnishe the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into 74. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . 370 musk . the thirde division of shott that is to guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and the two linenges of the same is divided into 84. rankes of five musketes in each rank . 420 m. the fourthe division of shott that is for to guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , and the two linenge shott of the two flankes is divided into 84. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . 420 m. in the division of the full number of shott there did remaine oute of the division 10. musketes that is to guarnishe the coulores as in the divisiones of the shott is set downe . 10 m.   1590 musk . after lininge youre squadron of pikes proportionally every way as before declared , the 4. guarnitiones of shott montes 1590. musketes whiche are to be substracted oute of the principall some or number of musketes whiche is 4500. there shall remaine 2910. musketes , this remainder divide into 30. troupes and youe shall finde by youre division eache troupe to containe 97. musketes ordered and divided in the foure angles and two flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe acordinge as tyme occasion , and situation shall require as by the figure folowinge youe may see who all thiefe divisiones do fall oute of there marche into aperfect squadron in the forme and maner as before declared and sett downe . advertisinge that oute of the laste troupe of musketes on the liefte angle of the battell muste by taken 10. musketes for the lininge shot of the culoures , so that troupe of musketes containes but 87. musketes and all the reste 97. so that 10. muskeths difereth . advertisinge that the culoures of eache division of pikes shall marche in the center of the same , so that when occasion shall offer they may with grace and brevity fall into battell array , and withoute any crossinge or confusion nor cuttinge of rankes nor order as many do , but unconfusedly with grace , and brevetie fall into battell , as by the figure followinge youe may see , the 10. musketes youe take oute of one of the troupes of the angles for to guarnish the culoures are to by reckoned in theire due place as the divisiones of shott sheoweth , and youe are not to reken them in the battell by reason they were borowed oute of one of the troupes of musketes . and let none by ignorante that when the conveniente number of pikes and shott do not remaine oute of the divisiones to guarnish the culoures , then of force order and array muste be broken , in cutinge the shott and pikes necessary to guarnish them , and so for not to err in the rekeninge the divisiones of the table of the battell are to by observed ( for beinge infalible ) and for bienge the producte : of the generall rule of all the divisiones of the battell , so is it to be under stoode that theire is no better surer nor brifer rule for this purpose . by the figure folowinge and by the table and divisiones of the same you may see who eache nation doth march with the fronte and flanke acordinge the number of men they gave in relasion , advertisinge that the culoures of each nation are to march in the cinter of theire division of pikes , and the 74 rankes of pikes of 2 pikes in ranke that did remaine oute of the divisiones of the saide 6 nationes shall close upp on the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes as be the figure and divisiones followinge youe may plainely see who orderly oute of there march they fall unto battell with grace and brevity . front of the battell . square of men. table of the battel . the spaniardes are divided into 74. rankes of 14 pikes in each ranke monted . 1036 pikes . the italianes into 74. rankes of 12. pikes . 0888 pikes . the irish into 74. rankes of 12. pikes . 0888 pikes . the english into 74. rankes of 11. pikes . 0814 pikes . the borgonones 74. rankes of 11. pikes . 0814 pikes . the valones into 74. rankes of 12. pikes . 0888 pikes . the remainder of pikes of the six nasiones divided into 74. rākes of 2. pik . in each . 0148 pikes . pikes remaininge oute of the divisiones . 24 pikes .   5500 pikes . the lininge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes . 0370 musk . the lininge shot of the leifte flanke . 370 musk . the guarnision shot of the fronte monted . 420 musk . the guarnision of the reregarde . 420 musk . shot remaininge oute of the divisiones . 020 musk . 2900. musketes divided into 30. troupes . 2900 musk .   4500 musk . advertisinge that oute of one of the troupes of musketes are to be taken 10. musketes with the other 10. that did remaine to guarnish the culoures ; still observinge the divisiones of the table for beinge infalible . the greate battell of 10000. men before spoken of , is nowe divided into three battelles square of men as by the figure folowing appeereth . of the then thousande men ( before spoken of , and of whiche were framed abattell square of men , and all redused into one boddy as before set downe , and the forme of there divisiones . nowe supose that the campe-master generall woulde have the self same nūber of 10000. men to be divided into three batteles square of men and to observe suche goode order in there divisiones that withe grace , and brevity and withoute any crossinge or confusion they may fall oute of there marche into battell , as by the divisiones , and figure folowinge youe may see . advertisinge that of the spaniardes and italianes there shall by framed one squadron , and of the irishe and english another , and of the borgonones and valones an other .   pikes . musketes . soulderes spaniardes . 1040 840 1880. italianes . 0888 780 1668. irishe . 0946 760 1706. englishe . 0840 740 1580. borgonones . 0847 694 1541. valones . 0939 686 1625.   5500 4500 10000.   pikes . musketes . soulderes . spaniardes and italianes . 1928 1620 3548. irish and english . 1786 1500 3286. burgonones and valones . 1786 1380 3176.   5500 4500 10000. nowe to oure pupose take the full number of pikes of the spaniardes and italianes whiche is 1928. pikes oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by 43. and 79. pikes remainenge , consideringe that 79. pikes are muche to remayne oute of the squadron divide 79 by 43. the square roote , and the number in the quotiente will by one , and 36. pikes yet remayninge , this one youe founde oute of 79. ad it to 43. and it will by 44. and 36. pikes remaininge , and say that 44. is the fronte of the battell of pikes , and 43 the flanke , nowe consider that hardly aboue 4. shott can by , conveniently defended under the shelter and defence of the pike . and say that youe will line youre battell of pikes proportionally by 4. musketes every way . this resolution taken multiply 43. the flanke of the battell of pikes by 4. musketes the linenge shott , the producte wherof will by 172. musketes for the lininge shott of the righte flanke of youre battell of pikes , and iuste so many more for the lininge shott of the leifte flanke of the battel of pikes . that don ad 8. the linenge shott of the two flankes to 44 the fronte of the battell of pikes whiche two aditiones makethe 52. the full fronte of the pikes and 2. linenges of the two flankes , nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes multiply 52. by 4. the producte wherof will by 208. musketes whiche is the number of shott that shall guarnishe the fronte of the battell , meaninge 52. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke . that done say that the two flankes and fronte of the battell are lined withe shott . nowe to guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell , observe the self same order , and number where withe youe did guarnishe the fronte of the battell whiche was 52. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , and withe so many shall youe guarnishe the re rewarde of the battell , and say that youre battell is proportionally lined every way withe shott . nowe for the division of the reste of youre shott take 1620. musketes the full number of shott propounded , oute of whiche deducte 760. musketes the girdelinge shott of the 4. frontes of youre battell , and there shall remaine 860. musketes . whiche i divide into 14. troupes of 60. musketes in each troupe , of the which one troupe shall conteine 74. musketes by reason the division so fallethe oute , and divided on the two flankes of the battell as by the divisiones , and figure followinge aperethe , whiche is the firste battell of the three , and on the righte hande ; advertisinge that in the laste division of shott there did remaine 6. musketes where withe youe may guarnish the coulores withe them , and withe the 36. pikes that did remaine oute of the division of youre pikes , so youre propounded number of pikes and shott are divided . advertisinge that the fronte of this battell is 44. and the flanke 43. multiplienge the one by the other and adinge there vnto 36 pikes that doe guarnishe the coulores makethe the propounded number of pikes , whiche was 1928. as by the divisiones followinge apeerethe , advertising that youe are to cut ten musketes that wantes for the guarnision of the culoures , oute of one of the troupes , which youe shall finde to muche in the battell , be reason they are borowed of one of the troupes so folowe the divisiones as they are set downe in the table which is the righte way , and infalible . table of the firste battell .   pikes . musketes . souldieres . irishe . 946 760 1706. englishe . 840 740 1580.   1786 1500 3286. the seconde battell . nowe that yove have done withe the number of pikes and shott the spaniardes and italianes gave . take the 3286 men whiche is given in relation be the irishe and englishe , of the whiche 1786 are pikes , and 1500. musketes . to reduce them into a perfecte squadron square of men , and to be proportionally lined and guarnished every way withe shott . to wourke the whiche , firste take the number of pikes whiche is 1786. oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by 42 and there shall remaine 22. pikes whiche may be imployed to guarnishe the coullores , that don say that 42 is the fronte and flanke of the battell of pikes and 22. pikes remaininge . and supose , that occasion offerethe that youe finde necessary the lininge shott not to pass 3. in ranke under the shelter , and defence of apike . nowe to finde oute the lininge shott of the righte flanke of youre battell of pikes multiply 42. the flanke of the pikes by 3. musketes that is aleowed for the linenge shott , the producte wherof will by 126. or 42. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , then say the righte flanke of the pikes are lined withe shott , and iuste so many more rankes of shot shall serve for the lininge of the leifte flanke of the battel of pikes , observinge the self same number and order as did the linenge shott of the right flanke of the battell of pikes whiche is 42. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke whiche monteth to 126. musketes , nowe to guarnish the fronte of the battel of pikes whiche is 42. ad therunto the two lininges whiche 3. aditiones will by 48. the full fronte of the pikes , and of the two lininges whiche youe shall multiply by 3. the producte wherof will by 144. musketes or 48. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes and fronte of the battell of pikes are proportionably lined . nowe to guarnish the reregarde of the battell of pikes withe shott , observe the self same order before set downe for the lininge of the fronte of the pikes . that is to say 48. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , so youre battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way . that don substracte the 540. musketes the linenge shott of the two flankes fronte and rerwarde oute of the principall number of shott whiche is 1500 and there shall reste 960. musketes whiche youe shall divide by 12. or into 12 troupes and the quotiente of youre division alowethe 80. musketes in eache troupe , whiche yove may double when occasion require ( that don ) say that the reste of youre shott is divided into 12. trovpes of 80. musketes in eache troupe to be divided on the two flankes of the battell of pikes to squirmish in single or double siele as occasion and situation shall require , so al youre pikes and shot are divided , advertisinge that the 22. pikes that did remaine oute of the division of the pikes are to guarnish the coulores , as by the divisiones folowinge youe may see . advertisenge that by reason no musketes did remaine oute of the divisiones , youe are to cutt of one of the troupes 12. musketes to guarnish the coulores whiche are not to be rekoned in the boddy of the battell ( but for borowed ) but where the divisiones fauleth and sheoweth whiche is the righte way as here under youe see in the table which is unfalible . table of the seconde battell .   pikes . musketes . souldieres . borgonones . 847 694 1541. valones . 939 686 1625.   1786 1380 3166. the thirde battell . nowe to frame the thirde battell of the 3166. men the borgonones and valones gave in relation meaninge 1786. pikes , and 1380. musketes , firste take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is 1786. oute of whiche take the square roote , whiche yove shall finde to be 42. soe that 42. is the fronte and flanke of the battell , and 22. pikes , remaininge whiche shall serve to guarnishe the culoures . put in case that occasion requirethe that youre linenge shott is to be no more then 3. musketes in ranke , and say that 42. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke shall guarnishe the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , and juste so many more for the linenge of the leifte flanke , whiche two linenges makethe 252. musketes , that don take 42. the fronte of the pikes , and ad therunto 6. the linenge shott of the two flankes , whiche two aditiones will make 48. to guarnishe the fronte of youre battell of pikes , say that the thirde division of shott is 48. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , and juste so many more rankes for the linenge shott of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , observinge the self same order as dothe the thirde division of shott , meaninge 148. rankes , of 3. musketes in eache ranke , whiche two divisiones for the linenge shott of the fronte and rerewarde makethe 288 musketes , and soe the 4. sides of youre battell of pikes are proportionally lined every way , the foure linenges importheth 540. musketes . that don substracte 540. musketes oute of the full number of shot whiche is 1380. and there shall remaine 840. musketes , whiche yove shall divide as time occasion or situation shall require : whiche nowe i suppose conveniente to be divided into twenty troupes to be divided on the two flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe where occasion shall require in single or double fiele , as the situation shall permitt , and the occasion shall require , at 42. musketes in eache troupe , soe all youre shott and pikas are divided , as before declared ; advertisinge that the culoures shall marche in the center guarnished withe the 22 pikes , that did remaine in the division of the pikes , and by reason no shott did remaine oute of the divisiones of youre shott yove may take 12. shott oute of the laste division of shott to guarnishe the culoures , soe youre three battelles are framed , and by the figure folowinge youe see howe oute of there divisiones they fall into battell . greate consideration and curiosity is to by vnderstoode for the severall divisiones of shott , as tyme and occasion shall require , alwayes consideringe the situation and disposition of the grounde , as also of the severall occasiones and advantadges in skirnmishenge withe greate or smale troupes withe single or double file and in whate distance ( when , the enemy dothe abounde on horse , and when nott ) and also in preventinge in due time the orderes and stratageames of the enemy . let none by ingnorante that when in the divisiones of pikes and shott theire resteth not inough to guarnish the culoures , of force the necessary shott and pikes required for that purpose are to be cutt of the winges or troupes of the flankes , and are to be rekoned where theire firste divisiones did fall , as declared in the table of the battelles for if youe reken them in the battell and where their firste division did fall , it can not confronte with the divisiones , so observe still the rule of the divisiones as set downe and declared in breefe in the table of the battelles , which is the righte way and generall rule . this table is neowlie invented for that purpose , where presentlie withoute any paines or trouble youe shall finde the reasones , and proportion of all the divisiones of the batteles in breefe ( as well of the shott as of the pikes ) as also whate remaineth oute of the divisiones , whiche table is of rare importance for the breefe explicatinge and orderinge of all the divisiones of battelles . and besides for cause that many auctores do leaue the same in obscuritie to avoide prolixity , as also to disperte the ingeniouse understandinge of those of perfection in this arte . table of the thirde battell . pikes contained in the boddy of the battell . 1764 pikes . pikes remaininge to guarnish the culors . 022 pikes . lininge shott of the righte flanke . 126 musketes . lininge shott of the leifte flanck . 126 musketes . lininge shott of the fronte of the battell 144 musketes . lininge shott of the fronte of the rergarde 144 musketes . musketes divided into 20. troupes on the flankes of the battell . 828 musketes . musketes deducted to guarnish the culours . 012 musketes .   3166 men . square of men. fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the firste battell . fronte of the thirde battell . a squadron square of grounde of 1116. souldieres of the whiche 576. are pikes , and 540. musketes , to reduce them into aperfecte squadron square of grounde firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is 576. whiche youe shall multiply by 3. the producte wherof will be 1728 this producte divide by 7. and the number in the quotient will by 246. oute of this 246. take the square roote whiche will by 15. and say that youe founde oute the flanke of the battell of pikes , nowe to finde oute the fronte of the battell , take the propounded number of pikes whiche was 576. whiche youe shall divide by 15. the flanke , the quotiente wherof will by 38. whiche is the fronte of the battell of pikes and there restethe 6. pikes whiche shall serve to guarnish the coulores , so that 38. is the fronte and 15. the flanke . nowe for the division of youre 540. musketes firste say that for the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes muste marche 16. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke comprehended the ranke of the culors , so the firste division of shott of the van garde is divided into 16. rankes of five musketes in eacheranke . and the seconde division of shott of the vangarde and firste winge of the right flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into 19. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke . the thirde division or winge of the vāgarde is also divided into 19. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke whiche shall serve for the seconde winge of shott of the vangarde and righte flanke of the battell of pikes , so that 270. musketes , the iuste haulf of the propounded number of shott , are comprehended in the saied 3. divisiones of shott of the vangarde and righte flanke of the battel of pikes . and for the girdelinge shott and two winges of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes are also lefte iuste so many more . whiche shall observe the self same order in linenge the leifte flanke of the pikes . imeane 16. rankes of five musketes in eache for the girdelinge shott of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes and 2. slives , of 19. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke , in whiche 6. divisiones are comprehended the full number of shott whiche was 540. musketes advertisinge that the firste three divisiones of shott shall marche before the pikes , and the other three divisiones of the rergarde and leifte flanke shall marche after the pikes , as by the divisiones folowinge set downe in brife and shall be better understoode by suche as are not experte in this arte : so that they may the sooner cōceiue and come to understande theese divisiones , and howe oute of there marche they fall into battell withe grace and brevity withoute any crossinge confusion or breakinge of rankes as many do , whiche are not expert in aritmetike nor in the severall sortes of divisiones of firy weapone . the firste division of shott and firste winge of the vangarde is divided into 19. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche conteines . 95 musk . the seconde winge and division of the vangarde is divided into 19 rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . 95 musk . the thirde division of shott of the vangarde for the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into 16. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke comprehended the ranke of the coulores . 80 musk . after theabove 3. divisiones of shott of the vangarde shall marche the firste division of pikes of 15. rankes of 10. pikes in eache ranke . 150 pikes . the seconde division of pikes is also divided into 15. rankes of 10. pikes in eache . 150 pikes . the thirde division of pikes idem . 150 pikes . the fourthe division of pikes is divided into 15. rankes of 8. pikes in eache ranke whiche dothe cōtaine . 120 pikes . or the coulores did remaine . 006 pikes . the firste division of shott of the rergarded that followes the pikes and that shall line the leifte flanke is divided into 16. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke monted . 080 musk . the seconde division and firste winge of musketes of the reregarde is divided into 19. rankes of 5. musketes in eache ranke whiche followes the girdlinge shott of the leifte flanke and conteines . 95 musk . the thirde division of shott of the rergarde is divided into another slive of 19. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . 95 mus .   1116. the saied 1116. souldieres are divided into ten divisiones as before declared and who oute of there marche they shall fall in battell eyther in singell or double fiele as occasion shall require , and the situation and disposition of the grounde shall permit , advertisinge that there did remaine 6. pikes for to guarnishe the coulores , and that in the divisiones of the lininge shott and ranke of the coulores is comprehended 2. rankes of shott and that eache one of the 4. winges dothe conteine 3. rankes more then the divisiones of the girdelinge shott , and that for cause that ordinaryly the winges are augmented with 3.4 . or 5. rankes more then the girdelinge shott . fronte of the battell . table of the battell . 570 p. boddy of the battell of pikes . 6 p. remainder of pikes . 95 m. firste wing of musketes . 95 m. seconde winge of musketes . 80 m. lininge of the righte flanke . 80 m. lininge shott of the leifte flanke . 95 m. firste winge of musket . leifte flanke . 95 m. seconde winge of mus . leifte flanke . 1116.   to frame a squadron square of grounde of 2782. souldieres of the whiche number 1050. are pikes , and 1732. musketes , to reduce this number into a squadron square of grounde , whiche the spanniarde caulle quadro de terreno , firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is 1050. and multiply it by 3. the producte , wherof will by 3150. this producte divide by 7. and the number in the quotient will be 450. oute of this quotiente take the square roote whiche youe shall finde to be 21. and 9. remayninge , and say that 21. is the flanke of the propounded number of pikes . nowe to finde the fronte of the battell take the full number of pikes , whiche is 1050. whiche yove shall divide by 21. the flanke , and the quotient will be 50. and remainethe nothinge , and say that 50. is the fronte of the battell of pikes , and 21 the flanke . nowe for the division of youre shott suppose that yove woulde have the lininge shott not to contayne more then 4. in ranke , and that yove woulde have the battell of pikes , to be proportionally lined every way withe shot . to wourke the whiche , take 21. the flanke of the battell of pikes , and multiply it by 4. the producte wherof will by 84. and say that the firste division of shott is 84. muskete ▪ or 21. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , whiche is the linenge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , and the seconde division of shott for the linenge of the leifte flanke shall containe juste so many more , nowe to finde oute the nūber of shott that shall be in proportion to guarnish the full fronte of the battell of pikes and of the two linenges , ad to 50. the fronte of the propounded number of pikes 8 the number of shott of the two linges whiche two aditiones will make 58. and say that 58 rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke shall be the guarnison , or linenge shott of the fronte of the battell of pikes , and of the 2 linenges , and juste so many more for the guarnison of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , meaninge as before declared 58. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes fronte and rerewarde of the battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way withe 640. musketes , and restethe 1092. musketes whiche i divide into 22. troupes or maniples , ordered and divided in the fronte , rergarde , and 4. angles of the battell of pikes , to skirmishe eyther in single or double fiele as tyme occasion and situation shall require , and permitt ; all whiche divisiones youe may see by the figure folowinge , for the divisiones of shot let none be ingnorante but that there are many considerationes , and curiosities to be had as time and occasion shall require , and especially if the enemy be superior on horse . hire folowethe who the full number of pikes and shott is divided into 31. divisiones and who oute of they re marche they fall into battell . the firste division of shott that lines the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is 21. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke . 84 musk . the seconde division of shott for the linenge shott of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes iuste so many more 21. rankes of 4 muskets . 84 musk . the thirde division of shot that guarnisheth the full fronte of the battell and 2. lininges is 58. rākes of 4. musketes in eache ranke . 232 musk . the fourthe divisiō of shott that dothe guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell of pikes and 2. lininges is 58. rankes of 4. musketes in eache ranke . 232 musk . 22. maniples of 50. musketes in eache , devided on the fronte rergarde , and 4. angles of the battell makethe . 1100 mus .   1732 mus . advertisinge that of one of the troupes of musketes on the angles of the battell are to by taken 8. musketes which wantes to guarnish the culoures be reason no musketes did remaine in theire laste division , also be reason no pikes did reste in the division of the pikes y cut 21. pikes of the flanke to guarnishe the culoures so the fronte of the battel of pikes shall by but 49. pikes . and by reason the divisiones are before shut upp thies 8 musketes difereth in the rekoninge , so that when aconv eniente number of pikes and shott doe not remaine oute of the divisiones suficiente to guarnish the culoures the above observation mu ste be kepte as ordered in the table of the battell , so to confronte the divisiones with the propounded number yove are to by informed by the table for bienge infallible . a battell of 2025. souldieres divided into five battelles square of grounde , of the whiche number 945. are pikes , and 1080 musketes whiche are equally divided into five batteles , and proportionally lined withe the propounded number of shott whiche is 1080. musketes as the divisiones and figure folowinge sheowethe . to wourke the whiche firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is 945 and divide it into five partes or by five , and the number in the quotiente will by 189. whiche is the iuste number of pikes youre division yealdethe for eache battell of the five , nowe to finde oute the fronte , and flanke of eache battell take 189. pikes whiche youre division alowethe for eache battell of pikes , and multiply the same by 3. the producte wherof will by 567. this producte divide by 7. and the number in the quotient will by 81. oute of this 81. the quotiente take the square roote whiche will by 9. and say that 9. is the flanke of eache one of the five batteles of pikes , nowe to finde the fronte take the propounded number of pikes whiche youre division did alowe to eache battell of pikes whiche was 189. this 189 pikes divide by 9 the flanke , the quotiente wherof will by 21. and nothinge remayninge , and say that 21. pikes is the fronte , and 9. the flanke of eache battell of pikes before spoken of and when yove will have them fall into squadron lett them marche in 3. maniples of 9. rankes of 7. pikes in eache ranke withe the coulors in the center of the midel maniple , and so shall they fall withe grace and brevity into battell , and withoute any crosinge or confushion . to guarnishe the coulors yove may cutt nine pikes of the flanke of eache battell , and so shall the fronte conteine but 20. pikes ; nowe for the division of the propounded number of shott whiche was 1080. musketes supose that yove woulde have eache battell of pikes to be proportionally lined alowinge 3. musketes under the shelter or defence of the pike , firste say that the firste division of shott that shall girdel the right flanke of the firste battell of pikes shall conteine 9. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more for the girdelinge shott of the leifte flanke , so is the 2. flankes of the battell of pikes guarnished : nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes withe shott say that 21. is the frōte of the battell of pikes , and adinge thereūto the two lininges it makethe 27. and say that the third division of shott is to marche withe 27. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , whiche shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and two lininges ; nowe the two flākes and fronte of the battell of pikes are guarnished , and guarnish the rerwarde of the battell of pikes observe the self same order as yove did in guarnishinge the fronte of the battell of pikes whiche was 27. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , so youre battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way as before declared . the selfe same order shall by observed for the linenge , and girdelinge shott of the other foure batteles of pikes as more plainely shall a peere by the divisiones and figure folowinge the firste division of shott that dothe guarnishe the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into nine rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke . 27 musk . the seconde division of shott that guarnisheth the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes shall observe the self same order . 27 musk . the thirde division of shott that shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and of the two linenges is divided into 27. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke monted . 81 musk . the fourthe division that dothe guarnishe the rerwarde of the battell of pikes shall observe the self same order imeane 27. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke . 81 musk .   216 musk . by the above mentioned foure divisiones yove see who the firste battell of pikes is proporsionally guarnished withe shott , whiche 4. divisiones makethe 216. musketes , and the self same order shall be observed to guarnishe eache one of the other foure battelles of pikes whiche makethe up 1080 musketes the propounded number for the five batteles , as youe may plainely see by the figure folowinge howe they fall oute of there marche , and divisiones into battell as before declared , advertisinge that in the divisiones of the pikes and shott there did remaine nothinge . fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the firste battell . fronte of the thirde battell . fronte of the fifthe battell . fronte of the fourthe battell . table of the five batteles . divisiones of the firste battell : firste division is 9. r. of 7. pikes . 63 pikes .   seconde division . idem . 63 pikes .   the thirde division . alsoe . 63 pikes .     189 pikes .   multiplied by five . 5.   pikes of the five batteles . 945 pikes .   lininge shott of the righte flanke of the firste battell of pikes , 9. rankes of musketes in eache ranke . 27 musk .   lininge shot of the lieft flank 9. r. of 3. musketes . 27 musk . 945 musk . liningh shot of the front 28. r. of 3. m. in each ranke . 81 musk . 1080 pikes . guarnision of shot of the reregarde 28. r. of 3. musketes . 81 musk . 2025 men .   216 musk .   multiplied by 5.   lininge shott of the 5. battelles . 1080.   advertisinge that no pikes nor shot did remaine oute of the divisiones to guarnishe the culoures , so that one ranke of pikes and shott may by cutt all a longeste , the fronte or flanke of each battell to guarnish the culoures . consideringe that crosse batteles are of wonderful force as well aganiste horse as foote as also for the safegarde of bagage amunitiones , and hurtemē : i toughte necessary to put downe the rule for the framinge of suche forte of batteles , put in case that youe have 2032. souldieres of the whiche 1000. are pikes and 1032. are musketes and that youe wouled have this number divided into foure battelles of broade fronte proporsionally lined every way withe the propounded number of shott . to wourke the whiche firste take the number of pikes whiche is 1000. and divide the same by 4. or into foure partes and the quotiente will by 250. whiche is the number of pikes that youre division yealdeth for eache of the 4. batteles of pikes , nowe to frame the firste battell take 250. pikes , and divide the same by 3. the quotient will by 83. of whiche 83. take the square roote which is 9. and say that 9. is the flanke of the battell , nowe to finde oute the fronte take 250. the number of pikes and divide the same by 9. the flanke , the quotient will by 27. and 7. pikes remayninge , and say that 27. is the fronte and 9. the flanke , and 7. pikes remayninge : so yove finde oute the fronte and flanke of eache battell of the 4. and 7. pikes remaininge in eache battell whiche shall serve to guarnishe the coulores , nowe for the division of youre shott take the propounded number of shott whiche is 1032 musketes , and divide the same by 4. or into 4. partes and the number in the quotiente will by 258. whiche is the iuste number of shott youre division yealdethe for eache battell of the 4. of pikes : that done take the number of pikes , and shot that eache battell dothe conteine , whiche is 508. this full number , divide by 3. the quotient wherof wil be 169. oute of whiche take the square roote which will by 13. the flanke : nowe to finde the fronte of the full number of pikes and shott take 508. and divide it by 13. the flanke , and the quotiente will be 39. and 1. remaininge nowe take 10. the flanke of the pikes comprehendinge the linenge of the culors , and substracte it oute of 13. the laste flanke of the full number of pikes and shott and there shall remaine 3. and say that the firste division of shott shall marche withe 10. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke whiche shall serve for the girdelinge shott of the right flanke of the firste battell of pikes , and iuste so many more for the linenge shott of the leifte flanke , so the two flankes of the battell of pikes are lined , nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes , ad 6 the 2. linenges to 27. the fronte of the pikes whiche two aditiones makethe 33. and say that the thirde division of shot shall marche withe 33. rankes of 3. musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes of musketes shall marche to guarnish the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , and two linenges , so the foure sides of the battell of pikes are proportionally lined every way , and the selfe same order shall be observed for the divisiones of eache battell of the other three as the figure and divisiones followinge sheowethe , theese cross batteles are esteemed to be of wonderfull force , consideringe well the framinge of them , and they are also of wonderfull safegarde for the bagage , amunitiones and hurtemē , and if the enemy do come to charge on the firste battell or on any of the other outewarde batteles , whiche beinge alone are but of litle force , but the two outewarde batteles marchinge uppon bothe sides of the firste , then it is of triple force , and if the enemy doe charge on the rerewarde of the two alone batteles they close to gither , and are of double force , and if the enemy be stronge on horse , and shoulde charge at once on the fronte and rerewarde then the bagage and hurtemen are to marche betwexte the two double batteles , of the uangarde and rerwarde and cut so many pikes as shall guarnish the same on bothe sides to kepe of the fury of the horse , so it is guarished every way as the divisiones and figure folowinge sheowethe , by reason the culoures are doble lined and that yove muste cut 6. musketes for eache battell in the rekoninge shall difer so many , it importeth nothinge be reason yove are to observe the generall rule of the table whiche is infallible . fronte of the first battell . fronte of the thirde battell . fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the fourthe battell . by reason that by the divisiones the conveniente number of shott did not reste for the lininge of the culoures , the 6. shott that wantes for that purpose in each of the foure battelles , are to by taken oute of some of the divisiones ; soe that thies 6. musketes borowed shall difer but for not to err in the rekeninge alwayes observe the 〈…〉 of the di●isiones as set downe in the table , for beinge infalible ) and that moste comonly to muche or to litle pikes , and shott are wonte to remaine for the lininge of the culoures , soe that the firste divisiones ordered in the table , is the righte way , for otherwise suche as are not curiouse and of rare judgement can not chuse but err in the rekeninge , and so for to prevente remedy of this confusion , and obscure rekeninge , allwayes observe the divivisiones of the table , for beinge infalible , by reason that the convenient number of pikes , and shott did not remaine oute of the divisiones youe may cut one ranke alongste the flanke or fronte to guarnish the culoures ▪ table of the cross battell . severall orderes are used for the repartinge and prudente orderinge of an army into sundry battalones , as the occasiones and judiciouse intendimente of the prudente and brave comaunder shall finde conveniente , in devidinge them into 3.6.8.12 . or 16 battalones , whiche with facilitie are ordered by the prudente and experimented sardgente mayor . an army of 19200. divided into 16. battalones of broade fronte , bienge divided by 16. eache battell shall containe 1200. whos fronte is 60. and flanke 20. as by the figures folowinge yove see ordered . the army divided into 16 batteles of broade fronte . 16. batteles . the selfe same army of 19200. is divided into 12. battalones of broade frōte : yove shall by youre division finde each battalon to containe 1600. whos fronte is 69. and flanke 23. as the figures folowinge sheoweth . the army divided into 12 batteles of broade fronte . 12. batteles . three thousande men divided into six battelles of broade fronte ordered to fighte , as by the figure followinge yove see , the fronte of each battell is 41. and flanke 12. and 8. remaininge in the divisions of each battallon . severall opiniones are for the divisiones and orderinge of the firy weapon , some use winges of 200. some 300. shott , but in my opinion it were far better to divide them into smale troupes of 50.60.70 . and so till a 100. for by experience i knowe the same to by of for greater execusion in ocasiones of service , and more ready eyther in plaine straighte or narowe places , for the more troupes of shott yove have beinge prudently ordered and conducted , the more shall the enemy by a plied , the one orderly secondinge the other , which questionless theire execution shall by far greater then if they were divided into greate troupes . when yove shall come to any narowe or straighte pasadges , consider whether the straighte by suche as will suffice that yove may pass trough the same with the order yove march , if not conforme the order with the pasadge , and let the order not by so broade in fronte but that it may convenientely marche withoute breakinge order or array , nor lesher then the thirde parte of the fronte of the battell of pikes , if the situation so permit ; for cause thatt all prevensiones posible to be had for the breefe framinge of battelles are to by more esteemed , rather then fall abreakinge often times order and array , as very many unable sardgente mayores comonly do , but rather prudently with grace and brevitie , and withoute any crossinge or confusion or breakinge of any ranke fall into battell , thies and many more dificulties are with facilitie reduced into theire iuste perfection by prudente and brave conductores , and with grace and brevitie . the rule to frame triangle battelles is to bigin withe one man in the firste ranke , 3. in the seconde , 5. in the thirde , seaven in the fourthe , and so consequenty augmentinge 2 in every ranke untill youe finish youre battell , this unused proporsion i put downe to contente those whiche woulde faine knowe the forme of suche battelles , and bisides that à sardgente mayor oughte not to by ingnorante in any maner of forme or proporsiones of squadrones , and that withe facilitie and speede he may change the forme and proporsion , as time ocasion and situasion shall require , and that bisides ocasion may offer that situasion shoulde presente fit for suche formes , so that a sargente mayor oughte not to by ingnorante in no forme of squadrones . fronte . a battell of broade square of 6000. men of the whiche 1930. are complet corseletes and 4070. musketiers , ordered and divided as folowethe : firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is 1930. this number divide be 3 the quotiente wherof will by 643. oute of this quotiente take the square roote whiche will by 25. whiche is the flanke of the battell of pikes . that don to finde oute the fronte of the battell take the propounded number of pikes , and divide the same by 25 the flanke ; whiche quotient wil by 76. and 30. pikes remaininge , and say that 76. is the fronte and 25. the flanke of the battell of pikes , and that the 30. pikes shall be to guarnishe the coulores , nowe for the division of the 4070. musketes put in case that yove woulde have the battell to be proporsionally lined every way withe shott , consideringe that five shott is the moste that can be conueniently defended under the shelter or defence of the pike , and say that yove will have the battell to by guarnished withe five musketes in ranke , to wourke the whiche take 27. the flanke comprehended : the two rankes of the coulores and say that the firste division of shott is 27. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche is the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke and iuste so many for the linenge of the liefte flanke , nowe to finde oute the shott that shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes and the two linenges , take 10. the linenges of the two flankes , and ad it to 76. the fronte whiche two aditiones makethe 86. and say that the guarnision of shott of the fronte of the battell of pikes , and two linenges shall marche withe 86. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke ; nowe for the linenge shott of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes observe the self same order meaninge 86. rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes , fronte , and rerwarde of the battell of pikes is proportionally lined whiche 4. divisiones of shott makethe 1130 musketes nowe for the division of the reste of the shott substracte 1130. the 4 lininges oute of 4070. musketes the principall some , and there shall reste 2940. musketes whiche can not come under the shelter nor defence of the pikes , whiche i divide into 40. maniples of 74. musketes in eache maniple , exepte one troupe that conteines but 54. musketes whiche i divide on the flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe in singell or double fiele as tyme , ocasion , and disposition of the grounde shall permit , so all youre shott are divided as before set downe , and as by the divisiones , and figure folowinge ordered , and howe oute of there marche they fall into squadron advertisinge that the coulores shall marche in the center and midele maniple of pikes , and the 30. pikes that remainethe for to guarnishe the coulors shall also marche in the same maniple all whiche divisiones are plainly ordered as by the figure folowinge yove may see , who oute of there marche they fall into battell withe grace and brevity , in observinge the divisiones ordained when of a sodaine yove woulde have the pikes oute of there marche to fall withe grace and brevity into battell , cause the firste division of pikes to marche withe 25. rankes of 16. pikes in eache ranke , then another maniple of 25. rankes of 15 pikes in eache ranke then another maniple withe the self same order withe the coulores in the center guarnished withe the 30. pikes that did remaine , after the maniple of the coulors shall marche two other maniples of 15. rankes of 5. pikes in eache ranke as hire folowēge yove shall see . the firste division of pikes is divided into 25. rankes of 16. pikes in eache ranke maketh . 400 pikes . the seconde division of pikes is divided into 25. rankes of 15. pikes in eache ranke whiche shall folowe the firste monted . 375 pikes . the thirde division in whiche center the coulores are to marche is divided into 25. rankes of 15. pikes in eache ranke and dothe conteine in all the some of . 375 pikes . the fourthe division and maniple of pikes is divided into 25. rankes of 15. pikes in eache ranke whiche dothe conteine . 375 pikes . the fifthe and laste division also . 375 pikes . and 30. pikes that did remaine for the coloures . 30 pikes .   1930 pikes . for the framinge of batteles bastarde square whiche the spaniarde and italian call prolongado , that is to say longe in flanke , the rule whiche is used for the framinge of theese sortes of batteles is the self same of the broade square , and the diference is , that the fronte of the one is flanke of the other , as for example supose yove woulde have abattell bastarde square to be framed of 700. pikes . to wourke the whiche , do as yove did in framinge the batteles of broade fronte , in dividinge the saied number of 700. pikes by 3 the quotiente wherof will be 233. oute of whiche quotiente take the square roote whiche will by 15. whiche is the fronte of the bastarde square , nowe to finde the flanke take 700. the propounded number of pikes , and divide the same by 15. the fronte , the quotient wherof will by 46. the flanke of the bastarde square , and restethe 10. pikes . and if of this self same number of 700. pikes yove woulde frame asquadron of broade square the flanke of the bastarde square will by the fronte of the broade square , so that the rule whiche is used for the one will serve for the other . the diference is that the fronte of the one wil serve for the flanke of the other . a squadron of broade fronte . fronte of the battell . table of the battell . 25 rankes of 16 pikes . 400 pikes . 25 rankes of 15 pikes . 375 pikes . 25 rankes of 15 pikes . 375 pikes . 25 rankes of 15 pikes . 375 pikes . 25 rankes of 15 pikes . 375 pikes . pikes remaininge 30 pikes .   1930 pik . 27 rankes of 5 musketes . 135 musketes . 27 rankes of 5 musketes . 135 musketes . 86 rankes of 5. musketes . 430 musketes . 86 rankes of 5 musketes . 430 musetes . 50 troupes conteininge 2940 musketes .   4070 musk . advertisinge that the 20 musketes for the lininge shott of the culoures are comprehended in the divisiones of the lininge shot of the two flankes ; which 20 muskees were cut of the laste troupe on the liefte flanke , whiche troupe remaines with 54 musketes , and all the reste 74 musketes . no souldier ( i hope ) oughte to be ingnorante but that the squadron of pikes being framed , it is to be empaled and girdeled withe shott as many rankes of shott as pikes . but the righte and naturall girdelinge shott indeede oughte to be no more shott in ranke , then that the pike may well cover and defende , espesially where the enemy are stronge of horse , and so under the favor of the pike , there can nott conveniently be defended but one ranke of three or foure shott at the moste , and so many in my opinion shoule the girdelinge shott containe and knelinge upon one knee under the coverte of the couched pikes , shoulde at the charginge of the horsemen discharge there voley in there face , and bosome ; whiche woulde be no smale gallinge unto them , butt when this danger of horse is not to by feared , then the impalement may be made of more shot in a ranke , acordinge to the quantity of shott , and the reste of the shott into smale slives or troupes to troupe rounde aboute the battell in reasonable distance from the same , the whiche divisiones of smale troupes , i esteeme to be far better then the greate inproportionate winges , whiche many do use , containinge far greater numberes , and are muche more ready to be broughte to skirmishe eyther in single or double fiele , and every severall troupe to be led by a sargente or corporall , and some captaines to oversee the whole , and at every angle of the battell it were not a misse to a pointe certaine troupes of shott , whiche woulde flanker itt every way even as the cavallero or travessos do the curtine of a forte . let none be ingnorante but that for the severall divisiones of pikes and shott is required greate considerationes , as time , occasion , and situation shall require ; continuall application in the theoricke and practicke of warr togither withe perfection in arithmeticke makethe easy many difficulties of deepe judgemente , and rare importance in warlike affaires , all whiche cōtinuall use and exercice make the easy , for the severall divisiones of shott many considerationes are to be had acordinge as occasion shall require , and the situation and disposition of groūde shall permitt , for the girdelinge shott some use three some 4. and five is the moste that can conveniently be defended under the shelter or defence of the pike , and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , so that for the righte guarnision of shott oughte not to be more then the pike can defende , but in suche occasiones as the enemy is not to be feared on horse the divisiones of shot can be ordered of greater numberes to skirmishe , acordinge to the judgemente of the sardgente mayor , dividinge them in wings or maniples , as he shall thincke moste conveniente , observinge theyr juste proportion in they re divisiones , some use greate wings of shott , whiche are not comendable in occasiones of fighte , for the smale troupes are more apte and easieste to by governed , and of a sodaine youe can skirmishe withe them eyther in single or double fiele , and that bisides they bringe more men to fighte at once , but when the enemy are superior on horse , and wee feowe or none it is goode to gett the 4. frontes of the battell of equal resistance bothe to offende and defende , so that the enemy may not take advantage of one place more then of the other . the wings or maniples of shotte are not to go any greate distāce from the battell of pikes ; and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , but rather under the shelter , and defence of the pikes , that therby the squadron may by the stronger and more safe in receiuynge any domage when theyr force is united in one boddy as happened to don alvaro de sandy in the journey of caruan in barbery when the exercito of ciderfa kinge of the moores charged on him , one of his captaines named luis bravo de laguna seinge a winge of shott a goode distāce from the squadrō cried on don alvaro wishinge him withe spede to tourne and receiue that winge for freare that for loosinge the same he shoulde incur danger to loose the body , by dayly experience we see that smale numberes doe repulse far greater , and that the army whiche is beste ordered , and disciplined moste comonly is master of the victory , wherof there are verie many examples in writinge of famouse and antiente auctores , so that theese happy proceedinges resulte of the goode order , prudence , and approoved experience of the chefe and brave comaunderes and of the resolute valor of the souldieres , as vegetio de re militari give the reason how the antiente romaines came to master all other nationes , sayinge that they were not so greate as the germaines , nor so greate in number as the frence , nor so prudente as the greeckes , nor so many in nūber as the spanardes nor so subtill as the africanes , nor so furiouse as the britanes , butt by they re continuall practice and experience in warr they overcomed al theese difficulties , by onely mantayinge there people wel exercised in armes and practice of warr , when a regimente dothe marche some times greate disorderes are comited , the souldieres runinge away from there culoures , robinge and spoylinge the country , and poore inhabitantes litle regardinge in not acomplishinge there obligationes , in beinge absent from there culoures ; litle respectinge or fearninge there officeres , and no respecte to military discipline , wherof resulteth greate ruines and revoltes in many countries , some superiore and inferiore officeres , are culpable in thiese intolerable disorderes offencive to the lawes of god and comon wealth in not procuringe , sollicitinge and dayly instructinge they re souldieres as a father is bounde to doe for his children , and that as farr as his ability and power can reach , and not to be inclined to steale or wronge the poore souldier , in keepinge any thinge wrongefully from him , but rather sheowinge him self very , lovinge and kinde to them . in equalinge him self in all dangeres and travayles withe them , in cōtinually , givinge them goode instructiones , and comfortinge them in all necessities , yea and in assistinge them to his ability , in ministringe equitie and goode justice a mongste them , in honoringe and preferenge those of brave cariage , and goode examples , that otheres may imitate thē , in redresinge in due time disorderes , in seinge severely punished factioneres wholy given to vice and bad examples ; whiche are more dangerouse then the divell , so shall he bothe by beloved and feared by the souldieres , in knowinge that he is carefull in ministringe and procuringe justice to eache one acordinge his deserte , and specially to se base factioneres banished , and severly punished , when there is no hope of there amendmente . in occasiones of marchinge the sardgent mayor is to take a speciall care to procure all thinges to be in a readines to bigin his jurney verie early that the souldieres may come in goode time to theyr quarter for many considerationes to theyr comodity and ease , and in they re marche not to opress them , but keepe an ordinary pace , for otherwise verie many shall stay behinde : to make al to nowe , and then where he shall hit uppon good water , and he ought to have aregarde in pasinge narowe pasadges , and make alto a distance of till they all have paste and fal into there former divisiones and rankes , a sardgente oughte to be leifte in eache division of the regimente , that he may yealde acompte of them at all times , and observe the order as it was ordained by the sargente mayor , withe so many rankes and the self number , so that withe facility oute of there marche they may fall into squadron , when occasion shall require , and suche a sardgente or sardgentes as troughe negligence shall not acomplish his obligation , to reprehende him in publike . in time of the romaines suche as were inclined to disobedience in not acomplishinge there order and obligation , they were so severly punished , that no souldier durste by absente from his ranke , and the sardgentes and officeres of eache division of they re marchinges had suche care in acomplishinge whate was referred to there charge withe suche punctuality , that full satisfaction was yealded . in extraordinary heate weather in somer when the sardgente mayor marchethe withe his regimente greate consideration oughte to be taken as before spoken of , by cause of the extraordinary heate , and heavy burden of the souldier , some times they are chockte , and burned with heate , and for shame , and regarde of there honor they rather try danger of deathe then stay behinde there culoures . when the sardgente mayor shall marche withe his regimente in any place or contry where the enemy is to be feared the divisiones ought not to by greater then that they may comodiously marche , nor lesse thē the thirde parte of the squadrō of pikes , some times withe the one haulfe , and some times in battell , allwayes takeng regarde ofthe of the situation and occasion . the master de campe in marchinge withe his regimente as cheefe of the same is to marche in the vangarde nexte to whose person is to assiste the sardgente mayor as a principall minister to whome he deliveres the orderes of his regimente , but if the enemy shoulde chance to charge on the reregarde he as a cheefe conductor of his regimente is to assiste in the place moste to be feared of the enemy , to comaunde and execute in due time whate is moste fitt . the sardgente mayor beinge in campiana , and beinge informed that his regimente is to marche the nexte morow , he is to repaire to the captaine generall of whome he is to demaunde order where his regimente shall marche in the vangarde battell of reregarde , and he is to advertice , and give order to the captaine de campania to gett all the bagadge charged uppon the a poincted houre ordained , and not to faile in acomplshinge the same , and if the vangarde belonges to him he is to comaunde the captaine de campania to get all thinges in a redineshe at the breake of day , and to give order that the culoures and companies of his regimēte , withe speede drawe oute of the quarter , and to marche on to the place of armes , and there to frame his squadron , givinge order to eache captaine , where he shall marche that day , and divide the sargentes and sheowe each one his division , and givinge thē straighte charge that they acomplishe there obligatiō withe care and punctuality , and that no souldier doe misse his ranke , nor breake the order given , if the narownes of the pasadge do not constraine him , and let no souldier pass to spoyle the poore inhabitantes , and if he wante any souldier of those of his division , or if any come unto them more then the order given to adverice the sardgent mayor , and for recompence of his punctualitie and care in acomplishinge his obligation he shall gaine the benevolence of his master de campe and sardgent mayor , and in reason they oughte to have a memory of his punctuall care , and to prefer him into a greater office for his obedience and punctuallitie a monghste other sardgentes , and not once nor twice but still makinge knowen his aproved partes , care and diligence in acomplishinge the orderes of his superiores , soe can he not by forgotten by the superior officers till he by advāced for his undeniable care and obedience . moste necessary it is for a sargent mayor to be couriouse and experte in executinge well his office , for in tyme of framinge of squadrones the judges of his errores are many , in time of framinge of squadrones , some sardgēts mayores do fall into many errores , by reason of there litle exercice , and specially for not appliēge them selves withe care and diligence bothe in the theorike and practike of this arte , and specially to by skilfull in arithmeticke , whiche withe practice makethe easy many rare occurrantes in warrlike affaires , and suche as are not curiouse in well appleinge them selves in learninge the rare and deepe curiosities of this arte do some times finde them selves pusled and amased before there enemy in time of moste neede : a moste unfitinge thinge it is for one to be ingnorante and unhabele in his office , soe i supose that suche as do not diligently apply them selves , can hardly reduce into perfection that , wherof he is ingnorante and knowethe not the arte , by dayly experience , we see that favor ▪ frendshipp , enteres , and affection , hinderethe muche prosperity and goode successes , and specially in this noble arte of warr . many opiniones there are for the divisiones of shott , and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , and that youe have two thirde partes of shott , unto one of pikes , youre battell beinge empaled and girdeled proportionally withe shott , there will yett remayne goode store of shott . the question is how they shall be bestowed to be safe from the fury of the horse , the sureste and beste way is to put them into the center of the battell of pikes , where they are more safe , and if any shott be killed or hurte youe can take at all times oute of the center as many as youe shall neede of . for the framinge of thiese battelles withe centeres i have already declared howe they oughte to be framed , and proporsionolly lined , and if the enemy horse shoulde chance of a sodaine to chardge on yove , and that youe have no tyme to place the overplusse of youre shott in the center divide them betwixte the rankes of pikes all alongste from the fronte to the reare warde , so they shall by safe and yove can use them at any tyme when ocasion shall require , but havinge inteligence that the enemy are stronge in horse , and we feowe or none in suche ocasiones i woule firste bigin in framinge the cener of the overplusse of the shott , havinge oportunity for the same , and also leave place for hurtemen in the cēter and divide them into so many maniples that they may of a sodaine fall into squadron square of men in the center , withoute any crossinge aluēge there iuste fronte and flanke and then divide the pikes into maniples to proportionally guarnishe the center on every side or fronte of the same , and then divide in proportion the girdlinge shott that is lefte to guarnish the 4 frontes of the battell of pikes , and center , this is the perfecte and right way , but when urgent necessity requireth the overplusse of shott may be plased and divided betwexte the rankes of pikes as before sett downe , advertisinge that the coulores is to goe in the center . as the battell dothe marche on towardes the enemy and cominge once within reache of the musket then the firste rankes of the winges of musketes are to marche in this maner ; the firste rankes steppinge some two or three paces , forwarde havinge in the meane tyme made them selves ready , and cocked there matches , then with readines and expedition all those of the firste rankes ( there musketes byenge uppon there restes or forkes ) to discharge at once , permitenge other rankes to proceede , then presently those of the seconde ranke to stepe upp before the firste ranke , as the battell or batallon do marche , and so to discharge as they re former followes had don before , and then the thirde ranke before the seconde , and the four . the before the thirde , and soe all the other rankes consequently withe this kinde of double marche and at the traine of the laste ranke those of the firste to folowe upp a gaine , and so consequently the reste . but if chance that the squadron of pikes be distresed , or constrained to retire , they are to discharge at the enemy , retiring backe uppon a counter marche eache feele or ranke , consequently , and withe expedition one after a nother , and withe speede fall bake into there ranke , to give place to the nexte rankes , that no time be idell , employed . sundry opiniones there are of comparisones betwext the infantery , and cavallery , whiche of them is moste utill in the warres , the one and the other are moste necessary in occurantes of warlicke affaires , but in my opinion the infantery is to be preferred firste beinge well disciplined in the arte of war , never the lesse the cavalleria beinge well monted and armed and beinge experimente , souldieres , beinge conducted by prudent and brave conductores douptlesse theyr executiones and resolutiō is to be feared , but they are not comparable to deale , withe resolute foote , excepte uppon manifeste and greate advantages and in place or grounde of greate favor for them . for beinge well knowen that a resolute stande of pikes well ordered , and girdeled withe shott , will give them sore stoppes , and retournes as plainely apeered when marques de pescara withe 800 short aptayned the victory of charles de noy then visroy of napoles , withe his cavallery at the battell of pavia , a nother example wee have of the conte francisco carmognolla , beinge captaine generall of filip viconte duke of millanes army , goinge withe 6000. horse a gainste the swisheres army , was by them repulsed by the valeure , and lenghte of there pikes , who havinge regathered this disordered troupes , consideringe from whence there disadvantage greowe , turned head againe uppon the enemy : and he him self and his companies disamounted on foote , and withe there lances in hande framed afoote squadron , and charged the enemy afresh , and brake and overthrewe them in number above fifteene thousande when by force of horse coulde not by removed , imitatinge herin marcus , valerius , cornelius , who beinge consull and captaine againste the samnites in the firste punny warres , and in theyr laste battell not able to enter uppon them by reason of there lōge pikes where withe they defended them selves , comaunded his horsemen to disamounte , and on foote they arived as they were withe there lances , to fighte withe there enemy , and over threwe them and putt them to flighte optaininge the victory , and remayninge withe there baggadge , and in the battell given by constantine roxianus captaine generall to sigismund kinge of polonia withe basilius the greate duke of moscovia by the river brisva , who surmounted him on horse backe , three thousande foote men ; onely , he had in his army , won him that day the honor and victory , also as did apeere by the memorable batteles of the inglishe againste the provde cavallery of the frence at agincourte fielde and other places , many more examples mighte be recited bothe antient and moderne , remembringe that amonge the antiente romaines there foote was alwayes of more estimation then there horse , allwayes houldinge a true opinion , that the infanterie well disciplined is the right sinue of the warr , the walles of the citty and fortress of the realme . i have hearde say that in thies warres of the netherlande after that the grand comendador died that don alvaro de vergas , who at that time comaunded the spanish cavallerie , did greate exploictes in encounteres , he had withe the states foote and horse , but it muste by considered that those were oulde and experimented souldiers , restenge uppon a resolute and valerouse determination . the otheres for the moste patre bisones , and rawe people raised uppon a sodaine conceipte , in whiche actiones is marvelouse to be marked the diference betwene men of experience , and rawe bisones the prudent cariadge , resolute valor and goode conduction of the one , and litle practice , and experience of the otheres , as did apeere in the reincounter at tilmonte , and at the souckeringe of monts-dog beinge taken by them of mastricke , and moste notable in the sacke of antwerpe where lesse then withe the number of 5000. spaniards inclosed within the sitadel gave the overthrowe and foile unto 16000 of the anturpianes . bravely armed and incamped within they re owne towne . in like sorte at the overthrowe of gibleo where not above 600. horse , of don iohn de austria his troopes defeated above 15000 of the states , ( moste strange and wonderfull ) onely for wante of goode conductores and the enemy spyinge theese advantages resultinge of there simple conduction founde them selves amased . and for as muche as i have spoken muche of this office , i will conclude in sayenge that he oughte nowe and then to visite and revisite at diveres and differente houres all thinges by him provided and a pointed , and see that they be prudently ordered and performed , reprehendinge whate he shall finde wourdie of punishmente , but that to be don prudently and in curtouse sorte , and presentinge good reasones withe amiable and gentle wourdes , with gravitie and naturall grace , and not with puffinge inconciderate pride and bad examples , so shall he by obeyd in such sorte that when he woulde determine to execute his designes and orderes of his superior comaunderes , all officeres and souldieres mighte beare him that due respecte and obedience , whiche shoulde by required to bringe his purpose to effecte , and let not griddy couetousnes overcome him in wronginge or permitinge to by wronged the poure souldieres of theire righte , and specially in tyme of extreame necessitie , but rather make knowen his gentle inclinationes and true love , soe shall he by beloved feared and respected . let him not by inclined to any odiouse rancor nor malice in waitinge oportunitie of revenge of some wourdes or disputes , whiche hapened betwexte him , and some officeres or souldieres of his regimente for defindinge they re honour and righte , and findinge that he be so inclined is signe of aloe unconsiderate and base minde . all officeres and souldieres of his regimense oughte to have a speciall care in not loosinge him his due respecte , and suche as do not a complish with theire obligationes hirein are righte wourthy of reprehension , soe all thinges don with moderation and justice is laudable . an army of 11200. men divided into five batteles square of grounde ordered to fighte , as by the figures folowinge youe see . the fronte of eache battell is 72 and 31. the flanke , and 8. remaininge oute of the division of eache battell ; eache battell containes 2240. the army divided into five battelles . square of grovnde , by the rule of proportion . the saiede army of 11200. divided into seaven battelles . square of grounde , eache battell shall conteine 1600. and the fronte of eache battell is 61. and flanke 26. and 14. pikes remaininge oute of eache battell to guarnish the culoures , the which 7. battelles are ordered as by the figure folowinge youe see . — 1600. men in each battell . the army divided into 7. battelles . sqvare of grovnde , by the rule of proportion . a battell square of men , withe a center of arcabuseros , which can not by defended under the shelter of the couched pike , when the enemy doe a bounde on horse , and wee feowe or none , in suche ocasiones the sureste way for the overpluse of shot is to by putt into the center , and proportionally guarnised with the pikes and musketes , as by the figure folowinge youe see , and howe they are diuided by the rule of proportion . 276 arcabuses . 360 pikes . 364 musketes . 1000. table of the battell and center of arcabuseros deposito . by the division of the center of arcabuseros the square route of the same number yealdeth 16. arcabuses in fronte and flanke of the center , and 20. remaininge oute of the division , monteth 256 arcab . the firste division of pikes that guarnisheth the righte flanke of the center , divided into 16. rankes of 5. pikes in each , monteth 80 pikes . the secōde division of p. that guarnisheth the liefte flāke of the center divided into 16. r. of 4. p. in each . 64 pikes . the thirde division that guarnisheth the full fronte , and the two linenges of the center is divided into 25. rankes of 5. pikes in each ranke , monteth 125 pikes . the fourthe division of pikes that guarnisheth the full fronte of the re●warde is divided into 25. ranke of 4. pikes in each ranke , monteth 100 pikes . the lining of musk . that guarnisheth the right flank of the pikes is divided into 25. r. of 3. m. in each . 75 musk . the seconde lining of mus . that guarnisheth the liefte flank of the p. divided into 25. r. of 3. m. in each . 75 musk . the thirde division of musketse that guarnisheth the full fronte of the pikes and center , is divided into 31. rankes of 3. musketes in each ranke . 53 musk . the fourthe division of musketes that guarnisheth the re●warde of the pikes and center is divided into 31. rankes of 3. musketes in each ranke , monteth 93 musk . the remainder of musketes , that do guarnish the culoures . 8 musk . of the 20. arcabuseres , that did remaine goes to guarnish the culoures . 4 arcab . the 11. pikes that did remaine oute of the division of pikes are employed to guarnish the culours . 11 pikes . of the remainder of arcabuseros their remaineth oute of the battell . 16 arcab .   1000. the election and office of a master de campe of a regimente of infanterie . the office of the master de campe of a regimente of infanterie is an office of greate reputation , which by all reason oughte to be recomended to one of greate prudence , brave conduction , and skillfull in martiall affaires , for beinge the heade , leader , and ordinarie justice af all the companies a pointed under his chardge . he be all reason oughte to by one of greate consideration , because that by him are all the orderes , and necessarie prevensiones for the generall goode and utilititie of his regiment delivered to the sargente mayor , alsoe to the captaines , souldieres , and other officeres of his regimente , as alsoe to all sorte of people , whiche do followe and depende on the same : to him apertaineth the ministringe of justice , and reprehendinge of faultes , and unrulie factes comitted in his regimente , in suche places , as his master de campe , generall , or captaine generall , are not in presence , to whome he is to presente many matteres whiche doe ocurr , whiche by right in suche places as they are presente muste governe all . but as an ordinarie justice the master de campe is to by comunicated withall , in all matteres whiche ocurr in his regimente ; the examinationes of thies causes are to be taken , and examined by his autor , and if occasiones of appellation shoulde represente they are to be remitted to the campe master generall . this election of a master de campe , or coronell is made by the prince , with the advice of his counsell of state and warr ; and in this election greate consideration oughte to be taken . for beinge suche an honorable chardge of highe degree ; as chieftaine or head above all the captaines , and other officeres of his regimente , havinge dominion and jurisdiction over them all : by whiche may by perceived the highe dingnitie and degree of suche a person , and the a proved partes brave conduction , valeoure , and goode examples , whiche of him is to be expected , ( to the ende that the captaines may imitate his prudente perfection and brave govermente . ) in suche places where the captaines of his regimente do assiste with him , of all occurrances and occasiones of warr they are to advertice they re master de cāpe , and if any officer or souldier by a prehended , for faultes comitted , they can not by put at libertie , withoute the master de campes order , beinge in his jurisdiction . in time of the romaines polybe writeth that this name we call colonell or master de campe was then cauled tribunus , and they cauled legion , of that whiche we call a regimente , theyr legion was of 4200 foote men , whiche they divided into 10. partes , as if it were betwexte 10. captaines , eache division they cauled cohortes , which we call a companie , each legion had 300. horse , they re captaines cinturiones , some of 150. and some of 200. otheres were centenarios , whiche had but 100. men . for the ministringe of equitie and justice , and reprehendinge of faultes and disorderes , and that military discipline may by duely , observed with infalible punctualitie ; he is to choyse an auditor of a man well learned and of goode judgemente , withe his clearke and augusill , whiche are used a monghste the spanish and italian regimentes , to take informationes of suche injuries , and disorderes as are comitted , this auditor is to give the sentence , but no auctoritie to execute the same , withoute consultinge firste with the master de campe , and getinge his firme to the sentence , for other wise he hath no auctoritie to execute nor dispatche the same , the agusill serves to assiste the executiones of the auditores a faires , and alsoe to by imployed , and sollicite many other thinges , that doe pass trough the auditor is handes . for makinge or dividinge of quarteres marchinge in campaina or garison , he is to get a skillfull quarter-master able in readinge and writinge , and specially perfecte in arithmeticke , for to him apertaineth , the receavinge of all sortes of amunitiones and armes given , and delivered by the prince , but the distributinge of the same belongeth to the sargēt mayor , to see that all thinges by duly and equally distributed . of al sortes of amunitiones received of the kinge , the furiell mayor is to yealde a cōpte , when it is soughte for , for bienge his office and dutie . the furielles of the companies are to assiste him in all occasiones in marchinge , and to receive they re orderes from the furiell mayor , and he from the quarter-master generall ; and the from the general . greate care oughte to be taken in seinge that the sutleres be well provided with all necessaries , and to see that they by well paiede ; a speciall care oughte to by taken that they do not deceive the souldieres with faulce weighte and measure , nor nothinge above the price ordained by the master de campe . it is necessarie that the sutleres and marchantes , whiche doe followe the regimente , that they be well garded , that theyr vituales and wares may depende uppon goode securitie , for thies affaires the captaine de campaina and his leuetenante oughte with care to assiste in executinge his dutie and office . in occasiones of marchinge he and his teniente and men are to by verie vigilante and carefull , in not permitenge the sutleres nor they re boyes to stragle , or fall a spoylinge the countrie and povre inhabitances , nor to take perforce any thinge that cometh to by soulde in the campe , as alsoe to have a speciall care to lett no souldieres pass , causinge them to fall into they re rankes , rather then to be permited to run straglinge and spoylinge the countrie ; and suche as are found gilthi in breakinge the proclamation to see them presentlie executed . soe beinge earneste and carefull in thies affaires shall he oblidge all suche souldieres as are inclined to minester goode justice and examples , and esteemed for a true father and brave conductor . a necessarie thinge it is alsoe to have a goode doctor of physicke well learned and of longe practice , as alsoe a surdgente mayor one well knowen to have had longe practice in handelinge of woundes and other disceaces , suche a one chosen by favor or affection ( and not havinge the partes befitinge ) causeth the death of many souldieres trough his litle skill , to the disgrace of him that made choyse of suche a one . verie necessarie it were that in his regimente doe assiste a chaplen mayor , and preacher to over see all the chaplenes , that all thinges touchinge there obligationes , may by observed and ministred in due time , givinge goode examples , and still assistinge with gravitie and vertueuse cariadge , alsoe to be carefull that the captaines of his regimente give goode examples for it importeth for many respectes . in the election of a drom mayor he is to by verie well informed that he be one of goode fufficiencie , for beinge an instrumente very necessarie in warr , who is to instructe , and give goode examples to all the dromes of the regimente , whiche beinge chosen of one who hath the goode partes and sufficiencie in him required , is an instrumente of greate importance in a regimente , and specially to the sardgente mayor , in carieng orderes , and beatinge of the proclamationes , he is to by skillfull in beating the drom , or at leaste in understanding all sorte of marchinges , to beate an a larme , a call , a retire , a disafie , a battell , to knowe who to carie him selfe verie discret in carienge any mesadge to a campe , towne , cittie , or castell , and knowe howe discretly to deliver his mesadge , and answer many demaundes , as alsoe in understandinge , and well relatinge his answer , and to informe him selfe in as muche as he may posible of whate occurreth , if he be permited in takinge a viewe of the walles ditches , and if the ditches be dry or with water , and who deepe , and whate place or places of the walles or fosses may by won with moreease , as also of the necessitie or plintie of vituales , if by faire meanes he may spie the same oute it is necessarie that he speakes many languadges , to beate afuriouse a larme , and battell when ocasion shall require , as alsoe a presumed retire . a necessarie thinge not to be permited ( but rather defended ) that no officer nor souldior by given to winchinge , and that for many goode respectes , but som publicke woomen are wonte to be permited in eache company , some three or foure for a 100 men , which are to be in a separated quarter , and specially if in garison lett them be in as secret and as hidden a place as can by posible , for by reason it importeth to honeste men and negboures , and the cause why this is permited and tolerated , is to shun greater danger : in the oulde lawes or statutes six or eighte woomen were a lued for everie 100 , men , to thies is wonte to be given lodginges and service as to the souldieres , all whiche is thoughte profitable to the negboures , that the lesh suspision and ocasion of scandall may by of theire shisteres wifes and children , and for many respectes it oughte not to by permited that a ny souldier doe sleepe withe thies woomen oute of his quarter uppon paine of severe punishmente , alsoe suche weemen as doe nott observe thies constitusiones to punish hir in the purse , whiche will grive hir moste , for this busines is wonte one to by a pointed to ouersee if thies lawes by observed or no. for it importeth muche the souldiores health , wher fore the barber mayor is wonte to uisitt nowe and then . the captaine de campana is to tak aspeciall care to see that thies orderes by dulie observed . the master de campe is to be earneste in informinge him selfe well of his regimente , as well of secret as of publike matteres , that he may prevente and remedy in due tyme all , and cause to be severely punished such as doe breake the proclamationes by him comaunded , and suche as are inclined to base factes , as theives , quarleres , dishoneste dronkardes and base mutineres , of litle pascience and lesh honoure , of no discression , feare , nor love , nyther of god nor of theire prince , suche base fellowes are to by severelie punished in publick , and to by driven a way like men tatched with uglie crimes , unwourdie to equall themselves withe brave souldiores , of honeste life , ful of pacience , obedience , feare and goode examples ; of which persones , the master de campe sardgente mayor , and captaines , are to take notice , and have a speciall care in honoringe and preferinge them , sheowinge them a faire and lovinge countenance , and givinge them greate hope of avancemente , and let triall of time and ocasiones verifie the same with deedes , whiche shall by a greate comforte to suche as are inclined to uertue , and greate greefe to those given to vices and unrulie factes and bad exemples , whiche oughte to a mende theire lives , and imitate the steppes of those of honeste life , prudente and vertuse cariadge , full of love , feare and obedience , given to continuall goode applicationes , shuninge idelnes and bad company , which of righte oughte , by there superiores to by highlie estimed , ( whereunto they are bounde in conscience ) for the securitie of ocasiones in marchinge and in preventinge of sodaine and unprovided incursiones , ambuscados , and stratagemes of the enemy : a necessarie thinge it were to imitate the romaines , in a luenge fiftine horses to everie 100 foote , so that in many plases in marchinge where they re may by any suspicion of the enemy , the master de campe , then shoulde a pointe a conductor to leade and governe thies horsemen , and in offeringe time or occasion , to divide them into as many partes , as the occasion shall require , ( apointinge a leader for each division ) and for the intertainemente of thies horsemen they shoulde inioy so much meanes as other horsemen ; so that in ocasiones of marchinge , the infanterie may goe with far greater securitie , beinge divided into thre or foure partes , to recnoledge the places of moste suspicion of ambuish , and other secret stratagemes of the enemy , whiche beinge recnoledged and discovered , necessarie prevention may by taken in due time , thies men may serve bothe for horse and foote acordinge as ocasion shall require : of eache division or parte of thies horse it is necessarie to name a comaunder or leader , who shall take care to governe them , forbidinge and comaundinge that by no meanes they lende thies horses , but get them alwaies readie to by imploied , when or where occasion shall require . thies horses may serve for many goode purposes , in pasinge the infanterie over riveres , in recnoledginge pasadges , as alsoe in cominge in possession of pasadges , whiche beinge feared that the enemy shoulde come to posess the same before oures . the ende of the firste booke . to l●che is to say the measuringe of the grounde required for to lodge a com● foote and 8. foote for the streete betwext every 2. feiles and plasinge the doores fronte of his company , vvhiche is 24. foote broade , and the deepnes he shall beste ●●r persones as do provide the company vvithe victualles , and other necessaries , of some souldiores . the lodginge of the master de campe in the rergarde of his ●oote broade and 15. foote deepe or in the flanke , and if it chance that the foote and 〈…〉 ●o lodge acompany of infantery in campain̄a , and the measuringe of the due distance , and place required and observed by the romaine castrametasio , whiche is to say the measuringe of the grounde required for to lodge a company of foote conteyninge 100. men , is ordayned 2. feiles of barackes , and in eache feile 200. stepes deepe , and broade inthe fronte of eache feile 8. foote and 8. foote for the streete betwext every 2. feiles and plasinge ●oores of the barakes towardes the streete . the captaines lodginge in the hed of his quarter in quadrangell maner , occupienge so muche grounde as the full fronte of his company , vvhiche is 24. foote broade , and the deepnes he 〈◊〉 beste thincke , and a distance of 10 or 20. foote betvvexte him and his company , and in the rergarde , and behinde all is to lodge the sutleres and suche other persones as do provide the company vvithe victualles , and other ne●ries , vvhere also the soildores are to kooke theire vituales for feare of firinge the quarter as some times it happeneth troughe litle care feare , and discipline of some souldiores . the lodginge of the master de campe in the rergarhis 〈◊〉 his quarter by the greate streete . the horse also if theire shoulde chance be any . eache company is to be devided into tvvo feiles , alovvinge eache feile 12. foote broade and 15. foote deepe or in the flanke , and if it chance that the 〈◊〉 and horse do lodge in one place the infantery are to be placed and ranked on bothe flankes or sides and the horse betvvext them . fronte of the quarter . by the figure and plat above ordered for the encampinge of an army both of horse and foote , youe see the quantitie of grounde required for eache , with the due measuringe required both for foote and horse , with theire due places and streetes . ( and in the moste comodiouse place aboute the middiste of the grounde litle more or lesh , where youe meane to encampe the army , ( marcke asquare plat of grounde of 60. or 70. paces square , for the goals pavilion and place . ) and then shal by lined two straight streetes , which shall come to cross one another , righte againste the generals place , which are caled the principal streetes , and at the heade of every one shall be apoin● a garde or watche towardes the enemy . and on the oute warde partes of all shal by apoincted gardes of horse , to by prevented againste the soddaine exploites and stratagemes of the enemy . and at every streetes ende a garde . alsoe other pasadges , and entries where the enemy are to by suspected are to by fortified and shutt as behoveth , and with vigilante watches for oure better securitie , and to by prevented againste sodaine exploites of the enemy , soe for the better repose and securitie of oures : so that all thinges by prudentlie prevented in due time , in as muche as military prudence , care , and vigilance requireth . some houlde opinion that for many respect●● that the lodges of the captaines shoulde by plased in the rere of theire companies and the alferishes in the fronte . the seconde booke treatinge of military discipline , composed by capt. gerat barry irish. the firste chap. bigininge with the election and office of a campe-master generall . this office troughe greate consideration is to by comended and bestowed uppon a personadge of greate gravitie , prudence , and valeour , and of tried experience and exercice in warr , that therby he may comaunde with greate auctoritie , and by estimed acordinge his qualitie and truste ; whiche ought to by reputed in a personadge of so many a proved and goode partes . this office is of such greate importance , that the securitie and goode success of the whole army dependes for the moste parte on him , as a cheefetaine and head over the whole army , and all the orderes of the kinge are by him given , and by his comaunde observed . but when the captaine generall is in presence , ( all muste depende on him ) beinge a superior , and nexte under him the camp-master generall , as lugarteniente , and in his absence doth comaunde the whole army . this office with the romaines was of greate and high estimation ; which they cauled metador , he is to be of suche extraordinarie prudence and care , that not withstandinge he givethe the necessarie orderes , he him selfe muste visite , and see who all thinges are ordered , for which he is to have nexte his person a rare inginier for many effectes , and for the dividinge of the campe betwexte the regimentes , cavalleria and artillerie , the necessarie grounde , distance , and circuide for the same , in dividinge the juste proportion of grounde due to severall sortes of nationes , in whiche greate consideration oughte to by used , for whiche purpose he hafe a quarter-master generall , whiche oughte to by curiouse in thies . firste shall be a pointed the fitteste place for the generall , and if they re by any reall personadge consideration also is to be taken : this place is to by chosen for the moste a sureste and beste , placinge the cavallerie on the outewarde side , and the infanterie on the other side , he beinge shutt and inviorened betwexte both . the quarter of the artillerie , and of his courte and traine is to be ordained in a sure place , and well garded rounde a boute on every side ; they re traine of officeres gastadores wourkmen pertrechos of sundrie sortes of munitiones , ocupies greate roome : the cavalleres and pinsioneres nexte the generall is person , auditor generall , provoste generall , a tambor mayor generall , and many more folowinge the generall , are to be placed not farr from the generall , and the provedor generall is also to be placed not farr distance if a conveniente place can be founde for his purpose , for he alsoe requireth muche roome for his amunitiones and wagones . the infanterie shall invieron the whole campe , the ingineres are alsoe to visite all over the campe , and findinge that water is not plintifull to open pittes in the beste and convenienteste places for the same . in the ocasiones and repartitiones that shall offer in imployenge the foote and horse in convoyes to scoute and recnowledge douptefull places and oecasiones , and to featche foradge , it oughte to goe by turne , soe that eache one shall take his share of the paines and troubles , excepte onelie in time of hote and extraordinarie service , for in suche ocasiones greate considerationes oughte to by had , in choysinge those that are more fitt for the purpose , which shall by imployed as it shall by more fitt . greate care oughte to by taken in due time to by well provided of all sortes of amunitiones , as alsoe of all sortes of vituales , and take a speciall care , that all thinges be prevented in due time , that the enemy doe not let or hinder youre convoyes , nor the pasadges , where they come with all sorte of provision for the campe , and to by prevented a gainste all stratagemes they can prevente : when the army shall marche , and that they re shall by many regimentes of severall nationes , in they re divisiones , and in the observinge of goode order greate care and industrie is required , givinge order that eache nation by they re turne shall marche in the vangarde , battell , and rergarde , for beinge so conveniente for his majesties service : if youe chance to marche troughe an enemy countrie , or neere unto they re frontieres greate vigilance , and goode order needeth to by observeth , it importeth alsoe to get goode and faithfull guides , and diferente spies of truste , for feare of fraude , as alsoe for to have goode inteligence of the enemies designes in due time . in suche ocasiones nedeth muche to sende before some horse in a certaine distance to discover , and learne the plottes and stratagemes of the enemy to hinder oure journey . havinge had inteligence , and beinge well informed that the enemy are waitinge for to hinder youe ; cause the artille●ie to marche with they re garde , and drawe upp the infanterie in goode order on the other side of the artillerie betwexte them and the enemy , and the horse alsoe on the outewarde side of the infanterie , ( and in a goode distance of . ) it is necessarie to by prevented of the enemies designes , and consider the situation where youe marche , soe that youre divisiones may acordinglie be ordered , as the situation shall permit and require ; in narowe and straighte pasadges , goode order is to by observed , and specially where the enemy is to be suspected , and that the sardgentes be verie carefull in acomplishinge they re obligationes , soe that they re be no crossinge nor confusion , and suche as shall not keepe they re rankes to severelie punish them in publick , in as muche that they and the behoulderes may take notice of the same , soe that in oferinge ocasion with grace and brevitie they may of a sodaine fall into battell . if inteligenee be had that the enemy be stronge on horse in the vangarde or way where wee intende to pass , and that the pasadge where wee march be soe narowe that oure horse beinge in the vangarde , and beinge chardged and broken by the enemyes horse , and that the narownes of the pasadge doe not permit that they may pass on eyther of the two flankes of the infantery , and beinge brocken they fall on oure order , and wee incurr greate danger if the enemy doe followe with a brave resolution , if they re be no remedie that they may pass on eyther of the two sides , of force way is to be made for them , and the shott are to come all on one side of the pasadge , and make way , and the pikes are to be opened on bothe sides of the way , in thies ocasiones and many more occurrantes in warr greate danger may ocurr , excepte prevension be prudentlie taken in due time . in suche ocasiones a troupe of musketes and arcabuseros are necessarie to by sente in the vangarde , and then five or six rankes of pikes , which with they re fronte shall ocupie the pasadge , which shall reviwe recnoledge , and advertice if they re by any danger or ambuscado . after thies the reste shall march in goode order as before declared in the office of the sardgent mayor ; in the rergarde shall the cavallerie marche with a garde of short and pikes , after which shall marche the cavallerie in order , and if inteligence be had that in the vangarde , they re by any impedimente , or lett that oure artillerie can nott pass or any parte of the army , lett they re marche a company of gastadores , with they re captaine to acomodate thies impedimentes , and in case the enemy by suspected , to conducte them for they re better securitie with a troupe of lighte horse , ( togither with an inginier ) with thies gastadores beinge in quantitie , unespected and dificulte matteres are broughte to pass , and sometimes riveres are taken from theire moother , and conducted to other places , as did ciro kinge of percia goinge to beleager babilonia he divided the river gange into 360. partes for the revenge of the drowninge of a gentleman a deere frinde of his , soe that this mightie river was lefte of no force ? kinge ciro seinge it so fe oble saied thove haste not respected nor feared my , but nowe all thy forces for a revenge , are seperated that a wooman with a childe may pass thy over withoute feare or danger : so the generall of an army is allwayes to consider , that it is of greate importance to have many gastadores , for by they re meanes matteres of greate dificulte are broughte to effecte with facilitie , for many handes maketh lighte wourke . greate industrie and many aprooved goode partes are required for the rare executiones of this office of a master de campe generall , of whose prudence and brave conduction greate exspectationes are to by hoped : when he aprocheth neere the place where he thinketh to pitch his campe uppon , he is to goe forwarde with a suficiente garde of horse to viwe all the circuide , and he is to be a companied with one or two ingineres , to ordaine and divide the quarteres ; and when , the army shall inter into the campe or place where they intende to pitch they re quarter ' the generall of the horse shall remaine in the fielde , he and all his troupes mounted , till all the infantery be in camped , and then to inter orderlie with his troupes , and repaire to they re quarter , leavinge his scoutes in the fielde till the trumpetes sound , and the watch by set , and the cinteries placed in they re postes , at which time , and when the watches of foote and horse are set in they re due places , they shall retire , and not before , for the better securitie of the campe , and that nothinge may happen withoute preventinge in due time the necessarie remedies , or as neere as can by posible . the seconde chap. the election of the captaine generall of the artillerie . the office of the generall of the artillerie , troughe greate considerationes of his aprooved goode partes and suficiencie , is chosen and apointed by the prince , consideringe his longe and tried experience in warr , his gravitie , prudente and brave conduction , and valerouse actes . this honorable office of so highe dingnitie and truste , in choysinge of his officeres and gentlemen of the artillerie , it importeth that he by well informed that they by men of many goode partes , skillfull and curiouse in many ingines , and to by verie carefull , and vigilante ; for this office of manadginge of pouder in sundry maner of wayes is of wounderfull danger , excepte it by prudently carefullie , and with greate vigilance handled , as well simple as artificiall ; which be severall triales i caused to be tried by severall persones , ( and often times ) and hardlie coulde i finde any of suche care and vigilance for the manadginge , and keepinge of the same as required , for beinge the moste dangerouse thinge that is , or can by handled in warr . an enemy who giveth no time nor respecte , his treasones are most terrible , speedy , and of unmercifull executiones , and moste comonlie do fall on such as doe moste truste in it , in his exeeutiones there is no appellation , nor grace to by expected . this office requireth many officeres ; firste his leutenante , mayor domo , contador , pagador , his ministeres for the examinationes and executiones of justice , amunitioneres , gentelmen of the artillerie , his ingineres , masteres of severall sortes of ingines of fire-wourkes ▪ canonieres , masteres of the mine , or minadores , gastadores , or wourkmen , with they re captaines , a furiell , smittes , tembermen . a greate store of tentes is required for the saftie of thies variable sortes of amunitiones and pertrechos , as pouder of all sortes , led , match , and all sortes of bulletes , and in quantitie for greate and smale ordenance , it is alsoe necessarie he be a compained with a curiouse inginer curiouse in all sortes of fire-wourkes , necessarie for verie many exeeutiones , if one of such aprooved partes can by hit uppon , he is also to have masteres who hase goode skill in makinge and refininge of pouder : when ocasion shall offer to plante his greate ordenance to beleager or batter a towne , cittie or castell , his leutenante , ingineres , mine-masteres , and pouder keeperes , and gentelmen of the artillerie , are all to by in a readines to dispose of the artillerie and amunitiones , when occasion shall offer , that it muste by planted , or sente from one place to a nother , and his leutenante is to gett a relatiō , who many cannones shall by apointed in each place ; and consider suche as are fit for one execution , and for a nother , but thies resolutiones muste com from the captaine generall , or master de campe generall , which of them doth comaunde in the fielde , but the execution belongeth to the generall of the artillerie , and to such under him to whose chardge they are recomended , the leutenante of the generall of the artillerie is to see that they re by horses and wagones inoughe , and to be verie , vigilante , and carefull to visite often times the store houses , where the pouder led or math doe lye ; of which doble cinteries oughte allwayes to be putt uppon , for many goode respectes , and specially for feare of spies to use industrie to give the same fire , wherfore prudente generalles of the artillery are wonte to divide thies munitiones , in sundrie and secure places , ( fearinge of a sodaine disgrace . ) alsoe he is to see that his canonieres or gunneres doe lye every nighte by they re canonnes , that they may in a readines uppon the firste advice , and it were necessary that each canonnier shoulde have a boy to assiste him . the leutenante is to by verie curiouse and vigilante to see that the greate ordenance by still well provided with all necessarie instrumentes , and rather more then less , fearinge of urgente necessitie , and that they re wante no kinde of munition , nor instrument fitt for theyr sundrie executiones . it is necessarie that theire be a certaine quantitie of goode refined saltpiter three times refined , camphora , vinager , sal armoniak , sal gema , rosen , colofonia , stronge brandevin , a store of o kom , linsat-oyle , gineper-oyle , all which are required for severall executiones of fire-wourkes , when occasion shall offer , but for the curiouse orderinge of thies compositiones , for there severall and rare executiones , wee finde but verie feowe : ) it is necessarie that he be a companied with good carpinteres . he oughte to by curiouse and carefull in seinge that all sorte of munitiones be boughte before he shall have neede , for offten times we see that in times of moste neede . verie litle can be had , and sometimes all moste none at all , and specially pouder and matche , for often times oure enemy secretlie under hande buyes all that can be had ; soe the generall knowinge this matter to be of suche importance to his majesties service , is to see it prevented before hande ; greate consideration oughte to by taken in knowinge where beste to plante the ordenance , and to fortifie and intrinche with speede , as time and ocasion shall require , and to keepe good watch , and to by a companied with good controulers , for to provide all sortes of provisiones . he is to knowe who to a proach , and who with prudence and good watch and vigilance to secure him selfe and artillerie , and in many ocasiones not to truste to many , butt rather in person , and with speede to see thies thinges putt in execution as the importance of the occasion shall require , ( and to be well garded on every side , ) he is to see that his artillerie doe orderly marche , and such as do not obey the orderes by him given , to see them severelie punished ; he is to knowe at nighte who his ordenance shall by planted for the execution he shall exspecte , and by day see the same ordered , in takinge the heighte and line for his purpose , eyther a farr of or neere , if it by into a cittie towne , or forte , or in the fronte of the enemy , or if by chance they shoulde come to defeate him to by prevented . when occasion shall offer to pass an army over deepe riveres , it is necessarie to by well provided of boathes of two yardes and haulfe deepe , wheruppon bridges are to by framed , which are to be made of stronge tember , and plankes to pass the artillery , and the whole army , as did that famouse and prudente conductor marques spinola in takinge of reinbarke , and the scounse over the rhine , and in takinge vesell , and in the honorable regaininge of breda . they are wonte to carie for thies bridges sometimes 30. boathes sometimes more : firste consideringe the greatnes of the river , where they meane to pass over . to which purpose is required a captaine for every fiftine boathes , and to each boath foure marineres , some , times more , and sometimes less , acordinge as the generall shal thincke fitt and as many carpinteres as shall by toughte necessarie , also-smittes to sheowe horses , and for many other purposes , a store of anccores , cables , graplinges , while wrightt with such necessaries ; befittinge his purpose , and allwayes muste not faile whiles to spare , for the cannon , and greate ordenance , fearinge least any while shoulde breake , that presently prevension may by had . the thirde chap. the artillerie whiche is to by conducted with an army , is to by comaunded by the captaine generall , consideringe the executiones he doethe pretende , and the greatnes of his army , and the circuide they may ocupie , they carie 30. or 35. canonnes of greate cice for batterie some more , sometimes lesh , acordinge the execution , some shoote a bullet of 45.50.60.66 . pounde , from 7. to 8. inches in heighte . 15. haulfe cannonnes from 25. pounde bullet to 30. 16. culverines from 16. to 20. pounde bullet . 26. demy culverines . 25. falcones and falconetes . 82. greate store of cannon-pouder , and alsoe a goode quantitie of pouder , for smale shott , a store of leader bagges to carie pouder behinde men a horsebake , when any sodaine occasion soe requireth , hides to cover the pouder in the cariadge of the same , pices of chaines and broken yron , cartages full of musket bulletes to shoote oute of greate ordenance in the fronte of a battel , or any order of men a prochinge neere to execute thire intente : in suche and semblable ocasiones the aforesaiede instrumentes bienge well handled by goode and skillfull canonieres in due time , are of wonderfull executiones , and do putt the enemy in mightie terron , in many occasiones by sea and lande , greate quantitie of bullettes for youre greate ordenance , and goode store of match , and bulletes for the smale shott , a store of mattokes shoules and pickaxes , hatchetes , and axes to cutt woode and fagotes , and a store of wood houkes , a store of plankes , and peeces of timber , whiche may serve for many purposes , greate store of basketes to carie earthe to fill the gabiones and cover the smale shott in trinches and fortificationes , sledges and yron barres to breake rockes , greate and smale sawes , laddeles of brace and they re staufes , sponges , rameres for eache sorte of the greate ordenance ; greate store of a table for to finde oute the names of the greate ordenance nowe used for ofensive and defensive warres , the height of their diameter or height of their bullettes , and theire weights , the compass of the same , weight of the pouder required to each peece , the weight of eache peece of ordenance , lenght of the same , their thicknes , linght of their laddells , and the breade of the same , the number of men sufficient to drawe each peece , and the number of horses requisite for to drawe the same , the distance of paces eache peece cariethe at point blanke , the distance of paces eache greate peece shootes at utmoste random , the lenght of the coyler rope requisite for to drawe eache peece . the names of the peeces of greate ordenance . the height of the diameter of everie peece in enches and partes . heighte of the bullet in inches and partes . vveight of the shot in poūdes and partes . compas of the shot in inches and partes . vveight of corne pouder due to charge each peee in poūdes . vveighte of the peece in poundes . the lenghte of the peece en feete . thicknes of the mettall at the touche hole in in●hes and partes . thicknes of the peece at the neck of the same . lenghte of the laddel in inches and partes . the breade of the laddell . lenghte of the planckes of the cariage in feete . the number of men , suficient to drawe each peece , when nede require . the number of the horses requisite to drawe each peece of ordinance . distance of pases the peece carieth at point blanke . the distance of pases each great peece shootes at utmoste randon . the lenght of the coyler roape requisit to drawe each peece . cannon . 8 7 ¼ 64 25 1 / 7 32 8000 12 8 4 23 ½ 15 16 ⅔ 90 16 300 1500 70 cannon serpintin 7 ½ 7 ¼ 52 23 4 / 7 26 7000 11 ½ 7 ½ 3 ¾ 22 14 ¼ 16 ¼ 80 14 340 1600 66 frence cannon . 7 ¼ 7 ½ 46 ¾ 22 11 / 14 23 6500 12 7 ¼ 3 2 / ● 21 13 ¼ 16 70 12 360 1740 64 demi canō eildest 6 ½ 6 ¼ 36 ⅝ 21 ●3 / 14 20 6000 11 2 / 4 6 ¼ 3 ⅛ 22 12 15 ½ 65 11 370 1800 60 demi canō ordin . 6 ½ 6 ¾ 32 20 2 / 7 18 5600 10 ½ 6 ½ 3 20 11 ½ 15 60 10 350 1700 54 demi canon . 6 ¼ 5 ¼ 24 ½ 18 6 / 7 16 5000 11 6 3 1 / 10 21 11 ½ 16 56 9 340 1600 46 culveringe . 5 ½ 5 ½ 19 17 2 / 7 15 ½ 4600 13 ¼ 5 ½ 3 22 9 ½ 18 50 8 420 2100 40 ordinari culver . 5 ¼ 5 ¼ 16 ¼ 16 ½ 12 4300 12 5 ¼ 2 ¾ 21 9 17 2 / 4 46 8 400 2000 36 demi culveringe . 4 ½ 4 11 ¾ 14 1 / 7 9 3000 11 4 ½ 2 4 / ● 20 8 ½ 16 ¼ 36 7 380 1800 34 demi culveringe , somvvhat leshe . 4 ¼ 4 ● / 2 9 13 5 / 14 7 ⅔ 2300 10 4 ● / 4 2 ½ 19 ½ 7 2 / 4 14 2 / ● 28 6 320 1600 30 s●k●r ordinary . 3 ¼ 3 ½ 6 11 11 / 14 5 1900 9 ½ 3 ¾ 2 1 / ● 16 ¼ 6 2 / 4 14 24 5 300 1500 28 saker or minnon . 3 ¼ 3 ½ 4 ¾ 10 3 / 14 3 ¼ 1100 8 3 ¼ 2 14 5 ¼ 11 20 4 280 1400 24 faucon . 2 2 / 4 2 ½ 2 ● / 3 8 9 / 14 2 ¼ 750 7 2 2 / 4 2 12 4 ½ 10 ● / 4 16 3 260 1200 20 fa●conet . 2 ¼ 2 1 ⅛ 7 1 / 14 1 ½ 400 6 2 ¼ 1 2 / 4 10 3 ● / 4 8 2 / 4 10 2 220 1000 20 nayles litle and greate , coradge of smale sortes , horse sheowes and horse nayles , litle and greate bandes of yron for the whiles , and spare whiles withoute faile , lanternes and store of candles , for carpenteres to wourke at night time when necessitie soe requireth , talowe and tarr for the whiles , torches , wax , candeles , scalinge leaderes , a quantitie of musketes and pikes ; a store of compositiones and mixtures for fire wourkes , saltpiter , camphora , solfer , armoniacke , sal gema , colofonia , rosin , red wax , stronge brandevin , a quantitie of o cam , smale cordes , and yron wires , giniper oyle , linseede-oyle , turpintin non preparata : the saltpiter used for fire-wourkes is moste comonly refined three times , of thies mixtures there needeth no greate quantitie because that they are seldom used and besides they are verie costly and feowe can by founde for there due orderinge for severall executiones . to drawe a cannon of greate cice in faire weader is required 18. or 20. horses , sometimes more if the situation by not goode , but in foole weader is required 24. horses , sometime more if the situation by not goode , thies horeses is to by chosen both greate and stronge , for a demy cannon 12. or 16. horses , in foole weader 16. or 18. a stronge and goode wagon will carie 70. cannon shott and of otheres of lesher sieze acordinge to that rate , to the drawinge of which is required 4. or 6. horses , and acordinge to that weighte are all the other wagones loaden , with pouder and other munitiones , bridges , barckes requires more horses acordinge to the greatnes of the loade . for the manadginge of thies amunitiones , and of the greate ordenance is required many men , a monghst the which it is moste necessarie that they re by goode and experimented carpinteres , canonieres , gentlemen of the artillerie to governe and conducte the same , prudently . a contador , mayor domo , pagador , comesaries or muster masteres , a harbinger to whose chardge , is 250. horse , and a provoste over the horses that caries the artillerie , some smittes and many pioneres or wourkmen , to make trinches rampares , mines , and contra-mines to make plaine and eiven bad pasadges , that the greate ordenance may pass , skillfull ingineres to under-mine walles of townes , and fortreshes ; to digg welles for water , over thies pioneres are a pointed captaines to governe and comaunde them , which of necessitie oughte to by experte in fortificationes , contramininge , trinchinge , and knowinge who to manadge ingines of fire-wourkes to burne boates shipes , or any suche combustable thinge , and in knowinge the compositiones fitt for them , and who to make them . there oughte to by one of perfecte skill for a condestable or master gunner to governe , comaunde , instructe , oversee and examine all the reste gunneres , and to by verie carefull to see that they doe theyr dutie , and knowe who to a complish with theyr obligationes , for some rawe and unexperimented men do undertake the charge of a gunner who knoweth juste nothinge : they re oughte to by instrumentes to take the leavelles , ingines to monte and dismonte all sortes of ordenance . the generall of the artillerie , as a superior comaunder , oughte to procure and take a speciall care in due time to see all matteres provided and put in order , rather then to thincke theruppon , when occasion shoulde presente , and specially in the lowe countries , where warres are dayly in exercice , and sundrie interprises , and brave exploites executed of a sodaine . he is to get a liste of all sortes of amuninitiones and armes , as well defencive , as offencive both for foote and horse , givinge order and chardge of the same , to the mayor domo , the which they oughte to give oute by librances or ticketes , from the generall , because that goode acompte may by yealdeth of provisiones of suche greate importance , in as much that no fraude mighte by suspected : when occasion shall offer to plante youre cannon or greate shott , to batter a cittie towne foote or castell , or any other occasion . and pretendinge to effecte well youre purpose , youe shall place them by 5.6 7.8 . as occasion shall require , a leowinge a certaine distance betwexte every two peeces , acordinge as the occasion and situation shall require or permit , firste orderinge the place where they shall by put with plankes or tables all a longste under theire whiles , a leowinge 7. foote litle more or less behinde they re whiles , for the retiring of the peece , soe that of it self , or with litle paines it returnes a gaine to his due and former place ; and alsoe before the artillerie is to by set a resistance of tables , betwext it and the gabiones and parapet , and soe of a neowe bigin to chardge it . and when the artillery bigines to be hott , it is not to by refreshed with vineger , but rather weathinge the trimer in water , and with the same to refress the cane or barrell . this observation beinge fullfilled in due time youe may still shoote of , if occasion require : it is alsoe to by considered the thicknes and mettal , advertisinge that the masteres of the ordenance doe a leowe no more then 40. or 50. shott a day , if the occasion by not of suche importance . he who taketh this honorable chardge in hande oughte to by skillfull in the arte of warr , and of greate care in givinge all orderes and instructiones in due time , and see that with greate care and punctualitie his orderes be observed . he oughte to knowe the names of every peece , and they re severall weightes lenghtes bignes , and the juste boare of the cilender , the weighte and thicknes of they re bulletes , the quantitie of pouder necessarie for every peece , their beste advantadge att poincte blanke , the diference and goodnes of they re pouder , the laddels , sponges , and rammeres necessarie , and befitinge for eache one , they re ought to by bulletes and a rowes of wilde fire . it is still to by considered the goodnes or badnes of the pouder , for the pouder beinge goode the lesser will serve , and is of farr better execution , and doth less heate the peece : to knowe who much pouder youe oughte to a leowe to eache peece take in pouder the waighte of the ⅔ partes of the bullet , and soe with all sorte of ordenance of whatesoever cice , as for example a cannon of 66. pounde bullet requires 44. pounde of pouder , which is the ⅔ . of the waighte of the bullet , and soe with the reste . the laddell beinge filled two times is the righte chardge of each peece , but that consideration oughte to be taken in the goodnes of the pouder and peece uppon the pouder and artillery ought alwaies to be a pointed a goode and vigilante watche , soe that no fraude may take effecte , in naylinge the ordenance , or givinge fire to the pouder , both foote and horse ought to garde the same if neede require , and specially goode roundes . the setinge , montinge , or placinge the artillerie belongethe to the campe master generall , or highe marshall of the fielde : they re oughte to by a speicall care taken that of all sortes of munitiones theire shoulde by rather more to spare then that they re shoulde wante , for two many goode respectes , for the more youe have allwayes to spare of pouder , and other munitiones , the more honoure youe gaine and the quieter youre mynde . if youe shoulde chance to come to conqueste a foraigne countrie where youe are well asured to get both horse and foote , and beinge fullie resolued to overcome that countrie , and remaine in possession of the same , it is verie necessarie youe carie a longe with youe a greate quātitie of saddeles , briddles , spurres , and masteres to make suche wourkes , and alsoe to carie a longe with youe a quantitie of many sortes of weapones and munitiones , which suchc countries can not a fourde , and to take a speciall care that youe receive no men whiche mighte by suspected , for fidelitie is a preciouse guel of greate wourth , for nexte under god they re is nothinge of so greate importance to a prince as to have loyall subjectes , for trough they re love and unitie , the fertilitie of the countrie , a companied with good lawes , goode discipline , prudente and brave conduction of his captaines and comaunderes in warr , as alsoe a companied with thies saied a faithfull and resolvte determination of his souldieres , who beinge exercised and experimented in warr is a wounderfull comforte securitie , and repose bothe to the kinge and countrie . the fourthe chap. when occasion is offered that a smale or greate number of souldieres are besiedged in a citti towne forte or castell , where they are apointed by they re kinge or generall for to defende the same , like faithfull and true subjectes , where rather they shoulde dye honorably in defence of the same then yealdeth it , excepte greate extreamitie , and goode reasones , constraine them therunto , and makinge notoriouse there prudence , valoure , and fidelitie ; and if it shoulde chance to fall oute they re comaunder or governoure of such a place trough a covardelie minde , or by meanes of sellinge the same for money to the enemy , and findinge that he shoulde presume to yealde the same to the enemy , litle regardinge his prince is service , nor his owne reputation , and knowinge that such a place mighte be defended ; they all with a brave resolution are to comforte the comaunder , presentinge they re reasones that suche a place may be well defended , and at lēghte , findinge his minde yealde to the base acte , and seinge that reasones can persuade not a vayle . they are with a brave and resolute determinotion to say that to honoure they re prince , and mantaine they re one reputation , that like unto faithfull subjectes and honorable souldieres they rather chouse to dye in defence of the place , then yealde the same , till they knowe the will of they re generall ; and if the generall finde no oportunitie to advertice them with answer , or in soucorringe them ; they are withe a brave and noble determinasion to proteste to die in defence of the same , with aresolute minde then yealde the same covardly , estiminge but litle the honoure of theire prince and their one reputasion , and findinge that the governor of that place will not agrie but still goe forwarde in his base minde they may lawfully aprehende him , and electe another in his place , to whome they oughte to obey and respecte as if he were elected by the kinge or generall , protestinge to fulfill with him as a superior , and for the better performance therof to putt all theire conclusiones in writhinge ; soe that the enemy beinge informed of their valerouse determination brave spirites and fidelitie , they shal hardlie fall uppon them , but uppon greate and extraordinary advantadge , seinge that they are resolved rather to die in defence of theire honoure and reputasion then to yealde or hasarde their fame in rinderinge the same to the handes of theire enemy , whiche may use there one discression in a matter of so heavie importance , in eyther gaininge honoure or disgrace , so considerenge the diferince betwext thies two pointes in the noble profession of armes , better and more honorable it is to die in defence of a iuste and honorable cause , and perpetuate the●e fame to all posteritie , then yealde to any lowe or base imagination . when an army doe inter into a foraine country and determineth to remaine theire that winter , and conquest the same , firste he is to fortifie him selfe , or com in pocession of stronge places if it mighte by posible : secondlie to gather all the corne cattell wine bire and all other sorte of vituales necessarie for the manteinance of his army : soe that his may not wante , and that his enemy may by driven unto greate extreamitie ( and that trough meere extremitie they may come to offer them selves to serve as faithfull subiectes ) so that of materes whiche bienge prudently and diligentely manadged doe often times resulte prosperouse and goode successes : a necessarie thinge in warr that the souldiores of eache army doe carrie theire device and token wherby they may by knowen by theire owne as frendes , rather then to fall uppon as if it were an enemy not knowinge them as it may well fall oute . when a generall of an army doth inter to conqueste a kingdom the provinces or places trough which he marcheth , he is to take care to leave them well fortified and sure , with goode and stronge garisones that his soucors munitiones and convoyes , may with the better securitie pass and repass , for cause that importeh muche for the better securitie and goode success of his jurney and pretended purpose : and if by chance in suche places his convoyes by beaten or broken , as it may well fall oute , he may retire to the nexte adjoninge forte castell or towne , for his securitie , and soe shall all sorte of trade , marchandise , munitiones , and traficke freely pass from place to place , conducted with stronge and vigilante convoyes both foote and horse . suche persones as shall by chosen to recnoledge citties townes , fortes castelles , they re fossose and walles , and the places easieste to by won , as alsoe to recnoledge the place more conveniente to cutt trinches . thies persones oughte to be chosen of men of longe experience in warr , as well in the theorick and practice of the same , ingeniouse and of a grtate spirite , of a setled minde to houlde and take notice of whate he seeth , the perill and danger of the matter , the necessarie preventiones for the same in as much as may be possible in takinge advantadge of the enemy ; some that are employed in thies ocasiones doe carie armes of proofe and targetes , otheres do onelie carie targetes , whiche i thincke is inoughe , by reason of the greate weighte of both , such men are to arme them selves with a setled minde , not fearefull but of a brave spirit scilente and patiente , for otherwise hardly can they bringe to perfection they re purpose , nor give a goode relation of whate is recomended to their chardge whiche by experience is often tried in the ocurrantes of warr . when ocasion shall offer to give an escalada to a towne citti or forte it is necessarie it by at nighte alitle before day , and in an obscure nighte alitle before day , and that to be verie scilent and secretly , and with greate expedition to execute his purpose , but firste and before hande oughte to be taken the heighte of the wall and place of youre execution , that the laderes may juste conforme with the place and that it be nothing higher for bienge dangerouse , for the parte within discoveringe him , with litle paines may turne the ladder and hinder the execution pretended , and the ladder oughte not to be soe shorte but it may come within two foote to the upper patre of the wall , or juste to the same litle more or less ; for otherwise time and ocasion may be loste , and the firste that are to by chosen for suche exploites are to be pikmen and chosen of persones of brave spirites and valerouse determinationes to intertaine the place with theire pikes till the shott do inter ; and as the pikes do inter they are to turne theire faces towarde both sides of the wall to kepe of the furie of the enemy till the shot do inter ; and then the leader is to marche forwarde in goode order till he come to the beste poste of the enemy , and moste fitt for his purpose , with a troupe of chosen and resolute muskettieres in the uangarde who dischardginge that value giueth greate terror to the enemy , and let them make theire rekoninge before hande that theire is no turninge bake , but with a brave resolution step forwarde with a ualerouse determination , otherwise athousand to one they are loste , for suche and semblable executiones is required prudente and brave conductores of tried ualoure and resolusion . nexte under god , true religion and pure concience , there is nothinge to be so highlie esteemed and comended in the profession of armes as obedience , acompanied with goode discipline and examples , for otherwise all other goode partes in him are to litle purpose and of litle estimasion , yea and of what sover qualitie or condision he be of , from a private souldier to a master de campe generall ; alwaies the lower is to respecte the higher in degree ( for the prosperouse succeses of warlike afaires . ) and it is moste necessarie that those who doth militate in the same doe serve withe agoode , will cencerly and faith fully , sheowinge them selves louinge and loyall , in all ocasiones to theire prince , and generall , whiche they are to sheowe by testimony of goode examples , soe they shall be beloved and gaine goode fame , and by all likhoode shall have goode successes ▪ and many souldiores who bienge assured that theire cheefe doth inbrace and recompence all brave actiones in warr do venture them selves with a better couradge , and resolute determination ; then if they were constrained by force , and of litle hope of recompence . iulius caesar that famouse captaine of greate renoome who in all his actiones sheowed him selfe with suche a generouse minde and lovinge towardes his souldiores , acompanied with his military prudence did triumphe and over com in 52 battelles and incounters of greate hazarde and dificulte , with the slaughter of 110000. persones for the space of eighte yeares he governed wourthie to be noted and kepte in perpetuall memory when he touke his jurney to pass over the river of the rhine in germany to fall uppon the suitseres , to revenge the injurie and treason comitted by them againste the republicke of the romaines in killinge casio a famouse romaine consull , and all his people : but iulius caesar for a revenge therof gave them a battell , they bienge in number 290000. men ; notwithstandinge he defeated 130000. of them , and they askinge for peace after that cesar did overcome them he came to a gremente and composition with them . a nother thinge wourdie to by noted that when the suitsers did pass the river of the rhine , with 43000. men to inhabite , and overcome france , borgondie , and flandes . julius caesar heeringe of they re presomtion , presentlie departed to meete them , and defeated and overcom them , and for the moste parte suche as escaped the battell , for the greate renoome and relation they had of his brave govermente , and kinde intertainemente , they were contente to remaine in service under him , soe that trough his prudence , bra ve conduction , and the greate contentemente souldiores had to serve under his comaunde , he did overcome all the provinces of the suitseres fleminges , and frence , and passed into inglande and did put them under subiection , and after pasinge over sea , the inglish begon to rebell againste him , so that he was forced to returne a gaine to recover thē , and leavinge them setled , wente into spaine and drived a way pompeo , and mastered all that he had under subiection : so that this laudable and renoomed captanie lefte to all warriers many brave examples of perpetuall memory . his brave and prudente conduction , liberalitie clemencie and mangnanimitie made him victoriouse , so that he triumpheth over asia , africa , and europa . and soe many more brave and valerouse warrieres for bienge beloved by theires , kepinge them still contented , have optained manny rare victories . and to the contrarie o there 's who were of bad conduction , and careless to contente theire armies had but litle goode succeses ; as did happen to atilla kinge of the hunos a proude and cruell man , an enemy and scourdge of cristianes , was overcom in the battell betwexte him and theodorico kinge of the burgonones in the campe of cathalanos , thoughe he had more men then the burgonones he was overcom with the loshe of 180000 men , in whiche battell the kinge theodorico was slaine , many more comparisones mighte be related , but nowe a dayes the warres are so diferente in usinge no tyranny , but rather by industry brave and prudente conduction goode discipline , dayly subtilitie engeniouse wittes , inventenge of fire wourkes and other military actes in warr , to which helpeth muche the readinge of antiente histories of prudente and valerouse captaines to sharpen the witt of men , and increase the hartes and understandinge of suche as do followe the noble profession of armes : but let none presume that by onely readinge he can be apte to governe in warr ( in governinge of an army ) nor truste to the same withoute havinge exercised him selfe and practisinge him in many ocurantes of warrlike afaires , but the learninge becometh none better then the souldior , for it bringes him to greate perfection , firimnes and auctoritie . many kinges emperoures and captaine generalles do imbrace the letteres with armes and finde it moste necessarie , and are of rare importance , and finde that learninge is moste required to the executiones of this profession more then to any other profession , for bienge the true fundamente of nobilitie : in the profession of armes the wicked uice of invie is moste odiouse and uileste of all actes ; for bienge master of many vices which resulte of rude and blinde ingnorance , subjecte to quareles , murmurasion , backbitinge , disgraces and bad examples , enemy to all goode proceedinges , truth and vertue , whiche doth so penetrate the unconsiderate and base understandinge of many of litle conscience and reputation , daylie decaienge and fallinge unto many crimes and disgraces , enemy to frindshipp and acorde , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende : in the profession of armes greate care oughte to be taken of suche as are given to suche and semblable vices ; and when by faire meanes and goode instructiones they do not a minde to see them severelie punished , or drive them a way , like base factioneres inclined to vices troubles and bad examples . the fifth chap. whosoever woulde wish to be a perfecte souldior and desirouse that matteres of importance were refered to his care and chardge , firste he muste by exercised longe time in warres , sheowinge him diligēte in a plienge him selfe in the theoricke and practick of this arte , to be couriouse and ingeniouse in many ocurrantes and warlike exploites , in fortifienge him selfe in ocasiones of necessitie eyther in plaine or hilly grounde , riveres or pasadges or where soever . he is to be couriouse in understandinge the dificulties of the situation , the uantadge and disadvantadge of the place , and howe he may intertaine the place , in as muche as industrie can a fourde , in consideringe how soucor can be kepte from him , and the necessary prevension , if he by inviorened with wood gardines ditches valeyes ould buildinges in 700. or 800. paces , and if theire be any suche empedimentes to see them with speede plained and prevented that he may discouer every way , and let him looke well that he be not deprived of water , and in as muche posible to informe him selfe in knowinge all meanes the enemy may use to cross him of soccoure ; and the sureste way or meanes who he may receive soucor , and use all industrie posible in so muche that the enemy do not cross him of the pasadges , and put them selves in posession of the same : he is to fortifie him selfe in as muche as may by posible , and as the situasion shall permit , not grudginge at the greate paines required to that effecte , in raisinge the walles in the heighte and forme requisite , the ditch of the breade and heighte conveniente . to raise the bulwarkes of the same in the heighte that they may discover the sircuide and places befitinge on eache side , let him by provided in due time of all necessarie munitiones , and as much as may by , and rather have to spare then wante , alsoe to be provided of severall sortes of fire wourkes whiche are of rare emportance in many ocasiones , let him by alwaies vigilante and warie , and feare of the suddaine plottes and stratagemes of his enemy , whiche may fall uppon him when he leaste thinketh , so let him not wholie truste to his and his souldiores valour , but rather alwayes be readie to receive the alarme with greate vigilance and brave resolusion , so shall he a complish the obligationes of a prudente carefull and vigilante souldior , and defende his reputasion . when any stronge place is beseeged and that yove woulde cut atrince to win the same , the person that undertaketh this chardge muste by curiouse and skillfull , the trince is to by five foote deepe and the earthe to be caste up on both sides then it shall be seaven foote deepe in some places it is to by ten foote broade , in some places eighte , but in the biginenge it needeth not to be above eight foote broade , and in every place it muste by five foote at leaste deepe . thies trinches are to by cutt and goe on crossed ( and crouked ) so that the enemy do not discover oure fronte , but givinge them still oure side , and so shall the companies inter with the better securitie and feowe men kilth , and they may goe upp and downe the trince at theire owne ease , but they muste beware and by in all redines leaste the enemy shoulde chance of a soddaine come to trye theire valour , and kill suche as they finde in the trince , and nayle the artillerie if they can come so farr , therfore let theire by chosen the beste and moste valerouse pikemen , and order them in thre in ranke to hinder the entinte or empetue of the enemy , in thies and semblable ocasiones in warr where carelelie officeres and souldiores do assiste they finde them selves amazed for there litle care and vigilance in soddaine prevented exploites of the enemy , after bienge well informed of trustie spies of the litle vigilance and care of the enemy it is an easie thinge to triumphe victorie of them , so in ocurrantes and ocasiones of warrlike afaires all securitie is to by prevented in due time in as muche as industrie vigilance and care can afourde , and such as do not thinke uppon them selves to prevente the necessarie remedies , are moste comonly loste , and suche as do escape remaine tatched with greate disgrace , for bienge overthrowen trough careless mindes and litle discipline , so let none by ingnorant but that vigilance and care acompanied with military prudence and brave resolusion is of rare importance in warr . the sixte chap. treatinge of the office of a captaine generall of an army . this office beinge of so high dingnitie and degree , the kinge doth chuse and electe it be the advice of his prudente counsell of state and warr ; and in this election greate consideration oughte to by had , for bienge the office of higheste degree in the fielde ; which of all reason oughte to by comended to the care and chardge of a personadge indued with the befitinge partes for the executinge of so honorable a chardge : therfore he oughte not onely to have the perfection and aproved partes of all other officeres under his comaunde ; but to excell them all in experience , gravitie , policie , secrecie , temperance , valour constancie , vigilance , care liberalitie , and to by of brave and resolute determinations , preventinge and executinge in due time with care and prudence all thinges apertaininge to his chardge : to relate of all the goode partes in him it were tedious , for he is to by of suche perfecte judgemente of all thinges which hath and shall by writen of this arte , so that the goode partes in him required are infinit . he is not onely to by of perfecte judgemente in excellinge all the reste , but alsoe to by of a verteouse life in givinge goode examples , as apateerne lighte and lanterne of all the army ( soe that they may imitate him ) for moste comonlie averteouse prudente and valiante generall will chuse valiante verteouse and prudente captaines and officeres ; prudente and valerouse captaines oughte to estime verteouse valiante and skilfull souldieres . the accidentes of warr are so many that it altherethe the houmore of some professores of this arte , excepte they by indued with singular vertue and constancie , which are founde but in verie feowe . very many dificulties doe offer in the daylie ocurrantes of warr , but greate abilitie is requiered to see them prudently ordered ; and hardely can any master be had of suche perfection , but that some times he muste err . to relate in particular of the partes required in a generall it were tediouse , wherfore i will name the foure princlpal partes the greekes and romaines desired to occurr in such personages ; firste to be skillfull in the arte of warr , to be valiante and of brave and prudente resolution , to sheowe him selfe with greate gravitie and auctoritie , and to be fortunate in his sucesses . if he be acompanied with the partes and proprietie before declared it is inough . nevertheless he hase inoughe to learne . for the better securitie and success of his army it is necessarie that his person be still well garded in all plases where he marches with his army . ( and trough his valeoure and mangnanimitie ) findinge that he is inclined to presente him selfe the firste in all dangeres , his consell of warris not to permitt him for many respectes , for bienge kilth or taken prisoner it were no smale matter . that besides it is an ocasion to animate the enemie , and to disanimate oures , wherof greate consideration oughte to be taken . the greekes and romaines for the defence and repose of theire republike have chosen theire captaine generalles of souldieres of greate and longe experience in martiall actiones , wherby they mighte prudentlie governe and comaunde with full auctoritie and due respecte . and therfore they alwaies did chuse thies personadges of men of longe practice , greate experience in warr , and of reepe yeares and judgement . it is true that alexander magnus , beinge but of yonge yeares begon to governe and comaunde an army , and conquered all asia and did put the worlde in amace . somtimes it is moste conveniente that kinges and princes in person be presente withe theire armies for many respectes , thouge theire experience be not greate ; but when suche ocasiones do presente they carie with them the moste anciente and experimented captaines they finde as did alexander of those captaines whiche kinge philip his father had for his counseleres and conductores of warr . and as did kinge philipe of spaine when he elected don juan de austria for his captaine generall , he a pointed for his lieutenante don luis de suniga the gran comendador of castilla . and to the contrarie who infortunate hapened to don sebastian kinge of portugall not to imitate thies renoomed examples of perperpetuall memorie , in his infortunate and disastred journey made into barbarie , he beinge yonge and vnexperimented in warr whiche was cause of his and his armies perdicion , so that yonge princes in warres oughte to have for theire counseleres grave and experimented captaines , none can denay but this kinge was of a high conceite and of amoste brave and valerouse determinasion but by reson of his yonge yeares and lesse experience in warr , he wanted prudence for the due conduction of such an honarble action . in the honorable journey made by the famouse and renoomed conquerour kinge edward the thirde into france , sendinge his eyldest son the prince of wales for generall , naminge for his counselers and captaines the valiante prudente and renoomed earles of oxforde warwick , suffolk and salisbury , where at the battell of poytieres they made knowen theire vndeniable prudence and greate valour , that at lenghte they overthrewe the whole power of france , and theire kinge iohn and his son philipe were taken prisoneres , with very many of the frence nobilitie , to the inglish is perpetuall glorie and fame . aniball that renoomed captaine of perpetuall memorie was but very yonge when he began to governe an army , but he had for his counseleres anciente and prudente captaines , and was ruled and governed by them till he came to understandinge , givinge many famouse battelles and overthrowes to the romaines , till at the ende he was overcome with cipio africano that renomed captaine of the remaines . the captaine generall oughte to informe him selfe well of the forces qualitie and condiciones of his enemy , if bisonos or rawe men , or oulde and experimented souldiers , alsoe to be well informed of the cituation strenghte and forme of theire citties townes , fortes , and stronge houldes , and of the convenienteste plases to passe over thire riveres . alsoe to informe him selfe of the situation of their campes , so that he mighte be the better prevented when ocasion shall offer , alsoe to be well informed of persones of goode judgemente and truste of all the dificulties that maie hinder him , so that in due time he may prevente all necessarie prevenciones , and specially see that he trusteth the relatinge of thies and many more ocasiones to persones of greate fidelitie and truste and of goode understandinge . when the captaine generall shall inter to conqueste aforaigne country he is to indevoure with speede to put him selfe in pocession of the principaleste pasadges of riveres casteles and stronge plases , and with speede see them well provided with all necessaries , that thereby he may put the country under subiection , and that his amunitiones and all other necessaries may be transported with the more securitie from one place to another , and withe speede to see all places fortified in as muche as can posible , where any parte of his army beinge constrained trough extreame necessitie may safelie repaire unto . for it faleth oute often times that the ocurrantes of warlike affaires are subjecte to many disgrases , and may be when we leshe feare . wherfore aprudente comaunder oughte in due time to prevente suche dificulties , which is the kea and securitie of his army , and specially to see thies plases well provided with all sorte of amunitions , and to see that they be recomended to the care and chardge of carefull vigilante prudente and valerouse captaines . when resolution is taken to scale any towne forte or stronge place , firste information oughte to be taken by skillfull and trustie persones of al dificulties which mighte be suspected or feared , as alsoe of the juste heighte of the walles that ladderes may be made for that purpose , and not to be overlonge for bienge dangerouse for cause that the enemy may easilie turne them up side downe . thies ladderes are not to be so shorte but that they may reache to the place of theire execution ( for thies executiones moste comonlie are firste imploied pikemen of chosen and valerouse souldieres ) to make way till the shott followe to socoure them , duringe whiche time they are to mantaine the place with greate valeoure till all the shott do ioyne , and then with speed goe forwarde , well and prudently ordered , and with abrave and resolute tetermination til they come in pocession and master the place , and strongeste watche they finde . in thies and other semblable ocasiones there is no lookinge after , still goe forwarde with greate couradge and valeoure , whiche execution oughte to be recomended to the care and chardge of prudente and valerouse captaines and chosen souldiores , which bienge so hitted uppon , greate expectasiones mighte be hoped of theire goode sucesse . and order oughte to be given that in paine of death no souldier shall stir oute of his order till the enemy be wholie vanquised and all thinges dulie ordered and prevented . goode successes are often times optained by meanes of military prudence care and diligence , wherfore it is necessarie the captaine generall be verie industriouse in knowinge who to invente neowe occasiones of warr to diverte and intertaine the enemy when ocasion shall require , and to corupte them with money , for many ocurantes in warr it is necessarie to have many trustie spies whiche serve for many purposes , it is moste necessarie that thies persones by knowen for men of truste and fidelitie ; for otherwise beinge of double dealinge they are moste dangerouse . in all ocasiones he shall atempte he is to be verie carefull and diligente , and to knowe the qualitie and condision of the enemyes comaunder wheader he be raish and inconsiderat or prudente and reposed in his actiones , and wheader he be a man of a high minde to come to the facte of armes , and to knowe the qualitie of his counseleres conductores and officeres , and of whate determinasiones , and to be well informed if his army be of bisones or rawe men or of anunciente skillfull and practised souldiores , and of whate nasiones and of whate desingnes . a generall can helpe him selfe in many matteres havinge goode and trustie spies , whiche are to be verie well rewarded and paied for be their , meanes often tymes matteres of greate momente is prevented in due time , and to the contrarry for wante of suche trustie and carefull persones greate disgraces doe happen , and brave interprises loste , thies persones beinge of confidente truste care and abilitie is agreate repose of minde to the generall . moste necessarie it were that some captaines and alferises reformed of longe practice and experience in warr shoulde still asiste nexte his person , to informe of many matteres which doe occurr unknowen to the generall , and of greate importance to his majesties service , and which shoulde by prevented in due time . thies persones for cause of there longe experience and a proved fidelitie in materes of warr shoulde rather by imploied then otheres ordinarily sente with comisiones in visitinge frontieres , fortificasiones amunisiones magasenes or storehouses , and of verie many more ocasiones of importance to the furtherance of his majesties service , and in givinge true relasion of the extreame necessities of souldiores for wante of the ordinary and inescusable necessaries ordained for them be the prince in theire garisones as lodginges bedes , &c. and seinge that none do procure nor pittie them they run away from theire coloures which mighte be prevented in due time be meanes of faithfull and trustie relatores , to the better performance of his majesties service and repose of the comon wealth and poure inhabitances , it were verie necesary he shoulde have trustie persones of good skill and understandinge in warr who shoulde in due time advertice him of many matters which doth ocurr unknowen to him or his counsell , and verie necessary for his majesties service . to by prevented in due time againste the poysonous designes and practises of the enemy , it were moste necessary to get faithfull and trustie spies to knowe the intentes of the enemy , and to whate ende they aspire , and to see thies spiees well rewarded , so that with the greater care they acomplish the truste emputed in them , so that matteres of greate importance may by discovered and prevented withoute facte of armes , onely with military prudence . his ceasless care and high conceite , ought never to be weery in toylinge after vertue , and to attaine with travaile care and military prudence the gloriouse issues of his deepe designes . in thies oure later warres for the moste parte all electiones goes by favor frindshipp or affection to the greate discomoditie of his majesties service ; wherfore the captaine generall as a supreame iustice over a whole army shoulde have aspeciall care in informinge him selfe well in due time , to see amatter of so greate importance prudentely prevented . it alsoe falethe oute that when the generall caules for arelasion of the master de campes to reforme so many captaines of eache regimente of eache nasion to reforce other companies . in such and semblable ocasiones , the generall shoulde take aspeciall care to by well informed , for cause that by dayly experience wee see thies afaires sinesterly handled ; reforminge those of greate service suficiency and valoure , which is manifeste , and to no smale discomodity to his majesties service , in the atemptes of many honorable interprises and incounteres , and to the greate decay of military discipline . so that for wante of prudente conductores , many honorable ocasiones are dayly loste . and that resultinge of the litle perfection of many officeres in military discipline . to see thees ocasiones and many more duly prevented , the captaine generall for many wourdie respectes oughte to informe him selfe well , in as much that favoure frindshipp nor affecsion may take place , but rather forwarde and advance those of longe and faithfull service , prudente cariadge , renoomed actes and valoure . so that in the administrasion of justice he shall by reputed for one inclined to minister equitie and righte , as alsoe for one of greate disgression and wisedome , and soe moste comonly by all reason the sucesses of military discipline shall prosper , to the greate renoome of the prince , repose and furtherance of the comon wealthe . happy is the prince and renoomed is the generall who in his electiones doe imitate the greekes and romaines , in electinge the conductores of theyr armyes of men experte and skillfull in the arte of warr , and moste comonly wise vertuese and valiante generalles , will chuse wise valiante and vertuese captaines , of longe practice renoomed actes and goode examples ; so with the asistance of the divine powere ( greate hopes oughte to by expected of theire happie successes ) as alexander the greate , scipio africano , aniball , and many more renoomed warrieres lefte in writhinge suficiente examples of the same . the ende of the seconde booke . the thirde booke treatinge of firewourkes of rare executiones by sea and lande . after which followes a discourse of the confines of a kingdome ; and the goode lavves to by observed in the same , and hovve it is to by fortified , and stronge by arte , or by nature , or by both . the firste chap. treatinge of patarres . to chardge a pattar to breake a bridge is required six pounde of pouder , or six and haulfe , and to breake stronge portes or gates , foure pounde , or foure and haulfe , and for palisados two pounde , or two and haulfe . this pattares are to be chardged of the fineste and beste pouder that can by had , whiche to do well for the perfecte execution of the same . pouder shoulde be made for itt of refined mixtures of saltpeeter and solpher , and at the chardginge of the same it muste be well beaten , but not so much that the graine of the pouder by brocken , and when it is chardged , the mouth of the pattar muste be very well stopped with apeece of tember ( and wax ) oboute the which on the outwarde parte , or abouth the mouth of the pattar muste be wrapped and tied apeece of canuas dobbed in wax , fearinge that water mighte come to touche the pouder to hinder the execution of the same , if in case it shoulde chance faule into the water . ( advertisinge that the pattar is not to be wholie filled , rather to leave three or foure fingeres voyde , and to fill the moste parte therof with okum , and the touch hole is to be coated with apeece of waxte canuas , and well tied to the same for feare of water and fire . the touche hole muste be filled with mixtures ready and quick to kindel fire , but sloely to effecte that the patardier may have tyme to retire after giving fire . the compositiones required to charge a pattar . for this purpose take three partes of fine and strong pouder , five of solpher , eighte of refined saltpeter , or eight and haulfe , afterwardes mingell all thies mixtures well togither til yove corporate them , and put to them alitle petrol oyle , so muche that they corporate togither , and let them drie well in the sun , and beinge well dried , fill the pattar with the saied mixtures , for the tienge of thies pattares aforck with two teethes is estimed the beste , and in tyme of execution to putt the same trough the eares of the pattar to fasten the same both with a chaine and corde . when yove woulde surprise a ny place of emportance by scalinge pattar , or by meanes of any faulte in the walles of the same , wherby yove may easilie come in , or by inteligence or treatment of treason . ifby pattar yove determin to win the same , yove muste firste by well informed of skilfull and trustie spies , or of persones of truste , of the strenght and entrie of the gates , batteries bridges , palisados , bucketes , and chaines of the bridges , the height and distance to come to the place of execution , and if the ditch by drie or with water , and who deepe and lardge , and if there be any forlorne centeries , or corpes de garde that may hinder yove , and in whate place they lay , and if theyr by any greate ordenance that may play on yove , and on whate side it layeth and in whate distance· the place beinge well discovered , to effect youre entention , yove are to vse stratagemes to divert and ocupie the enemy another way . juste aboute the tyme that yove are ready to execute youre desire . the tyme beeingh well hit uppon , with oportunitie , and being well informed by trustie spies of no deceite nor fraude , fasilitateth much the interprice , which is moste comonlie alitle before day ; at which tyme the centeries are moste laesie and have more desire to sleepe , beesides that the obscuritie helpeth much the interpricce and aprochinges . when the pattares are to be planted to their execution betwexte the mouth of the same and the gate or bridge yove are to put aplancke of stronge woode , of two foote broade and two foote and haulfe longe and three foote distance from the place of execution , and if yove finde that the plancke be not stronge inough , you are to take two barres of yron and put them cros wise for the better performance of youre execution , and that betwexte the saide planckes and the place of execution , and to order all thies thinges in areadines with every thinge apertaining , before yove com to the place of execution . greate consideration and curiositie is to be used be the engenious and skilfull person that taketh in hande this busines , in givinge fire to the same , whiche is easie and enfalible for suche as are of perfecte skill in fire wourckes but to otheres verie dangerouse . the seconde chap. how to make a torche to endure againste the force of winde and raine . take of fine cotten threede , which is used for candles the one thirde parte , and the other two thirde partes of threede made of fine ocam , and make of this acorde as thicke as youre finger . then take a quantitie of saltpeter , and let it by finely stamped , and then tacke a quantitie of aqua vitae , and let the corde boyle therin a goode while till it almoste be drie , then put into the same a litle quantitie of gineper oyle , and one parte of pouder , two of refined saltpeter , and one parte of rosen ; and corporate them all togither , and let them boyle over a softe fire till the corde be almoste drie , and turne the same often times with much vigilance or it will kindel fiere if any extraordinary hett come nere it . beinge drie inough tacke it up , then take one parte of wax , one parte of rosen , haulfe parte of colofonia , one fourth parte of linesatt-oyle , and so muche of camphora , one parte of saltpeter three times refined , one parte of pouder , and boyle all thies mixtures togither , and when they are well corporated dob youre corde in the same mixtures as if youe were to make a candel , and after beinge dobbed in thies mixtures often times , set the candel a parte till it be drie inough then let it be dobbed in wax , as youe doe other candels till such time as it be of the thicknes youe woulde have it to be , then lay it upp till it be drie , and in lightinge the same it will burne with greate furie and force , and no raine nor winde can quince it , and it will yealde a greate flame , and terrible noice , that the behoulderes will muche admire at the same . to trie who to reduce saltpeeter into water take three onces of raine water , and put it in acaldrō over the fire , and put into the same two onces of saltpeeter well stamped , and let it boyle so longe till it come to be water , whiche for many effectes of this wourke is goode , and specially to guie more force to mixtures that are not in they re full substance and perfection . to refine solfer and make it more stronge put into the same one eighte parte of quicksilver , and ⅔ . partes of refined saltpeeter , and melte them over a softe fire till they corporate well , and after , takings the same up and beinge alitle hote caste it into strong veneger , and within alitle while take itt up and it will by of full strenghte . to discover the enemy at nighte when yove woulde fall to do any execution , cause aquantitie of fagotes secretly to by put in the moste convenienteste place for that purpose ( that will give yove inogh light ) en vsinge them in this maner followinge and also will indure longe . take agoode quantitie of ro sen , and foure times so muche turpintin de venetia , and haulfe so muche of colofonia as yove take of roosen , and put aquantitie of the saied mixtures on each fagot and give the same fire with awad of okum , dobbed in pouder brandevin and turpintin , which wad beinge dried will presently give fire to the fagotes and yealde agreate flame and indure longe , and if yove will have it to indure longer put aquantitie of colofonia uppon the fagottes in the thickeste parte of them and the fire will endure longe inoghe . the thirde chap. to arme tronckes or canes made for severall executiones of this arte , the figure of which canes youe shall see hire followinge whiche are made of lighte woode and are to be of two foote or two and haulfe longe , and som shorter for cause of their weighte in time of execution . thies canes are hollowe within and made of lighte tember like the barrell of apeece of ordenance , and they muste by well bounde all rounde aboute with stronge marlin corde , fearinge leaste it shoulde splinter by meanes of the stronge compositiones , and mixtures put into the same , of whiche we will nowe treate . after yove have well tied the same alongste with the corde all aboute , yove may doabe or coate the corde in a mixture made of pitch and wax for the more securitie of the cane in keepinge it from water , and not to splinter . which douptles they will exepte they be well handled by men of goode experience , and practice in this arte , and let none presume that for the readinge of many goode bookes he cā bringe this wourcke to perfection , for it is of suche rare and deepe judgemente in the orderinge and measuringe in proportion of the seaveral sortes of mixtures required for the same . in the drienge and manadgeinge of them is required greate consideration , good skill , vigilance , and rare judgemente of longe exercice ; wherof i have seene many dangerous triales bothe in the handlinge and executiones of this wourcke , in his due measure and proportion , therfore confideration , care , and vigilance is required . the compositiones required for the saied canes , take six partes of musket pouder , foure , of solfer , a haulf parte of quicksilver , one parte of cristal glashe beaten into pouder , one parte of armoniacke alsoe beaten into pouder , one parte of camphire , three partes of saltpeeter three times refined , two partes of rosen , all whiche cause to by well stamped and mingled togither , then tacke of gineper-oyle , or petroll oyle , as much as will wet a litle all the saied mixtures , then put as muche stronge brandevin , as shall be sufficiente to weate well all the saiede mixtures , and mingel them togither , and let them be dried in the sun or over a softe fiere till they corporate well , then putt a monghste them a litel quantity of fine cotten made or a nointed in fine beaten pouder and gineper oyle , and when all thiese compositiones are drie , fill youre cane or troncke , putinge in the bottom of the same three musket-shotes of pouder , or more , acordinge to the greatnes of the cane , then a quantitie of youre mixtures then a litle pouder , then mixtures , then alitle pouder , and so till youe almoste fill the cane to the brim , leavinge two enches emptie where youe shall put drie mixtures quicke and apte to kindel fire , and haulfe , a quarter of an once of fine pouder in the very mouthe of the cane , and stike into the same a peece of match made of fine cotten , and boyled in aqua vitae , gineper oyle , and fine pouder of the beste youe can finde , to presently kindell fire , when occasion shall require ; and when youe will bigin with the execution of the same , youe are to give fire in the mouthe of the cane , and it will yealde a moste furious and greate flame till it burne oute , and the execution of the flame will reache some 12. foote , and with a greate furie and force , which artificiall canes are excellente to inter per force into shippes , or into a breache or trinche , alsoe it is moste excellente to breake any order or array , and specially in narrowe or straighte places , as the draught marked with the letter a. sheoweth . a. the fourth chap. another way to arme artificiall canes of fire-wourcke . take three partes of rosin , two partes of brimstone , one haulfe parte of the grease or fatt of a hog ¼ . parte of red wax , cause the rosen and brimstone to be beaten into pouder , and mingell them togither . then put to them the grease , and red wax and put them over asofte fire in a caldron , or earthen pott , stirringe them still til they corporate well , and remaine a goode while over the fire : then take five partes of serpintin pouder of the beste , and of saltpeeter three times refined three partes , whiche muste be beaten to pouder , then take two partes of camphire stamped , then one parte of cristall glash , whiche muste be beaten into fine pouder , alsoe one parte of armoniak whiche muste be beate in into pouder , all which yove shall putt into the saied mixtures , and let them all boyle over asofte fire till they be well corporated and dried , or if yove will tacke them up when they are well corporated and reasonable drie it emporteth nothinge , by reason they are quick to kindle fire , and required not over muche drienge , and if yove finde that the mixtures be not well wet that they may the better corporate , put alitle a qua vite or petroll oyle or of bothe to them , till yove see that they be very well corporated , he that undertaketh to macke any store of thies fire-wourckes muste make up a furniesh for the beater securitie of the same , for putinge the mixtures in caldrones or pottes over the fire as many do , it is dangerouse exepte it be handeled be one of perfect skill and greate vigilance whiche jhave often times tried . for the fillinge of youre artificiall canes or tronkes withe the aforesaid mixtures , needeth much consideration and practice , for the perfecte execution of this wourcke . put in case it is acane where aboy is arme can inter into , yove muste fill it as foloweth but if greater or lesher consideration muste be taken in fillinge the same with the mixtures in measure and proportion , or it will faile in burninge all of asodaine or verie sloe so that greate practice and curiositie is required for the perfecte handelinge of this wourke . for the fillinge of the saide canes before spoken of put into the bottom of the same two handes and haulfe full of musket pouder , then three handes full of the drieste mixtures , then two handes full of pouder , then foure handes full of the mixtures , then a litle pouder , then five handes full of the mixtures , and soe still in this course , till youe fill youre cane within three eaches of the mouthe of the same , which youe shall fill with verie drie and quick mixtures apt to kindle fire , and on the upmoste parte or mouthe of the cane some pouder . that don take a peece of matche made of fine cotten , and sod in aqua vitae , gineper-oyle , and fine beaten pouder , and well dried , in the sun or over asofte fire till ib be verie well dried of this matche cutt three enches and sticken itt into the mixtures that is in the mouth of the cane , and when youe are ready for youre execution do but give fire with youre ordinarie matche to this gunpouder matche , and presently at the firste touch of youre ordinary match , or of any other fire it will instantly kindel fire : advertisinge that youe are to cover the mouth of the cane with a peece of stronge parchmente , and binde it well , so that the mixtures may not faule oute of the cane , the veri end of the match muste a peere trough the saied partchment to give it fire , when occasion shall require , and then the cane shall presently bigin to wourcke with greate furie and terrible to the behoulderes , for the wonderfull flame and terribel noyce . i have seene trial made often times that theyer is nothinge that puteth one in more terror then thies instrumentes , beinge well made and duelie handled , and douptles the flame and noyce of this fire will put the enemy in greate terror , when it bigines his course of execution , and none so valiante durste stay neere it as longe as the flame indures , and questionles it will make a way as farr as the haulfe pike and flame can reache though ever so valiante youre enemy be , and it is a moste excelent instrumente to bourde shippes per force , or to give fire to they re mines if youe perceive where the same doeth laye , advertisinge that the saide cane shall shoote of two shottes one after a nother , the firste that layes in the thirde degre , and the other that layes in the bottom . thies canes can be made severall maner of wayes be such as are curiouse in the manadginge of this arte , whicc none can bringe to perfection , but with longe practice , and muche chardges , be reason the compositiones and mixtures required for the same are wonderfull deere , so that for the saide respectes hardely can youe finde one in ten tousand that will undertake the executinge of this wourcke ; may be some will that are curiouse in readinge many brave auctores , thinckinge that onely by the same they knowe inough , they are farr deceived , for i knowe that withoute practice they shall fall into very many errores , wherof i have seene verie many triales made , and besides greate chardges before they coulde come to the perfecte judgemente of the deepe secretes and curiousities of this rare arte . thies canes or tronckes of fire-wourcke , are handled severall maner of wayes be suche as are curiouse ; for some are of quicke executiones , otheres of slow acordinge as the ocasiō shall require , in putinge to thē mixtures agriable for that purpose , some yealde a flame of 16. foote but thies indures but verie shorte , otheres yealde a flame of 12. or 13. foote , whiche indure lōger , whiche are made for sodaine executiones , otheres are made which do yealde a flame of 9. or 10. foote , whiche do indure lōge i nogh for any sodaine exploite , for thies are made for suche executiones : suche as doe not indure a bove the ⅛ parte of a quarter of an houre wil almoste wholy burne the cane , i meane all the inner parte of the same , suche as are made to indure haulfe a quarter of an houre will wholy burne the cane into a eishsees as faste as the mixtures or compositiones do burne . so any boddy may perceive that thies compositiones are of wonderfull force , and of rare executiones , whiche questionles shall soe by founde by such as will take the paines and chardges , to make triall , and beinge experte in the due handlinge and manadginge of them . thies mixtures are to bee putt in canes made , like the figure folowinge mareked with the letter b. b. the fifte chap. artificiall bullettes , and cross barres made of fire-wourke , to shoote oute of greate ordenance to burne shippes or houses , or to be shot into magasens or munition houses of the enemy oute of greate ordenance , or to be shot into the enemyes campe to burne they re quarteres , whiche are to be made and ordered in this maner folowinge . take foure partes of saltpeeter thre tymes refined , of brimstone two partes , of camphire one parte and haulfe , of rosen two partes , of armoniak one parte , of cristal glash beatin into pouder halfe aparte , of bay saulte one fourth parte ; all thies compositiones beinge beaten into pouder mingle them togither , this beinge don take one haulfe parte of the fat of ahog , of turpintin one fourth parte , of linsat oyle so much more , of aqua vitae one parte , then putt thies mixtures togither over a softe fire in acaldron or stronge earten pott , and mingel them altogither till they corporate very well , then when they are a goode while over the fire put to them six partes of serpintin-pouder , and corporate them well , and when youe finde that they are reasonable drie take them upp , and make a plaster or cover of oecam , so thick as the backe of a knife , and so broade as shall cover the bullet or cross barr . all that beinge ordered as before declared take 4. partes of serpintin-pouder of the beste , and cause it to be beaten into pouder , take of refined saltpeeter two partes , of rosen two partes , armoniacke one parte , brimstone one parte , all which muste be beaten into pouder , then wet thies mixtures with two partes of stronge brandevin , or aqua vitae , one parte of gineper-oyle , one parte of turpintin , haulfe parte of linsat-oyle , that don put over the fire the rosin , brinstone aqua vitae , the geneper-oyle , the turpintin and linsat-oyle a bove mencioned , and when they are melted , and well corporated putt into the same the saltpiter , armoniack , and foure partes of serpintin-pouder , and corporate all thies mixtures togither , and a noynte the twoa in them till youe finde it full of the subce of the same . then let the ocam be all over covered with the firste mixtures made for the bulletes a boute a finger thicknes or more ; alwaes tackinge regarde that it doe agree with the peece oute of which youe entende to shute the same , and when the coate of the saied bullet is covered , and full of the saied mixtures , then wrappe it rounde a boute the bullet , or cross barr , and tee it very well with stronge marlin corde , and benge well bounde with the said corde , and shot oute of a peece of ordenance it will burne with terrible force , and greate furie , and water can not quince it , of the which for curiositie as alsoe to knowe of the operation therof i made severall triales . thies mixtures needeth not much drienge when they are well corporated over a softe fire , but the outewarde plaster of twoa of the three , wherewith youe are to cover every bullet , and in suche sorte that presently it may kindell , and give fire to the inner cōpositiones , to the which when youe give it fire , it will burne with greate force . thies bullettes are excelente to burne shippes , and to by caste into townes to burne houses , they re execution is of suche wonderfull force that questionless they will burne an oaken boorde , and if youe caste water uppon them the more they will burne , and will make suche a wonderfull noyce able to putt the behoulderes in greate terror , and specially suche as have no understandinge of they re operation , for when the water is caste uppon them they shall give a greate crie juste as if it were of a wilde boare , wherof i made severall triales wourdie the lookinge uppon , and none of the behoulderes of the same durste stay neere in a greate distance for the strange operation of the same , and the terror whereunto they put the behoulderes but such as knowe of the course of they re operation , whiche is almoste incredible but to suche as are a quainted with the same . for the better execution of the cross barres and specially be sea they shoulde be made with yron chaines fastened to the end that firste muste by put into the peece whiche is moste excelente to cut sayles of shippes ropes mastes , and to make other greate spoyles , the figure of whiche yove see heere folowing where the lette c. sheoweth . thies cross barres are to be coated as before taughte and with the selfe same mixtures , the bulletes are alsoe to be coated takinge regarde that the bullet be made no greater but that it mighte inter into the peece of ordenance oute of whiche yove meane to shoote the same . and they are to be doble bounde all rounde aboute very well with stronge marlin corde , fearinge that be the greate force of theire roaringe and wrastlinge oute of the peece the ocam and compositiones , beinge not well bounde shoulde be untied , and tacke no effecte , which questionless it will excepte it by verie well bounde as before declared ; of the whiche i caused my selfe triall to be made . the figure of thies bulletes and cross barres youe see hire marked with the letter c. c. the sixte chap. to arme a haulfe pike with fire-wourcke to inter or bourde shippes per force or to inter into a trence or baterie or breake any order or array where the balles fastned to them shall fall , thies balles are to be made of lighte woode of the bignes or somwhate greater then abuter box , and of the very selfe same makinge , but that it muste be bored with foure holes crosswise , and of the greatnes that youre thom might inter into them , whiche shall by filled in this maner folowinge . take of the same mixtures and compositiones that was ordained for the artificiall canes to whiche youe are to ad two partes of rosen and one parte of brimstone of the beste , and melt thies togither putinge alitle aqua vitae to them of the strongeste yove can finde , and bienge well corporated and molten , put the other mixtures over the fire and when they are hote put the molted rosen and brimstone to them , and corporate all togither , and beinge almoste coulde fill youre artificiall balles therewith as full as they can houlde , putinge a litle of the drieste mixtures and pouder in the mouthe of each hole of the foure , and alitel cotten boyled in gun pouder , brandevin and gineper-oyle , and afterwardes dried verie well , that therby they may presently kindel fire . that don take as much ocam or towe as will cover or coate them , makinge aplaster of the same of ahaulfe ence thik or litle lesh , this coate or plaster cause to by sod over asofte fire in fine beaten pouder to the quantitie of foure partes , of saltepiter two partes , rosin two partes , armoniacke haulfe a parte , brimstone one parte and all thies beinge firste beatē into pouder let them be wet in brandevin and giniper-oyle and well corporated togither , then take as muche ocam as will cover them as before declared , and when all thies mixtures are well corporated and dried over asofte fire , then spread them uppon the ocam with whiche yove entende to coate youre ball and put on the same to the thicknes of haulfe anence or litle lesh of the saied mixtures and wrapp the same rounde aboute the ball and let it be tied verie well with marlin corde , and when all this is don take a peece of gunpoder matche beinge well handled and dried , and binde it in severall partes of the ball that in touchinge the same with youre ordinarie matche it will presentlie kindell fire , and withoute delay and it will bigin to burne with amoste wonderfull flame and terrible noyce that it will put the behoulderes in greate terror ; and if it fall uppon abourd or any other thinge apte to kindle fire it will burne it into aeishes , and alsoe the cover that goes aboute the same : the terror wherunto thies balles do put the behoulderes of rhem when they burne is vncredible but to suche as do see the same , wherof jmade severall proofes and founde it soe that no boddy durste stay neere , thies haulfe pikes somtimes are armed with skubbes made of fire wourcke which alsoe are goode to offende or defende , thies balles and haulfe pikes are of rare executiones which draughte yove see hire vnder marked with the letter d. d. a prudente and brave conductor of aforecaste considerasion , bienge determined with military prudence , and resolusion of his and of his souldiores valoure to fall on any execusion moste comonly they are wonte to have goode sucesses , to which effecte many stratagemes and military prudence is required . and bienge in the fielde and resolved to give battell or at leaste to dommadge or put the enemy in greate terror ; verie necessary it were to by provided withe bulletes cross barres and yron chaines armed with wilde fire to by shutt oute of greate ordenance , the which in suche ocasiones , as also in sea servicees are of rare execusiones bienge prudently armed and manadged , by one of perfecte judgemente and longe practice in this arte . thies bulletes or cross barres bienge shoote oute of greate ordenance in the fronte of abattell or of an army in areasonable neere distance are of wonderfull executiones , and specially yron chaines and cross barres they are alsoe goode to cut the tackle of shippes shroudes mastes yardes top mastes sailes , &c. the draugh of which bulletes yove see hire folowinge where the draughte with the letter a. sheoweth . and howe to chaine them togither when yove put them into a peece of ordenance . and the draughte with the letter b. sheoweth howe the same flieth trough the ayre when it is dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance , and who it spreadeth a sonder , in some execusiones they are armed with artificiall fire-wourckes to burne townes , shippes , the quarteres of the enemy as also theire store houses or magasenes whiche cross barres are envented for that purpose and bienge prudently handled and armed by one of perfection in fire wourckes i am asured that if they fall into any thinge apte to kindle fire withoute delay they shall burne and kindell fire , for often times i made triall of theire operasion and vncredible force and terror and often times to trie theire nature and course of theire execution i caused to caste water uppon them , notwithstandinge they burne with the more vehemence and terror , and when the water is caste uppon them they give suche aterrible noyce wourdie the admiringe and burne with suche force . thies haulfe pikes are armed another maner of way with fire-wourcke , that is to say take apece of the strongeste canuas yove can finde as big , or of the greatenes yove thincke fitt for youre purpose , and fashionige the same as yove shall see here folowinge be the figure marked with the letter e. this peece of canvas yoveshall cause to be dobbed in molten colofonia and when it sukes i noghe of the licor take it up and put aforme into the same or fill itt with drie sande , and when it is drie caste the sande oute and fill it of the receite made for the artificiall canes . but that they muste be mingled with two partes more of rosen , and ahaulfe parte of brimstone , whiche muste by smelted over asofte fire , and corporate the same and the other composiciones togither , and fill the saide canuas with them , beinge well fastened with marlin coarde and the half pike trouge the midel of the same as the draughte followinge sheoweth , and in the mouth of this scuibb yove are to putt a quantitie of verie drie mixtures , and some pouder , that withoute delay it may kindell fire , the execution of this instrumente is execellent to bourde shippes , to burne sailes , to inter atrince or anay narrowe place , or to break any order or array , if yove please yove may fasten or sticken into the saied scuibb in degrees lighte pipes or canes of yron or brace of five enches longe , beinge of apistol or caliver boare , placinge the touche hole therof towardes the oute warde side of the mixtures , beinge well bounde to the pike so that it doth not fall , at leaste till the execution be finished , and let the touche holes be primed with goode pouder ; also yove may put abullet into each one of thies pipes , beinge chardged with goode pouder , and well handled they will doe greate execution . e. to arme haulfe pikes with fire-wourcke , which is rare to burne sayles of shippes or to bourde or inter per force into shippes or assaultes , trinches or any narowe place , they are both goode in many defensive and offensive occasiones be sea and lande , they are to be filled with the selfe same receite before taughte , and alsoe coated in the self same maner . for executiones at nighte to inter into a trince or forte , per force they are of moste rare executiones , and douptless they shall put the enemy into greate terror by reason of the furie , terrible noyce , and force of theire flame , in the executiones of patarres and camisadas they are wonderfull goode , beinge recomended to the chardge of brave souldieres of aproved valeor and resolute determinationes , for douptless they will put the enemy into greate terron , for sodaine ex ecutiones in trinches or breaches at nighte they are wonderfull goode . the figure of theire draughte youe may see hire under set downe , as marked with the letter f. f. for to offende or defende in diverses occasiones of importance youe may arme a halbarde with a device of fire-wourcke in the selfe same maner as before taughte to arme pikes . and with the selfe same mixtures and coated , with the like coatinge as before taughte for the arminge of pikes , to whiche youe may binde with copper wire thre or foure shorte pipes like caliver barreles , of six or seaven enches longe made of brace , and loaden with pouder and bullett , as the draughte by the letter g. sheoweth ; which alsoe beinge plased betwexte pikes is goode for severall ocasiones of service ; youe may alsoe arme targetes in the selfe same manner which for verie many executiones in warr are goode , and let none be ingnorante that thies engines of fire-wourcke , beinge well and curiously handled doe put the enemy in wonderfull terror , and specially in sodaine occasiones , and stratagemes used often times at nighte . g. the seaventhe chap. the figure followinge beinge armed and well ordered is ofrare execution in narowe or straighte places , eyther to ofende or defende , and are verie necessarie in many ocasiones be sea and lande ; on the two shoulderes wherof youe may arme two scubbes filled withe the receites before taughte , and in the inner parte of the instrumente , whiche is made of yron for this purpose whiche youe see by the figure followinge and goeth cross the pike , youe may put five pipes of yrō or brace prepared and made for that purpose , and that eache of them be of eighte or nine enches lōge , and soe greate in the boare as a pistoll barrell , whiche are to be fastened with nayles and coper wire , and to chardge them with goode pouder bullet and wad , that don youe may cause them to give fire one after on other , in layinge all a longhste the touche holes a peece of fine linenge clath filled with fine pouder , and wett in gineper-oyle , that the fire may take hir course by degrees ; soe that the saide pipes shall shoute one after a nother as youe woulde desire it to doe , ( eyther quicke or sloe ; ) advertifinge that the lininge wherin youe put the pouder to give fire to the touche holes is to be well fastned or bounde yuste uppon the touche holes with marlin corde , so that the course of they re execution may tacke effecte in juste the due time ordained , the which in givinge fire to the firste the reste will dischardge one after an other . duringe which time the two scubbes placed on the two shoulderes of the instrumente , beinge fired will burne ; duringe the time of the execution of thies pipes , and rather more , and will yealde a greate flame , the compositiones that goes to this instrumente are the selfe same before taughte for to arme scubbes , soe that this instrumente beinge handled by one that is skilfull and curious in this arte , the execution wherof is wourdie the behouldinge , and shall see who orderly shalll those five shottes dischardge one after an other , eyther quicke or floe , as the curious understander of this wourcke will have the same to be , ( soe acordingely shall he put the proportion required for the execution he desireth ) the draughte of this instrumente sheoweth the letter h. hire after . in ocasiones of triumph youe may cause other pipes or canes greater then thies to by made of the greatnes of the boare of an arcabuse de crocke , and of fiftine inches longe in the barrell , whiche beinge filled in this maner followinge , is wourthie to by admired , fill each of the saide canes as foloweth firste take a caliver shott of pouder , and chardge the firste cane therwith , then beate uppon the same a stopp● or wad of fine cotten boyled in pouder brandevin and petrol-oyle , then fill uppon the same to the quantitie of a goode musket shott of the mixtures made for the artificiall canes , and uppon the same a stoppel of cotten as before taughte then amusket shott of pouder , then fill the reste of the cane or barell to the mouth of the mixtures made for the artificiall canes , and take heede that youe doe not beate them harde uppon the pouder and see that thies mixtures be verie drie , for beinge soe required for this execution , and observe the selfe same order for the fillinge of the reste of the canes and all alonge the mouthe of thies putt apeece of lininge full of fine stamped pouder wett in gineper-oyle and brandevin and see that it be verie well fastened juste uppon the mouth of thies canes , that no fire can touche the same , but that whiche is ordained as before taughte : soe in givinge fire to the firste cane or barell , the reste in order one after another will dischardge , and each of thies bareles or canes shall yealde two shotes and aflame , whiche shall indure but very shorte , the mixtures required for this execution is of that which is made for the artificiall canes the draughte of this instrument sheoweth the letter h. advertisinge that thies mixtures are to by very drie and apte to kindell fire , and in they re putinge to the barrell to beate them very softe for beinge soe required . h. the eighte chap. to arme a rowes with artificiall fire-wourckes . ahies artificiall arowes beinge shote oute of greate ordenance are goode to burne houses , or in cāpain̄a they are alsoe goode to burne the enemyes quarter , the maner who to arme them is to tacke apeece of stronge canuas boyled alitle in colofonia and to fill the same with the compositiones before thaughte to arme haulfe pikes , and that it be well bounde to the arowes with marlin corde , for the due proportion lenghte and weighte of thies arowes is required the asistance of acuriouse matematisian , or of one of goode judgemente in givinge the necessarie instructiones for the makinge of them , severall man̄er of wayes , some to pearche shippes from side to side eyther above or under water , otheres to be shote afar of to burne houses or quarteres , greate curiositie and perfecte judgemente is required for the severall maner of wayes which thies arowes are to be handled and made acordinge to there severall executiones , some are made to burne the amunition of pouder in shippes if they chance hitt the same and whiche will pearche any shippe from side to side and are of farr greater execution then youre bulletes the draughe wherof the letter i. sheoweth . i. the ninthe chap. to arme artificiall instrumentes ordained in potes made of mettall filled with composisiones and mixtures of fire-wourcke , to burne of asodaine shippes gates bridges palisados or any other combustable thinge apte to kindel fire . take foure partes of rosen , one parte of armoniak foure partes of salpiter thre times refined , a haulfe parte of bay saulte , all whiche cause to by beaten into pouder , then take one parte of linsatt-oyle , of the fatt of a hoge one parte , then cause all thies composisiones to be mingled togither and putt them in apott made for that purpuse over asofte fire , and let them boyle till they corporate well , and then take them up , and put into them one parte of camfire , and thre partes of musket pouder and mingell them well togither , and put them over asofte fire till they corporate well , then take them up and put to them smale pices of gun-pounder match made of fine cotten and boyled in fine beaten pouder , stronge brandevin and giniper oyle or petroll-oyle , then take foure partes of colofonia and cause it to be beaten into pouder , and let it be mingled with the reste mixtures . then cause the instrumente or pott made for this purpose to be filled till youe come to the thirde parte of the pott or instrumente , that don take of the other mixtures withoute colofonia , and fill the reste of the instrumente with them , and on the upermoste parte of all putt of the drieste mixtures , and let them be so drie that they by apte to kindell fire , and in the verie mouth of the instrumente cause to be putt a quarter of an ence of pouder and of the beste , and sticken to the same apeece of gunpouder matche some foure inches deepe into the instrumente and cause itt to be well covered with apeece of canuas till time of execution , soe that water nor fire can touche the mixtures nor the pouder . and when occasion shall ofrer to give it fire , do but touche the gunpouder match with youre ordinary matche , and it will presently kindell fire , yea and muche sooner then pouder , to which effecte this gunpouder matche is made of purpose . thies instrumentes in times of execution they have they re stronge chaines of yron that they may by bounde and fastned , to the place of they re execution , soe that they do not fall , nor that the enemy may use any endustrie to cut or put them of ; so that the executiō may take effecte . it were verie goode , for the securitie of theyr execution to arme two or three artificiall canes on both sides of them , whiche are ro be rocomended to persones of brave spirites , and of aproved valeor and determination . thies compositiones when they bigin with they re execution they re operation and execution is moste rare ; advertisinge that they muste be putt in to yron or brasse pottes made for that purpose , as the figure folowinge sheoweth , and also withe they re stronge yron chaines , for in putinge thies compositiones into veseles of woode questionles the force of this fire will burne them at an instante , which for curiositie , and alsoe to knowe the operation of this fire , y caused triales to by made , and founde that thies instrumentes made of woode did presentlie burne , and consume into aieshes , and was sooner consumed then the matter that was putt into the same , be reason of the wonderfull force of the fire of the saied compositiones , which rare and wonderfull breef execution is wourthie the admiringe , the orderinge and figure of the saiede instrumentes youe see hire under where the letteres k. l. m. sheoweth . k. l. m. the receites wherwith fire-wourck instrumentes are armed in findinge they re operation sloe , youe are to augmente them with drie mixtures apte to kindel fire , as pouder , saltpeeter , brimstone , armoniake , and migell thē well togither , and let them be corporated with the sloe mixtures in theire due proportion , also the mixtures youe finde quicke and apte to burne , and do not indure , acordinge as they re execution requireth youe are to augmente thē with a litel sloe mixtures , as linsat-oyle , turpintine , colofonia , rosen , and wax , but greate consideration , and curiositie is required in put them in theire due proportion . an artificiall baule of fire wourcke beinge dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance in a cleere day can not by discerned nor seene till it declines to the earthe , but beinge shot oute of a peece of ordenance at any marcke in a darcke nighte , may by perceived , and specially when it begines to decline oute of his righte course or line , and the more darcke the nighte is , when it is dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance the better youe may discerne it ; but in the begininge of the range or line youe can not see it so perfecte as when it begines to decline to the earthe , which i have tried at the leager of breda , the nighte a pointed for the triumphe don for the regaininge of that place . if for curiositie youe woulde have a ball made with wilde fire to burne within the water , let the coate therof firste burne a litle before youe caste it into the water , soe that it gives fire to the compositiones there in ordained for his execution , whiche beinge fired , ( to wit ) that parte or partes where in the vente is , beinge filled with ayre doth cause the other partes of the same to shume and burne a bove the water , with a wonderfull noyce admirable to the behoulderes . the balles made for this purpose are lighte , and if youe put them into a peece of ordenance , beinge loaden with the ordenary pouder required for the executiō of the same , in their roaring and wrastlinge of this ball it will burste unto peeces ; soe that for to shoute bulletes or balles oute of greate ordenance armed with fire wourcke the cross barres nowe of late invented is the beste , the maner of arminge and coatinge thies bulletes and cross barres , i have set downe before , who and with whate compositiones , whiche are of rare executiones by sea and lande , beinge well ordered by one of perfecte judgemente in this arte . i have alsoe put downe neowe invented cross barres to be shot oute of greate ordenance , whiche beinge armed as before taughte , are excelente to burne townes , and the enemyes quarteres , and iam well asured that no comprabell device , for that purpose was as yet invented , neyther to by shoot in the fronte of a battell , i meane those cross barres invented with chaines for beinge dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance in a reasonable neere distance in the fronte of a battell , or any order or array , y doupte not that it is the beste invention , that hase beene divised as yet for that purpose , the enemy beinge a reasonable distance of ; but the enemy beinge very neere at hande the cartadges and bagges filled withe musket bulletes , nayles peeces of brocken yron , peeces of chaines , which beinge shoote oute of greate ordenance are of wonderfull executiones , beinge handeled by prudente and curiouse gunneres of perfecte judgemente , and longe practice in this arte . the draught marked with the letter n. sheoweth howe the saied cross barr shall be put into the peece ; and the letter o. sheoweth howe the same flieth violently trough the ayre , and howe it spreadeth a sonder when it is shott oute of the peece , givinge a terrible noyce in his motion and range . n. o. the draught marcked with the letter p. sheoweth howe this other cross barr is to be put into the peece , and when it is dischardged the letter q. sheoweth howe it spreadeth a sonder , and flieth withe greate violence in his line and range . p. q. the tenthe chap. treatinge of the confines of a kingedome , as alsoe of the goode lawes to by observed in the same , and of many necessary instructiones thereunto apertaininge , and who the same is to by fortified and stronge by arte , or by nature , or by bothe . such as are desirouse to be couriose and experte in warlike afaires it importeth that they be of goode judgemente in fortificasiones , as well to offende as to defende ; notwithstandinge that for this purpose in all kingdomes and states are elected ingineres a luinge them a goode pinsion : yet suche as are of longe practice in warr , and do aplie them selves well in hope to by advanced , by theire a proved goode partes and suficiencie oughte to exercice them selves in fortificationes , bienge very necessarie in owne who profesed to be experte in this arte of warr , and knowe howe to intrinch and fortifie him selfe in many ocurrantes in oppen filde , howe to cutt a trince to win a towne or any stronge place : as also to knowe howe to drawe the plott of townes fortes and castelles , and also in knowinge all necessaries for the defence therof , and to know howe to prevente the stratagemes to be feared of his enemy . douptless thies thinges are of greate consideration , for the strenghte of akingdome consisteth much in beinge well fortified , togither with the quantitie and qualitie of his subiectes , and in the goode qualitie of his dominion and country : those princes and reepublikes are judged mighty and stronge , whiche in theire kingdomes and states do montaine goode religion , goode lawes and goode armes , and do exercice the same , and do inioy holsom ayre , fertill grounde and naturall strenghte , with suche other conveniente comodities therunto required ; to by vnderstoode that all countries are strōge by nature or by arte or by both ; by nature they are stronge when they are inuiored withe the sea rounde aboute , or on parte therof , or backed with marrasses or riueres , and those to be stronge by arte , and in theire frontieres nexte adjoyninge and places moste conveniente to haue townes castelles and fortresses fortified by arte . all confines are eyther maritime or mediterraneall or both the one and the other , whether they are montanouse places or in plaine campaina , or do participate of the one and the other , if they by mediterraneall it muste by viewed and considered on whate parte the enemy might come to offende the same , and where he mighte moste comodiouse come to atempte , and it is alsoe to be considered on whate partes he mighte make his inroades , and retire a gaine with safetie , and whether their by any situation whiche beinge fortified by the enemy mighte moleste or a noy the country nexte adioyninge : if the confines of the kingdom by maritime or on the sea coaste , all the coaste and circuide of the same are to by viewed and remarcked , that prevention mighte be taken in due time , in as muche as may posible to hinder the enemyes imbarcasion , in the places moste fitt for the same ; yea and in all places whiche mighte by suspected ( if it be posible ) for the better securitie of the kingdom or state , but in some kingdomes the circuide and places on the sea coaste are so greate that hardly all can be fortified , and so the enemy ariuinge with a mightie army , and mighte be in a place litle suspected , may put the kingdom and country in greate perill and danger , as was seene by the spanishe navie at the conqueste of portugall , when they landed neere cascales in a place never thoughte vppon by the portugeses , so that they founde them selves deceived , thinckinge that the disembarcation shoulde have beene betwexte the citti of lisboa and sangilians castell , where they stoude fortified in theire trinches , with determination to hinder the disēbarcation of the spanish navie , but he landed in aplace far better for his purpose , and of muche lesh danger , whiche was on the other side of cascales towardes the northe litle toughte of by the portuges , so that it is toughte that sea coastes are with greate coste and dificulties defended , thouge theire be many places stronge by nature or by arte ; and for asmuche as theire be diveres and variable qualities of confines , and hardlie any rules to be given for theire proporsiones , nor whate distance from frontier to frontier , it muste be presumed that the confines of akingdom doth houlde some corespondance with the circuide of a citti , in fortifienge wherof the bulwarkes are of the moste importante memberes , the which moste comonlie are put in the places where they can moste offende the enemy , and defende them selves , and the place , regardinge due distance in suche sorte , that the one may defende the other in as muche as may by with their artillery and smale shott . and in like maner the curtines and n. i. flankes betwexte bulwarck and bulwarck , with other conciderationes therunto apertaininge , and even so the fortes to be made in the frontieres are to houlde the like proportion and correspondance with the confines of the contry as do the bulwarke with the curtines of acitti or stronge place , the one to be placed so neere and in due distance vnto the other , that they may asiste and socour one another , and in suche partes that they may damnifie the enemy , and defende them selves in as much as can be posible . num. i. the places bienge viewed and found apte to receive offence by the enemy , and also to offende him , it is necessary to fortifie the same as well vpon the sea coastes as the inlande with strōge fortificationes , takinge goode advicement and carefull consideration in choisinge the situation therof , whether it by on plaines or hilles or marittim , or consistinge of al the thre , understandinge that the circuide of the place or fortification is to have aconveniente space rounde aboute ( neyther to much nor to litle for many respectes . ) the situasiones in plaines , are stronge whiche are invioroned with deepe lakes greate moores greate riveres , and suche as may by sonke vnder water in time of necessity , as in holande and zelande , and suche as have acampaina raza or plaine , sufficient distante from all thinges that mighte over comaunde the same . the situation that is uppon a hill , that is stronge that standeth on the moste higheste parte therof , and all vnderlaied with naturall rockes rounde aboute , not havinge neere it any superior nor equall moante , as is the castell of lisburne . for all situationes which have a dificulte access are stronge when they can not be offended from other adioyninge moantes and the muche more stronger when it is not minable . all stronge places moste comonlie are won eyther be force of armes , battery , treason , surprice , or by longe beseedginge , or by assaulte , scalinge , or underminige : the maritime situationes are stronge when they are compased by the sea , or parte therof , and the reste divided from the maine by greate and deepe ditches as is the castell of san jean in portugall , who hath on the shore side a deepe ditch digged uppon a rocke , and the maine sea on the other side , or buitlte uppon the topp of some rocke with the saied comodities , as is the penon of veles or the castell of cascales in portugall . citties and townes are made stronge by nature and industrie of those by nature we have all ready spoken in the strenght of situationes : citties by industrie are stronge by the forme and by the matter , stronge by the matter when they haue thicke walles , greate terraplenos , broade and deepe ditches . by the forme they are stronge when it is framed in suche sorte that the moste fardeste and all quarteres may haue corespondance to offende the enemy with the cannon and fyry shott . of this sorte are those which do moste neere a proach , vnto the sircular figure but with goode regarde of the due lardgnes and proportion of the curtines , and equall distance from bulwarke to bulwarke . theire intereth amongste thies all townes and stronge fortes consistinge of five , six seaven , eighte , nine , or ten ravelinges , and curtines , by directe line , and who many more angeles , so muche the better the foure anguled of all is the weakeste . it is to be vnderstoode that smale places of them selves are weake because they can not so sufuciently resiste any excessive battery , and other offences as greate places may which haue roome capable inough to raise defences and necessary rampares and horne wourkes , a gainste any greate force , neyther oughte they to be so lardge that the circuide therof woulde require awhole army to defende itt . num. ii. the fortificationes of citties and castelles is principally grounded a gainste the offence of greate ordenance , and alsoe defended with the same and with other fyrie weapon : it is to be considered that the artillery is devided and differensed into greatnes or zices royall , and into lesher zices . of the zice royall is that peece that shooteth of seavintine pound upwarde , as is the culverrin the quarter cannon : the demy cannon , the cannon and double cannon , the pedrero basalisco and such like . and for the lesser zice the diference is to be vnderstoode that all pices that shoote bullet from seavintine pounde weighte downewardes as is the demiculverin , the saker , the minnon , the falcon and falconett even to the rabinet and arcabuse de crocke . the bulwarkes are uppon the angles or corneres of the forme of the citty or forte , and of such distance and due proportion , as shall seeme to the skilfull inginer , and they oughte to by made optouse or blunte , and not sharpe , for so they are more stronge and capable . the partes of the bulwarke are the travesses or flankes orechion , pum , garde , or shoulder , the fronte or curtine , the conter-fronte or spurres , the pestilles or parapettos , the place or roome for the artillery . the bulwarkes as i saied are placed within the angles where place is to be made reddy for the artillery , and to mounte the same in suche a heighte , that it may discover the campe or circuid on every where in at much as is posible . it is to by considered that the curtines of the bulwarke shall stande in suche sorte that they may be touched or beaten from the firste corner from whose flanke or traves it taketh his defence , and the line or pointe is to be taken som whate more from the flanker , and in suche distance agreable to the greatnes of the bulwarke , soe acordinge to the greatnes of the same , the measures are to by increased or deminised , observinge the due proportion required ; it is necessary to make in the bulwarkes certaine issues , the whiche are made in the parte that looketh towardes the flanker or travess , thies are moste necessarie to put men oute for the ditch . the conterfortes and apertenances of the bulwarck , have alsoe theire measures and proportiones , the whiche i leave to avoide prolixitie , and because that they may by more or lesh acordinge the discresion and plates of the curiouse and perfecte inginer . the cavallero within side adjoyninge to the curtine in the mideste of them are builded , and from suche cavalleros are the curtines or walles of the bulwarke defended , and alsoe the fielde , and for this cause are the bulwarkes wonte to by made , and to raise them so high , that they may discover well the places of they re executiones . num. iii. the gates or portes of a towne cittie or forte , are to by placed in partes , moste comodiouse for the service of the same , both in peace and war , conveniente to receive in , or to put oute people moste safe and sure from all offences ( in as much as can by ) the gate muste have his drawen bridge made of stronge timber and yrones necessary for the same , it is to be reasonable broade for the comoditie of the wagones and artillery , and very stronge , if they re by no more then one drawen bridge or gate let them not be directe . necessary it where that no high wales nor hedges of gardines , nor ochardes nor such like by permited on the outewarde partes of the gates or walles of any cittie or place of importance ; and a distance of 600. pases , but all razed and made plaine on all the circuide rounde aboute , which do offten times serve for ashelter to the enemy to aproache of asuddaine neere the walles , that they can not by discerned , till they com into the ditch , by reason that trees and hedges do shelter them , by which meanes many places of importance are soone loste . the terra plena is the onely remedy againste the furie and execution of the artillery , and is to by made with in , and behinde the wall close to the same ; and the cavallers and bulwarkes oughte to by made in suche forte , that the wall bienge fallen , the same mighte remaine and stande like amightie mounte againste the enemy , and shoulde by made of suche faste and massie earthe ( that it cromble slipp nor roule not , and so fall downe ) as do many fortificationes made of runinge sande ; the heighte and bread therof oughte to by suche as the comoditie and seate will require : all thies thinges are the memberes of a fortification , the which how muche more fitt and proporsionally they by placed aboute the boddy of acitti or place of importance , so much doeth it make the same more stronge and beautifull . num. iv. thies conciderationes duly had , and resolusion taken , then aploott muste be drawen with conveniente rules and measures to reduce the citti forte or place to the beste forme that may by , with as litle ruine or defeatinge of houses or churches as can be , plasinge the bulwarkes , and cavalleres and other edifices conveniente to theire seates and purpose in the place moste fitt for the same , and that to be don withe as litle loss to the inhabitantes as may be possible . resolution taken uppon the designe forme and greatenes that the place or fortress is to haue , he is to fortifie the feobleste parte or partes therof firste , and the apteste to by offended . the fortification well fortified and finished , it is necessary that it be furnished with a conveniente garison of souldiores for the better securitie and defence therof , for otherwise it were like a boddy withoute a soule ( and biside this ) if it haue not provision of all sortes of vitualles , artillery and munitiones , and of all armes defencive and offencive in goode and sufficiēte store , and of shoules spades mattokes pickaxes , sawes , hameres , yron , sledges , barres of yron , nayles , ropes , &c. and many other necessaire instrumentes to wourke in earth , or in walles or in stones or in tember , and alsoe in water , mandes , basketes , hand barrowes and wheele barrowes , plankes , beames , stakes , watlinges gabiones , and other thinges at batteries and beseedginge , withoute the which it is impossible to repaire and intrinche againste batteries asaultes and other ofences of the enemy , all which belonges to the office care and dutie of the generall of the artillery : to see them provided in every towne or place of any importance within the realme , as also all other places which standes for the defence and safetie of the same . thies fortificationes wee treate of are very costely , and hardlie to by performed but by a mighty prince , and specially suche as are made with brike stone goode earth and thurff , as is the castell and citti of anwourpe , gante , and san gilian in portugall , and the castell of millan , and sundrie otheres the licke , are hardlie broughte to perfection but with expence of millones , so nowe adayes all places are fortified with earth and thurff onely , as is for the moste parte the greate towne of gante , mastrick , dam , ostende , hulste and many more places in the lowe countries , as sluse , weasell and the towne of breda , which haue indured such gallante batteries , sufficiente to weare oute a greate and mightie prince , both in his power and purse , whiche was to be seene in the famouse siedge and regaininge of breda , where all kinges and princes in cristendom for the moste parte on both sides , sheowed theire forces and mighte , not withstandinge it was won by the invencible power of that mightie monarke the catholick kinge of spaine , troughe his greate mighte and power , acompanied with the prudente brave conduction and militarie industrie of his renoomed generall marques spinola , and many brave captaines and souldiores , togither with the incomporable power loue and vnitie of his faithfull and renoomed lubjectes of the vnited provinces of the lowe countries , to their greate glorie and honoure , and soe spreade abroade and related by many auctores to their and predecessores greate fame and renoome of perpetuall memory to all posteritie , wherof to relate it were tediouse , and incredible to such as haue not seene the same , with so many thousandes of wagones ful of all sortes of vitualles and amunisiones cominge every day , where mighte by perceived the loue and greate encomparable mighte of his vnited subjetes of the vnited provinces . al which i haue seene and this towne of breda inuiorened with adoble trince rounde aboute som five leages with verie many fortes and redutes , all which was finished in verie feowe dayes with earth and fagotes . in fine suche fortificasiones may serve to goode purposes and indure sufficientlie , beinge well and ingeniouslie made and of goode earth , and carefully remended in due time , and when anny piece of the same should fall or decay , presently to be repaired and made upp . num. v. al stronge places of importance are to be well fortified within as also on the outewarde partes , and greate consideration oughte to by taken that the enemy may not a proach to the walles or gates , withoute beinge discouered before they may come to execute theire intente , for which in all stronge houldes and places of importance , moste comonlie , are placed on the outewarde partes roundes and cēteries , and places for theire defence and retreate , with such consideration and previntion , that the enemy do not a rive vnknowen to the desired place of theire execution as related by their spies , withoute firste beinge spied oute in due time be the outewarde cinteries and roundes , so that all the reste may haue time to by all in armes , and each company to repaire in time with speede , with the firste advice or alarme to their culoures , and there in all readdines to repaire where they shall be comaunded by the comaunder or governor of the place . advertisinge that for many conciderationes no company oughte to repaire or budge withoute order of the governor or sardgente-mayor , for feare of inconveniences and secret corespondance . to see thies and many more ocurrantes in warr prevented , it is moste necessary that the governor and sardgente mayor do lodge as neere possible to the place of armes or meaine garde , so that vrgent ocasiones may by prevented in due time , and with all speede as ocasion shall require , the cintery perdue and outewarde roundes oughte to be chosen of vigilante and braue souldiores , advertisinge that the roundes oughte still to goe forwarde , and very scilente , and to make no alto nor staies as some careless roundes do , and that for the greate truste and care refered to theire chardge ; to see thies well ordered and fullfilled , the governor and sardgente-mayor by turnes shoulde goe the rounde , and findinge the roundes and cinteries not acomplishinge their obligationes to see them severely punished . such fortificationes as are planted on hilles or high rokes , greate consideration oughte to by taken for theire due defence , thoughe the asendinge of such places by dificculte , yet it were goode they shoulde by compassed with double palisados for their better securitie , and with a parapet made of thurff or brick at the foote of each of them , and way for the rounde betwexte them and the wall . num. vi. for the more security of castelles and stronge places are moste comonly planted in theire fronte haulfe-mounes oppen on the inwarde side , in which for theire better securitie , is wonte of righte to be agarde every day and nighte , vnder which shelter the gates of the towne or castell are made for their better security from the fury of the greate ordenance , as also for other respectes , and that they may discover the enemy , and hinder theire designes . it is very requisit that the fosso or ditch be deepe and broade inough , and that the curtines be of goode heighte that withoute greate dificulte it can not be scaled . for the better asurance of all stronge places , it is necessary that they by well provided with stronge and vigilante watches , and for many goode respectes that no company which shall inter the watch shall knowe theire a pointed place till the verie time that the watch is set ( or alitle before ) for feare of treason by some provooked by interes , or proceedinge trough afrontes , or greate injuries received from the governor touchinge theire reputasion or honoure or meanes . it also may procede of some of bad govermente and inclinationes , for which cause they are not prefered nor advanced , it may alsoe by invented by burgeres , who bienge overmuch opressed with tiranny , and findinge no conveniente remedy nor justice executed for hainouse factes and disorderes comitted , do procure treasones and revoltes . n. vii . num. vii . the security of stronge houldes and fortresses dependeth of the goode order and vigilance of the governores and reste ministres of the same , and that , as well within as withoute side bothe by polecie and military discipline , in ministringe goode justice betwexte the inhabitantes and souldiores , and in ordaininge a goode and vigilante watch , and to be well provided of all necessaries in due time . and preventinge the stratagemes and plottes of the enemy in as muche as can be , havinge alwayes an eye towardes the burgeres and souldiores , concideringe theire humores condisiones and fidelity , theire shoulde by alwayes secret spies to learne of theire estate and humores , and whate they comunicate in secrett and publike , and finally theire actiones and inclinasiones , and to haue goode regarde of suche strangeres as do arive into such places , if they be people well knowen or not faithfull or suspected . in the ocurrantes and courses of warr , greate and many are the considerationes required in the generall of an army , and in his counsel of warr , in prudently preventinge manny materes of greate importance , of presente and future ocationes ( with aforcaste prudente prevention ) which otherwise bienge induced ( do often fall oute to the greate discomodity of his majesties service ) in atemptes of manny honorable interprises and incounteres , to the greate decay of military discipline , whiche by dayly experience wee see , that for wante of prudente conductores of care truste and fidelity , many honorable interprises are loste , resultinge of the litle perfection of many officeres . a matter wourdie to be noted examined and prevented for the due orderinge of future ocasiones , of whate resulteth that so many oulde and experimented souldiores of the late reformasiones in germany and lowe country wente on the countrary side to the greate discomoditie of the house of austria , sence which time who many millones were consumed in raisinge of neowe levies and recrutes for the furtherance of the warres of the lowe countries , yea to my judgemte as muche as mighte intertaine an invincible army of oulde and experimented souldores , duly paied and satisfied . by dayly experience we see that thies neowe levies for the moste parte , in ocasiones of service feowe were founde to asiste ; whiche i haue noted and pitted often times , for bienge so greate alet to his majesties service : the omnipotente inlighten his majesties faithful ministeres in preventinge in due time the conveniente course of a matter of so greate importance : and agreate enemy for the vnprofitable consuminge of his majesties treasure and indies . let none thinke that i disalue recrutes and reforsinge of companies in theire due time and conveniente course , profitable to his majesties service . vndeniable it is that an army well disciplined ordered contended , and conducted with prudente and braue comaunderes , though lesher in number are by all reason masteres of the victorie , which all auctores that wrote of this arte do afirme , and by dayly experience we finde to be true . the ropose and securitie of a kingdom or state dependes for the moste parte in observinge goode lawes , goode warres , and continual practice of military discipline , wherof theire are very many probable examples , as plainely hapened to anibal that renoomed captaine of warr , and to the invincibel romaines that at lenghte in neglectinge military discipline and exercice of armes was cause of theire perdition ; and when they leaste feared of any a tempes of theire enemy , and that resultinge for biengc wholie given to vice , regalitie and repose , and forgetfull of all military exercice . happie is that kingdomme where goode lawes and goode discipline is in continual vse and exercice , and alwayes ready for the prepared vice and malice of their enemy , ready for the alarme when it shall presente , whiche offten happen when we leaste thincke uppon . happie is the prince , and renoomed the generall who prudently doth prevente the prepared malice and stratagemes of their enemy and of future ocasiones . i doupte not but those of perfection and deepe judgemente in the arte of warr shall both admire and comende the extraordinary paines taken for the due orderinge of this wourke and in explicatinge and putinge to lighte many deepe curiosities of rare importance in the office of the sardgente-mayor , and ingienes of fire-wourkes , as also the due and prudente orderinge of severall sortes of weapones manadged in warr . all which with theire neowe invented impalinge of shott and winges , and theire singular order to fighte , as also other deepe curiosities of this arte whiche were leifte in obscuritie by many auctores who wrote of this profession . and that to disperte the ingeniouse wittes of those inclined to learne the rare and deepe curiosities of military science , that they may imitate them ( in optaininge theire desire ) with longe and continuall practice and goode aplicationes , which nowe i reduced to lighte in as muche as military science , the rules of mathematicke and aritmeticke can affourde , withe theire generall rules proufes , proporsiones and tables , neowly invented for that purpose , plainely sheowinge the reasones of eache particular , breefly declared in the tables of the battelles , and in severall figures cut in coper and wood plates : not douptinge but those of perfecte judgemente in the deepe and rare curiosities of this arte will comende the same , and a firme that as yet no auctor did explicate more plaine nor better of many particularities leifte in obscurity in fire-wourkes and specially in the office of a sardgente mayor , which nowe are redused into the perfecte forme ordained for their executiones in as muche as military science and the generall rules of the same can afourde . so that suche as are couriouse and inclined to continual goode aplicasiones , and determined by vertue prudēte cariadge and perfection in military discipline to by advanced may in shorte time learne all the particularities in the office of a sardgente mayor , leifte in obscuritie by many auctores ; whiche nowe in this wourcke are plainely broughte to lighte in as muche as military science can afourde or declare , whiche is not obtained by vaine glory nor heere say . but rather with longe and continuall practice and aplicationes in the theorick and practice of warr ; with intente and desire to inlighten my beloved countrimen and otheres , that they may knowe howe to acomplishe theire obligationes with prudence and auctoritie , and aplee them selves withe care and affection , in learninge this noble arte of warr , and not to be inclined to i delnes and bad examples , garded with malice , inuy , puffinge pride and rude ingnorance , overcaste withe afaulse fisnomy and aneowe malisiouse conterfet countenance , enemy to vertue , truthe , plaine dealinges and goode examples . but rather by vertue and goode aplicasiones wounde the hartes of raylinge spirites ful of ambision and changinge dispositiones , misled with blinde malice , venemouse and slanderouse tounges , harbored in theire cancored hartes , full of crucked dealinges and invy , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende , but honorably to imitate and followe the steppes of those inclined to vertue and continuall goode aplicationes . the conclusion . gentle reader consider that vertue and continual goode aplicationes and plaine dealinges is a presiouse guel , and moste comonly are wonte to haue goode proceedinges , and finish with a happy ende . suficiente examples oure irish nasion gaue nowe of late for to imitate vertue plaine dealinges and goode religion , by divine power bestowed , on that noble and renoomed coronell butler , in prudently preventinge the trechery and prepared malice of valstene and his counseleres againste the house of austria . whiche the omnipotente bestowinge on him that special grace , and that to be toughte resultinge of the vndeniable truth , and plaine dealinges of his , and his predecessores , and of his renoomed captaines and souldiores that were with him in that honorable interprice of perpetual memory . plainely mighte it by vnderstoude that thies irish bienge so feowe in number , that for the executinge of so greate , so dangerouse , and almoste vnespected and impossible acte of armes . ( that it muste by a gifte bestwoed of the divine power , for the benefit of truth and vertue of theires ( and predecessores ) stil groundinge and observinge true religion and vertouse life , so that they warded this renoomed warrier valstene with ablowe of his mortal ende , with abucler inuiorened with divine defence , and prosperitie to the house of austria , and of perpetual renoome and glorie to oure irish nasion . the omnipotente inlighten vs to imitate the vndeniable true dealinges , vertue and resolute determination of thies famouse warrieres , and otheres of this nasion , inclined to vertue and goode examples . so that rooted rancor of inuy , slanderouse railinge tounges and croucked maliciouse dealinges may not take place , in equallinge them selves with the honorable observeres of trueth , vertue , goode aplicationes , and military discipline . but rather banish thos inclined to the wicked vice of inny , moother of mischifes and base inclinationes , resultinge of barbarouse proude blinde ingnorance , enemy to vertue trueth and goode proceedinges , subjecte to quarells , bakbitinge , murmuringe , disgraces , and bad examples , a penetrater of ranckored hartes , of unconsiderate understandinge , litle fearinge god or man , of litle conscience or reputation , dayly decayenge and falinge unto many odiouse crimes and disgraces , enemy to frindship and accorde , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende ; and which of all thinges is moste untollerable , and moste odiouse in this noble profession of armes . gentle reader youe see who many goode and probable examples set downe in many places of this wourcke , ( for to imitate vertue ) and followe the steppes of the renoomed , prudente , and valerouse souldior , and that in many places youe finde sufficiente examples , howe many borne of lowe degre , and bace linadge , have atained unto greate degries , dingnity , and fame of perpetuall memory , and that resultinge of theire vertuse cariadge , renoomed actes , resolute determinationes , and continuall goode aplicationes ; and by dayly experience we see thos inclined to vice , unruly factes , and bad examples do fall unto decay , and many disgraces , and are hated by those inclined to vertue , and moste comonly suche as do not amende do finish theire lives with an unhappy and miserable ende . soe i take leave besechinge the omnipotente to give us the grace , that we may live in his feare with unity and acorde , and finish with a happy ende . amen . the ende of the thirde booke . the contentes of this vvourcke set dovvne in breefe . in the firste booke are contained the military instructiones necessary to be observed in the noble profession of armes a mongste the infantery , from a private souldior , till the election and office of a campe-master of a regimente of infantery . the seconde booke treatinge of the election of a campe-master generall , whiche nexte to the captaine generall is the cheefe conductor of an army , after followes the election of the captaine generall of the artillery , and finishenge with the office of a captaine generall of an army . the thirde booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande , and of the confines of a kingdome , and the goode lawes to be observed in the same , and howe it is to be fortified by arte or by nature , or by bothe , to withstande the enemyes a temptes , and the necessary courses convenente to be taken . a brife table of the chapteres , and moste notableste thinges contained in this wourcke . the i. chapter declaringe the partes required in a private souldior . fol. 1 the ii. chapter treatinge of the election and office of a corporall of a company of infantery . fo . 10 the iii. chapter declaringe the aproved partes , and suficiencie of a sardgente of a company of infantery , and howe he is to be elected . fo . 12 the iv. chapter treatinge of the election and office of an ensigne bearer , or alferis of a company of infantery , and the goode partes ordained in him . fo . 16 the v. chapter treatinge of the election of a captaine of a company of infantery , and many goode partes and suficiency required in him . fo . 20 the vi. chapter treatinge of the office of a sardgente mayor , marchinge with his regimente to garison . fo . 29 the vii . chapter treatinge of the office of a sardgent mayor , marchinge with his regimente in campaina . fo . 51 a discourse of sundrie and variable sortes of squadrones of severall sortes of armes withe theire generall rules and proufes with neowe invented breviationes to that effecte , in bringinge to lighte many deepe curiosities of importance leifte in obscurity by many auctores ; which nowe are reduced into they re perfection , as muche as military science , and the rules of mathematike and arithmeticke can a fourde , with neowe envented tables and brevasiones of importance . fo . 61 the election and office of a campe-master of a regimente of infantery , with whiche finisheth the firste booke of this wourcke . fo . 140 the table of the seconde booke . the i. chapter treatinge of the election and office of a campe-master generall of an army . fo . 147 the ii. chapter declaringe the election , and suficiency required in the captaine generall of the artillery . fo . 151 the iii. chapter mensioninge the artillery conveniente to by conducted with an army , acordinge the executiones to by pretended by the generall . fo . 154 the iv. chapter sheowinge many reasones for the defence and securitie of a towne , citty , or forte withe necessary instructiones therunto apertaininge . fo . 158 the v. chapter treatinge of many goode partes required in a perfectc souldior , howe woulde disire to have matteres of importance to by refered to his care and chardge , and many goode instructiones touchinge the same . fo . 163 the vi. chapter treatinge of the office of a captaine generall of an army , and of many goode partes and rare suficiency required in a personadge of so high dingnitie and degree . fo . 165 the table of the thirde booke . the i. chapter treatinge of patarres , and theire severall executiones , and howe they are manadged , and the compositiones and necessaries required for them , and the stratagemes that are to by used for theire executiones . fo . 175 the ii. chapter sheoweth howe to make atorche to indure againste the force of winde and water with artificiall compossiones , which will burne with greate vehemence and force , and strange to the behoulderes for the noyce and terror of the slame . fo . 177 the iii. chapter sheowinge howe to arme artificiall canes armed with fire-wourcke , for severall execusiones of importance be sea and lande . fo . 179 the iv. chapter sheowinge howe to arme tronckes or canes armed with wilde fire , another maner of way . fo . 180 the v. chapter treatinge howe to arme artificiall bulletes , and neowe invented cross barres armed with fire-wourkes , declaringe howe they are to by manadged , and the composiones required for theire executiones , and howe some are to by vsed and armed for severall execusiones of sea servises , as also by lande , to burne townes , or the enemyes quarteres , as alsoe neowe envented cross barres withe longe chaines of yron , to be shot in the fronte of a battel or any order or aray , whiche bienge prudently handeled are of rare execusiones , yea ten times more then youre ordinary bulletes . concludinge with goode instrucsiones to followe and imitate the stepes of the vertuse , renoomed , prudente and valerouse souldior , and abandon those tached with vglie crimes , and with the wicked rancored vice of envy bad inclinasiones , and bad examples , and the necessary instructiones and probable examples both of the one and the other . fo . 183 a table of the notableste thinges contained in this booke . a. a bad and covardly inclination to be givin to quarelles and disputes bienge on the watch . folio 6 abase and odiouse acte in the persuenge of a victory to fall a spoylinge til the enemy by wholy yealded and licence granted . folio 7 alferis oloa his valour and brave determination . folio 17 alferis or ensigne bearer is not to give licence to any souldior to leaue the company nor put any souldior at liberty withoute the consente of his captaine or superior officeres . folio 16 an alferis tudesco his valoure . folio 17 a good cristian of vertouse life and goode applicationes moste comonly is wonte to haue good succeses . folio 22 a necessary thinge in warr to haue some horses in each company of foote for many respectes . folio 22 acomendable thinge in warr to see matteres prudently prevented in due time . folio 22 asouldior ought to conforme him self with his hoste for bienge comendable . folio 23. agenerouse and louinge minde of an officer in warr , is highlie to by comended . folio 36 alouinge prudente and kinde officer causeth alouinge and obediente souldior . folio 37 abad custome , and not to by tolerated that souldiores do lende theire armes . folio 37 a perfecte sardgente-mayor is wourdie to by emploied in any execusion in warr . folio 40 alarme bienge presented , the necessary instructiones . folio 46 a souldior of a prudēte cariadge is wourdie to by esteemed by his captaine . folio 60 a sargente oughte to by inclined to continuall good aplicationes and examples . folio 133 auditor his election and obligationes . folio 141 arcabusero , a spanish wourd singnifiethe a souldoure which carieth acaliver for armes . aguasiill , a spanish wourde one tha● doth asiste the executiones of justice . ambuscado , a spanish wourde signifienge an ambuish . armada , a spanish wourde signifiethe anavall army of shippes of warr . alerta , a spanish wourde singnifieth that when theire is any suspicion of the enemy , the souldiors to by presently reddy with their armes in hand . artillerie , a spanish wourde whiche wee call in englishe greate ordenance . alferis , aspanish wourde singnifieth an ensigne bearer . a dangerouse thinge the manadging of pouder . folio 151 amunitiones of pouder led and matche are to by put in secure places . folio 152 amater of greate emportance to by well provided before hand of all sortes of amunitiones for many respectes . folio 153 artillery required for the executions of an army in the filde . folio 154 a governor of any place of importance bienge determined to yealde the same covardly , or by meanes of intereses , the necessary prevention . folio 158 a prudente conductor of aresolute determination of his and his soldiores are wonte to haue good successes . folio 161 a general inclined to rewarde all braue actiones in warr , agreate comforte to honorable soldiores . folio 161 atilla kinge of the hunos a proude and cruel man overcomed be theodorico kinge of the burgon̄onos . folio 162 alexander mangnus bienge yonge of yeares begon to governe . folio 166 anibal after triumphinge so many victories was overcomed by scipio africano . folio 167 a rare invencion to discover the enemy at nighte bienge resolved to fall on any peece of service . folio 178. artificial canes or tronckes armed with fire-wourck for many rare executiones by sea and lande . folio 179 artificial enstrumentes of fire-wourk armed . folio 192 artificial arowes . folio 193 artificial instrumentes to burne any combustable thing . folio 194 b. base facsioneres are not to by permited amongst hon̄orable souldiores . folio 22 barberes necessary instrumentes in acompani . folio 26 beste ordered and disciplined in warr , are moste comonly masteres of the victory . folio 30 bad customes prevented in due time . folio 37 barber his election and what resulteth . folio 142. bagadge and the order given to march . folio 54. battelles of severall formes , and theire generall rules and proufes . folio 61 battell square of men of 464. souldiors . folio 69. battell square of men of 361. souldiors . folio 71 battell of 576. souldiores folio 73 battell or cross battell of 1416. men . folio 67 battell square of men of severall sortes of armes proporsionally devided and guarnished by the rule of proporsion . folio 79. battell of so muche and the one haulfe more in fronte then in flanke . folio 8● battells of proporsions of inequality , and the generall rules for theire framinge . folio 81. battell of so much and the ● / 3. parte more in fronte then in flanke . folio 84. battell of two times more in fronte then in flank and the general rule for theire framinge in proporsion . folio 87 battell square of men . folio 88 battell square of men with a center for hurte men and bagadge guarnished proporsionally withe drie pikes , corseletes , and musketes . folio 93 battell square of men of six nasiones aluenge by the rule of proportion to each nasion his parte of the vangarde . folio 99. battells of the saied 6. nasiones devided into 3. battelles . folio 105 battell square of grounde . folio 113 battell square of grounde . folio 116 battell square of grounde devided into five battelles . folio 119 battell or cross battell of broade fronte devided into 4. battelles . folio 123. battell of broade fronte of 6000. folio 129 battell with a center of arcabuseros . folio 139 battelles or an army devided into severall battallones of broade fronte . folio 123 battell of 3000. men devided into 6. battelles of broade fronte . folio 124 battell of the forme of a triangle . folio 125 battell or an army divided into five battelles square of grounde . folio 138 battell or an army devided into 7. battelles square of grounde by the rule of proportion . folio 138 boates necessary instrumentes for an army . folio 153 better and more honorable to die in defence of a juste and honorable acte then yealde to any base imaginasion . folio 159. brimstone and howe it is to be refined to give it more force . folio 177 bulletes or cross barres armed with wilde fire theire rare execusiones . folio 185. balles of wilde fire and their rare execusiones . folio 186 balles of wilde fire made to burne with greate vehemence within the water . folio 195 bisono a spanish wourde whiche singnifieth in english arawe souldior vnexperte in his armes and military discipline . c. corporall and the goode partes and qualities in him required . folio 11 corporall is to instructe and give goode examples to the souldiores of his squadron . folio 11 captaine de campaina is to observe . folio 143 captaines , and howe they oughte to by elected . folio 20 chaplen mayor his election and goode examples . folio 142 captaines and expectasiones of theire military prudence , and goode examples and aplicationes . folio 20 comessaries theire instructiones and priviledge . folio 47 captaines theire sinister election to the greate decay of military discipline . folio 20 captaines electinge corporales and devidinge the company into squadrones and howe . folio 22 captaines and the military prudence and goode partes ordained in them . folio 24 captaines of prudente cariadge and goode examples are to by imitated . folio 25 captaines to take their turne in marchinge . folio 53 chaplenes necessarie instrumentes in acompany . folio 26 captaines in march when they are to goe ahorsbak . folio 53 captaines in marchinge or in garison and who they are to by imitated trough their good examples . folio 27 captaines marchinge troughe acountry and howe they are to behaue them selves givinge good examples to dischardge them selves and ministring justice . folio 27 cause of decay of military discipline . folio 40 centery perdue . folio 43 captaines chosen to by imploied in executions of importance . folio 57 centery whate he is to do , the enemy aprochinge . folio 64 captaines oughte to asiste theire souldiors in time that they are driven to extreame necessity . folio 59 centery perdue , cauled the security of the campe . folio 60 captaine de campaina to cause the bagadge to by charged in due time in ocasiones of marchinge . folio 132 campe master general of an army his election and office and the aproved partes and suficiency required in him . folio 147 convoyes and howe they are to by emploied . folio 148 convoyes to take a convenient course for their goode order and security . folio 148 ciro kinge of percia for revenge of the drowninge of adeere frende of his did overcom the force of the greate river of gange folio 150. compositiones and mixtures required for the executiones of fire-wourkes . folio 152. conductores of the greate ordenance . folio 155. generals to prevente many matteres in time . folio 165 careles officeres and soldiors are wonte to by puzeled and amazed . folio 156 captaine generall bienge resolued to conker aforaigne country . folio 168 cause of discontentement of souldiores . folio 170 corporal or cauo de esquadro a spanish wourde singifieth acomaunder vnder the captaine over 20. or 25. souldiores . camisada , a spanish wourde signifieng the investinge or putinge on a shurte over the souldior is armor or a parell which is used in night time in ocasiones of soddaine exploites on the enemy . campaina , a spanish wourd which signifiethe a filde . campaina rasa , a spanish wourde is to say an open filde rased plaine withoute any incombrance . campe master generall a spanish derivative is to say the high marshal of the filde . castallano , is the cheef comaunder of a castel . cannonnero , signifieth a guner . cavalleria , a spanish wourde singnifieth souldiores a horse bake . cavallero a spanish wourde singnifieth a gentelman , in some places , it singnifieth a high mounte of earth wheruppon greate ordenance is planted to discover the filde . center is the juste midell of a battel or other thinge . cintinell , a spanish wourde a souldior standinge in poste . coronell or collonell , singnifieth a campe master over a regimente . coloures a wourde in vse in english for the ensigne biēge of variable coulores . corselete , a spanish wourde is the complet armor of a foote souldior . convoy , a spanish wourde singnifienge a garde of souldiores sente for the safe conducte of munision , or any other thinge to be safe-conducted from one place to another . contra rounde , a spanish wourd and is a number of officeres goinge to visite the corpes de garde , watches , cintineles , and also the ordinary roundes , to see if they a complish theire dutie with vigilance and care . captaine generall inventinge neowe ocasiones in vvarr to diverte the enemy and corruptinge them vvith money . folio 169. compositiones ordained for artificial canes . folio 180. d. disobedience breedeth many mischifes . folio 4 don pedro conde de feria his goode examples in the expungnation of dura . folio 7 decay of military discipline and of vvhiche it doth resulte . folio 21 ducke de alua examples of his administrasion of justice and severitie for disorderes comitted . folio 23 doctor of fisicke his election . folio 142 drom mayor his election . folio 142 device or token amongste the souldiores of an army that they may knovve one another , necessary to by prevented . folio 159. don sebastian kinge of portugall the cause of his perdition . folio 167 decay of military discipline . folio 170 deposito or center is the midle of a batel or of any other thinge a spanish vvourde . e. ensignes at theire firste deliveringe to the alferishes the seremonies vsed folio 22. examples of punishmente resultinge of disobedience , and disorder , and theire due revvard . folio 5 examples of constancie , pascience , braue determination and resolution of souldiores . folio 4 examples of the diference betvvexte oulde experimented souldiores and ravve men . folio 136. executiones of pouder , no apelasion nor graoe to by expected . folio 151 envie dayly decaienge into many crimes and disgrases . folio 163 escalada , a spanish vvourde singnifiethe the scalinge of a vvall vvith ladderes . enginero , a spanish vvourde , it is one skilfull in fortificasiones , and other stratagemes for vvarr . f. furieles , of companies are to by chosen of men of aproved fidelitie and goode partes for many respectes . folio 25 furieles , in the distributinge of munitiones and makinge of quarteres theire instructiones . folio 25 furieles , sometimes do comit disorderes wourdie of severe punishmente . folio 26 furious countenance of officeres some times are odiouse when it resulteth of a proude inconciderate minde . folio 27 furieles marchinge their instructiones for to make the quarter . folio 54 fidelitie a precious thinge in warr . folio 158. for wante of trustispies many goode ocasiones and interprises are loste . folio 169 favor frendship and afection in military electiones is cause of greate decay of military discipline . folio 170 fosso a spanish wourde singnifieth the ditche of a towne or forte . flanke a frence wourde singnifiethe the side of a battell of men . fronte , a frence wourd is the face or foreparte of a battell , fronte is alsoe the fore parte of a wall or bulwarcke . furiel a spanish wourde singnifieth ac learke . fortificasiones and confines of a kingdome and necessary instructiones . folio 198 fortificationes their memberes . folio 201 fortificasiones and the consideration to by taken for the placinge of the gates of a citty or any stronge place . fortificationes and prevention to be taken for their better security . folio 202 fortificationes and the conveniente course to by taken for theire situasion . folio 203. fortification and severall necessaries for their defence and to be prevented in due time . folio 203 g. goode aplicationes furderethe the prosperitie and goode success of many ocasiones . folio 9 greate considerationes and military prudence is required for severall executions of captaines and brave comaunderes . folio 24 goode examples of aniball and his military prudence , and the cause of his decay and overtrowe . folio 38 gardes or watches , are places of greate respecte . folio 44 gamesteres theire instructiones . folio 47 gastadores necessaire to prevente and remedie dificulties in march . folio 149 generall aproachinge nere a place which he determines to beleager . folio 150 general of the artillery the care he is to take in the election of his officeres and gentleman of the artillery . folio 151 greate ordenance when it is planted to batter . folio 152 goode and vigilante watche is to by putt upon the storte houses and amunisiones . folio 152 greate store of pouder and other necessaries required for an army . folio 154 generall of the artillery verie necessary he by acompanied with persones of perfection in severall sortes of fire-wourkes . folio 156 generall of an army conquestinge aforaigne contry necessary preventiones to by taken . folio 160 generall , in chosinge persones for ocationes of importance and of whome . folio 160 general , oughte never to by weery in toilinge after vertue . folio 170 garitas a spanish wourd singnifieth a centery house . generall of an army the glorious issues of his deepe and prudente designes . folio 170 general , in ocasiones of reforminge of companies , to by well informed for bienge conveniente to his majesties service . folio 170 h. hard it is for a souldior to acomplish his obligationes with the punctualitie and care required , if he by maried . folio 6 how a souldior is to serve in a juste vvarr , and not to serve againste goddes true religion . folio 7 horse to recnoledge pasadges and places to by suspected , to by prevented in due time . folio 54 happy are thos that do not intermidle in thinges oute of scence . folio 28 horceses required for to carry several sortes of greate ordenance . folio 155 hovv a perfecte souldior is to dischardge matteres of importance refered to his care and truste . folio 163 hardly any master cā by had of such perfection but some times he muste err . folio 166 i. imitate those of prudente and vertouse cariadge , and good aplicationes and tacke notice of those decayinge trough their bad govermente . folio 6 iulius caesar his examples in executinge justice for disorderes . folio 23 in ocasiones of marchinge prevensions to by taken againste the enemys desingnes and stratagemes . folio 149 instructiones for the defence of any place of importance and how the same is to be honorably defended . folio 158 instructiones to give ascallada or to scale any place of importance . folio 160 iulius caesar with his generouse minde towardes his souldiores a companied with his military prudence triumpheth victori of 52. battelles . folio 161 iulius caesar pasinge over the rhine his renoomed victories . folio 161 iulius caesar triumpheth over asia africa and europa . folio 162 in the profession of armes the wicked vice of invy is moste odiouse . folio 163 imitationes of the greeckes and romaines comendable . folio 171 k. kinges and princes to asiste in person with their armyes it importeth much . folio 167 kinge edwarde the thirde his happie sucess in france and overcomed the whole power of france . folio 167 l. longe yrones are vsesed in the gardes or watches apointed on the gates of townes , to visite wagones loaden with hay strawe , &c. for prevention of fraude . folio 35 legion in time of the romaines was that vvhich vve call a regimente , tribunus vvas that vvhich vve call a master de campe . folio 141 learninge becometh none better then a souldior for many good reasones . folio 163 m. many goode partes vvished in a souldior . folio 1 many disgraces do resulte troughe the filthie vice of drunkardes . folio 3 master de campe may marche vvhere hi thincketh more conviente . folio 61 mutineres and revolteres of base actes , and inclinationes their due revvarde . folio 142 marvelouse examples of the resolution of experimented oulde souldiores in the sacke of anvvourpe and other places . folio 136 marchinge trough an enemy contry necessary instructiones to by observed . folio 148 many instrumentes necessary for the greate ordenance . folio 157 many matteres in vvarr are discovered and prevented vvithoute facte of armes . folio 170 n. necessaries required for manuall fyry vveapones . folio 41 necessarie observationes the firste nighte when the army is to pitche theire campe . folio 150 necessary to knowe the qualitie and condisiones of the enemye is generall , and conductores . folio 169 o. obedience duely observed amongste the professores of warr , is laudable . folio 1 odiouse in a souldior to by inclined to the bace vice of dronknes . folio 3 of greate importance that officeres by exercised in warr for many goode respectes . folio 28 orderes of the proclamationes or vandos to by put in writhinge on the watches or gardes . folio 36 observationes to by kepte when the kinge or generall comes to vieow the army . folio 42 opiniones betwexte the infantery and cavallery . folio 134 officeres of the generall of the artillery . folio 151. obedience and military prudence . folio 161 ocurrantes of warlike affaires are some times subjecte to disgraces and may by when we lesh feare . folio 168 ocasion of greate repose to the general . folio 169. officeres reformed to asiste nexte the general for many goode respectes . folio 169 p. partes besitinge and ordained in a souldior . folio 10 prevention to by taken for the overmuch liberty of stragleres . folio 23 prevension to be taken when the enemy is superior on horse . folio 149 preventiones taken in narow pasadges to by secure and prevented . folio 149 pouder required for eache peece of greate ordenance , is the ⅔ partes of the weighte of the bullet of the peece and other necessaires therunto apertaininge . folio 157 pouder rather to spare then to wante . folio 157 prevencion for the defence of a place of emportance . folio 164 prudente captaines , resolute and experimented soldiores bienge hit uppon , greate expectasiones ought to by hoped of theire prosperouse succeses in ocationes of importance . folio 169 pattares theire several executiones and industry used for to efect the same . folio 175 prevensiones to by taken in due time for the executiones of pattares . folio 176 pikes armed with artificial fire-wourkes and theire execusions . folio 186 q. quarter master to him belonges the recivinge of armes and munitiones . folio 45 r. resoninge the cause that a souldior is to respecte other officeres . folio 8 roundes , and howe they are to by prudently ordered to acomplish . folio 43 roundes and howe they shall acomplish theire obligationes . folio 43 roundes and the care and punctualitie they are to take in acomplishinge their obligationes . folio 49 remedy for the preventinge of fraudes vsed in deceivinge the souldiores of theire righte . folio 56 resolution to by taken to conqueste a foraigne country . folio 157 resolution taken for to remaine in posession of aforaigne contry preventiones to by taken . folio 159 s. souldiores to by reddi vvhen alarme do presente vvith speede . folio 61 souldiores stealinge at nighte to the enemy prevention for the same . folio 62 sardgente mayor and other officeres are to take great care that in ocasiones of persuinge a victory the souldiores do not fall a spoylinge for bienge bothe odiouse and dangerouse . folio 64 spies of doble dealinges very dangerouse . folio 169 sardgente mayor is to animate the souldiores in many ocasiones . folio 61 shot in ocasiones of skirmish . folio 134 sutleres and instructiones to by observed withe care and punctuality . folio 141 souldiores of vertues and prudente cariadge are to by honored and rewarded . folio 144 sardgentes are not to by elected by favor nor affection for many goode respectes . folio 13 souldiores missinge theire rankes . folio 133 sardgentes to instructe and learne the souldiores howe to manadg their armes . folio 133 shott and opiniones for their divisiones . folio 133 shott to observe goode order , and howe to serve with their armes . folio 13 sardgent bienge well disciplined can redress and remedy many disorderes . folio 13 sardgentes are to haue the roale of the names of the souldiores of his company aboute him . folio 14 sardgente mayor is to apointe the table ordained for gamesteres . folio 50 sardgente mayor arivinge neere the quarter in ocasiones of marchinge . folio 54 souldiors oughte to by devoote . folio 26 sardgente mayor how he is to be elected . folio 29 scipio africano with his sagacitie and extraordinary military prudence did overcome aniball . folio 30 sardgente mayor now and then is to visite the walls and watches for goode respectes . folio 45 souldiores carefully exercised is comendable . folio 38 sardgente mayor oughte to carefulli instructe the souldiors in the exercice of armes . folio 40 sardgente mayor is to take a special care to see the souldiores provided with fire in the watches . folio 42 souldiors exercised . folio 44 souldiores bienge on the watch instructions . folio 46 sardgent mayor givinge many good instructions . folio 51 sardgente mayor in ocasiones to be provided with pouder match led it importeth . folio 52 souldiores to prevente theire bad customes . folio 53 souldiores prevensiones of false alarmes . folio 57 souldior how he is to governe him selfe standinge in poste or centery . folio 57 sardgente mayor givinge instructiones to the cinteryes when the enemy are aprochinge , for to be prevented . folio 64 souldiores breakinge order or array theire due reprehinsion . folio 149 spinola provided of boathes and other necessaries in takinge reinberk and breda . folio 153 suitchers with 43000. men resolved to conquest france , borgondy and flanderes defeated by caesar . folio 162 singular vertue and constancie are founde but in feowe . folio 166 scaling of atowne or forte necessary instructiones . folio 168 saltpeter reduced into vvater vvhich is goode to give more force to many compossiones of fire-vvourkes . folio 177 t. the imitasion of the discipline of the ianisaros turkes . folio 9 the professores of armes oughte diligently to learne the arte of vvarr . folio 10 trough sinister election do resulte many disgraces and loshes . folio 21 the acomplishinge of orderes som times are hurtefull , for certaine considerationes . folio 23 thesarios their military goode instructiones . folio 38 table to by put in memory for the framinge of battelles for suche as are notable in aritmeticke . folio 70 to refresh or coule greate ordenance vvhen it is very hote by overmuch shutinge . folio 156 the order for the setinge of the greate ordenance belonges to the campe master generall and the executiones to the general of the artillery . folio 157 torches to be artificially made vvith compositiones of fire-vvourke to indure againste the force of vvinde and vvater . folio 177 v. un fitt that a souldior by inclined to delicate meates . folio 3 un fittinge to see a souldior leadon vvith much bagade or traish . folio 5 very many raised into greate dingnitie be theire vertue . folio 2 vandos or proclamationes to by duly observed for many respectes . folio 36 very many instrumentes necessary for the executiones of the artillery . folio 154 vigilante and goode vvatch to by apoincted on the pouder for many goode respectes . folio 157 vando a spanish vvourde an acte or lavve made by the generall and counsel of vvarr and published by sounde of drum and trompet to the souldiores . w. vvatch vvourd and conciderations touchinge the same . folio 49 watch vvourde in campaina and conciderationes touchinge the same to by in due time prevented . folio 56 when the army shall encampe the firste nighte the houre vvhiche is apointed for the scoutes of horse to rerire . folio 150 for the breefe explicatinge of the divisiones of several sortes of armes and of several sortes of battelles , i did put downe amongste the chiferes of theire divisiones and tables the letteres followinge for theire breefe explicatinge . the letter a. amongste the chiferes of the divisiones signifieth arcabuse . the letter p. singnifieth drie pikes or vnarmed pikes . the letter c. men armed with complet corceletes . the letter m. musketieres . the letter r. ranckes . the letteres fr. fronte of the battell . the letteres fla. flancke of the battell . the letter g. singnified gilted corseletes . errores in the printe . errores . corected . folio . line . harely hardly 1 10 yerie very 3 5 hoth both 3 33 avartiones avaritiouse 7 6 toe two 8 4 turkose turckes 9 12 respeed respected 10 27 lodgedh lodgheth 11 11 hut but 12 25 discomndiouse discomodious 15 17 craptaine captaine 16 28 oficerer officeres 19 12 sprine spaine 21 4 practe practice 21 18 coddi boddy 21 32 minth ninth 23 27 ot of 29 4 bridged bridges 35 14 plainelle plainly 42 1 folowet folowe 51 28 wolled woulde 121 6 weather weader 132 4 campiana campaina 132 23 this his 135 18 patre parte 136 10 the he 141 34 7 6 105 23 foote forte 156 22 truth trueth 163 12 parte partes 178 1 doabe dob 179 13 eaches enches 181 31 27 72 138 9 smelted melted 188 25 some letteres of smale importance in the correction may be is forgotten , which i refer to the judgemente of the curiouse and gentle reader . aprobation . thies military instructiones of captaine gerat barry bienge visited by order of his majesties privy counsell , by the censor of bruxeles , and aproved by the archbishop of maklin the 9. of december , 1633. his saied majesties privy counsell founde it profitable and comodiouse for the advancemente of his majesties service ; wherfore they granted licence for the printinge of the same , as by the contentes of theire patente and broade zeale doth a peere : defendinge that in paine of the penalties contained in the saied patente , that no printer , or any other boddi , shall printe , conterfet , or sel the saied booke within the limites of their jurisdiction for the space of six yeares , nexte insuenge withoute full consente and commission , in writinge of the saied captaine . dated at bruxells the 15. of january , 1634. henricus calenus , sacrae theologiae licentiatus , archipresbyter bruxellensis , librorum censor . fidem facimus positam censuram esse legitimam , ab eo nimirum qui ad hoc à nobis commissus est . actum bruxellae 9. decembris 1634. jacobus archiepiscopus mechliniensis . the priviledge . philippe by the grace of god kinge of castille , leon , aragon , and of both the sicilles , of hierusalem , portugall , navare , granade , toledo , valencia , galicia , mallorca , sivilla , sardena , cordoua , corsica , and murcia , jean algarues , algesire and gibraltar , of the iles of the canaries , easte and weste-inges , of the iles and continente of the ocean sea . archducke of austria , ducke of burgondie , lothier , brabante , limburcke , luxenburghe , gildres , and millan : earle of habsburgh , flandes , artoies , burgondie thiroll , palatin , henawe , holande , zelande , namure , zutphen : prince of suban , marques of the holly impyre of rome , lorde of friselande , of salinas , machlin , of the city and countrie of vtreghte , over-yssel and groninge , dominator of asia and africke . be it knowen to all men to whom thies presentes shall a peere that we haue received the homble suplication and peticion of oure wel beloved captaine gerat barry irishman , oure pensioner at the zass of gante , specifienge that wheras he is desirouse and willinge for the goode and advancemente of oure service ; as alsoe for the goode and generall vtilitie of his countrimen , and otheres who followes the warres ( to inlighten them and cause to by printed ) a certaine booke which he hath writen in inglish , cauled and intitulated military discipline , conteininge diveres obligationes , instructiones and directiones , apertaininge to the professores of this arte , as alsoe of fortificationes and inventiones of artificiall fire-wourkes , offencives , and defencives be sea and lande . and in respecte that the saide impressiō can not be permited or suffered withoute oure speciall warāte and permissiō ; he hōbly beseecheth vs that we woulde by pleased to grante him the same for seavē yeares . be it knowen to all men that wheras we havinge considered the aforesaide , and seene in oure privy conunsell the aprobation of the censure done , and performed be the archbishop of macklin in the revewe of the booke above mencioned . and oure speciall favor inclininge to the suplication and petision of the saide captaine gerad barry oure petisioner . we haue permited consented and auctorised , and by thies presentes oute of oure speciall grace ( we doe permit consente and auctorise ) givinge him full permission and power to cause printe the saied booke by any printer dwellinge in oure countries in thies partes ; whome he shall please to choose , and afterwardes to cause sell and distribute them in and trough oute oure foresaied countries , prohibitinge , and defendinge all other printeres booke , seleres and other persones who soever , not to conterfett , printe , sell nor distribute the same duringe the time and tearme of six yeares nexte insuenge ; withoute permission and express consente of oure saied petitioner , or of whome he hath chosen and given auctoritie for the saied impression ; as alsoe for the sellinge of them . and that in paine of cōfiscation and losse of all that shall be printed , and moreover to incurre and pay the some , of six florince for every copie that shall be founde to by printed , soulde or distributeth , withoute the aforesaied comission and consente of oure petitioner captaine gerat barry , and the one haulfe to be applyed to oure profit , and comoditie ; and the other to whome the saied captaine hath chosen as before declared , and that in the maner , and acordindinge to theire agrimente and a corde paste betwexte them . to be vnsterstoode that the printer who is chosen shall be oblidged to conforme him selfe with the proclamation made and published uppon the arte of printinge . besides that when the whole impression shall be finished , he shall be obliged to deliver in the handes of oure secretary havinge singned thies presentes , two copies of the saide bookes , and that verie netly bounde ; to be given for the augmentation of oure library , as it is apointed and ordained . oure wil is therfore and we comaunde oure wel beloved and trustie counselleres , oure presedentes , and all otheres of oure privy and greate counsell , and all other oure officeres , justises , and subjectes , that upon oure presente grace , priviledge , aprobation , permissiō and consente . they doe cause suffer and permitt , the aforesaied petisioner , as also whome he shall choose to printe , fell and distribute the saide bookes , to injoy fully and peaceably , and to vse duringe the time , and acordinge as before declared and ordained , withoute doinge , givinge or suferinge , to be made don or offered any trouble , hinderance , or wronge to the contrarie . for suche is oure will and pleasure , in witnes wherof we haue comanded oure greate zeale to be affixed and put to thies presentes . given at oure city of bruxelles the twelfe of december one thousander six hondereth thirty of three yeares and of oure regne thirtinth . by the kinge in his counsell g. ottingnus . post tenebras spero lucem . a treatise of the art of war dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty / and written by the right honourable roger, earl of orrery. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1677 approx. 467 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53478 wing o499 estc r200 12367435 ocm 12367435 60444 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53478) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60444) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 218:14) a treatise of the art of war dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty / and written by the right honourable roger, earl of orrery. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. [19], 206 p., 6 folded leaves of plates : ill., port. printed by t.n. for henry herringman ..., in the savoy : 1677. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata: p. [19]. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 ii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a. d●… blois . sculp . a treatise of the art of war : dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty . and written by the right honourable roger earl of orrery . in the savoy : printed by t. n. for henry herringman at the anchor in the lower walk of the new exchange . m. dc . lxxvii . to the king : sir , the ultimate and onely legitimate end of war is , or at least ought to be , among christians , the obtaining of a good and lasting peace . and the sole right in your majesties dominions , of making war and peace , being one undoubted prerogative of your imperial crown , i believ'd a treatise of the art of war , written by one who has the happiness to be born your subject ; ought , sir , to be dedicated onely to you ; yet i durst not presume to do it , before i had most humbly beg'd and obtain'd your majesties leave , to lay it at your feet . i have , sir , in the short introduction to this treatise , lamented that none of our english generals , whom i know of , ( except the noble sir francis vere ) hath left to posterity , his own observations in war : when not onely , no nation ( as i believe ) hath excell'd them in military conduct , in success , and in valor ; but also when they had the illustrious examples of divers great captains , inviting them to do it , who , in many ages past , and possibly in all succeeding ones , will be at least as much esteemed and celebrated for their commentaries , as for their victories ; since all who more desire to merit the title of commanders , than only to bear the name , will more instructively read the commentaries or memorials of one famous general , written by himself ; than all the relations of battels , victories , and conquests , written by the ordinary historians : for they tell us chiefly but the events of wars , rarely the true methods , the arts , and the industries , by which they have been managed ; when the knowledge of these , is exceedingly more useful , than the knowledge of those . i therefore most heartily wish , that the present age , and the future , may owe to your majesty the preserving them henceforth from the like unhappiness , by your expresly ordering all such us hereafter shall have the honor to command your fleets or armies , to present you constantly in writing , and under their hands , a particular account of all their most important actings , of their observations in the war , and the motives which induced them at any time to do as they did . such memorials , in my humble opinion , would be of eminent advantage , to all those of the present times , to whom your majesty would vouchsafe to communicate them ; and to all those which in the future should enjoy the benefit of perusing them . it would more than probably , make all your majesties chief commanders the more circumspect in forming their final results , when they should know , that so great and exact a iudge of reason , as your majesty is , would still examine and weigh the validity of them . for though it is too usually said by some , and believed by others , that success does cover all the faults and errors in war ▪ yet doubtless the wiser portion of mankind , had much rather owe their victories to their good conduct , than to ( what is termed , by the world ) their good fortune ; nay , had rather be less successful , by stedily pursuing the dictates of right reason , than be more victorious , by declining them at any time ; since wise councels are still within the power of wise men ; but success is not . and if i might presume to acquaint your majesty , with my humble belief on this subject , i durst say , that no profession in the world , is more built on true reason , and sound iudgment , than the military is ; for both those are essentially requisite , to generals , and the chief officers under them . as some manifestation of this truth , i shall particularize but one instance , and that shall be in battels ; which are the most glorious , and commonly the most important acts of war ; wherein usually the moments to obtain the victory are so few , that while an unconsummated reasoning is considering , the opportunity of acquiring it , is vanished . so that even the romans themselves ; who were so jealous of what they call'd their liberty , as though they dreaded to intrust the supreme power in one , yet they were never under exigencies indeed , but they chose a dictator ; as is evident in the cases of quintus cincinnatus , furius camillus , fabius maximus , and divers others ; necessity making them practice , what reason could not induce them to confess . nor did the grecians owe their famous victory at marathon , to their having ten generals ; but to their generals having that reason , which the state of athens wanted ; the placing of the absolute power in miltiades . all which seems , sir , to evidence , that the management of war is practically acknowledged to be best placed in one , if that one is blest with the highest humane prerogative of well-reasoning ; and therefore illustrates , that a good general ought to have a perfect and clear understanding , else he will be too apt to imitate what others have done , merely because they did it . nor have i ever known or read of any famous captain , who was not also a person of strong iudgment , and blest with great presence of mind , on all emergencies . yet we too often see , and i wish we may never feel , the fatal effects of it ; that in war , as in most other things , though of the nearest and highest concernment to us , we take upon trust , and with an implicite belief , whatever we are taught by those , under whom we learn our first rudiments . whereas if we would undergo the duty , ( i had almost said enjoy the delight ) solidly to examine the true reason of things , and then only embrace and practise what after such inquiry , we were convinced was the very best ; we should be less magisterially imposed upon by others , and be more satisfied in what we our selves undertook . i think , sir , no rational and considering man was ever convinced , merely by anothers saying , the imperialists or the french , or any other nation , do thus , and thus , in the wars , unless withall he is acquainted and satisfied , with the reasons why they do it ; for reason , not custom singly , is what considering men will only follow , and the chearfullest attempts are animated from first convincing of the iudgment . i know , sir , the art of war has been in many ages , alter'd , cultivated , and heighten'd ; yet no monarch , state , or general , though never so absolute , did ever make any considerable alterations in the military methods of his countrey , but reason was produced , or at least pretended , to authorize them. whatever conduces most to bring all things to be weighed in that ballance , is what i would promote ; i have , sir , much reverence for old customs , but much more for reason ; so that had i had the misfortune to have been born and educated in spain , yet i am confident i should not now have been for arming the cavalry with lances , or for charging the ordnance , in a sea-fight , over-deck . if reason will not make men change irrational customs , losses will ; which are the usual converters of all those , on whom ratiocination at first does not operate . i have designed this whole treatise shall consist of two tomes , partly because it will be too voluminous in one , but chiefly to know if the first may have the honor and happiness , to be acceptable to your majesty ; since the onely rule i have set up to my self , of liking or disliking any thing i do , is , as your majesty shall approve or disapprove it . i have prepared the chief materials for the remaining tome , in which is to be contained the greatest , the most useful , and the most intricate parts of the art of war. if this now publish'd shall be blest with your majesties favor , i shall have therein the highest encouragement , to proceed ; but if it is not , i shall have more reason to apologize for having written so much , than to do it for writing no more . i was not induced to undertake this vvork , at the importunity of many friends ; nor by the flattery of divers others , who endeavor'd to persuade me it might be of some use to your majesties subjects ; nor yet to evidence , ( when your majesty had as much above my desert , as expectation , rais'd me by your letters patents , to be the major general of your majesties army in ireland , ) i had not intirely neglected to study the duties and knowledge of the military art , ( though possibly this last might have been no unpardonable design ) but the chief ends which induced me to compose this treatise , were two : the first was , that to perform the vvork well , was highly desirable ; and i would provoke others to do , what , i acknowledge , i am only able to attempt . the second was , that as from the first time i had the blessing to know your majesty , and the high honor to be employ'd by you , ( which having been both at one and the same time , i might be proud of it with more reason , than i could be condemn'd for being so ) i paid my healthful time to your service ; so now i would humbly endeavor to evidence to your majesty , and to all others , that i dedicate my sickly time to the same duty , whereby all the parts of my life , will appear devoted to your service , which cannot be more the debt , than to discharge it acceptably , is and will be , to the last moment of my life , the utmost endeavor , and the highest satisfaction of , may it please your most sacred majesty ; your majesties most humble , most obedient , and most intirely devoted subject and servant , orrery . the titles of the several chapters , with the pages where they begin and end. the choice and educating of the soldiery begins page 4 ends page 22 the arming of the soldiery 23 35 the disciplining of the soldiery 36 41 the ordering of garisons 42 58 the marching of an army 59 72 the camping of an army within a li●… or 〈◊〉 73 147 the chapter of battels 14●… 20●… licensed , novemb. 17. 1677. roger l'estrange errata . page 1. line 14. for peaceable , read peaceably . page 3. line the last save one , for embrain●…g , read embracing . page 6. line 9. for made , read makes . page 19. line 22. for all , read ill . page 23. line 13. & 27. for iavelet , read iavelin . page 24. line 9. for fo , read for . ibid. line 27. for iüry , read iury. ibid. line 28. for of theire , read other . page 25. line the last , for then to , read and not . page 26. line 13. blot out of . ibid. line 26. add of after day . page 27. line 7. for will , read would . ibid. line 16. for front , read fight . page 28. line 13. after day , add of . page 30. line 35. blot out made . page 31. line 36. for he , read him . page 39. line 28. for division , read divisions . page 40. line 9. for do , read does . page 43. line the last , blot out as , after prove . page 46. line 26. for they , read their . page 47. line 15. & 17. for parrepett , read parrapets . page 48. line 10. for would , read will. page 50. line 13. after it , read is . page 52. line 14. for on , read in . pag 53. line 30. for their , read the. page 54. line 5. for open , read open'd . page 55. line 35. for ot , read on . page 57. line 15. for surprised , read surprisal . ibid. line 16. for parropett , read parrapett . page 59. line 30. for is , read are . page 60. line 10. after discover , point it with a semicolon ; page 65. line 10. after not , read so . page 66. line 17. & 18. for expediti●… , read expedition●…y . page 67. line 22. after another , blot out for . page 75. line 6. for a●… , read and. ibid. line 8. for dersues , read derives . page 81 line 3. for retrenchments , read intrenchments . page 87. line 14. for breadth , read length . page 90. line 33. for 3 , read 2. page 92. line last , for 2 , read 3. page 94. line 32. for as , read are . page 96. line 15. for sett , read sell. page 126. line 35. for favour'd , read indulged . page 128. line 20. for on , read in . page 133. line 13. for continents , read continent . page 134. line 18. for ottomen , read ottoman . page 135. line 17. for 18 or 19 , read 8 or 9. page 150. line 36. for francis the first , read charles the ninth . page 154. line 30. for iüry , read iury. page 156. line 23. for that , read the. page 158. line 35. & 37. for hostatii , read hastati . ibid. line 36. & 38. for principi , read principes . page 159. line 14. for easie , read easier . ibid. line 17. after in , add a. page 165. line 25. for if , read of . page 170. line the last save 〈◊〉 . for economies , read oeconomies . page 171. line 7. for 320000 , read 318000. page 191. line 14. for lines , read line . ibid. line 32. for squadron , read squadrons . page 192. line 32. for faces , read paces . page 196. line 30. after may be , read thereby . page 202. line 25. for follow , read following . page 205. line the last , for estimable , read esteemable . a treatise of the art of war . though no one nation in the world , hath acquir'd more glory by arms , than the english hath done ; yet i never saw , or indeed so much as credibly heard of , an entire treatise of the art of war , written in our language . whether those who were ablest to compose it , esteem'd it unadvisable to have the secrets of that fatal , but necessary art , prostituted as it were , by being made common to all : or whether they did present what they writ , to their kings onely ; who , if martially inclined , kept them as secrets , unfit to be communicated ; or if peaceable , neglected , and buried them in crowds of other useless writings : or whether in those former warlike dayes , that needsul science was so universally known by great commanders , that every one in particular , esteemed it needless to write an express treatise , of what was known to all in general ; or whether that great profession by daily experiments , did so improve , and heighten , as what in one war , was worthy to be known ; in the next war was so much better cultivated , and refin'd , as render'd it as impossible to set down standing rules , and maxims , for making war , as to take the utmost height of one , who is still growing : or whether the great commanders of those ages , differ'd in opinion , as to the methods , and principles of war , and therefore would write no set treatise on that subject , lest thereby they should raise a war of the pen. but from whatsoever cause or causes it proceeded , ( which is above my skill to determine ) yet doubtless their silence therein , is to be lamented . for we are thereby depriv'd of the experience of our ancestors , for many ages ; and experience is not only the greatest , but the truest teacher ; even as much as the practice , surpasseth the bare theory . it is very worthy of observation , though the present way of fighting , and of arming our soldiery , be very different from what was practis'd by the greeks , and romans , who were in their times , the great masters of the military art ; yet the famousest captains of the latter , and the present age , take the ancients , but especially iulius caesar , for their example , in all the noblest and best principles of war , whose commentaries are not enough to be extoll'd , both for the modesty , and policy of them . and 't is to the experience of those famous nations , that we owe most of that discipline , which now , on our own tryals , we have judged worthiest to be observed and imitated . for though the use of all fire-arms , and of cannon , were intirely unknown to them , which has much alter'd the manner of making war : and though they fought with their files exceeding deep , which we with much reason have alter'd ; yet as to the main , we owe to them most of our knowledge : and the difference seems little more , than between old-fashion'd plate , hammer'd into new ; where though the form is chang'd , yet the substance remains . when i mention an intire treatise of the art of war , i intend thereby , the method of choosing , of the soldiery . arming , educating , and disciplining , the well ordering of garisons , wayes of marching an army . how to camp within a line , or without any , quarter in villages , attack or defend quarters , give battel , or to avoid it . besiege , approach , assault , and by breach , of cannon , or mine , to carry , or defend towns and fortresses , with all the appendages which belong to those several branches of the military art. which generals , include many important particulars , worthy the knowledge of every one , who takes upon himself the profession of a soldier . for though the name of a soldier is common ; yet it is rare , to find the thing itself . i have therefore , by way of essay , thought fit to set down what i have learnt by reading , by discourse , and by my own experience ; having had the honour and misfortune to have been an officer and commander for above four and thirty years ; much of which time i did not act by the example of others , but by weighing the reasons by which others did , or pretended to act ; embraincg what on examination i found rational , and rejecting what others did , only because they were taught it . for reason ought to be prefer'd before customs , which are not founded on it ; ever submitting my opinions to all such , who oppose them by stronger arguments than those i have built mine upon ; for i much more desire to follow what is the best , than that others should follow me , if my maxims are not such . whatever else this essay may produce , yet i hope this one good may be caused by it , even that of inviting some abler person to undertake the work ; whereby if mine should not prove advantageous , yet it may produce what will be so ; and effect that by another , which it wanted strength to perform of itself . of the choice and educating of the soldiery . we are not so careful either in the education of our youth for the war , or in the choice of men to be soldiers , as the ancients were . the greeks had publick masters or teachers , not only to instruct their youth in the use of arms , but also publick schools for that end : the teachers they called tactici , the schools gymnasia ; and it was even a reproach and ignominy to any , who had not learnt to handle his arms , in those gymnasia's erected and endowed for that end. nay , some have with reason believed , that while their youth were training up in those schools , they were fed , and lodged , as if they had been actually on duty in the field ; which doubtless was a method worthy of praise , and imitation : for thereby not only in an instant they were able to form an army of a soldiery expert in the use of their arms , but also to have it consist of men accustomed to the dyet and incommodities of war : for without the latter , the former would have been of little and short benefit ; since to know how to use arms , and not to have bodies inured to hardships , would have been very little significant , if not destructive . but we , when we raise men , compose our soldiery of volunteers , and prest men , both generally unexpert in the use of arms , and unaccustomed to the hardships of war ; whereby , if suddenly after their being listed , they should be led on service , they would be expos'd to defeats , and the countries they are to defend , to ruine . his majesty that now reigns , has done more towards the redress of this great evil , than all his predecessors , having , by act of parliament , setled the militia in the cities , and countries , whereby many are instructed in the use of their arms : but this yet is far short of what the greeks did practise ; for our trained bands , especially in the countries , rarely meet to exercise , and then return at night , where they feed well , and lie warm : whereas the greeks had schools constantly to teach their youth , to fit them for war , before they were called to it ; and were also accustomed to the fare and lodgings of soldiers , the last of which our trained bands are too much strangers unto . besides , to be taught to handle arms , and to endure hardship during youth , makes men more dext'rous in the former , and more robust as to the latter , than middle-aged men can be , who at those years , do but begin to learn. to which i must add , that our volunteers generally ( except such young gentlemen as honour , desire of knowledge , and hope of preferment call to the war ) consist of such , as go to it , because they have not wherewithall to subsist in peace ; and indeed are but too frequently debauched , idle persons , who having lived in excess and laziness , are the less capable to undergo the life of soldiers . and as to those which are prest , they have still a hankering to return , are commonly grumbling that they have been prest ; and not minding to become soldiers , are not studious to learn a profession , which they never intend to practise . the turks , who possess the empire of greece , in imitation perhaps of the grecians gymnasia's , erected in constantinople , in the time of amurath the first , their colledge of ianizaries , composed of the strongest and activest tribute children of the christians ; whom they sent first into asia , and distributed amongst the turkish husbandmen there , to teach them the language , and to inure their bodies to toyle and hardship ; then they were brought to their colledge at constantinople , where those youths were taught the exercise of arms , and continued in hardships , whereby they became the pillar of that warlike monarchy . for though they have several other orders of soldiery , as the asapi , timariots , spahi's , &c. yet the ianizaries are the soul of their armies , and the guards of their sultans ; for from their childhood they are chosen , and bred up to all the functions and difficulties of war , which made them so expert and considerable : and though during the reigns of the last sultans , they have been very mutinous , and have by their insurrections often hazarded that monarchy , as appears by their having murthered sultan achmat , deposed mustapha , set up morat in the throne , and pretorian like , have cast down , and set up their emperors as they pleased ; yet this proceeded not from their institution , but from the corruptions of it : for while their sultans lead them to the wars , none were more daring against an enemy , nor more obedient to discipline , than they : but from the death of selymus the second , since when , their emperors as it were began to mew themselves up in their seraglio●…s , and that the ianizaries ( that is the main body of them , for still parties of them were in their armies ) were thereby setled inhabitants of constantinople , they became effeminate , lazy , and consequently mutinous ; for they not only addicted themselves to trade , but also to wine , and lastly to marry ; which were against the rules of their primary institution , and probably they may be thereby , the cause of the subversion of that empire , as they were of the growth of it , while they were kept to their first discipline and institutions . the mamelukes too , which were so long masters of syria and egypt , were like the ianizaries train'd up from their youth to arms , and hardship . and though their empire were sorely shaken by the great tamerlane , and finally subverted by selymus the second , yet they were ruin'd only by numbers , not by courage ; for neither of those great conquerors could have selected out of their vast armies , a body of men no more numerous than the mamelukes , which could have vanquish'd them ; so great is the strength which is built on armies trained up from their youth to wars , and after kept under a strict military discipline . by these gymnasia's it was , that the greeks had such excellent forces , that though they had but little territories , and those cantonized , and often divided by interests , and jealousies ; yet they long defended their liberty against the persians , and others , who were exceedingly their superiors in all things , but true military discipline , which clearly evidences the excellency and virtue of it . but yet by reason the province of greece ( if i may so call it ) consisted of so many little sovereignties , and republicks , they were indeed but only fit to defend themselves , not to increase their dominions ; which they never did considerably , till by art , and force , first by philip , then by his son alexander the great , they were in a measure incorporated ; and then the world saw how a handful of greeks , did by their discipline , conquer most of asia , and in a short time , subverted that mighty persian empire , more likely to have given the law to europe , than to have received it , from so small a part and people of it . i do not find that the romans had such publick teachers , and schools , to fit their youth for arms , as the greeks had . but yet they were exceeding curious in the choice of their soldiers , some instances whereof i shall enumerate . romulus the first founder of rome , when the city began to be populous , divided the whole people of it , into military orders ; every embodied number of them , consisted at first of three thousand foot , and three hundred horse , which they called legion ; that is , chosen . and after the conjunction of the sabins with the romans , the legions were doubled , and consisted of six thousand chosen foot , and six hundred horse ; but since then , the numbers of a legion have often varied , and been less . tullus hostilius the third roman king , divided the roman people into five distinct classes or tribes ; the richest were obliged to arm , and mount themselves , and wholly compos'd their cavalry ; the three next remaining classes , serv'd for their infantry ; the fifth class , as consisting of the poorer , and ancienter people , were exempt from war , and were left at home to get children , and follow manufacture and husbandry ; their infantry , according to their abilities , and ages , were distinguish'd thus , into velites , hastati , principes , and triarii , who were all armed according as by the institution of their several orders , had been at first established . all these tribes being rendezvous'd without arms , the tribunes compos'd the velites of such as were the very youngest , and poorest of the said three tribes ; the hastati were compos'd of the better sort of the poorest , and youngest ; the principes were compos'd of the most vigorous , and active remaining ; and the triarii , of the gravest and elder sort of the said tribes . but in effect i find that the roman infantry only consisted of three distinct bodies , viz. the hastati , principes , and triarii ; for the velites rarely , if ever , were a distinct body ; but both in the embattellings and camp●…ngs , ( as shall be hereafter more particularly set down ) they were mixt with the other three . it is true , some ancient authors mention other classes of the roman infantry , as tironi rorarii , and accensi , which i take to be all a younger sort of soldiery , onely employ'd ( as most commonly the velites were ) in loose parties , to use missil weapons , and gaul an enemy ; but were never a body that fought in formed battalions , or with a firm foot . after the expulsion of the tarquins , and in them of the roman kings , they chose annually two consuls , which consuls chose the four and twenty military tribunes , which were in each consular army ; but afterwards the people themselves would often choose them ; all the four first classes of the people , but such as were in the field , were annually called by the consuls to the capitol , or else to the field of mars ; and whoever fail'd to appear , was rigorously punish'd . the romans obliged none to be soldiers but from the age of seventeen , to the age of five and forty ; and to encourage all their people to turn soldiers , none could be admitted to any civil magistracy in rome , that had not serv'd ten years compleat in the wars ; nor any under the age of twenty seven years , was capable of a civil office : and every one was obliged ( of the twenty eight years during which he was tyed to the wars if the state required it ) actually to have served fifteen years ; so that when they came to the age of forty five years , and had served fifteen years thereof in war , they were no longer obliged to bear arms , unless it were for the guarding and defence of the city , and then were usually called emeriti . it was also a standing rule among them , that none could attain to the dignity of one of the four and twenty military tribunes , that had not actually served at least five years in the wars ; and this favour also , was only extended to the first fourteen of them who were chosen out of the four and twenty ; and for the remaining ten , none could be elected , that had not served eleven years in the infantry , or fifteen years in the cavalry ; which proves how much more the romans esteem'd the foot-service , than the horse . four legions alwayes compos'd a consular army , and commonly they had two such armies annually ; this was the primitive institution . and though through the exigency of their affairs , they had often more than eight legions at once entertained , yet the rest were distributed to , and commanded by their pretors , proconsuls , and other chiefs . when hannibal was in italy , they had at once twenty three legions on foot ; and iulius caesar had ten legions at once in the wars against the gaules : but this was when the vigor of the laws declined , or the very being of their commonwealth was at stake . of the four legions which compos'd a consular army , two of them were alwayes of the allies , and they were chosen just as those in rome had been ; only the allies , as the need required , were bound to send the double number of horse ; because their countries being much larger than the city territories , were abler to furnish the army with horse . before they proceeded to the election of soldiers , they divided the four and twenty military tribunes , to the four legions , in this manner : of the fourteen youngest tribunes , they appointed four of them to the first legion ; three , to the second ; four , to the third ; and three , to the fourth : and of the ten ancientest tribunes , they appointed two , for the first legion ; three , for the second ; two , for the third ; and three , for the fourth : by which , every legion had six military tribunes , and in every legion the younger , and elder tribunes were dispersed . the four and twenty tribunes thus chosen and appointed , they drew the tribes by lots ; out of the first ; they chose four soldiers of the equallest goodness they could ; out of which four , the six tribunes of the first legion chose one , the six tribunes of the second legion chose one , the six tribunes of the third legion one , and the six tribunes of the fourth legion had the remaining one . after this , they chose other four soldiers as equally good as they could , out of the first tribe ; and then the tribunes of the second legion , chose one first ; the tribunes of the third , chose next ; the fourth , next ; and the first , had the one soldier remaining : and thus they did alternatively , till the legions were composed out of all the tribes , so that the first legion had no advantage in the choice of its soldiers over the other three ; but though this was a tedious way of choosing , yet it was a very impartial one , and proves they stuck at no trouble , when it was to do equally to all . after the foot soldiers were chosen , the censors chose the cavalry . the choice of the private soldiers being thus made , the tribunes of every legion made every soldier , one by one , swear to obey , and do all that should be commanded him by his superiors ; which was perform'd , by every mans raising his right hand , and holding the thumb of it upright . the tribunes then divided every order of the soldiers into centuries , and cohorts ; out of every one of which , they made two elections , each of ten men ; the first election as the most honourable , assisted at general councils of war , and were in effect what the captains are in our times ; those of the second , were in the nature of lieutenants ; and though those of both the said elections , were called centurions , yet the former were called , first centurions , those of the last , second centurions . after this , the said centurions chose their vexillarii , who were in the nature of the ensigns of our times , but there were two of them to every cohort . then they made choice of twenty tergiductors , who were those that ordered the rear of the cohorts , whereby they had to every cohort , two chiefs in the head , and two in the rear , besides their vexillarii . a roman legion was usually divided into five orders ; the infantry made four , viz. the velites , hastati , principes , and triari , the cavalry one ; every one of these four orders of foot were divided into ten companies , those of the infantry were called centuries , cohorts , or manniples , those of the cavalry turmae . every one of the three first orders of the infantry consisted of twelve hundred soldiers , which were divided into ten companies , every one of which consisted of one hundred and twenty soldiers . the fourth order , that of the triari consisted but of six hundred soldiers , which made ten companies , each of sixty soldiers . the horse of a roman legion were but three hundred , which made ten troops , each of thirty , so that usually a roman legion consisted of four thousand two hundred foot , and three hundred horse , divided into forty companies , and ten troops . they have , as i said before , often varied in their number , but this has most usually been the quantity of soldiers , foot , and horse , which composed a roman legion . the military tribunes , commanded their legions by turns , two at a time , for two months together , and so alternately it went round . there is great variety of opinions amongst ancient authors about the names of centuries , cohorts , and manniples . but 't is thought they were but several appellations of the same thing , though in some places of titus livie , one may find a distinction from the cohorts to the centuries , and from the centuries to the manniples ; which many think did proceed from the legions being sometimes increased to six thousand , nay to seven thousand men , and therefore such subdivisions have been made . we are left much in the dark , as to the choice of the soldiery amongst the greeks , whether it be by reason that the times in which they were most famous , be remote ; or that the language is not so generally understood as the latin ; or that the romans having conquer'd them , supprest all traces of their methods therein ; yet their gymnasia's , and their tactici , evidence enough they were sufficiently careful in that important particular ; for none can expect to have a good orchard , who has his trees out of a bad nursery . t is worthy observation , that we seldom or never read , that the greeks , or the romans , prest soldiers for the wars , which is a thing so frequent in most countries , in our times , and possibly most in england , of any kingdom ; i cannot fancy that this does intirely proceed from their being more martially inclined than the english were , and are ; who ( without flattery to my countreymen ) i think are as little apt to fear , as much daring in danger , and as ambitious of honour , as either the greeks or romans were , when they flourished most . nay , i durst hold all i am worth , ( were the wager lawful ) that if a thousand men which have never us'd arms , ( or a greater or lesser number ) were taken from the plow , or from any mechanical employment , out of any country in the world , and the like number of english , both newly arm'd , equally officer'd , and were immediately to fight , that the english would be victorious ; which i attribute chiefly to three things : the first is , to those noble principles of freedom , under which , by our monarchs laws , they are born and bred up . secondly , to their substantial diet , than which , none of the common sort of people in the world have so good . thirdly , to the exercises they use on holy-dayes , and at wakes , and fairs , especially their wrestling , which makes them strong , and active . i mention not a fourth , which the noble sir walter rawleigh takes cognizance of , that we have a midling sort of people , viz. the yeoman , and his children , which are not so low as the peasant , nor so high as the lesser sort of gentry ; and are in effect an order of men , which generally have compos'd our better sort of foot soldiers , and which few parts of the world besides england are acquainted with ; i say i mention not these , because i limit what i speak of , only to the plowmen , and those of handicrafts , which usually are below the rank of the yeomen , and their sons . and if our commonest sort be such , what may not ( in a degree of proportion ) be infer'd , and believ'd , as to our yeomanry , our gentry , and nobility ? to which i shall only add , that i very seldom saw the english soldiers flinch , if their officers were good ; nor did i ever see english men when routed , if they flung not away , or lost their arms , but they would rally again , and again , and fight as heartily as ever ; which can hardly with truth be said of many other nations , if of any ; this last particular , was observed by that great captain sir francis vere , at the battel of newport ; where the english , under his conduct , by the appointment of the prince of orange , did endure the heat of that dayes action , and , under god , chiefly obtained the victory for the states of the united provinces ; but to purchase it , were often disorder'd , and routed : yet sir francis vere would still ask , had they lost , or flung away their arms ? and being answer'd , no : he said , then i 'll warrant you , i 'll make them fight again ; and did so , so often , till the spanish army was intirely defeated . i beg the readers pardon , if the affection i have for the truth , and for the honour of my countreymen , has led me into this short digression ; out of which i will hasten , to consider , since the romans , and greeks , were no more warlike than we , and yet prest not their people to the war , why we press ours ; some of the reasons seem to me to be these . first , the romans needed not to press , because by their laws , all from seventeen , to forty five years of age , were to be inlisted ; so that in effect , war was , as it were , their vocation . secondly , none was capable of civil employment in their commonwealth , that had not served ten years in their armies ; nor any capable to be of the first fourteen military tribunes , that had not five years served in the field ; nor of the last ten military tribunes , that had not served eleven years in the foot-service , or fifteen years in the horse-service ; which were incentives that more prest their peoples minds , than our press-masters do the bodies . thirdly , since war was the onely ladder by which their people could climb to civil authority , or military power , they needed not pressing . fourthly , the art of exactly fortifying places , was little known , and less practised in those times , whereby national quarrels were decided by battel , and one gain'd , did usually , as the consequence thereof , carry an intire province or kingdom ; in the over-running of which , their soldiery got ten times more than their pay , by the pillage ; which has not only often enriched the conquerors , but their posterities also ; besides , being brought up from their childhood to arms , and but alas , how few of them are for soldiers . but were all of them for that use , yet the plaister would be much too narrow for the sore ; and would be rather a sign of the thing , than the thing itself . but yet i must say , that his majesty king charles the second , has out-done therein , not only all his royal predecessors , but even all the greeks and romans , forasmuch as concerns the english soldiery of ireland ; since he has not only given lands to the maimed and superannuated , but to all the rest , and to their posterities for ever : and though the major part of the forces which reduced ireland , did perform that service , and conquer'd those lands , under usurpers , and during his majesties absence ; yet he most royally confirm'd , or more truly , bestowed the forfeited lands , after his return , on them , and their heirs for ever . nor can the statutes , and patents , more firmly entail those lands on them , and their children , than i assure my self , he has entail'd , and will entail loyalty and gratitude in their hearts ; for they may as soon forget they have estates , as him , from whose generosity they have received them ; whereby what they are , will still mind them of what they ought to be . i shall conclude this first discourse , touching the choice and education of the soldiery , by a short review of what the ancients did therein ; what we do ; and offer some particulars to consideration , what possibly may be fit to be added . the greeks had publick schools , and publick teachers , to instruct their youth in the use of arms , and to breed them to the sufferances of war , ere they made it . in imitation whereof , we have our trayned-band , and in some cities our artillery yards , or grounds . these teach our men the use of arms , and several figures to fight in , and so far 't is very good ; but then it does not accustom them to hardship , which is one of the first , if not the very first requisite to a good soldier . but whatever they do in the cities , yet i doubt they rarely meet in the countries ; whereby those places which are likeliest to afford most soldiers in time of war , ( for the countries have more people than the cities ) and those that are generally most inured to hardship , ( for the peasant labours more , and eats , and lodges worse , than the citizen ) are the least train'd to arms. and therefore if the several commission'd and non-commission'd officers of every troop and company of the militia , were strictly ordered on holy-dayes , to exercise those of their neighborhood which are of their troop or company , and if the private soldiers fail'd to come , or the officer neglected his duty when they came , if deputy lieutenants were impower'd to punish such as were faulty therein , it might probably be of good use , especially if the counties allow'd some little encouragement to such officers ; or if such of the soldiery as fail'd , were to contribute something to the officer , who did appear , and teach those who came . but above all , if at least twice a year , the several militia regiments , were to rendezvous , and to hutt , for four or five dayes together ; and during that time , were to perform all the functions of war , as if they were incamped near an enemy ; it would in all likelihood be of excellent benefit in time of rebellion , or invasion . in which campings , i would have them make their hutts in the form of streets , and piatza's ; and in just as little room , as if they were to make a line about the camp ; which would teach them what to do , and make them expert therein , against the need were real . in which campings also , i would have all excess , or debauchery , both strictly prohibited , and severely punish'd , if practised ; for debauchery in armies is the high-way to ruine , since those obey best , that are most sober . during these campings , such time as was not employed in handling arms , exercising , marching in several forms of battel , and skirmishing , i would have employed in jumping , running , but most of all , in wrestling , to make their bodies the more active , and strong , and to hinder them from all ill employments : but above all , i would recommend wrestling ; for whoever thinks himself the strongest , and activest of body , will strive to come closest to his enemy ; and if he be so , will the sooner overcome him ; whereby in fight , none will doubt those will charge the homest , who find they are strongest , at the grapple . lastly , if to these before-mentioned particulars , there were at such half yearly campings little medals with ribons , or such other small rewards , for every one of those who should be judged best at the use of the pike , or musket , or at shooting at marks , or at running , jumping , or wrestling , ( to the best at which last , the medal should be still of double value , as that exercise which ought most to be encouraged ) i believe it would so incite every individual person , that the generality could not but be highly improved , and the emulation those little rewards could not but ingender , would questionless produce desirable effects . besides the great concourse of the nobility , gentry , and unlisted commonalty , which curiosity , or some other motives would draw to see these campings , and exercisings , would be an additional incentive to all the militia to appear , not only in their best garbs ; but also to be more expert in the several performances , during their camping . i leave it to the judgment of all men , whether the benefit to the whole kingdom , would not much outweigh the charge , and trouble ; if this method , or something like it , were constantly observed : in which case , what is here set down in generals , and roughly , might then be more minutely ordered , and polished , and many needful things added ; for the wit of man cannot in the theory find out so much , as in the practice will be discovered . the ancients , especially the romans , had the choice of all their people from seventeen , to forty five years of age . we , in imitation , have the choice of such whom the laws exempt not from pressing , from sixteen , to sixty years of age , out of them to form our soldiery ; i think youths but sixteen years of age , are of the youngest to be led on actual service , though not to be trained to arms , and hardships : and few men , when sixty years old , are fit for the wars , especially if then they but begin to be soldiers ; so that methinks the romans therein , began later , and ended earlier than we do , with much reason ; which therefore i could wish were altered by us , and that none before he were past seventeen , and none after he was fifty , should ever be pressed to be soldiers . i would allow five years longer to our men who are to be soldiers , to continue such , than the romans allowed to theirs ; because our climate is not so scorching as theirs , and therefore the radical moisture which is as it were the sap , and makes the vigor of our men , lasts longer in our temperate climate , than in their hotter . besides , most men when arrived at fifty , begin to participate of those infirmities , which render them unfit for the actions , and sufferings of the lives of private soldiers . the military tribunes chose out of every tribe ( every one alternatively ) those who were to compose their legions . but alas ! 't is not our officers which choose our soldiers , but our press-masters generally do it for them ; whereby 't is no wonder if often our regiments and troops have so many in them , unfit to be soldiers ; since too commonly these press-masters , press those who are abler to buy themselves off , than able to make fit soldiers to serve their king and countrey ; besides , how often are they actuated to spare the fit for favor , and to send the unfit for revenge , or some other as bad motive . the tribunes were likely to choose well , because they chose for themselves ; and if they chose ill , they thereby expos'd their honours , and their lives . the press-masters with us , choose for our tribunes , or colonels ; and are likely to choose all , because few do it conscientiously , and most do it out of sinister considerations . the tribunes , if they chose ill soldiers , were to lead them . but the press-masters , if they choose ill men , are only to be rid of them , and may gain much by it . 't were therefore very highly to be wish'd , that the press-masters had some few and written rules given them whom to press ; and if they broke them , that they might be severely punish'd for it : amongst which rules possibly these might be fit to be exprest , viz. to press none that were not past seventeen : to press none past fifty : to press onely the younger , the stronger , the activer sort , and if possibly not to press the married ; at least not to press any of them , till on tryal , 't were evident the unmarried were not sufficient to form the forces ; since the married are generally too much incumbred to follow the war with that intentness of mind , which the profession does require , as appears by what st paul sayes , no man that warreth , intangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that he may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier . the ancients , and the romans most particularly , had not only the advantage of us in the choice of their private soldiers , but also in the choice of their officers ; for every higher order of them , choose the next ; and so in sequence , the second choose the third order ; and the third , the fourth , till all were chosen ; whereas in the generality , all our inferior field officers , and commissioned officers , are put upon our colonels ; whereby perhaps they may have good officers , but the tribunes were certain to have them , if it were not their own faults . and 't is worth marking , how gradually the romans proceeded therein . first the people ( that is the state ) chose the two consuls , the two consuls chose the four and twenty military tribunes to each army ; the four and twenty military tribunes , chose the twenty first and second centurions , that is , their captains and lieutenants : then the centurions chose their twenty vexillarii or ensigns , and those , their twenty tergiductors ; whereby if the tribunes chose well , 't was likely they would also have all the rest well chosen . i do not find they had inferior field officers , such as our lieutenant colonels and majors , unless the tribunes out of function did that duty : nor do i find that they had any officers in the nature of our serjeants , and corporals : nor that they had officers who were immediately to take care of , and command in the flanks of their battalions ; which being very deep , ought doubtless to have been the more taken care of : but to supply this , every cohort had two centurions in the front , two tergiductors in the rear , and two vexillarii or ensigns ; whereby having to every company as it were six commissioned officers , they might appoint two of them for the flanks , where they were needed more than in the front and rear ; for their files being four and twenty deep , a cohort could be but of five in a rank . the roman officers had also a greater tye and obligation on their soldiery , than we have on ours ; for they had the solemn oath , or military sacrament , of every private soldier to be obedient to his superior officers . in some imitation of which , our soldiers take the oath of allegiance , and supremacy ; but those have references to the king , not to the officers ; which to supply , we have articles and ordinances of war , whereby several crimes are punishable by death , as abandoning , and running from their colours ; mutinous words , and actions ; drawing his sword against , or striking his superior officer , &c. these indeed render him liable to punishment if he disobeys , but there is no previous obligation on him to obey his superiour . we indeed punish , if soldiers do amiss ; but we have no solemn promise , much less oath , that they will obey their superiors in all their commands , for his majesties service : but they had previous oaths of obedience , and punish'd subsequently all failers ; whereby they had double , and better tyes , than we have . the romans also excelled us in this important particular , that none could be a military tribune , ( which had most favor ) who had not actually served in the wars five years : and none that had least favor , could be a tribune , who had not served eleven years in the wars amongst the foot , or fifteen years amongst the horse ; whereby none could be a chief officer , before he had been a long time a soldier ; as judging him unfit to command , who had not first learnt to obey . whereas we have often many made officers , that never were so much as private soldiers ; and are set to teach others that art , which they , over whom they are placed , are too often abler to teach them ; which is dangerous to the sovereign , and often begets contempt of the superior , amongst the inferior , and is a mischief worthy of redress ; at least , that none might be field officers , that had not been before a captain or lieutenant ; and none a colonel , that had not been first a field officer , unless where a person of great quality and interest was made colonel , whose influence might supply the defect of his unskilfulness ; and in such cases , great care ought to be had , to fit him with an experienced lieutenant colonel , and major ; for that world is the best , when places seek men , and not when men seek places . the romans also were very prudent in the distribution of their tribunes in their legions , which they did with so much care , that whereas the first legion of a consular army had four tribunes which might have served in the wars but five years , yet it had two , which had served eleven , or fifteen years ; and the second legion had three that had served five years , and three that had served eleven or fifteen years : and so in course for the remaining two legions , whereby they still , as near as might be , distributed equally the most knowing , and experienced tribunes , in every legion . whereas i have often seen many regiments , where most part of the officers , and most of the soldiers , have served as long in the wars , the one as the other ; that is , neither ever saw the wars : but i have seen it thrive accordingly . lastly , not to tire the reader with too many particulars in this one head : the romans established certain and competent provision for their maimed and superannuated soldiers , which we do not ; and what they did , invited their soldiers to great and daring actions : but what we omit , deters many of ours from attempting them . but then i must say , their trade was war , and i thank god ours is not ; but yet in proportion to what they did , if we did write after their copy for so much as is requisite for us , it might be an action of more prudence , than cost . and since war is not our profession , we ought , in my humble opinion , to make use of the best means to avoid being engaged in it ; and the best way to prevent a war , is , that our neighbors may see we are in a good condition to make it . the arming of the soldiery . the greeks were certainly at first more usefully armed than the romans , both as to their infantry and cavalry : for besides those arms offensive and defensive , which were common to both , as the sword , the darts , the shields , the slings , &c. the greeks had long pikes , which i find not the romans had , and which are the very best offensive arms either to charge , or to defend , and of excellent use against horse . for defensive arms they had the target , and the shield , and the back breast pott and tases , &c. nay , some had their horses armed , which they called barded . the roman cavalry were at first pitifully armed for offence , or defence , till from the greeks they learned to use the curass , the shield , and the javelet . i have often admired they would not also follow the example of the greeks , in arming some of their foot , with long pikes . the ordinary arms of the roman velites were a murrion , a rondach , a sword , and some darts ; their archers and slingers were called extraordinaries , and were auxiliaries . the hastati had targets four-foot high , head-pieces , and little plates of iron to cover their hearts . the richest of them had intire curasses , they wore their swords hanging on their right sides , and those swords were short , broad , two edged , and well pointed ; and every one of them besides had two darts . the principes , and the triarii , had the like arms , both offensive , and defensive ; only the triarii , instead of two darts , had two javelets . the allies of the romans , as well foot , as horse , were alike armed , and disciplined , as the romans , whereby 't is apparent how use makes all things easie ; for neither the greeks , nor the romans , had stronger , or more vigorous bodies than we ; and yet their foot marched in armor in hot climates with large targets , heavy swords , and carried also two missile weapons ; whereas our soldiers think the pike or the musket ( often without swords , alwayes without armor ) to be a load , which only proceeds from our relaxing the military discipline ; which is not only a reproach to us , but also a great prejudice . i think we are much more usefully armed , than the greeks or romans anciently were ; and , in my poor opinion , we only want for our infantry the target , to be excellently armed . the five offensive arms in use amongst us , are the sword , the pike , the musket , the pistol , and the carrabine . fo●… i look on the lance , as now wholly laid by , and i think , with reason ; for the lance does little , unless it be by the force of the horses course , or carreer , and even then , only the front is useful ; so that their best order to fight in , seems to be to charge a rank at a time which yet can hardly resist squadrons of horse , especially if riders be in armor : but if the lanceers fight in squadrons also , 't is much more likely they should discompose themselves , than hurt those they fight against ; which are such apparent inconveniencies , as have made me admire , that king henry iv of france , most justly surnam'd the great , alexander ferneze prince of parma , and charles of lorrain duke of mayen , three the greatest captains of the latter age ; nay , it may be of any age , would often lament , that lances were then throwing aside , as dav●…la in his excellent history of the civil wars of france , does observe , with this addition , that henry the great , and all his chief commanders , more apprehended those thousand lanceers , led by count egmont , at the battel of iury , than double the number of any of the leagues of their cavalry . our foot soldiers generally are two thirds shot , and one third pikes , which i have often lamented ; for methinks the pikes should be at least half , especially in his majesties dominions in which are few strong places , and consequently battels , and fightings in the field , are more common than sieges ; and , without dispute , the pike is the usefullest weapon for the foot : and a good stand of them , assisted by shot if the angles be well guarded , are not easily broken by horse and shot united . the swissers , generally , and justly , esteemed excellent foot , have more pikes , than shot ; which , possibly , as much as their valor , discipline , and the strength of their bodies , has contributed to their glory . 't was to their pikes they owed that famous retreat they made , when in the hollow of their battalion , they carried king charles the ninth of france , and almost all that family royal , from meanx to paris , though 't were a champion countrey , though they had no cavalry to assist them ; and though lewis prince of conde , gaspar de coligni the then admiral of france , andelott , and the greatest horse commanders of that age , often charged them in front , rear , and flanks ; yet with the heads of their pikes , they forced their way , though all the hopes of the hugonot lords , depended on that dayes action . i had also an experiment of the goodness of pikes in the year 1651. when in the last battel we had in ireland , i had the honour to command the english forces against the irish , and though we fought in an open countrey , and though we had routed ( after a smart resistance ) all the horse of their left wing , and above a thousand of their musketeers , which composed the left battalion of their foot , yet about twelve hundred pikes of the enemy , without any shot with them , advanced boldly , and charged our squadrons of horse so home , after their horse and shot of that wing were routed , that we had more wounded , and kill'd , in that charge , than in the whole fight besides : so that had they guarded their angles , when we charged them round , they had done us much more mischief , if not recovered the day ; but by the angles we broke in , and afterwards the resistance was but small , nor indeed could it be otherwise . but what need i say more of the usefulness of the pike , above the musket , than that all persons of quality who put themselves voluntarily , or otherwise into the infantry , carry the pike ; which they would not do , unless it had adjudgedly the honour to be the noblest weapon , since the bravest choose , and fight with it : and therefore i must again say , i wish our companies consisted of fewer shot , and of more pikes ; for besides the excellency of that weapon , it is not only alwayes in a readiness for service , but needs no ammunition to make it do execution ; both which cannot be said of the musket , which is often unfixt , requires alwayes powder , bullet , and match , and in windy or wet weather , often disappoints the service , especially if it be the match-lock , and then to fire-lock muskets . maurice prince of orange ( a famous captain ) was exceedingly desirous to introduce the target among the infantry ; and having , for his own satisfaction , made many tryals of the great usefulness of it , experimentally found , that targets , though very flippent ones , have not only resisted the push of the pikes , but also , that half the number of targetteers , have entred into the ranks of double their number of pikes , without targets , and have routed them ; but he being only general to the states of the united provinces , and not a sovereign monarch , and absolute , durst not make so great an alteration , fearing the reproach of some evil success ; which , whatever might have been the cause of the defeat , would have been attributed to that of innovation ; for states oftner judge of the merit of their general , by his successes , than by his reasons . and henry duke of rohan , whom i had the honour to know in the year 1637. a little before he dyed of his wounds received in alsatia , and who yielded to none of his age , in the military art , was also exceeding desirous to introduce the target amongst the infantry : he propos'd to have the principal body of the infantry to consist of pikemen , and to each battalion of pikes , he would have had a small separated party of a hundred , or an hundred and twenty targeteers in the flanks , when the battalions were ready to join , which ( to use his own words ) would produce a marvellous effect , in a day battel . these targetters he would have had composed of the volunteers , who are generally of the bravest , and who , unless they made a body apart , he thinks would be apt enough to beget animosities , by disputing where their proper stations should be assigned them . i think they might also be of very good use , in assaulting , and defending of breaches , especially if they were of proof against small shot : some of which sort i have seen , and yet they were not very cumbersom ; for they might be used on the left arm , by men of ordinary strength . i must , before i proceed any further , mind the great carelesness of those , who furnish pikes to the companies out of the stores , and those officers who receive them ; for 't is but too common amongst us , to have in one regiment pikes of several lengths , and only arm'd at the points with lozange heads , whereas sixteen foot and a half ought to be the general length and standard of all the pikes , as 't is among the switzers ; which if the staff be made of feason'd ash , is not heavy for any ordinary man , and less heavy to pikemen , who are usually the properest , and strongest men in our companies . if our pikes were all of sixteen foot and a half long , besides the decency of that uniformity , the advantages will be great ; for at sixteen foot and a half distance , they of the first rank , will keep off , or gall the enemies horse , and few ordinary ammunition pistols do certain execution much farther off ; the second and third rank of the pikes ( being so long ) will also effectually serve to keep off the enemies horse , should the first rank be killed , or disordered ; nay , the fourth and fifth ranks of the pikes will not be useless : for allowing but three foot distance between every rank when battalions front , as the first rank will keep the enemies horse off , at sixteen foot and a half ; so the second rank will keep them off , at thirteen foot and a half ; the third rank at ten foot and a half ; the fourth rank at seven foot and a half ; and the fifth rank at four foot and a half : whereby an enemies cavalry will have as it were five ranks at once to break , ere they can make their impression , which therefore will be no easie task to perform , especially the last ranks of pikes being ready to supply those of the first five ranks , who shall fall by wounds , or death . the pikes arm'd at the points with lozange heads , if the cheeks , or sides of the pikes are not armed with thin plates of iron four foot deep , are very apt to be broken off near the heads , if the push be vigorous , and the resistance considerable : nor is this all ; for unless the pikes be armed with those thin iron plates , they are easily cut off with sharp swords , for the pike , especially toward the end , is carried tapering , to poise it the better , and thereby renders it the more flippent for those who use it ; so that the slenderer part of the pike , if unarm'd , is the more liable to be cut off , it being there nearest the enemy ; whereas if the pikes were armed with those thin plates , and four foot deep , no cutting swords ( which are alwayes of the shortest ) could destroy the pikes , since that part of the staff of the pike which is unarmed , would be out of the reach of the horsemans sharp cutting sword : i remember we once carried a fort by storm , because the enemies pikes had not those plates , whereby the heads of them were cut off . i therefore am very desirous , that all our pikes may be sixteen foot and a half long , the staves to be of seasoned ash , which are strong , and light ; and that from the iron heads of the pikes , there may be thin iron plates for four foot deep . lozange heads i like well , both because they are sharp to enter , and when entred , broad to wound with . i would seriously recommend the arming of our pikemen , with back , breast , pott , and tases ; for since the pikes ought to make the principal battalion , and indeed the solid strength of the infantry of an army in a day battel , i would have them armed accordingly ; for 't is under their battalion that the routed must rally , and 't is by the points of their weapons , that the most obstructed passages to victory must be opened ; they are still to be as it were the fortress of the field , and are not like the horse , and shot , which move every way , and follow the execution after the enemy is broken ; but being still to advance slowly with the colours , and under their forrest , to cover all misadventures , they ought to be substantially armed defensively , to answer those ends effectually . some historians tell us , that when the emperor charles the fifth , ( that great captain ) was to give battel near vienna , to sultan solyman the magnificent , the christian emperor had one stand of eighty thousand pikes , many of them carried by reformado officers , and by the flower of the christian nobility , and gentry ; in which battalion , under god , he had repos'd his greatest confidence ; and which the turks did so apprehend , that after all the noise of a decisive battel , the mahometans retreated , though they had double the number of the christians , and above one hundred and fifty thousand horse . it is both a grief , and a shame , to see how few pikemen , in most of our ordinary companies , have swords by their sides , and the musketeers seldom any ; when a man looks not like a soldier , without a sword ; and 't is the sword which does the chiefest execution , either in the battel , or after the routing of an enemy : the greeks and romans made it ignominious for a soldier to lose his sword , even in fight ; i wish we would make it the like for a soldier to go to fight without his sword , or indeed so much as to see a soldier without his sword. i offer to consideration , that all companies , when first inlisted , ought to be completely armed at the princes charge ; and ever afterward , to be kept completely armed at the soldiers charge , unless in actual fight his arms be broken ; in which case , the kings arsenals should furnish them . but whatever captain of a company , or inferiour commissioned officer , allow'd his soldier to appear on duty without his complete arms , or ever to stir without his sword in the streets of his garison , or in the camp , if he punisht not the soldier , should be punishable for it himself : and if any soldier broke his sword , or other arms , by his own negligence , or default , the chief officer of the company should not only punish him for it , but forthwith supply him , to be defaulked out of the soldiers growing pay ; whereby these three advantages would be gained , that the soldiers would be more careful of their arms ; that they would never be unarmed ; and that the king would be at no unnecessary charge in emptying his arsenals for them . as to the musket , and what is useful to it , i find many things in my poor judgment worthy consideration and redress : as first , that all our muskets be of one bore , or at most of two sorts of certain bores ; the bigger for the stronger , the lesser for the weaker bodies : for want of this , i have seen much hazard undergone ; for generally our musket shot is of one certain size , and the bores of muskets are of various sizes , whereby having been once engaged in a fight , which by reason of the many inclosures in which we fought , the musketeers were to be supplied with more shot than they carried in their pouches , and barrels of musket bullets being opened , few of the shot in them would fit the muskets , but were a size too large , whereby we had like to have been worsted ; for the soldiers were forced to gnaw off much of the lead , others to cut their bullets ; in which much time was lost , the bullets flew a less way , and more uncertainly ; and , which was worse , so many pauses , animated the enemy , by making him think our courages cooled . if there be two sizes of muskets , and shot , on both ends of the barrels , which hold the shot , should be written lesser , and bigger , that in the hurry of a fight there might be no mistake , but that bullets be distributed according to the bores of the muskets . i would also propound , that in all field engagements , especially in those where we intend not to cheapen an enemy , but to fall on merrily , that the musketeers would load their muskets only with five or six pistol bullets , which will do great execution , especially fired near , and then to fall in at club musket ; i have experimented this , and found it attended with great success . i would recommend the fire-lock musket above the match-lock musket , for several reasons ; some of which i shall mention . first , it is exceedingly more ready ; for with the fire-lock you have only to cock , and you are prepared to shoot ; but with your match-lock , you have several motions , the least of which is as long a performing , as but that one of the other , and oftentimes much more hazardous ; besides , if you fire not the match-lock musket as soon as you have blown your match , ( which often , especially in hedge fights , and in sieges , you cannot do ) you must a second time blow your match , or the ashes it gathers , hinders it from firing . secondly , the match is very dangerous , either where bandeleers are used , or where soldiers run hastily in fight to the budge-barrel , to refill their bandeleers ; i have often seen sad instances thereof . thirdly , marching in the nights , to avoid an enemy , or to surprize one , or to assault a fortress , the matches often discover you , and informs the enemy where you are ; whereby you suffer much , and he obtains much . fourthly , in wet weather , the pan of the musket being made wide open for awhile , the rain often deads the powder , and the match too ; and in windy weather , blows away the powder , ere the match can touch the pan : nay , often in very high winds , i have seen the sparks blown from the match , fire the musket ere the soldier meant it ; and either thereby lose his shot , or wound or kill some one before him . whereas in the fire-lock the motion is so sudden , that what makes the cock fall on the hammer , strikes the fire , and opens the pan at once . lastly , to omit many other reasons , the quantity of match used in an army , does much add to the baggage ; and being of a very dry quality , naturally draws the moisture of the air , which makes it relax , and consequently less fit , though carried in close wagons : but if you march without waggons , the match is the more expos'd ; and without being dried again in ovens , is but of half the use which otherwise it would be of : and which is full as bad , the skeans you give the corporals , and the links you give the private soldiers , ( of which near an enemy , or on the ordinary guard duty , they must never be unfurnished ) if they lodge in hutts or tents , or if they keep guard in the open field , ( as most often it happens ) all the match for instant service is too often render'd uncertain , or useless ; nothing of all which can be said of the flint , but much of it to the contrary . and then the soldiers generally wearing their links of match near the bottom of the belt on which their bandeleers are fastened , in wet weather , generally spoil the match they have ; and if they are to fight on a sudden , and in the rain , you lose the use of your small shot , which is sometimes of irreparable prejudice . i am also on long experience an enemy to the use of bandeleers , but a great approver of boxes of cartridges ; for then , but by biting off the bottom of the cartridge , you charge your musket for service with one ramming . i would have these cartridge boxes of tin , as the carabines use them , because they are not so apt to break as the wooden ones are , and do not in wet weather , or lying in the tents , relax . besides , i have often seen much prejudice in the use of bandeleers , which being worn in the belts for them , above the soldiers coats , are often apt to take fire , especially if the match-lock musket be used ; and when they take fire , they commonly wound , and often kill he that wears them , and those near him : for likely if one bandeleer take fire , all the rest do in that collar ; they often tangle those which use them on service , when they have fired , and are falling off by the flanks of the files of the intervals , to get into the rear to charge again . to which i shall add , that in secret attempts in the night , their ratling often discovers the design , and enables the enemy to prevent it . and in the day time , on service , especially if the weather be windy ; their ratling also , too frequently hinders the soldiers from hearing , and consequently obeying the officers word of command , which must be fatal when it happens ; whereas the cartridge boxes exempt those who use them from all these dangers and prejudices ; they enable the soldiers on service , to fire more expeditiously ; they are also usually worn about the waste of the soldier , the skirts of whose doublet and his coat , doubly defend them from all rain that does not pierce both ; and being worn close to his body , the heat thereof keeps the powder dryer , and therefore more fit to be fired on service . besides all this , whoever loads his musket with cartridges , is sure the bullet will not drop out , though he takes his aim under breast high , for the paper of the cartridge keeps it in ; whereas those soldiers which on service take their bullets out of their mouths , ( which is the nimblest way ) or out of their pouches , which is slow , seldom put any paper , tow , or grass , to ram the bullet in ; whereby if they fire above breast high , the bullet passes over the head of the enemy ; and if they aim low , the bullet drops out ere the musket is fired ; and 't is to this that i attribute the little execution i have seen musketeers do in time of fight , though they fired at great battalions , and those also reasonable near . it might also do well , if the soldiers tyed their links of match about their middle , and under their coats , and doublets , instead of tying them to their bandeleer belt , or collar ; for by that means , the match would be kept dryer , and fitter for service , in time of action . as to the arming of the cavalry both for offence and defence , i am of opinion , the arms we use , are as good as any , viz. the swords , pistols , and carabines : and if in the front of our squadrons , we had some blunderbushes , they might be of good use in fight . i acknowledge i would have every private trooper have his sword , or long tuck , his case of pistols , and carabine ; and for defence , his back , breast and pott ; at least , i would have the front and flanks of every troop in such armor : for besides the terror it gives to an enemy in his doublet , to fight with men of iron , and the encouragement it gives our own men ; none knows what proof the armor is of : and 't is most certain , that in combat , as well as pursuit , the sword does most execution ; and no armor is less than sword proof : i therefore earnestly wish , that the officers , the troopers , and the pikemen , were bound under severe penalties , to fight in armor , and constantly to march in armor ; which piece of discipline , if it were revived by strict commands , and if broken punish'd exemplarily , i am confident the advantages would be considerable ; nor do i much value what our young gallants say , that in their doublets they will charge as far as any in their armor ; since to that i answer : first , it may spring as much from laziness , as courage : but secondly , a wise commander ought to have more care of his soldiers safeties , than they will have of their own ; and ought not to let his men expose themselves , but where there is need ; and then to use the best means he can for their safety , as well as their success ; since the business is not who dares go to be kill'd , but who dares venture his life on the best terms to obtain the victory ; and if men will go on boldly without armor , 't is likelier they will charge the bravelier with armor ; since their bodies by it , have the greater defence ; and by accustoming themselves to wear iron , it will become habitual to them . if i might follow my own opinion , i would have every regiment of horse consist of seven troops , six whereof should be armed with back , breast and pott ; and for offence , should have swords or tucks , with pistols and carabines ; and the seventh troop should be of firelocks , or dragoons , whose duty should be to guard the quarter of the regiment ; to secure passes with celerity ; to force passes possest by the enemy ; to assist the horse when they fight in enclosed countries ; and in battels , to alight ; and marching up in the outermost flank of the regiment , should in two ranks , the first kneeling , the second standing , a little before the squadrons charged , fire upon the enemy , their guns loaden with pistol bullets , which i have sometimes practised , and found it attended with great success ; every tenth man while the rest were on such service , was to hold the horses of those who were thus employed ; and if the enemy were routed , they were all to mount again , and to follow the execution : but if the enemy routed us , they were to shelter themselves behind the next squadrons of our horse which were entire , or the next battalion of our foot ; and when rallied , to serve as they should be commanded by the chief officer of that squadron , or battalion , under the countenance of which , they should rally . i know the french , spaniards , and other nations , have had distinct troops of carabines ; but , in my poor opinion , carabines are best in the troopers hands who are armed , and have pistols ; especially if every regiment of horse has one troop of firelocks , or dragoons ; and i have ground to believe , that dragoons thus annexed to the horse , are much better than they are , when regimented entire , and by themselves : first , because they are constantly with the horse , and being in effect a part of their body , are alwayes the more careful of them , the more ready to serve with them , and the more concern'd for them . secondly , being under the command of the field officers , and captains of horse , they are more obedient to them , than if they belonged to other colonels , and were only a commanded party to answer a present need . thirdly , the horse commande●…s , when the dragoons belong to their own regiments , are more careful of them , and will not needlesly harass them by extraordinary and unequal duty ; which when they have their assistance but on emergent occasions i have often seen them do . fourthly , the horse officers knowing all their dragoons by name , and they knowing particularly all the horse officers , they are the more likely to fight chearfully for them , or not to escape unpunished if they be remiss ; for every one being known , none can escape by ignorance ; the contrary to which is often experimented in commanded parties , when the officers are unknown to the soldiers , and the soldiers to the officers . lastly , to omit many other particulars , some have observed , that as the dragoons are commonly the briskest , and daringst of the private soldiers , so they are also the least sober ; and 't is likelier to wean them from that fault , when they are but a seventh part of the regiments , than when they are an entire regiment , and all birds of one feather : and the troopers being generally a more civilized , orderly people , than the dragoons ; 't is probable that the major part by much of the regiment , should win the minor by good example ; than that the minor by much , should seduce the major part . to conclude this head of my essay , i will only add , it is not sufficient to make good rules , unless the prince or general see them punctually obey'd , or severely punish'd , if broken . for besides the evil which attends the omitting of what is good , the contempt of authority is of fatal consequence in all humane affairs , and most of all in military ; where , though what is commanded might have been indifferent it self , yet it ceases to be so , when it is commanded ; and if a soldier of himself may break one rule of the generals unpunish'd , he may believe thereby , that he may as well break any , nay , all the rest ; for the stamp of authority is alike on all ; of which when a private person , or many private men make themselves the judges , they bid defiance to all discipline ; without which no society can subsist , and military ones the least of any : in one word , it were much better that good rules were not made , than if made , that they should not be observed , and the breakers of them 'scape unpunish'd . the disciplining of the soldiery . i shall not under this head amuse my self to speak of the handling of arms ; nor of the several postures and motions taught the soldiers ; nor of the divers wayes of exercising of a troop , or company ; since we have in our own language so many printed books on that subject . and i am also the less curious in doing it , because though there be many fine things taught in those particulars , which are graceful to the sight , and make soldiers the more ready ; yet when we come in earnest to fight , few of them are practised , but to keep their ranks even and close , their files right ; to fire nimbly , and but breast high ; to charge boldly with the pikes , and through with the horse ; to be watchful of the word of command from the officer ; exactly obedient to it , to keep silence ; and when the parties are numerous enough to compose battalions , and squadrons , to observe in going to the charge the just wideness of the intervals for the reserves , or second line to relieve the first line : but if there must be any error therein , to be sure the interval ground be rather inlarged , than streightned . for 't is better the reserves should have too much room to march up to the front , than too little , since the latter will render them almost useless . but before i come to treat of that part of disciplining the soldiery , which consists in drawing them up into battalions , and squadrons , which i intend to discourse of when i come to treat of battels ; i shall crave leave to offer some considerations on what we generally observe , and seldom or never alter whatever the occasion requires . and that is , the drawing up our shot , and pike , six deep ; and our horse , three deep . and this i should not presume to do , had not i been emboldened to it by some experiments of my own , which god did bless with success : for when i found my self over-winged by the enemy , they drawing up their foot six deep , and their horse three deep ; i judged it best for me to fight my foot four deep , and my horse two deep ; whereby i added one third of more hands to the front , and breadth , of my battalions , and squadrons . for i was fully satisfied , that it was likelier i should be worsted by the enemy , if he fell into my flanks and rear , holding me also to equal play in the front , than if four ranks of my foot should be broken , or two ranks of my horse , that the third rank of the horse , and the fifth and sixth ranks of my foot , should recover all again ; for i had often seen battalions and squadrons defeated , by being overwinged : but i never saw the last rank of the horse , and the two last ranks of the foot , restore the field , when the four first ranks of the foot , and the two first ranks of the horse were routed . for commonly if the two first ranks of the horse are routed , they themselves ( for they still are broken inward ) rout the third rank ; and though the like cannot truly be said of the foot in all points , yet in a great measure it usually follows . but i must confess , that he who makes such an alteration in military discipline , ( unless he be a sovereign prince , or have sufficient orders to do it ) ought to resolve , his success only must apologize for it ; that is , to be victorious , or be kill'd . i should therefore humbly desire , that fighting no deeper than four for the foot , and two for the horse , where the ground is fit , might well be considered ; and then let true reason give the rule . for my own part , i will ingeniously acknowledge , that after having as throughly weighed all the arguments for and against it , as my weak judgment could suggest to me , i would , without hesitation , ( if it were left to my own election ) fight my foot and horse no deeper than four , and two , in any case where the ground would admit me to extend my battalions and squadrons to the full . for if i fight against equal numbers , and equally good soldiers to my own , 't is more likely falling into their flanks , and as much into their rear also , as i overwing them the depth of a file in each flank , that i shall rout them ; then it is , that before i perform that , they shall have pierced through my four ranks , since rank to rank of equally good soldiers , and equal in number , will more probably hold longer play one with the other , than soldiers equally good , can defend themselves at once , if briskly charged in front , flanks , and rear ; and since the flanks and rear of foot them selves , fight with great disadvantage against those who charge them there all at once ; but when horse are charged in the flanks , and in the rear , 't is next of kin to a miracle , if they 'scape being broken : for the troopers in the ranks when they go to charge , are as close as the riders knees can endure it ; and therefore 't is impossible for the flanks to do any thing , or the last rank to face about , and consequently they must have their backs expos'd to the shot , and swords of their enemy . the foot indeed will easily face about ; but then if the depth of files be the advantage , i have it who charge every where four deep , and they every way defend , but three deep at the most . if this way of fighting will afford me solid , and great advantages , against an enemy equal to me in the goodness and number of his soldiers ; i do not think it can be denied , but if i fight against fewer , or worse men than mine , but greater , and more certain benefits will result from it . the chief objection to this way of fighting that i know of , is , as to the musketeers , who being but four deep , and advancing firing , the first rank cannot have loaded their muskets again , by that time the fourth rank has done firing ; so that there will be an intermission of shooting . to that i answer , let the musketeers charge their muskets with such cartridges as i have mentioned , and the first rank will be as soon ready if you are but four deep , as the first rank will be if you are six deep , loading with bandeleers , especially if i use the fire-lock , and the enemy the match-lock . besides , you will still have a rank to fire till you fall in , if you begin to fire but at a short distance ; which i would do to choose , if i were six deep . lastly , were both these denied , which yet i must say i have on experiment found to be true , and a demonstration is the strongest proof . it is not enough to say , one method hath such objections to it , which the other hath not ; but all objections to both methods are to be examined ; and that rule is to be observed , which on the whole matter has the least : for how few things in the world would be entertained as best , if only such were so , against which , no objection could be made . the first of the ancients which i have read of , who found it much more advantageous when the ground allowed it , rather to extend the ranks , than deepen the files , was that great captain cyrus , in his famous battel against cressus , king of lydia ; for cyrus finding himself over numbred , took off half the depth of his files , and added them to his front , whereby he won the victory by overwinging cressus . as the drawing up the infantry but four deep , and the cavalry but two deep , where the ground will allow it , has great advantages in fight , over those who draw up the foot six deep , and the horse three deep , so it has in marching ; for the shallower the files are in the several divisions , the shorter the army or regiment must be in their long march ; which is a great ease to the soldiers in and towards the rear of the army , or regiment : for i have often seen , but am not philosopher enough to give the reason of it , that let but 1000 men march in their long march even in a bare champion country ; and though the van move very slowly , yet the rear must trot to keep the same distance they were at , at their first beginning to march ; and if it be thus but in 1000 men , what must it be in 20 , or 30000 men . besides , the less long your army is in their marching order , the sooner the rear of it will be come up , to incamp , or to go to quarters , and the baggage and train also ; nor is it less beneficial , if an army during its march has the head , or the rear of it assaulted , or both at once ; to have the division come more expeditiously to the fight , which it has , by making the ranks of the division broader , and the files shallower . the ordinary discipline we observe in drawing up a foot regiment of ten companies in battalia , ( which 't is well if they make nine hundred effective men in rank and file ) is either in one battalion , ( which is seldom practised , but when the army is very great ) or in two or three battalions , which are the more usual wayes , and i think the more rational . for the greater your battalions are of foot , or squadrons of horse , the more unwieldy they are ; and not only the likelier to be disordered , but the harder to be rallied into their due form again ; whereas when battalions , or squadrons , are of a competent number , those inconveniencies are avoided ; and yet if need require , two may join and make one big one ; but still the same officers to command each battalion , as if they were divided , though really they are united ; whereby they keep the activeness of small battalions , and when they please , the strength of great ones by their union . and men are readilier brought into order after being broken , or discomposed , when a chief commander assisted by his inferior commissioned officers , do act separately among a few , than when but one , though proportionately assisted , acts singly in chief over many . a regiment of horse also which usually consists of six troops , is formed into two squadrons , each of three troops ; or into three squadrons , each of two troops ; i am for the forming it generally into the most squadrons , for the same reasons i mentioned before : besides , great battalions of foot are more allowable , than great squadrons of horse ; not only because men on foot take up less room to turn in , than men on horseback do ; but also because men only , are better commanded than men and horses can be ; especially in the hurry of a fight , where the shouts of the soldiers , the noise of the shooting , and the drums , and the fluttering of the colours , make often the boldest horses of private troopers disorderly enough ; and likewise because the foot are the solid steddy body of the army , especially the pikes , and are not to follow the execution , which is the proper duty of the horse ; and therefore the foot may consist of the larger battalions . to which i shall add , that a regiment of five hundred horse , consisting of six troops , having three troops united into one squadron , will make upwards of eighty one private troopers in every rank , when the horse are drawn up three deep ; and if in two troops in a squadron , three deep will make 55 in a rank : and i have seen old troopers find it difficult enough to march in one squadron a small space of ground in exact order , forty a-breast , though the ground be plain ; but if it be any wayes incumbred , or uneven , 't is more hard to do it . and then if your horse be drawn up but two deep , each squadron , though but of one troop , will be forty one in a rank , which is broad enough ; for the broader the rank is , the more difficult it is to march it orderly ; so that i am more desirous to form the horse of an army into many and less squadrons , than into few , and great ones ; for the reasons before exprest . i had in this place begun to set down the several sorts of discipline which are practised in drawing up a regiment of foot in one , two , or three battalions , where the colours should flie , how many divisions of pikes and shot there ought to be , and where to be drawn up , and of how many files each should consist of , ( according to our discipline of having our foot consist one third of pikes , and two thirds of shot ) where are the proper places of the field officers , and commissioned officers , according to the several forms of battalions the regiment is to be drawn up in , and many other particularities of this head ; but since there are printed books also in english on this subject , i shall refer the curious , and the unknowing therein , to those books , and only apply my self to such things as i have not seen , or heard , hath hitherto been treated of in our language ; and i also do this the rather , because under the head of the essay which shall treat of fighting a battel , i shall discourse of forming battalions and squadrons more particularly . and though possibly i might without any impropriety under the title of disciplining , insert all the several functions in war. yet i shall divide them into many distinct heads , for the ease of the reader ; who commonly is better pleased to peruse many short discourses , than one very long one ; and every one , having a distinct title , is more readily turn'd unto , and found out . the ordering of garisons . having already discours'd of the choosing and educating of the soldiery , of the arming , and of the disciplining of them , i shall now write of the regulating of garisons , which seems to me to be the next head in course to be treated of . the well-ordering of them , is the hopefullest way to preserve them ; and the preservation of them , is the preservation of a kingdom . how many armies have been ruin'd , or broken , before garisons resolutely defended , and according to the exact rules of the military art ? and how many garisons have been lost , or surprized , for want of due care in those entrusted to keep them , whereby whole countries have been subdued as the consequence of one neglect ? especially if the garison taken , be either the chief arsenal of the countrey , or lie on some navigable river , or sea-port , whereby the entrance into a kingdom , is facilitated to an enemy ; and into which he durst not have adventur'd , while he left at his back so important a place . i shall therefore on this head , set down first , the usual practice in appointing and distributing the guards . secondly , the custom in going the grand round . thirdly , the common manner of giving the word . for the ordinary course in all three , i suppose ( submitting it still to better judgments ) may be unsafe , and very hazardous . therefore where i have had the honour to command in chief , i have altered the usual form , and i believe with good reason , else i am sure i would not have done it . but i am certain the methods i have observed therein , have still succeeded well ; and by the other methods , i have known great losses have followed . the usual way is , that the regiments , or companies , or parties of soldiers , which are next to mount the guard , and to relieve those on duty , being drawn up at the parade , the chief officer who is to command the watch , or the town major , distributes the companies , or soldiers , to the main-guard , the ports , and bie-guards , as he thinks fit , which i would not allow for these following reasons . if an officer who commands the watch , or the town major , be false , corrupted , or corruptable , you thereby expose the garison to be lost , and those in it , destroy'd ; since leaving it to him to appoint all the guards , he may send those of his confederacy to such corps deguards as may let in the enemy , or join with conspirators within the walls . and though it is generally presum'd , that an officer fit to command the watch , or a town major , will not be a traytor , yet many experiences have evidenc'd the contrary ; and in war especially , we ought not to relie on what an inferior officer will not do , but on what he cannot do . therefore i would never leave that trust to a subordinate officer , but expect and require the governor to discharge it in person ; yet if sickness , or other invincible impediment hindred him from doing it himself , i would then have him appoint the guards to be drawn by lots ; and this as well when an enemy is not near , as when he is . for if only on the vicinity of the enemy you do it , you let the inhabitants and soldiery of the place too evidently see , you suspect your own garison are not all right , which may be of ill consequence ; but if you practise it alwayes , that will pass for discipline , which otherwise will be judged suspition . besides , if this method be the best in case of danger , it will be also the best constantly ; for in time of war , especially in garisons where there are many inhabitants , who can know when danger and treachery is at hand ; and therefore that rule which is best when it is near , is best alwayes . therefore i esteem the way i propose is the most eligible , because it is the safest ; for unless the governor himself be false , ( in which case what can preserve a garison ) or unless the lot drawn , places the conspirators in those very guards and posts where they would choose to be , ( which would prove as rare accidents indeed ) the fortress will be freed from the fatal effects of internal conspirations . a second thing which i object against , is , that usually at the parade , the quarter-masters , and serjeants , receive the word in a ring , from the governor , captain of the watch , or the town major , and so being whisper'd from ear to ear , returns to him who gives it ; whereby if any mistake be in the word , it is rectified before it is distributed ; which as to the modus is good , but as to the time of distributing and giving of the word , is dangerous ; for commonly the word is given at the parade , when the relievers come to relieve those on duty , which usually is in the day-time , and before the ports of the garison are shut , whereby any quarter-master , serjeant , or superior officer , may communicate it to the enemy abroad , or to conspirators within ; which may be of sad consequence . for prevention of which , i would never give the watch-word , till just as the tap-too is gone about : and when it beats , all the quarter-masters and serjeants should from the governor receive the word , and immediately distribute it . it is also too usual in great garisons to have the word given in writing for a week to come , to the officer who is nightly to distribute it ; which i am utterly against : for should he be false , or negligent , or let it accidentally fall out of his pocket ; or should he be overlook'd when he reads it ; or should he have any false servant about him who might by night steal it out of his pocket , copy , and then put it up again , it might more than hazard all ; so that in my poor opinion , the word should only be known and given out every night , just when it ought to be distributed , for that is safe , the other way very hazardous . a third thing which i humbly offer to be mended , is the use in going the grand round , which as it is generally practised , is what i have often lamented , and admire that garisons have not frequently been betray'd thereby . the custom is , that a field officer , if the garison be numerous , or at least a commission'd officer , takes a guard of soldiers with him , and so attended , goes to the grand round at any hour he will , after tap-too ; when he comes to any port , or bie-guard , the centinel of it challenges him , he answers , the grand round ; the centry then calls the chief officer on that guard , who comes out , and draws out his guard ; the officer that goes the grand round , receives the word from the officer of that guard , and sees if the guard be full and vigilant ; but from all rounds , except the grand round , the officer of the guard does not give the word , but receives it . this being the usal form , were it not but too easie a thing for any conspirators in the garison , especially if a commission officer in it , were of the number , to get three or four files of men with him , and go as the grand round , before the true grand round does go , whereby those conspirators will not only learn the word , but also see how strong and vigilant all the guards are of the garison , ( except the main guard ) and if they find any weak , or negligent , especially in the ports , or on the bastions , they may surprize , cut them off , and let in the enemy with whom they are in consort . to prevent which mischief , i did still observe these two rules where i was governor ; when i gave the watch-word , i also named the officer which that night i had ordered to go the grand round , which was carried to all the officers of the garison , whereby if any traytor took upon him to go the grand round , every guard might know he was a counterfeit , and by securing , or killing him , prevent the mischief ; and because in very great garisons it might so happen , that every officer was not known at first to all the officers of it , and also that the officer who i gave out in orders should go the grand round , might by some accident be disabled to do it . i gave a particular word for the grand round , and ordered when ever the grand round went , and was challeng'd by any guard , the officer of that guard , should not give him the word , nor admit him with the soldiers that accompanied him within his guard , until he had first given the guard officer the word of the grand round , which every night was given out with the watch-word ; and the grand round word being first given to the officer of the guard , by the grand round officer , then the guard officer gave him the watch-word , and not before . hereby no body could walk the grand round deceitfully , for without the grand round word , he could not be received as the grand round , nor come within any guard , nor receive the watch-word from any officer of the guard. the three chief ends of the grand round are , first , that some prime officer , might see if the guards and centinels of them be posted , and set out , as appointed . secondly , if they are vigilant in their duty , and the number of the guards full ; for which reason , the officer who goes the grand round , ought to know of how many officers , non-commission'd officers , and private soldiers , every individual guard is to consist ; that if he finds any wanting , he may acquaint the governor with it , that the faulty may be punish'd ; and if any numbers on any guard be wanting of what they ought to be , immediately to supply them from the main guard. thirdly , that no guard knowing when that prime officer will go his grand round , all the guards may be the more vigilant , and full ; for i have known when grand rounds have gone early in the night , or at a set hour , the guards would be watchful , and full , till the grand round had gone , and then officers would go off themselves , and connive at some of the soldiers doing the like ; which evidenc'd they more feared to be punish'd by their governor , than to be surprized by their enemy ; but unless they doing exactly their duty , proceeds from an apprehension of both , it is a great fault ; and if not alwayes severely punish'd , may too probably be the loss of the garison . having thus offered to consideration these three particulars , and propounded the remedy to them , i shall now proceed to those general rules which seem indispensibly requisite to be observed in all well regulated garisons . one standing maxim is , that the several guards which are to do the constant duty , be alwayes so advisedly , and cautiously posted , and distributed ; and the centinels of every guard , so set out round the whole garison , that it shall be impossible , if the guards and centinels do their duty , for an enemy from without , or conspirators within , to attack you without timely notice ; in doing whereof , much will depend upon the discretion of the governor , and his subalterne officers . in calm , and moon-shine nights , i would set out my centinels thinner , and at a greater distance ; but in dark and tempestuous nights , i would set them thicker , and have double centries ; for in wet and windy nights , a centinels musket on his discovery of an enemy , may not go off ; and in that case , if there be but a fingle centry , he will run off , and give the alarm ; whereby if the enemy plants a scaling ladder by reason of the centinels absence , he may uninterruptedly do it : whereas if there be double centinels , and both their muskets should fail of firing , one of them may run off to the guard , call for , and send help , and without noise have in a readiness the guard to fall unexpectedly on the assaulters , while the centinel that stayes , may hinder a scaling ladder to be fix'd on the parropet , or town wall ; for the ladder being long , and the height from the bottom of the graft , to the top of the parropet considerable ; one , at that height , will with his hand turn off a ladder more easily , than as many as can come to handle a ladder at the bottom , can raise it to the top . i knew a very important garison , between france and italy , enter'd by the enemy in a windy , dark , and stormy night , there being but one centinel in a place , whose musket failing , he ran off to cry , arm , arm , whereby the enemy clap'd up their ladder where the centry had stood , and enter'd , before any came to oppose them ; but they were beaten out at last , almost miraculously . when the guards and centries day and night are well posted , and disposed of about the outward circumference of the whole garison ; the next care ought to be , to look well to all within ; and to be the more circumspect if you have the least reason to doubt the inhabitants are false to you ; therefore the governor ought to have patroles constantly moving all night , and guards in all piazza's , or open places where conspirators may imbody , and place centries in every street , and good guards on his magazines , or arsenals , which ought alwayes to be kept in several places , lest by casualty , or treachery , one of them should take fire , the garison might remain unfurnished for necessaries for its defence , and thereby become exposed . nor is it amiss for a governor , if he suspects conspiracy amongst the inhabitants , seemingly to use with harshness one , or more faithful officers , who may thereby , by secretly consorting with ill affected inhabitants , insinuate themselves into their cabals , turn them from dangerous designs , and discover privately and frequently all they do to the governor ; and if he has ground to suspect the fidelity of any of his own companies , 't is requisite that he should have secretly in every troop , and company , two of it at least , who for good rewards , would be covertly his intelligencers ; and for making them the more usefully such , he must allow them to talk at the highest with the discontented at their private meetings , or on their guards . but when he has gained two or more in every company , he ought not to let any one of them know , who are his other intelligencers , for many good reasons ; some of which are , that it augments a diligent spies care , when he believes he only is relied upon for advertisements ; by comparing what they severally inform the governor of , he may the clearlier know if their intelligence be true , whereas if they act in conjunction , they may frame informations to get the greater rewards ; which if but one does , the other will detect it ; when they are in concert they will be often whispering , and thereby either discover what they are , or give the rest of the soldiers jealousie , which will render them the less useful ; these intelligencers the governor must often use in publick , roughlier than any other soldiers , that the rest of their comrades may be the less doubtful of them . the often sending of rounds , and counter-rounds , to visit the guards , and centinels , must never be omitted ; and a vigilant governor ought to go them frequently himself , and all officers are to be strictly required by him , to give constant account to him , from time to time , of whatever they observe in the garison ; that accordingly he may take his measures on such informations . he ought also frequently in person to visit throughly his arcenal and magazine of victuals , both which he must alwayes keep plentifully , and well furnished , and in good order . in the first he must see the arms well fixed , and kept dry , as also the carriages of the ordnance which are not planted , and exposed to the weather , must once in six months be new pitched , or painted with oyl colours , whereby a little charge may still preserve them . every barrel of powder ought once a month at least , to be turn'd topsie turvy in the cask ; for if it be not , all the salt-peeter will work to the bottom , and leave the upper part of the powder in the cask weak and clotty ; the powder also ought to be aired once a year in the sun , and such barrels as need it , ought to be refreshed and reanimated . the match must be kept in great dry fat 's , and on boarded floors , lest it relax , and become useless ; and where any moisture may have gotten to it , it must be baked in ovens to recover it . the magazine of victuals , which as the arsenal for arms ought to be kept in two distinct places to prevent accidents , or treachery ; must carefully and often be visited by the governor in person who is not to relie therein , upon the honesty and care of the best commissaries ; the wheat in them must be laid thin , and often turn'd , else it will heat , and be loathed by the soldiery , who when on most danger and duty , ( as in time of a siege ) ought not to have their staff of life nauseous unto them . bisket , butter , cheese , and oatmeal , if carefully look'd unto , would be better relish'd , and keep longer than most flesh or fish salted , and are commonly in sieges better liked by the soldiery ; for they carry their bread , butter and cheese with them to their guards , those being dress'd to their hands without their labour to cook it , or to get fire to do it ; and make them less thirsty by much , than powdered , or dryed flesh , or fish. the oatmeal also boiled in their quarters , is a great refreshment to them , and very grateful , whether they be sick or well . as a governor ought always to have his magazines plentifully furnished , so he ought to take great care that before any sort of provisions in them decay , to sell them off , and buy fresh ; but still to have as much of the fresh brought in , before the decaying ones are taken out of the store-houses ; for else an enemy who has a design on the garison , may employ a correspondent in it , to buy off the decaying provisions , and promise a supply of fresh ones ; but when he has gotten the old , he may fail of bringing in the new , which may be the loss of the place ; wherefore the governor ought still to make the change by little and little , to prevent that fraud and ruine . he ought also to take constant care that none of his garison be insolent , or so much as disrespectful to the civil magistrates , or inhabitants ; for if those which are employ'd to protect them , become their tyrants , it makes them in sieges , or dangers , apt to conspire to change their masters ; at least it makes them unready to assist , or supply the garison , since the service of fear is alwayes paid with reluctancy , but that of love with chearfulness . and every one that lives at ease in a garison , makes it his delight , as well as it his interest , to contribute what he can to preserve it . the sacred scripture teacheth us , that a city which is divided , cannot stand . a governor need not be at much , or constant trouble , to bring this one essential thing to pass ; for two or three smart examples imposed on the faulty , will deter the rest from committing the like offences ; for the soldiery seldom repeat those crimes , which they know their chief commander does distaste , and will certainly punish . and as on the one side , the military power must be respectful to the civil , so the civil authority ought to be kind to the soldiery ; 't is very rare where the former is constantly practised , that the latter is omitted ; but 't is rare indeed where the garison is churlish , to find the magistrates obliging . the inhabitants of towns are commonly a sort of people , who are gain'd by the good usage of those who have the power to treat them ill ; but are soon lost to those , who being paid to protect them , do notwithstanding abuse them : the harmony between the gown , and the sword , is absolutely necessary ; and may with facility be attain'd , by the good conduct and discretion of the chiefs of both parties . i have had the honour to be the governor of several garisons , and by punishing irremittably the least rudeness of the soldiery , to the inhabitants , i never desired any thing of these , for those , that was denied me . another chief care of a governor , is , often to visit the works , and outworks of a garison , and speedily to repair the least decayes in them ; for delayes therein , are unsafe to the garison , and chargeable to the prince ; since what at first would mend a breach substantially , will in time be of great expence to do it ; since decayes in fortifications , are like interest money , they eat into the purse day and night , till the principle be paid ; and it may be too late to mend fortifications , when an enemy comes to attack them . he ought also to cause the guard-houses and centry-houses to be kept in good repair , and cleanly , alwayes making those who are relieved , to deliver them up such to the relievers . on every guard , i would still have a competent proportion of powder , match , and bullet , under lock , and key , at such a distance from the fire in the guard house , as may not endanger the powder . and the relieved officer , from time to time , should , before he quits the guard , shew the relieving officer that the ammunition that he receiv'd when he mounted the guard , is not prejudic'd or diminished , and then give him up the key of it , that he may practise the like rule towards the officer who is next to succeed him . the lodging in this manner of a barrel of powder , or more , with match , and ball proportionable , in every guard , is very requisite ; for in case of any sudden danger , it will be too late to send for a supply to the arcenals ; and if all the guards send thither at once , it may be unsafe ; whereas leaving a quantity on every guard as is before set down , it is there ready on the place when it is needful , and cannot be spoil'd , or imbezled , but it must be known by whom ; and the officer who commands the guard , if such a miscarriage happens , ought to be answerable for it out of his own pay , with such further punishments for his neglect , or worse , as a court marshal shall think fit to judge , or inflict . the centry-houses i mention , ought to be placed at every point of a bastion ; at the shoulders of every bastion , and equal and competent distances along the curtain , and where there are any cavaliers on the height of them , because of their commanding prospect ; i know many are against centry-houses , alledging , that the centinels in them being dry , and warm , are the apter to sleep , and the unlikelier to hear any noise , three sides of the four of the house , being usually closed . but on the other hand , in wet , stormy , or very sharp nights , unless soldiers have some shelter , they too usually fall sick ; besides , i would never allow a seat in a centry-house , and it is not probable that a man will fall asleep standing upright ; especially , when he knows if he be found asleep by the round , or those who relieve him he is to dye for it nor would i have the three sides of the centry-house shut up , as is usual ; but wooden windows to the three sides , whereby the centry need but to have one , or at most , two of those windows shut , so as he may the easier hear any noise ; nor ought he to keep in it , but on exceeding sharp , or wet weather ; for as a governor is to exact all necessary duties from his soldiers , so he should not require needless ones ; especially such as will endanger their healths , and consequently their lives . a governor ought of course , weekly at least , to hold court marshals in his garison ; whereby the soldiers are more deter'd from committing offences , knowing how soon and certainly they must be punish'd if they do . i would allow every company of the garison annually one barrel of powder , with match and ball proportionable ; and every troop one barrel of pistol powder , and the like of ball , for their guards exercising and solemnities ; and they should have no more , unless commanded on service : for if they are not stinted in such allowance , they will be still craving , and prodigal . the often exercising of the soldiers of a garison in the fields , under the works , or in piazza's , ( if large enough ) is very requisite ; and when they are drawn on duty , out of the works , those in the works must be doubly diligent : nor is it amiss on the guards at night , and in the day , for the officers on those guards , to exercise those soldiers there , and teach them more readily to handle their arms , especially if any among them be new men . however such exercising on guards , keeps them waking , and is instructive , and also deters conspirators from hoping to surprize those , who are both alwayes awake and improving their time the better to serve their prince . it is one great part of the duty of a vigilant governor in case any fire happen in his garison , or any great tumult arise among the people , immediately to shut up all the ports of the garison , to draw all the soldiers of it into arms , and with expedition to distribute them to the most advantageous places , as piazza's , market-places , the meeting of several streets , &c. and on no terms to let any of the garison soldiers quit their colours , and lay down their arms to quench the fire , without express orders for it ; since if those rules be not punctually observed , an enemy who has a design upon the place , may set some houses on fire , or raise tumults , to engage the garison to suppress both ; and while they are confusedly doing it , he may with the more facility cut them off : but when the ports are shut , and well man'd , the guards on duty , all the garison in arms , and most advantageously distributed , and none to stir from their stations without express order from the governor , or the chief officers of them ; his hopes to prevail by such attempts will be so small , as he will hardly make any , or if he do , probably be disappointed . it is the duty of a governor also to have an hospital in his government with competent officers , attendants , and other conveniences for the sick and wounded , as a physitian , an apothecary , a chyrurgion , with his mates , a cook , and under-cook , women , attendants , and laundresses ; for cleanliness does almost as much contribute to health , as the skill and medicaments of the artists . there ought also to be a conscientious careful overseer of the whole hospital , who must be very watchful that all employ'd in it , discharge sufficiently their duties of their respective functions ; and who is to give the governor constant notice of their several behaviours , that the diligent may be encouraged , and the remiss punish'd and remov'd , with new and fit ones chosen in their places . for besides the just charity of such care , who can expect the soldiery shall frankly hazard themselves , if due provision be not made for the wounded and sick , so that it is as much the interest , as the duty of a governor , to provide such an hospital for his garison ; he must also take care in time of plague , or infectious diseases , that the soldiers have separate places , and accommodations and assistances requisite . a town major in a large garison is very useful and necessary , for he is in effect the second eyes of the governor ; he must see the ports shut and open every night and mornning , bringing the keyes to the governor every night , and receive them from him every morning , and not leave them on the main guard , as is the too usual custom . before the opening of the gates , he is to send thorow the wicket some trusty soldiers , with an officer , to visit all places near the ports where an enemy may be conceal'd ; and after being fully satisfied there is none , then to open the gates , and not before , since many garisons have been surprized for want of this necessary precaution . the town major is also both day and night to visit the guards and centinels ; to be prying into all companies and places from whence danger may probably arise , and to inform the governor diligently of all that passes . he is likewise to mind the well quartering of the soldiers when their quarters are distributed by the civil magistrates ; to see the guards be duly furnish'd with fire and candle ; and when any of the soldiers are sick or wounded , to have them carried to the hospital or pesthouse , for which end he must daily visit those places , and report to the governor what he finds amiss ; for the officers of those houses will be the more careful , being under such strict and frequent inspection . he is likewise to cause the guard houses and centry-houses to be kept clean , and in good repair ; and where any breaches or decayes are in the fortifications , or outworks , to give the governor timely notice , and to have them speedily and effectually repair'd . he is also to see the gibbets , and wooden horse , for the punishment of the soldiers , erected and kept fit for the execution , when any by a court marshal are adjudged , and have a guard on the place during the time of execution . he must take most particular care where the graft of the fortification is a mote , every great frost to have the ice well broken each night , the neglect whereof has lost many important garisons . one other indispensible duty of his , is , to give the governor constant and true notice of all strangers which come to the garison by land , or water ; what their qualities are , what their number is , and their inns or private houses where they lodge from time to time . for which end , both the governor and chief magistrate must under a strict penalty , require every housekeeper every night , immediately after the ports are lock'd , to send constantly to the town major , a particular account of every stranger who lodges in the garison , in whose houses respectively they do it , with their christian and sirnames , how long they intend to continue in the garison , what arms they travel with ; and if any number of persons arrive of whom a grounded suspition may be entertained , then the town major is to appoint some persons whom he may fully trust , to insinuate themselves into their company if they can ; at least to observe diligently their deportment , and who comes to them , and to whom they send ; that by examining their carriage , and those they converse with , the governor being duly informed by the town major , may act accordingly for the safety of the place . in the best regulated garisons where any arrive who are not throughly known to be friends , if they travel with fire-arms , they are made to leave them at the gate they enter at , receiving a ticket for them from the officer there , who is to re-deliver them , when the strangers go out of the garison ; or when they are well known , bring them to the owners at the inns where they lie . a careful governor ought not , unless upon very urgent occasions indeed , and having first secured himself against all probabilities of a surprize , to open his gates after they are once shut , till the usual hour of opening them ; but if any packets come from the prince , the general , or any superior officers , or of important intelligence , he is to receive them by cords , to which the packet may be tyed , and for which end , a post is to be planted ot the outside of the graft , to which a cord is to be fastned , that reaches to the gate , by which cord , a line being also at the end of the said post , the packet may be drawn into the garison . over every port of the garison , there ought constantly to be a centinel , and near him two bells , the one much bigger than the other ; on the larger bell , he is from time to time to strike one stroke for every horseman he shall see coming to that gate , and on the lesser bell one stroke for every man on foot he sees coming to that gate , whereby the guard of that port being advertised constantly of the numbers of men on horseback , or on foot which are coming , may be the more in readiness according to the numbers that are arriving ; and may shut the gates , if they be so numerous as to give suspition . in great and considerable garisons which are ordered as they ought to be , i have seen on the bridge which goes over the graft , three draw-bridges , most have two , that when a wagon or cart comes , and hath passed the first draw-bridge , those who have the guard of that bridge , draw it up , and stop the cart or wagon , till they have throughly searched whether there be any men , arms , or ammunition in it , and while that is doing , the draw-bridge next the gate is drawn up ; but if only merchandize be found in them , then they let them pass . two rules are still to be observ'd in this particular . the first is , that when several carts come loaded to a gate , the guard admits but one at a time to pass upon the bridge , or through the gate , all the rest being to be stop'd on the outside of the graft , till the first be searched , and have passed over the bridge and through the gate into the street ; then the rest are to pass , one by one , in like manner . the second is , that whoever commands the guard in the gate of a garison , must on no pretence whatever admit a cart , or wayn , or passengers , to stop upon a draw-bridge , or in the port , or under the percullis of it ; for want of this care , amiens was surpriz'd by porto-carrero , who had so well adjusted his design , that under the place where the percullis was to fall , he stop'd his loaded cart , and by an artifice let the horses go on which till then had drawn it ; whereby when the percullis was let fall , the loaded cart kept it supported on it self , by which means his soldiers got in , having before sent some of them cloath'd like peasants , who , as if it had been by accident , drop'd in the guard-place a bag of nuts and apples , which while the soldiers of it were scrambling for , porto carrero's disguis'd men kill'd them at their pleasure , and being suddenly and briskly seconded by his horse and foot , which lay ready for that end , amiens was surpriz'd , and cost king henry the fourth of france , justly sirnamed the great , much time , treasure and blood , to recover it again . the like care also must be taken in the thorough examining and searching all ships and vessels which come within the walls of garisons ; for want of that care , breda was surpriz'd in our memories . i think it very advisable on the flanks of every bastion , to have the cannon of it , which is next the curtain , still loaden with chain-shot , and so pointed , as when it is fired , the chain-shot may cut off all the ladders , which on an intended surprised by scallado , may be fastned with iron crooks to the top of the parropet of the curtain . the city of geneva was once preserved by this caution , for it will be too late , to point cannon justly in the night , when the enemies ladders are once placed ; therefore i would have it done before there be need , and that will be useful when there is . wherever ordnance are planted in a garison , there must still be a centinel upon every piece , whose duty is to let none , except the officers of the garison , and the ordnance , to come so near it , as to touch it ; for want of this care , cannons have been often spiked and clogged , and garisons thereby have been surprized ; nay , i have known , by the pouring in of a certain corroding liquor , either at the touch-hole , or at the muzle of the cannon , if her britch be sunk ; a cannon so eaten into , that when she came to be fired , she split , and kill'd some of those whom she should have defended against the enemy . i learnt how to make this corroding liquor from an expert artist , but esteem it unfit to make the receipt of it publick . i have seen in some garisons , plates of iron fastned with padlocks , both to cover the muzles and touch-holes of cannons , which possibly were to preserve their ordnance from the effects of that devouring water . those who have the charge of the ordnance of a garison , ought often with their worm , to draw out the loading of a cannon , both to put in new if the powder in the cartruce be wet , or if the shot or bags of bullets be stolen out ; for if any intend you foul play , though they steal out the loading of the ordnance , yet they will fill the bottom of the cilinder of it , with something that shall be to the height of the loading ; and therefore the trial by the rammer only , may be fallacious ; but by drawing out the charge , you cannot be deceived ; i knew a garison surprized by such an art of the enemy , and such a negligence of our own . in great garisons i have seen guards kept constantly from the opening to the shutting of the gates , at the further end of the bridge over the graft , which is much the safest way , if the garison be numerous enough to admit of it ; for this out-guard examined all comers and goers , before they came to that bridge , whereby much of the danger of a surprisal was avoided . the having double vaulted arsenals , especially for preserving the powder against accidental or design'd fires , or the execution by the shells of mortar-pieces , are very requisite ; and if possibly , to have mills for making gun-powder within the garison ; since nothing better does keep an enemy far off , than freely shooting against him ; and the best furnish'd arsenals will be too soon exhausted , if all be spent constantly upon the main stock , and that be not recruited from within . these being some of the most essential things for the well-ordering of garisons , i shall defer the enumerating of the rest , till i come to that chapter which treats of sieges . the marching of an army . in the marching of an army , there are many important particulars worthy to be throughly known , and diligently observed : whether i marched in a friends , or enemies countrey ; whether i believed the enemy near , or far off , i would still observe the like order , and have the same care ; for a general may be mistaken in his intelligence , or intelligencers ; nay , may think those are friends , which want but an advantageous opportunity to declare themselves foes ; and therefore all imaginable caution ought to be observed in all times and places , because war is a profession of so ticklish a nature , that 't is rare for any chief commander to be capable of erring twice in any essentials , and therefore he ought to be the more vigilant not to do it once . but were there nothing else as a motive to it , but the keeping up exactly the military discipline , yet for that reason singly , i would constantly do it . these following particulars i would therefore recommend to consideration and practice , having my self constantly , since i knew any thing of the profession , punctually observed them , and found the good of doing it . all the regiments should in course take their turns , to be in the van , rear , and other parts of the body of the army ; for where there is equality of duty , there must be also universal satisfaction therein ; the generals regiment the first day are still to have the van of all , so daily every regiment to have its turn according to its priority , being a general officers ; or antiquity , being a colonels . the regiments of horse and foot that are at night to have the guard of the camp , or quarter , is still allowed to have the van. first , since they are to have the duty at night , they ought to have the place of greatest ease in the dayes march , which doubtless the van is . secondly , being to watch at night , they ought to be the earliest on the ground where the army is to camp , o●… quarter , the better to view it , and for the placing of their centinels , and guards ; and for the chief officer to order where his patrouils and parties which scowre the countrey , may most usefully move for the safety of the whole . thirdly , such of the van as are not employed in those functions , having first of all ( which must be still indispensibly done ) set out their out-centinels in those places from whence they may clearliest and farthest discover their several guards , ( for these are the eyes as it were of the camp ) are to draw up into squadrons and battalions ready to fight , if need require it , till the whole army be encamped or quartered ; and upon no consideration whatever , to exempt the regiments of the van , horse and foot , from that duty ; since the hopefullest time for an enemy to fall into a camp , especially not entrenched , ( as ours alas seldom , or rather indeed never are ) is just as the camp is beginning to settle ; for men then are commonly weary , or busied in pitching their tents , or making their hutts if they have not tents , or in getting fuel , dressing their meat , providing of forage , looking after their baggage , and a hundred other little , but necessary employments to the oeconomy of soldiers ; and therefore this nick of time being busily employed by all who have not the guard , those who have it , must be in their turns the more vigilant for all the rest . fourthly , those who have the van , ought to be the earliest on the ground to camp or quarter in , because if there be any woods , mountains , or other covert places , at any reasonable distance from the ground to camp in , they ought to have those places thoroughly searched ere it be dark , for then it may be too late to do it ; i have known sad defeats given to forces for want of these essential circumspections . i will not trouble the reader with many other reasons for it , since it is a thing made evident enough by what has been already said , if it be not so of it self . if it be possible , i would every morning before the army marches , draw it up in battalia ; if that will take up too much time , or the ground permits it not , i would draw up as much of the army as i could into gross bodies , or rather than fail into many lesser , as the place and time would allow me , the more to accustom the soldiers to march in body , and also to be the more ready to resist an enemy should he attempt me ; for the best opportunity of doing it next to that of an armies lodging , is to do it as it dislodges . out of the van regiments of horse and foot , i would still draw out a forlorn hope of horse and foot , who under careful officers should march a good distance before the van , and should carefully search , and discover all covert places , fit to conceal an enemy , whether right forward , or on either flank , and send speedy notice of what they discover to the general , and other general officers , that they may give timely orders thereon . it is in my own poor opinion very fit a new word should be given to all the commissioned , and non-commissioned officers , and a field mark to the private soldiers , every morning just as the army is ready to march ; for if there be no need of both , it does no harm ; if there be , it does much good , especially if an army , or any part of it , be suddenly attacked during its march ; for on such sudden occasions , it may be too late to do either ; and then the field word being given to all the commissioned and non-commissioned officers , it may by them , in an insant , if there be occasion , be communicated to the private soldiers . i know it is usual , that the regiments of horse and foot which are to have the guard at night , have the van of the horse , and of the foot , during the dayes march . but i offer it to consideration , whether that practice may not with reason be altered ; i have sometimes done it , and found good effects by it . for i have made the horse and foot which were to have the guard the succeeding night , lead the van of the army all the dayes march , and not as is the usual custom , given those horse which were to have the guard at night , the van of the horse ; and those foot which were to have the guard with them , the van of the foot ; but made both the horse and foot which were to have the guard , march in one body in the van of all the rest of the army ; for i could not see any one inconvenience by it , but i found it had many advantages , especially if the army were numerous , or the countrey through which we marched was inclosed , or full of passes ; since if the army were great , and the wayes narrow , or full of bad steps , it would usually take up two miles distance from the van of the horse , to the van of the foot , whereby if the regiment or regiments of foot which were to have the guard at night , marched but in the van of the foot , they would be long ere they came to the ground where they were that night to do the duty ; and consequently , might probably fail of those advantages , which by early coming they would have had . in the next place , if the countrey have narrow wayes , or many passes , all the horse which march in the van of the army , if assaulted by the enemies foot , might be too much exposed , while the foot are coming up from the van of the foot , to relieve them ; whereas if the regiments of horse and foot which are to have the guard , march together in the van of all , the foot are as it were at hand , to shelter the horse of the van. lastly , there may be some bridge , cause-wayes , or passes to be secured , for the better marching of the army , which possibly the enemy when he finds which way you move , may attempt to seize upon ; and though your horse should get thither before them , yet if you have not foot or dragoons to justifie it , the enemy will quickly beat you from it , especially if he has ordnance . probably also your march may lie thorow woods , or copses , or moorish grounds , where the van of the horse may suffer much , unless the foot be with them ; and because the horse are useless in woods , copses , and deep moorish grounds , if your enemy understands his work , he will in such places fall on your horse with his foot , and do it with safety to his men , and certainty of success , unless you have foot ready to hold his foot play , till the rest of the army comes up . when ever i marched with horse and foot thorough woods , copses , or deep moorish grounds , i still sent out wings of shot to the right and left hand , above a musket shot from the road , in which i marched my horse , the better to shelter them . these are some of the many advantages which follow from having the horse and foot which are to be on the guard at night , to march all the day in a body in the van of all ; but as to the inconveniences of doing it , i leave it to those to set them down , who have found , or shall find them out , for i am therein to seek . the having of many good guides , and to distribute them well , and on their informations diligently compared , to resolve on the way to march , are very requisite things , especially if you march to attack an enemy in the night ; i say , many good guides , and well distributed ; for want of both which , i have known some great designs not only fail , but those who were to attempt them , run great hazard , and suffer the loss of many men : for if you have but one guide , or two guides at most , that are taken up in the countrey , they may be corrupted , or give you the slip , unless you be very careful ; and if they be the first , or do the last , not only you lose your design , but may also lose your selves ; therefore i would always if i could , never have less than three guides , one with the forlorn , one in the van of the army , and one with the general , who may have many things to ask him , and to be informed of by him , during the march , which it might well be impossible for him to have inquired into , till he saw the countrey through which he marches ; but if you have but two guides , or but one , and that you are not on certain grounds secure of his , or their honesty , you must be more careful to keep him safe , lest if he or they should escape , the prejudice and danger be great . i earnestly recommended the ordering the daily marches of any army , in such manner , as alwayes to come early to the place you will camp , or quarter in ; but in a most especial manner indeed , if the enemy be near you , or that you march in a countrey that belongs to the enemy , or is better inclined to him than to you , or is at best , a doubtful countrey ; for so many mischiefs and inconveniences have hapned , and may happen thereby , that nothing but down-right and meer necessity , should ever make me do otherwise . i shall enumerate a few , that by the pattern one may judge of the piece . your horse generally are by late coming to quarters , unprovided of forage , and one dayes march with the succeeding nights fasting and duty , does cast them down , more than six dayes ease , and good feeding , will raise them again . if they ramble out of the camp to seek it , 't is ten to one , it being in the dark , they fail of it ; and if any enemy be near , twenty to one he fails not to cut them off . your men generally will want firing , both for the dressing of their meat , and for the guards ; the hindmost and straglers having no guides , usually lose their way ; and if the countrey be false , or the enemy near , themselves also . the confusion will be great in every regiments finding , and taking down his baggage in the night ; but if you have not tents , and must hutt , or lie open , 't is more than odds , you do the latter . the danger of overthrowing the cannon or wagons in the dark , which may also happen in such places , as it may stop the whole march of that part of the army which is hindermost , as i have known it sometimes do , and thereby expose both the van and the rear to be cut off , by being divided , and in the dark . lastly , not any longer to attempt to make that evident , which is in it self but too plain ; if , when you are incamped , or quartered , and are in the night assaulted by your enemy on all parts , though having well viewed the ground , and disposed of your men in case of a real attack , it be difficult and uneasie enough to make a fitting defence ; judge what it must be , when to the brisk attack on all sides from an enemy without , is added , the confusion and disorder within the camp. and if your enemy understands his business , he will never fail of making his attempt that night in which you come late , and consequently tired and disordered , into your camp , especially when it has no line about it . to prevent therefore this fatal mischief of coming late to quarter , i would practise three things indispensibly . the first is , to be moving very early . the second is , to send the carpenters of the train , and most of the pioneers with the van , to mend bridges that need it ; to support and prop such , as without those helps shall be judged insufficient to bear the wagons , ammuninition , and cannon . and when there are any bad steps for the horse , or train , to mend them against the army comes up . and when the wayes are narrow , to leave those wayes , if it be possible , only for the cannon and baggage , and to make several large gaps to the right and left hand of the highwayes , for the troops to march in the fields . thirdly , whenever the ground allows it , to march in battalia ; and if all the army cannot , yet at least that the horse and foot march in as large squadrons and battalions as the countrey will admit ; which will not only hasten your march by shortning the length of your army , but also habituate your soldiers to march orderly in bodies , against there is need . yet if all these precautions do not accelerate your intended dayes march , as that you apparently see you cannot come early enough to your intended place to camp or quarter in , ( for many such accidents may happen ) then i would much rather camp short of the station i intended , in the first convenient ground i found , for fire , water , and fo●…age , ( which three must still be minded ) than expose my men to all the fatal mischiefs and inconveniences of a late incamping , or quartering . if i am to camp or quarter at night in an enemies countrey , or a doubtful one , or that an enemy be near , i would strictly observe these two following particulars . first , that none should know the ground i intend to camp , or quarter in at night , but the chief officers . secondly , that if my guide or guides be not of my army , or men thorowly known to me , and trusted by me ; i would let him or them , speak with none , after i concluded they might guess at the way i intended to march ; and consequently near what place i intended to camp , or quarter in , and to have them in safe custody all the march . i would allow no soldiers , during the march , to straggle , much less to stay behind , unless on meer necessity , and by his officers leave ; and this i would firmly observe , whether i marched through a friend , or enemies countrey , not only to keep up that excellent part of military discipline , but also to preserve my men from receiving or doing the country any harm ; since soldiers but too generally are apt to do amiss , when they have the power to do it , especially if not under the eye of their officers . and i have known countries which being ill us'd by the soldiers of their own party , but well by those of the enemy , have therefore been friends to their foes , and enemies to their friends , who in effect made themselves their enemies , for the people of the countrey judge chiefly by their senses . as the van has a forlorn of horse and foot , so the rear should have a rear-guard of horse and foot , to be composed out of such as were the precedent night on duty , and i would still send out small parties of horse on the wings to discover : by this method the van , rear , and flanks , cannot be attacked , without having timely notice to put themselves into order to resist an enemy . as to the baggage , i know 't is too usually practised for the convenience of the regiments , to have the baggage of every regiment , march in the rear of the regiment , which i think very unfit , especially if an army marches in an enclosed countrey , or where there are woods , copses , moorish grounds , rivers , bridges , or passes ; since the baggage so placed , must hinder the regiments from coming up expeditious to oppose the enemy , and second such as may be assaulted in the van , or rear , whereby the ruine of the army may probably ensue . iulius caesar when he marched , especially in an enemies countrey that was enclosed , or cumbersom to move in , by reason of woods , copses , bridges , &c. made all his legions march in a body , and in the rear of them disposed of his baggage , leaving only for their guard some new raised men. this did well , where he was sure the enemy could only attempt him in the van , but not knowing where he will make his impression ; yet being certain he is likeliest to make it , where he will find least resistance , and where he may do most mischief , in my opinion 't is best to have the baggage , as also the cannon , and ammunition , march in the centre of the foot , where they are likeliest to be safe from all attempts ; and if the attack be in the van , or rear , or both , half the army will be free from the incumbrances of the carriages , and will be ready to make head where the need requires . the romans were so exact in the order of their marches , as that every morning at the first sounding of the trumpet , every one took down his tent , and began to make up his baggage ; at the second sounding , every one loaded his baggage ; and at the third sounding , the legions moved out of their quarters , and put themselves in the form and order they were that day to march in : but none were to take down their tents , till the consul and military tribunes had first took down theirs ; whether for the greater respect , or because their tents and baggage being larger than the rest , they should be the first at work , and thereby have their baggage as ready to march at the third sound of the trumpet , as the private soldiers : for commanders who give rules to all the rest , ought to be the most exact themselves in observing them ; since if they break their own orders , they encourage others to lose their reverence to them ; and example operates more than precepts ; for most men see better than they understand ; as when among clergymen , vicious livers , are good preachers , many think they themselves do not believe what they seem to inculcate , since they practise contrary to what they teach . therefore it seems to me exceeding requisite , that whatever rules are made in an army by a general , he , and his servants , ought most punctually to observe them ; for else with what justice can he punish in another for the breach of the same orders which he himself does violate ? but when the soldiery finds the general keeps strictly the rules he gives , they do the more inviolably observe them also ; for they conclude , since he will not therein indulge to himself , he will not do it to others . and they implicitely believe such orders are good and necessary , because he that gave , is so punctual an observer of them . in imitation of the roman discipline when the army or forces were to march , i observed these following rules , where i had the honour to command in chief . soon after the reveill was beaten , i caused all the troopers and wagoners , or men that tended the baggage , to take up their horses and oxen , and to make ready to load . at the sounding to saddle , all began to take down their tents , and to load . at the sounding to horse , all the troopers did mount , and the foot soldiers draw into arms under their colours . when the trumpets sounded to the standard , all the soldiery marched out of the ground they quartered , or camped on , into the field or fields appointed to draw up in , and there were formed into as many and large squadrons and battalions as the time and ground would admit , still those forces of horse and foot having the right which were to have the van all day , and the guard at night , all the ordnance , wagons and baggage being drawn up on one side by themselves , ready to fall into the centre of the foot , as the army or forces marched off . those which had had the guard the preceding night being drawn up in battalia , till the army fell into their marching order , and till the ground was cleared ; and then they brought up the rear all that day , and commanded out a rear-guard of horse and foot during that dayes march , who were still to bring up all sick or lame soldiers who could not keep pace with the body . and where any was unable to go , to carry him behind a trooper till he came to the camp , and then to deliver him to his captain ; also to seize upon and secure all straglers , and to give them to the provost marshal , that they might be punish'd . if i march'd through a countrey which had narrow cause-wayes , bridges , rivers or passes , i made those forces which were on those cause-wayes , bridges , and passes , double the quickness of their march , till they were gotten out , or over them ; and then immediately draw up on the right or left hand , as the ground would permit , till all the rest were got over , in case i suspected the enemy was near , or watched my motion . if i did not apprehend an enemy , then i made only every regiment of horse and foot draw up when they had passed over those straights , till the intire regiment were got over , and then to continue their march ; the like i practised over any fordable rivers . but still when the stream was rapid , or above knee-deep , i made the strongest horse , by turns , in files stand firm in the river on the upper and lower sides of the ford , that the foot might pass the safelier between them , the upper files breaking much the rapidness of the stream ; and the lower catching up those foot soldiers who might be cast down by the violence of the current , by which means many foot soldiers lives have been saved . i did also order the horse in the van of all , when they had gotten over the ford , to send out small parties to discover , while the rest of the army were marching over the fords , or bridges ; and if the countrey were enclosed , or hilly , to be the more diligent and expeditious in such searchings and discovery : for an enemy cannot wish for a greater advantage , than to fall upon an army which is separated by a ford , bridge , or such narrow passage , since then they are his at a cheap price , therefore great and constant circumspection must be observed in all such cases , and all the forces , as fast as they get over , must be in a posture to fight , in formed squadrons and battalions , while the rest are getting over . it ought also to be the constant care in a chief commander , especially marching through an enemies countrey , or when an enemy is near , often to make short halts , that the army may not march disorderly , and that it may be as short in its long march as possible ; for 't is better to make short and sure dayes marches , than long ones and hazardous . 't is impossible to give one certain and standing rule , for the most advantageous and safe way of marching an army ; for the form must vary according to the country you march in , and the enemy you have to do with . if i suspect he means to assault me during my march in my front , rear or flanks , i must fortifie those several parts accordingly . if he be an enemy not strong enough to give me battel , and will only by his horse and dragoons possess the passes and bridges , and fords , to obstruct and retard my march , i would then have some ordnance , with their necessaries , march with the foot which are in the van of all , the better and sooner to drive him from his defences ; and i would march my army in two or three several bodies divers wayes , which the french call columes , but we , and i think more properly , lines ; yet still no farther distant the one from the other , than to be ready speedily to unite , if the need require ; and at evening , all to camp in one field , or quarter it conveniently , whereby the whole would move the more expeditiously , safely , and at ease ; and the enemy would be the less encouraged to defend a bridge , ford , or narrow pass , against one of the three lines ; since while he is doing that , one , or both the others , may encompass him , and cut off his retreat . there are several other cases which must be provided against , as the emergencies happen , by the care , knowledge , and foresight of the commander in chief ; for which no positive rules can be set down , but the orders must be given on the place , and proportionably to the ground , the enemy , and the occasion . in an enemies or doubtful countrey especially , i would still have a general officer , with the quartermaster general attended upon by the quartermasters of the respective regiments of foot , and troops of horse , and train to be on the ground to camp on at night , some convenient space of time before the van of the army comes up , both to view the ground thorowly , to take all the advantages of it , and to appoint the several places for the guards , for the general officers , the regiments , and train to incamp in ; that against the army comes up , every one may know where to pitch his tent : for which end , the several quartermasters should near the first avenue of the camp , attend , and be ready to shew their men respectively as they come up , where the ground is , and how much is allowed them to lodge in ; that all may go readily , and without confusion , to their several stations ; and that there may be no dispute , those should be staked or marked out , else too often quarrels or animosities do arise on those occasions . and if an enemy be near , i would have the several regiments draw up within the camp , or near it , till the rear be ready to enter into it , to be the fitter to resist if assaulted , or to relieve the rear if fallen upon ; and only admit some of every regiment to employ themselves in pitching the tents of the rest , and the other requisite actions , whereby all may be in a forwardness to lodge , when safely they may do it . the roman discipline in this particular was thus : when their army approached near the place where they were to encamp , the tribunes and centurions appointed for that work , advanced before all the rest , diligently to view and consider the scituation of the place ; and having chosen the ground , in the first place the consuls or generals quarter of the camp was marked with a white flag or streamer , and the boundaries of it were at the same time set out . then the several quarters of the tribunes were also appointed , and then those of the several legions , all with distinct flags or streamers of several colours , only the tribunes were red . then every legion as well of the allies , as of the romans , had their portion of ground assigned and mark'd out for drawing the line about the camp , which was forthwith done , many hands making light work ; and all were expert in it , by constant practice : for they never alter'd the measures , nor the form of their camps , being never allow'd to camp in the fields , but in camps intrench'd , though it were but for one nights quarter , so safe and excellent was their military discipline , which , in my humble opinion , the closer we keep our selves unto , in most things , the greater advantage and security we shall thereby enjoy . i shall close up this section , by only adding to it , that an army but of 10000 foot , though they march 10 in a rank ; and of 1000 horse , though they march 5 in a rank , having as slender baggage as men can march with , and having but a train of 10 cannon , with an equipage to them for shooting but a hundred shot round , takes up in their long march , near 28000 foot in length , which is five measured miles , and three fifths of a mile ; so that so small an army taking up in length near half a dayes march , you thereby see how exceeding necessary it is for an army that is to march , to be moving early , and to march as often as they can in battalia , or in great formed squadrons and battalions , and in three lines , or two , if possible , to shorten the length of your army , and to draw up often as soon , as they are got over causewayes , fords , bridges , rivers , &c. lest if attaqued during their march , the enemy cut them off by parts , the distance from van to rear being so great , though your army be so small . lastly , if you make long marches , especially in enclosed countries , or full of passes , judge how probable 't is , if you have a knowing active enemy , that you may be defeated , unless you be very vigilant , and have constantly small parties abroad to discover at a good distance , and to give timely notice , that accordingly you may be ready to oppose him ; and therefore to march in several lines by several wayes , yet still , as i said before , near enough to join , or relieve one another , seems very requisite ; as also where there is but one way over narrow passes , if possible , by your train carpenters , and pioneers , to make more . i mention nothing how to defend your selves , if attacked , in a pass , or narrow , or moorish wayes , though much , and many things may be said on that subject ; because i take it to be the duty of a good commander , to avoid by his foresight and care , the possibility of being engaged in so great a difficulty ; for if it be run into , 't is hard , if possible , well to extricate ones self out of it ; and were all that which has been experimented in those fatal cases , set down , yet still the remedy will chiefly depend on the quality of the place , and of the enemy you have to deal with , and on that essential part of a chief commander , which is called , presence of mind , which must actuate him according to the ground , the enemy possesses , or he himself is so unhappily engaged in . only this in general is undoubtedly true , in such an affair , that quickness and courage in designing and acting , are essential ; but still the best way is not to fall into such traps , which are easilier avoided , than got out of , when you are in . of camping an army within a line or intrenchment . there are three sorts of camps , the temporary camp , which is for a night , or some short space . the standing camp , whereby countries are kept in subjection , which have been conquer'd , or in which armies are lodged for some time , either to avoid being necessitated to fight , till they saw a fitting time , or for some other great design . and the besieging camp , of which latter i intend to discourse in that chapter which concerns sieges , it seeming to be best reserved till then . and now only to speak of such a camp with a line or intrenchment about it , as is of extent and capacity sufficient to lodge an army within it , both for the accommodation of your own soldiers , and resisting the enemy , if he assaults you . the camping of an army within a line or intrenchment , is attended with so many solid advantages , and the neglect of it accompanied with so many dangers and inconveniences , that by as much as the roman discipline , which constantly obliged their armies to lodge tho' but for one night in intrenched camps , is to be praised ; by so much the neglect of it ought to be avoided : i shall enumerate some of the most material benefits , which are inseparable from the doing it ; in which , by the rule of contraries , the mischiefs of omitting it , may be the clearlier and more convincingly inferr'd . first , such an intrenchment of an army keeps it safe , and frees it from those dangers which it is alwayes exposed unto , by quartering in open towns and villages , where if your enemy be awake , he will every night endanger the carrying or beating up of some quarter of it , which by its being lodged in a body , and within a line , it is exempted from , since to assault an army so retrenched , is so daring an act , and so dangerous , that we hear of few who undertake it , and of much fewer who are successful in it . secondly , it eases the army from keeping many and great guards , since a few serves the turn for all , when all are at hand , in case of the enemies attempt ; whereas if they are quartered , dispersed in villages , and without a line , every quarter must do almost as great , and as hard duty for its own security , as if the army were well encamped would suffice for the whole . but above all , it eases and secures the cavalry , which if quartered in open places , must be mounted the most part of every night . thirdly , your army is better than within a strong town ; for there you are mingled with inhabitants , ( some of which are too likely to be spies for your enemy ) but usually are corrupters of that excellent discipline of which sobriety is a chief ingredient ; both which great evils are not only avoided in camps , but from them also you may go secretly , and with what numbers of soldiers you please , on all great designs , and leave your train , baggage , and sickmen , &c. secure , during your absence . fourthly , in an intrenched camp , none can compel you to fight but when you please , and woe be to that army which by an enemy is made to fight against its will. lastly , ( to omit many other material advantages ) an intrenched camp , by reason of the open air , the healthiness of its scituation , which alwayes must be minded , and the cleanness which may , and ought to be kept in it , is exceedingly less subject to infection and sickness , than villages are , insomuch that some great captains have concluded , an army will be likelier preserved , and kept sound and untainted three months in a well seated and regulated camp , than three weeks in the ordinary villages and countrey towns. all which seems to prove , that one of the most necessary and beneficial parts of the military art , is to know how to incamp well , and constantly to practice it nor could i ever hear of any objection against it , which did not relish chiefly of laziness ; for such as disuse it , take for their pretence , the over-harassing of the soldiers , and consequently often casting them thereby into sicknesses ; when , on the contrary , idleness does oftner produce the last , and the former , by practice , will soon be overcome ; for no mens bodies are usually so sound , and continue long so , as the daily labourers . for as to the charge of buying pickaxes , shovels , spades , and wheelbarrows , &c. and the horses , or oxen , carts , or wagons to carry them in , it is insignificant if weighed with the real advantages an army derives from the good employing of them ; and as to the labour , it ought to be without wages , since none do it , but those who find their own safety , and ease of duty by it ; and since we make the soldiers carry their arms for their defence , and their knapsacks for their food , which all do willingly , because 't is rational , and they are accustomed to it ; so it being as reasonable that men should sleep safe , and keep fewer and less guards with security ; if what conduced thereunto were made habitual to them , they would as contentedly undergo it . if one should say that the roman private soldiers were better than ours are , and fitter for war , we should take it as an affront ; and yet 't is evident , that in this laborious , and advantageous part of war , they excell'd us ; we should either not deny it by our words , or contradict it by our actions . at least if we would do no more , i could wish we did but so much , as when ever we camp , though but for a night , we would at the angles of those great inclosures we lodge in , raise little bastions , or flankers of earth , and sod ; and where the sides of such inclosures were longer than a musket would carry point blank , make little ravelins or redoubts to clear them , it would be a great safety to the camp , and would ease the duty of the guards , who would not need to be so many , or so strong ; and if you came to camp in an open place , only but raise little bastions , or small redoubts round the ground you camp on in a musquet shot the one from the other ; and instead of a line , draw carts , wagons , and carriages between the several redoubts , ( leaving avenues ) which is done in a little time , and with much ease ; for those redoubts need not be above parapet-high , and the grafts of them no broader nor deeper than the earth rais'd out of them will suffice to fill between your sod-work , which faces and lines the redoubts ; nor need they be larger within , than will serve to contain 60 men apiece ; but if you incamp for some time , 't will be worth the pains of making a graft , and a line , and enlarging and heightning your flankers . these little labours would be exceeding useful and safe , and would so accustom the soldiers to work for their own safety and ease , that in time of necessity , they would be the fitter and abler to undergo , and answer it . i do not find that the greeks ever tyed themselves to make the line about their camps equal or regular , but drew them according to the benefit and advantages of the ground . the romans seldom or never varied the form and figure of their camp , but alwayes made their rampards higher , and the graft broader , and deeper , according to the apprehension they had of the enemy . i think it is not amiss here to set down the form of a roman camp , for there are many particulars in it worthy the imitation , and some things which our late experience has with much reason alter'd , and amended . the line and rampard , which consisted of four equal sides , was equally distributed to be raised by the two roman legions , and to the two legions of their allies , who without intermission perfected it , which was their first work ; and 't is probable when they camped but for one night in a place , and fear'd not to be attacked , they made the line but low , and the graft but broad and deep enough to fill earth enough between the facing and lining of it ; i observe they did not use sods commonly , if at all , for those works ; but they drove double rows of stakes of a sufficient thickness and length into the earth , leaving so much of the length above ground , as the heighth of their work was to be of ; then wattled them like our hurdles , and raised them by degrees , as they fill'd them with the earth rising out of the graft . this way was expeditious enough if they incamped still in places , where they were certain to find those materials ; and where they wanted them , i suppose they made use of sods to face and line their ram pards with , as the moderns do : but their way of stakingand wattling , having many iron crows , or other like tools to make holes for their stakes , ( if the materials were ready ) was more quick than ours ; for our way requires much time both to pare the sods , and to ram the earth and the tayles of the sods , sufficiently ; and without both , the work is very apt to belly , and then to slide , which also it will very often do , if the earth have not time to settle , and that cannot be allowed when men come to the place of camping but for one night ; whereas when the rampard is faced and lined with strong stakes , and good wattles , the work cannot slide , till either the stakes , or wattles rott , and that they will not do in many months ; neither is there need , to ram the earth , for it being firmly shut up , on both sides , it will settle of it self , without endangering the sliding of the rampard ; and 't is in this manner that we do in sandy and gravelly grounds , secure our lines of circumvallations , which proves it is firmer than sod work can be . between the inside of the rampard , and the outside of the outwardmost tents , there was an open place or street of 200 feet in breadth , which was continued all along the four equal sides of the camp , and this was the place to draw up the soldiers in , who were to defend the line , and for their cavalry to scour it , which in my poor opinion was too narrow to answer both services ; and if it were only to draw up the foot in , they lost the benefit of their horse , which experience has taught us , in such occasions , is of singular use ; for whatever foot scale , or storm a line , must enter it in great confusion and disorder , and can very hardly indeed resist small squadrons of horse , who are ready to receive them , and charge them all along the inside of the line . the four orders of their infantry , the velites , the hastati , the principes , and the triarii , under the names only of the three latter , ( for they divided and mingled the velites among them ) were thus ordered , ten cohorts of the hastati , which at sixscore in a cohort made 1200 men , had 480 velites join'd with them , and made one body of 1680 men. the like number of velites were joined to ten cohorts , of the principes . but in regard the cohorts of the triarii consisted but of sixty men each ; ten cohorts of those made but 600 men , and therefore the velites join'd to them were but 240 , both which made a body but of 840 men. the romans allowed ten foot of ground square , to lodge two foot soldiers with their necessaries , so that 100 foot in breadth , and 1000 in length , was sufficient to lodge 2000 foot soldiers , whereby ten cohorts of the hastati , when the velites were joined to them , ( which made but 1680 men in all ) were lodg'd at large in that compass , and had enough to spare for their baggage . the like quantity of ground served to lodge ten cohorts , of principes when their velites were joined to them . but only half as much ground was allow'd to ten cohorts of the triarii , and to the velites joined to them , because they were half less in number . to the cavalry , they allow'd for every 30 horse 100 feet of ground square , and for 100 turmae 100 foot in breadth , and 1000 foot in length . to the allies they allowed the like proportion of ground to camp in , which they allow'd to the roman legions . but because the consul had alwayes a fifth part of the foot of the legions of the allies , and one third part of their horse for his guard , they lessen'd the allowance of ground where the allies incamped , and added as much elsewhere in the place where the guards were quarter'd . the lodgment of the cavalry , and infantry only , was separated by five streets , every one of 50 foot in breadth , at 1050 in length ; which streets were divided by a cross street in the midst , which they called quintania . at the head of this lodgment of the cavalry and infantry , there was a large street of 100 foot in breadth , which went quite cross the whole camp , beyond which street was the lodgment of the 12 tribunes , opposite to the two roman legions ; but opposite to the two legions of the allies , was the lodgment of their 12 prefects , but the lodgment of the 12 tribunes was in the middle , and those of the 12 prefects of the allies , were on the right and left hand of the tribunes . to every one of these 24 lodgments , was allow'd 50 foot of ground square , which with the intervals between each lodgment , took up the breadth of the whole camp to the street of 200 foot wide , which went round next the inside the line of the camp. beyond the tents of the tribunes and prefects , was another street of about 50 foot broad , and beyond it was the consuls lodgment , which had allow'd for it 200 foot square , and was call'd the pretorian ; which was still in the midst of that line , and had on the right and left hand two great spaces of ground ; the one for the questor , who was the treasurer ; the other for the market , on all sides whereof , but on that side where the tribunes and prefects lodged , were the lodgments of the 400 horse , and the 1630 foot which the consuls drew out of the legions of the allies , and were as it were their guard ; with room for the volunteers , and lodgments for some extraordinary horse and foot which might repair to the camp : all which compos'd a perfect square , and beyond which square , was the 200 foot street , which went along the four sides of the camp. and this was a standing rule among the romans , that their infantry was alwayes lodged the nearest to every side of the line , or intrenchment of the camp , as those which were still to defend it , and shelter the cavalry , which always were placed in the midst of the lodgments . when a consular army consisted of more than four legions , they were lodged still in the same order , but then the figure of the camp was a long square in proportion to the additional forces which were to be contained in it ; and when both the consular armies were united , they took up the ground of two such perfect squares . every side of the camp had but one gate ; that which was next to the consuls lodgment , was called pretorian , extraordinary ; the other three were called principal , quintania , and decumen ; but where they were placed , i find not . nor in what place of the camp was lodged , nor how much ground was allow'd , the two lieutenants of the consul , ( one for each roman legion ) nor for the prefect of the camp , ( who was the chief for administring justice ) nor for their victuals , arms , cloaths , and engines of war , or their carriages . but 't is probable that the gates were in the midst of every side of the line ; that the lieutenants were quarter'd near the consul ; that the questor had the larger scope of ground allow'd him , because under his care , was the money , the victuals , the arms , the cloaths , and the military engines . but this we find , that the tents of the romans , to the time of iulius caesar , were all made of the skins of beasts . there seem to be two considerable defects in the roman camping . the first is , what was observed already , that the distance between the outwardmost streets of hutts , and the rampard , or line , was not broad enough for the horse , and foot , which were to defend and scour it , especially the files of their foot being so exceeding deep . the second is , that their market-place could be but small , being within the intrenchment of the camp , which was also very incommodious , if not dangerous ; and might with much more advantage and safety have been kept without the camp , in some open place near it , and under the command of it , whereby none of the countrey who brought their goods to be sold , needed to enter into the camp to spy , or set it on fire , or to surprize it ; and keeping the market out of the camp , the camp would thereby have been kept the cleaner , and less crouded , and consequently more wholsome . besides , so many soldiers as were quarter'd in the camp , of a consular army , could hardly , if possible , buy in a day , what the market afforded , because the place it was kept in was so small , and the few streets to it , so narrow . sextus iulius frontinius in his 4th book of stratagems , sayes , that till the romans had vanquish'd pyrrhus king of the epirots , they never used a line about their camp , but lay in the open fields ; but having found that princes army intrench'd , they liked it so well , as that ever afterwards they practised it themselves . the modern way of camping , which i have seen , within a line , or intrenchment , is as followeth . by retrenchments , i do not only mean the line cast up about the whole circuit of the camp , but also all sort of works by which the camp is invironed , and shut up , as redoubts , bastions , ravelins , forts , tennailes , hornworks , crownworks , and all other sorts , which flank and defend the outside of the line , and such of them as are closed , the infide of the line , as forts and redoubts do . the ordinary line cast up , to inviron a temporary camp , is about six foot high , and three foot broad at the top , which is in effect but a parapett , or breast-work . 1. the basis or breadth of the bottom from the outside of the out-sod , to the inside of the inward-sod , about seven foot. 2. the sloping , battering , or talud exterior , about two foot and an half . 3. of the inside but one foot. 4. the exterior height of the line five foot. 5. the interior height of it six foot. 6. the breadth of the foot bank , or banquet , three foot. 7. the height of it , one foot and an half . 8. the breadth of the ditch , or graft , eight foot. 9. the battering , or talud exterior and interior of the ditch , four foot. 10. the depth of the graft , five foot. 11. the breadth of the bottom of the graft , four foot. 12. the lisiere , or distance between the first outwardmost sod , and the brink of the graft , two foot. these are the ordinary dimensions of the line and ditch of a camp intrench'd ; but if the necessity require it , the one may be raised higher and of greater thickness , and the other made deeper and broader , accordingly . 't is to be observed as a standing rule , that at the distance of every musket-shot point blank , a flanker must be made , either a redoubt or a ravelin , or bastion , &c. and at every angle where the line turns , a bastion or fort , they being the fittest works to secure the said angle , and to command the lines on both sides . and those flanker works are commonly more high , and thick , and the ditch of them more broad , and deep , than the lines are ; for they are the defence of those lines , since without them , when the enemy came to the ditch , they could not be offended considerably . the raising of this line , and these flankers , is to be equally distributed between the regiments of foot which are not in guard ; for those which are to watch , and fight for all the rest , till they come up ; and the horse regiments are exempted usually from these works , being to provide forage for their horses , and to scout , but they are to make their own hutts themselves , to fetch in forage , and to scour the countrey . the work therefore of intrenching the camp , is to be equally divided among all the foot regiments , every regiment taking according to its number of men , his equal proportion of the whole ; every division of each regiment relieving by turns , the other divisions of it . as if a regiment consist of 1200 effective private soldiers , 600 must be at work for one hour , and the other 600 must at the hours end relieve them ; and so by spells , till the work be done , which must never be given off till it be finished . every 100 soldiers ought to have one commission'd officer , one serjeant , and one corporal , to supervise those 100 soldiers , and see that they lose no time , nor do their work carelesly . some must be employ'd to cut sods ; others to carry them to the work , either in wheel , or handbarrows ; some must be appointed to lay them , others to ram them , and cut , or pare them with a broad spade ; some must break up the earth of the ditch , others with shovels must cast it up within the sod work ; always filling the earth between the sod , as fast as the sod work rises ; and some must cut , and bring frith to mingle with the earth , which is cast up betwixt the exterior and interior facing of sods , which will hinder the earth from sliding . some generals allow half the regiments which are off the guard , to be making the hutts for themselves , and for those which work at the line , that thereby when they have done the line , they may have their hutts ready to rest in ; and that their comrades may provide for them , their straw , and their suppers . this may well be allow'd in two cases : the first , where the army is so numerous , and well provided , that half the soldiers of it may suddenly compleat the line . secondly , where you are certain no enemy can assault you , while your line is a making . but where you are not certain of both these , especially of the latter , all other advantages must yield to that of the general safety . whatever utensils , as spades , shovels , pickaxes , wheel-barrows , handbarrows , &c. are the kings , and only lent to the soldiers to make the works ; the commissary of those stores is to give them by tail , to the commission'd officer , who first supervises the soldiers who are to work , who is to give his receipt for them , as the officer who relieves him in that duty , must do the like to him who is relieved ; and the officer of the last relief of all , is to go with the soldiers who are to carry them , and deliver them up by tail to the commissary , who is thereupon to deliver up the first officers receipt , which the last officer is to send or carry to him that night ; else the kings utensils would be imbezel'd to his damage , and that of the service . as to the hutting and camping of the regiments , when the line is finished , these rules may be observed . all along the four sides of the line , i would still leave the space of 300 foot , for the drawing up the soldiers which are to defend the line , in case it be attacqued , and for small parties of horse to scour it , in case it be entred . a foot company is to be lodged as follows , supposing it to consist of 100 men ; which will also serve for a general rule for the lodgment of one regiment , or 20 regiments , if the army to be camp'd consist of so many . the ground to lodge 100 men in , within an intrench'd camp , is 300 foot in length , and 24 foot in breadth ; out of which 300 foot in length , 40 foot in length , and 24 in breadth , is taken for the lodgment of the captain , between which lodgment , and the first of the soldiers hutts or tents , a void space is left , of 20 foot in length , and the breadth is to be the very same of the whole companies when they have hutted , viz. 24 foot. from this void space of 20 foot , the soldiers begin their street , or line of hutts in manner following : there is left for them 200 foot in length intire , and 24 in breadth ; the 24 in breadth is to be divided into three equal parts ; the middlemost , is to be the lane , in the two outward two thirds ; the two files of hutts are to be made , and the lane of 8 foot is to be left between them ; and no man must dare to enlarge or lessen his hutt above 8 foot from out to out , lest he thereby subvert the whole order of camping ; the length of every hutt is to be at most 7 foot , and 3 are to be in one hutt . i lay incamp'd several years , and all in tents ; the troopers and foot soldiers had trench-tents , not so large as these sort of hutts , yet i allow'd every six foot soldiers but one trench-tent , and every three troopers but one trench-tent , ( because of their saddles and furniture ) and with this allowance , they were satisfied . behind the last hutts of these two files of hutts , there is a void space of 20 foot in length , and the breadth is that of the lane , and the two files of hutts beyond which said void place , the suttlers , and victuallers , have their hutts , which are 10 foot long ; and their hutts for their drink , and for their dressing their meat , is also 10 foot long ; and this void space of 20 foot between the soldiers last hutts , and the hutts of the victuallers and suttlers , is left , because by continual dressing meat for the soldiers , the hutts of the victuallers are apt to take fire , and this vacuity , in case they do take fire , is convenient for people to quench it , before it can take hold of the soldiers hutts ; in none of which , on any pretence , fire is to be allow'd . so the whole 300 foot in length for the lodgment of one company , is thus employed . 40 foot for the captains lodgment . 20 for the street between it , and the foremost hutts of the soldiers . 200 foot for the soldiers hutts . 20 for the void space between their hutts , and the victuallers hutts . 10 foot for the victuallers hutts , and 10 foot for the kitchins and cellars of the victuallers and suttlers . in all 300 foot in length . the doors of the soldiers hutts do all open into the lane , and the right-hand file of the hutts , open just opposite to the left-hand file of the hutts . only the foremost hutt of each file of the hutts have their doors to open towards the 20 foot street between them and the captains lodgment ; of which two hutts , one is for the lieutenant , and the other for the ensign . and the two last hutts of the file of hutts , have their doors to open towards the 20 foot street between them , and the victuallers and suttlers , in which two hutts the two serjeants are lodged and the victuallers and suttlers hutts are open towards the hutts of the soldiers , that the soldiers may come to them in a direct line . this may be the lodgment of an intire company of 100 men , with their officers , and suttlers , and victuallers . but if a foot company consist of 150 soldiers , then the lodgment of that company shall consist of the three files of hutts ; and if it consist of 200 soldiers , then it shall have four files of hutts , and three lanes , and so more or less , as the company is in number . but every hutt , and every i ane , is to continue the same for its dimension ; and only the breadth of the ground for the lodgment of it , is inlarg'd , but never the length of 300 foot alter'd ; else it would unavoidably disorder the lanes or streets of the whole camp , which will be regular , while the length of every lodgment is equal ; so that a company which consists of 150 men , has 16 foot in breadth added to it , 8 foot for the file of hutts , and 8 foot for the lane ; but the breadth of the captains lodgment in the front , and the suttlers and victuallers in the rear , are still to be as broad as the whole breadth of the hutts and lanes , to make the long square of the whole lodgment equal in the lines , and in the sides of it . this is to be also observed , that between every five or six hutts , a space of about three foot is to be left , to hinder the fire , if by any accident it should take in any of their hutts , which commonly are thatch'd ; but the victuallers hutts ought alwayes to be cover'd with sods , or the hydes or skins of the beasts they kill , which are not so liable to take fire . in ancient times they used tents instead of hutts , for then the way of making war was in the field , and armies were daily in motion ; and in such cases , straw , rushes , or flags , to cover , and wood to make stakes and roofs were not alwayes at hand , nor to frame the roofs easie ; but now that for the most part war is made in the besieging of strong places , or in standing camps , both officers and soldiers use to hutt , which is more warm , and more lasting than tents ; however , in the pitching of tents , where they are used , the like order may be observed , as is set down for hutts . i shall now proceed to shew how a foot regiment is to be lodged , in an intrenched camp. if a regiment consist of 20 , 18 , 15 , 12 , 10 , or 6 companies , the regiment is to be divided into two equal parts , and every company of it is to be lodg'd as the company of 100 , or 150 , or 200 are ; ( as is newly before set down ) and if there be an odd company , let it be lodg'd in the files of hutts of the right-hand division ; if the companies be unequal in number , it matters not for the length of 300 foot being constantly observed , the breadth only varies according to the greatness or smallness of the company ; but the long square must still be observed , for the preserving the regularity of the camping throughout the whole army . when the regiment is divided into two parts , there must be constantly allow'd 300 foot in length for the lodgment of the intire regiment , but as to the breadth of the lodgment , it varies according to the quantity of the companies ; alwayes keeping this standing rule , as is before exprest , ( viz. ) that 200 foot in length of the said 300 , is to be kept intire for the hutts of the lieutenant , ensign , serjeants , and private soldiers with their corporals , and every company of 100 men is to have 24 foot in breadth for their two files of hutts , and the lane between them of eight foot wide . the rest of the 300 foot , viz. 100 foot is to be thus divided , 40 foot for the lodgment of the colonel , and each of the captains ( which takes up the whole breadth of the lodgment of the regiment ) 20 foot for the street between their lodgment and the hutts in file , 20 foot for the street between the lower end of the soldiers hutts , and the victuallers , 10 foot for the length of the victuallers hutts , and the other 10 foot for the victuallers kitchins and cellars , which extend the whole breadth of the intire lodgment of the regiment . between the two divisions of the regiment , there is to be left a space of ground of 68 foot in breadth , throughout the whole 200 foot in length , and 16 foot more for two lanes of 8 foot broad , each lane for a passage between the two inwardmost files of hutts , of each of the two divisions of the regiment ; whereby an intire regiment consisting of 10 companies , each company 100 , together with the lodgments of the commissioned officers , staff-officers , non-commission'd officers , suttlers , victuallers , and for their baggage , shall contain 300 foot in length , and 388 foot in breadth ; that is , reckoning the length from the front of the colonels and captains lodgments , to the rear of the victuallers and suttlers hutts , and the breath is the wideness of all the spaces between the said length , else it would be incongruous to say the length was 300 foot , and the breadth 388 foot ; which therefore i thus explain , that the criticks may not except against the expression : for the length in such incampings of a regiment , is to be taken from the depth of the files of the hutts ; and so from the lodgment of one company of 100 men which has 300 foot in length , and but 24 in breadth , the depth of the file of hutts is still called the length of the lodgment , though by the addition of the other nine companies of the regiment , the breadth is more than the length of the lodgment . besides , the length being still a standard for the whole lodgment , that the lanes or streets of it may be kept regular , and the breadth accidental and variant , it having regard to the numbers of the companies ; that space which is from the front of the officers lodgment , to the rear of the victuallers kitchins , is still called the length of the whole lodgment , whatever the breadth may be . this length and breadth then so explain'd of the entire lodgment of a regiment of 1000 men divided into 10 companies , may be distributed as follows : the front of the lodgment of the whole regiment is to be taken up with the lodgment of the colonel , and that of the 10 captains ; the colonel is to be in the middle , and five captains lodgments on the right hand , and five on the left hand , ( reckoning the captain lieutenants for one of the captains ) the lodgment of every captain is to be 40 foot in length , and 24 foot in breadth ; the colonels , in regard of his dignity and greatest baggage , is to have 68 foot in breadth , yet but 40 in length ; thereby to keep the street between the said officers lodgments , and the first of the files of the hutts equally broad ; between every captains lodgment , as also between their lodgments , and the colonels , is to be left a lane of 8 foot wide , which continues during the 40 foot of the length of every of the said lodgments . the colonels lodgment , and every particular lodgment of each captain , is invironed with an intrenchment five foot high , the graff four foot deep , and four foot broad , within which is the captains hutt , the hutt for his stable , and the hutt for his kitchin , and the remaining void places of his lodgment are for his hay , wood , &c. the like for the colonels lodgment according to its dimensions . the front therefore of the colonels , and 10 captains lodgments , with the lane of 8 foot wide between each lodgment , takes up in breadth 388 foot : that is , the colonel in the midst 68 foot , the five captains on each hand of his lodgment , that is , ten times 24 foot , in all 240 foot ; then the five lanes of 8 foot wide each of them , that is , five times 8 foot on the right hand of the colonels lodgment , and five times 8 foot on the left hand of it , in all 80 foot ; so that 68 foot , and ten times 24 foot , and ten times 8 foot , make in all the 388 before mentioned , which is the intire breadth of the lodgments of such a regiment . every captain is to have his lodgment in the front of his company , which with the two files of hutts , and the 8 foot lane between them , makes 24 foot in breadth , which is the breadth of every captains lodgment . the beforementioned space of 68 foot wide , and 200 foot long , which is to be left between the two beforemention'd divisions of the regiment , is to be thus employ'd : ( viz. ) one hundred foot in length thereof is to be divided for the further accommodation of the lieutenant colonel , and the major , who being persons of greater quality , and consequently having more retinue than the captains , and yet being in the front of the regiments lodgment , allow'd no more ground than the captains , are to be supplied with more in proportion to their need out of the said 100 foot in length , and 68 foot in breadth , of the space of ground between the said two divisions of the regiment , and the residue of the said 100 foot in length , and 68 in breadth , is for the chaplain , the marshal , the chyrurgion , and other staff-officers of the regiment ; but the remaining 100 foot in length , and 68 foot in breadth of the said space between the two divisions of the regiment , is to be for the wagons , carts , &c. of the colonel and his officers . the ground 200 foot long on each side of the two divisions of the regiment , is to be employed for the two files of hutts , and the lane 8 foot wide between , which is for every of the 10 companies , each of which is but to have 24 foot in breadth , for their two files of hutts , and the said lane , and but 200 foot deep . the two streets between the soldiers hutts , and the captains lodgment in the front , and the soldiers hutts , and the victuallers hutts in the rear , are each to be 20 foot wide in the clear , and their length is the whole breadth of the lodgment of the regiment , viz. 388 foot . behind the last of these two streets , are the suttlers and victuallers hutts , cellars and kitchins , both which take up 20 foot of the length of the 300 foot , including the two foot space between their hutts , and their kitchins , and cellars . every company is to have the door or opening of every hutt towards the lane , which is common to the said two files of hutts . in the street 20 foot wide , which is between the colonels and captains lodgments , and the front hutts of the soldiers , are usually erected three poles , or long stakes of the figure of a door-case or gallows , against which the pikes of the company are to be set on both sides ; for the hutts of the ensigns and private soldiers which trail pikes , are not long enough to contain them ; these are usually placed 5 or 6 foot within the street over against the opening of the lane between the hutts . there are also four stakes , or small posts , with a rail between every two stakes , which are to lay the soldiers muskets upon ; the square made by those four posts is about 6 foot long , 4 foot broad , and 3 foot high ; but if the weather be wet , the soldiers keep their muskets in their hutts . these squares to lay their muskets on , are on each side of the door-cases where their pikes are placed , and are 5 or 6 foot within the street , but are over against the front hutts , as the pikes are over against the mouth of the 8 foot lane ; the colours whether furl'd , or flying , are pitch'd in an even line , between where the pikes and muskets are rested . the ichnographie of a company , and then of a regiment of 600 men , and so for larger or smaller regiments so lodged , is in the following figure number 1 , and for the clearer understanding thereof the scenographie of it is in the figure number 3. and because troops of horse , and regiments of horse , are often lodged in intrench'd camps , i have thought fit to set down how the officers of a troop of 100 horsemen , and the troopers of it , and of a regiment of those troops , each of 100 horse are to be lodged , which will shew how larger horse regiments are to be incamped . the ichnographie of a reg t of six companys consisting every one 100 men , in their lodgments fig first abon the lodgem t of the intire regem t. of 600 men . a g b c one of y e cap ns . lodgm t s . a d b 〈◊〉 the files of hutts for y e cap ns company w th . the street between them x the 20 foot broad street between the cap tns . lodgem t s and the first files of the hutts of the sold rs y the 20 foot street between the sold rs . hutts and the suttlers b d i k the 20 foot for the victuallers and suttlers hutts and kitchins z the colenells lodgem t s z z the intervall between the 2 divisions of the regim t. in w ch . first 100 foot thereof w ch . fronts towar●… the colon lls . lodgem t is the l t colon ll . addiconall lodgem t w th . the staff officers of the reg t. and the last 100 foot thereof for the carriages and baggage of the regim t. place this foll : go the scenographie of a regiment of foote consistin●… of six companies every one of 100 men . fig : 2 place this foll : go this in the first place is a standing rule , that the cavalry in intrench'd camps is never to be mingled with the infantry , but are to have their lodgments distinct , else many incommodities would too probably happen . therefore for the lodgment of a troop of 100 horse , i would observe this rule . the length of the lodgment of it should be still 300 foot , as that of the foot is ; but the troop should have in breadth 70 foot , whereas the company had but 24 foot , within which space of 300 foot long , and 70 broad , the captain , lieutenant , cornet , quartermaster , the three corporals , the two trumpets , and all the troopers , with their horses , forage , and victuallers , are to rest contented . this quantity of ground is to be divided as follows : in the front of the said long square shall be the lodgment of the captain , which shall take up 40 foot of the length of the 300 foot , and 70 foot in breadth , which is to be the whole breadth of the intire troops lodgment . twenty foot more of the 300 foot in length , shall be allowed for the street between the captains lodgment , and the first hutts and stalls of the troopers , and of their horses , 200 foot more out of the length of the 300 foot , shall be wholly for the troopers hutts , and their horses , stalls , or stables . there are to be ( as in the lodging of the foot ) no more than two files of hutts for the men , and two files of stalls for the horses . the street between the files of hutts for the troopers , is to be 20 foot wide , and 200 foot long . at the end of which 200 foot , is to be left 20 foot more out of the said 300 foot length , for a street from the rear of the hutts , to the victuallers hutts and cellars , which street is to be 70 foot in length , being the breadth of the whole troops lodgments , the remaining 20 foot of the said 300 in length , is to be for the victuallers , and suttlers hutts , kitchins , and cellars , as 't is in the lodgment of a regiment of foot. the 20 foot street 200 foot long , being taken out of the 70 foot wideness of the whole lodgment for the troopers , the 25 foot wideness of each side of the street , is to be disposed as followeth : ten foot of the breadth of the 25 foot on each hand of the troopers street , and 4 foot of the length of it is for every troopers hutt , which lodges 100 troopers in the two files of hutts on both sides the street of 20 foot wide . the lieutenant and cornet of the troop are to lodge in the front of the two files of hutts , which are to lodge the troopers , the quartermasters and the corporals are in the rear of the said two files of hutts , which fronts against the suttlers and victuallers hutts . five foot more of the said 25 in breadth , is to be for a lane on each side the whole length of the 200 foot , between the troopers hutts , and the horses stalls ; and the remaining 10 foot , in breadth of each side , is to be for the horses hutts or stalls , every horse having , as his rider , 4 foot of the said length , and 10 foot of the said breadth ; the troopers accommodation is larger , because of his armour and furniture . the hutts for the horses are to be left open behind , and before , and only shut up on the two sides , but cover'd over head to defend them from the rain , great cold , and great heat . every horses head is to stand towards his riders hutt , that he may the better and the oftener have his eye on his horse . they make little mangers of canvas for their horse to eat their hay , chopped straw , and oats in , which are supported by 4 little stakes at the 4 corners . between every 5 or 6 hutts of the troopers file , they usually leave a space of 4 or 5 foot , for the troopers to pass from their street , to their horses hutts . this may be the manner of lodging a troop in an intrenched camp. and then the like measures and methods may be observed for the lodgment of a regiment of horse consisting of three troops , or more , as has been mentioned for a regiment of ten companies , or more , or less , which for brevity i will not enumerate , but set down in the map figure ( 2 ) the ichnographie of a troop of 100 , and the ichnographie of a 〈◊〉 of three troops in their lodgm t s . euery one consis●…●…f 100 troopers with their horses fig : 3 d. abef the whole contents of the regim t. of horse of 3 troops containing in all 300 men a 〈◊〉 b i the 2 files of hutts and 2 files of stalls for horses for one troop 〈◊〉 th . the street between them x the captains lodgement y the street between the captains lodgem t s . and the files of the troopers hutts and the stalls for their horses z the street between the files of the troopers hutts and the victualers and suttlers hutts and sellars b c t n the suttlers 20 foot for their hutts kitchins and sellars place this foll : 92 the scenographie of a regement of horse 〈◊〉 of three troopes , every one of 100. fig : y e 4 th . place this foll : ●…2 regiment of 300 horse ; and in the map figure ( 4 ) the scenographie of it , for the rendring it more easily intelligible and practicable ; only on the right hand of the regiment , i shew in the scenographie map , how the horses stalls are to be before the horses are in them . to which i shall only add , that whereas the space between the 2 divisions of a regiment of foot , is but 68 foot , i would have it for a regiment of horse of 600 , double as wide , that is , 136 foot ; within which breadth , and 200 foot long , 100 foot towards the front of the lodgment , ( as in the foot regiment ) shall be employed for the better accommodation of the field-officers , and staff-officers of the regiment ; and the other 100 foot long towards the rear , for the carriages , &c. of the regiment : and by making the said space between the said two divisions , 136 foot wide , you will by consequence make the colonels lodgment , which is between the lodgments of the six captains , 136 foot wide , but still but 40 foot long , wherein his own hutt , his kitchin , stable , and other needful accommodations , may be the better placed . the lodgment of a regiment of 300 horse consisting of three troops , takes up in length 300 foot , and in breadth 408 foot of ground , the scenographie of such a regiments camping i only present , because the page could well contain no more . but in a regiment of six troops , every one of 100 , i would leave the interval before mention'd between the two divisions for the reasons before set down , and the like rule may be observ'd proportionately for larger regiments of horse . and lastly , still 't is to be observed , that whereas the present computation is but for a troop , and for a foot company each of 100 men , if they be 150 , or 200 to each , the breadth must be inlarged accordingly , ( but never the length ) and where a troop or company is 150 , there must be two streets , and three files of hutts ; and where it is 200 , three streets , and four files of hutts , and the like for the stalls of horses . the before mentioned methods were usually and a long time observed by those generals who regularly incamped their regiments and armies . but as in all other arts , so in war , alterations are made sometimes , ( i wish i could say alwayes ) to the improving of it effectively . but sometimes the capriciousness of a general , otherwhile the affectation of having the honour to him and his nation of altering old forms , produces those changes which only should be the effect of clear ratiocination on experiments . i will therefore shew what change has been made , in the incamping of regiments within these 60 last years , and then the alledged reasons for the doing of it . the 300 foot in length still remained as a standard in all incampings of a troop , company , regiment of horse , or regiment of foot , for the lodgment the breadth varied according to the numbers which were to be lodged , but the 50 foot wideness for the streets , and distance between gross lodgment and gross lodgment , has been often alter'd , and sometimes all , or many of the streets , enlarged to 100 foot , but seldom , if ever , has exceeded . the old way of lodgment was , as i have set down . the new way is thus : the colonels lodgment is 80 foot in length in the forepart of the interval , between the two divisions of the regiment , the hinder part of that interval being 100 foot in length , is for the wagons , and other carriages of the regiment , 180 foot of the 300 foot in length is all that is allow'd for the hutts of the soldiers , from the rear of which hutts , was 20 foot of a street left , and then in the whole breadth of the lodgment is the lieutenant colonels , majors , and captains lodgment of the regiment , beyond which was 40 foot left for another street , beyond which was the 20 foot for the victuallers , and suttlers hutts , kitchins and cellars ; in the front of the lodgment , as the door-cases , and squares to place the pikes , and muskets of the soldiers , between which , the colours were to be placed , either flying or furl'd ; and nothing else was between the front of the files of the soldiers hutts , but the 300 foot vacuity to the line which inviron'd the whole camp. i know that the usual breadth of that vacuity , properly called the alarum place , is but 206 foot wide , whereof 6 foot for the parapet ; but i should recommend the breadth to be 300 foot ( for the labour is not much more in the whole circumvallation ) the alarum place then would be larger , for all needs both for the horse and the foot , the camp the more airy ; and the more spacious the alarum place is , the unlikelier to be miry ; but where any part is miry , it ought to be well gravel'd or pitch'd with stone as streets are ; in the front hutts , the lieutenant and ensign were lodged ; in the rear hutts , the serjeants and corporals ; the lodgment of the chaplain , the quartermaster , and the chyrurgion of the regiment , were in the interval of the 68 foot between the two divisions of the field officers , and captains lodgments , and are equal in length , and depth to them ; only they had but 68 foot wideness of that interval for their three lodgments , the provost martial of the regiment had his lodgment in the 68 foot interval between the two divisions of the hutts of the suttlers and victuallers , in an equal line with them , as is demonstrated in the figure number 5 , which is the ichnographie of such incamping , with the alphabetical table of reference thereto belonging . the reasons of this change are : i. the soldiers upon any present necessity , could not so expeditiously draw out into the alarum place , because of the narrowness of the passages between the colonels , field officers , and captains lodgments . ii. because not only the colours , pikes and muskets were somewhat cover'd from the sight by the field officers and captains lodgment , which by this method are fully exposed to the view , and make a handsom and formidable shew , but also they are readier to be handled by the soldiers , and they to draw up in a moment to defend the line . iii. to prevent , or immediately to punish the insolence of the soldiers upon the suttlers , and the suttlers imposing ill food , or hard rates on the victuals and drink they set to the soldiers , which it was believed would be more hopefully hinder'd , or more expeditiously redrest , when the field officers and captains lodgments , were between the soldiers hutts and the victuallers , than when only the serjeants and corporals were nearest to do it . iv. the 40 foot wide street between the field officers and captains lodgments , and the hutts of the victuallers , was judged most convenient , because a 20 foot street , the whole wideness of the regiments lodgment , was thought too narrow for the great resort of wagons , carts and carriages which were daily brought to furnish the suttlers and victuallers , and in which street the soldiers usually stood which were to buy their necessaries of them . in the observing this newer way of incamping , these four inconveniencies seem to attend it . 1. the lieutenant colonel and the major have thereby no further accommodation as to their lodgment , than the captains , though their baggage and equipage is usually greater ; unless the number of their companies do make 2 or 3 files of hutts requisite for the soldiers , in which case only the breadth of the field officers lodgments was proportionately inlarged . fig : 〈◊〉 th . a the colon lls lodgem t 68 foot broad & 80 foot long b the s t colon lls lodgem t 40 foot broad & 40 foot long c the majors lodgem t 40 foot broad & 40 foot long d the provost marshalls lodgem t 20 foot long & 24 foot broad e the captains lodgem t s 40 foot long & 24 foot broad f the cherurgeons lodgem t 40 foot long and 24 foot broad g the quarterm & lodgem t 40 foot long and 17 foot broad h the chaplains lodgem t 40 foot long and 17 foot broad i the ●…acuity for the carriage &c 100 foot long & 68 foot wide k the suttlers and pictuallers hutts 20 foot long and wide according to the company they belong to l the street between the offic s lodgem t s and the suttlers and victuallers 40 foot wide m the street between the officers lodgem s and the files of hutts 20 foot wide n the files of hutts for y e souldiers 180 foot long 8 foot wide o the lanes between the 〈◊〉 hutts 8 foot wide from p to q are the places for y e pikes and muskets the square ones whereof are for y e musket place this foll . 96 2. all the field officers , except the colonel , and all the captains , are almost in the very rear of the lodgment , and consequently farthest from the line and alarum place , where they ought to be the very first . 3. there is no breast-work between the line of circumvallation , and the very colours and arms of the regiment , so that should the line by surprize be entred by the enemy , he may the more easily act his ends . 4. twenty foot in the length of the 200 for the private soldiers hutts , is cut off , which may streighten them too much . whereas in the old manner of incamping , there seems to be these advantages . first , the colonel , lieutenant colonel , major , and all the captains , are at the head of the lodgment , and nearest the alarum place , and the line , where they ought in time of need to be the very first ; as well to give the requisite orders to the guards in function , as to act in their own persons ; and also the more to hasten the soldiers to them , which they are the more apt to do , when they know their chief officers are on the place to take notice who is most diligent ; and to dispose of them to the best advantage of the service , as fast as ever they come . secondly , the field officers and captains are nearer the colonel , to receive and obey his orders , in time of sudden need . thirdly , the accommodation for the lieutenant colonel and major is certainly larger , though their companies in number should be but equal to the captains . fourthly , the private soldiers , corporals and ensigns , and lieutenants , have 20 foot more in length for their hutts . fifthly , the regiments lodgment is open in the front of it , which also being next the alarum place , where all men generally walk and pass their time , the colours and arms of the regiment are the more exposed to prejudice , and imbezling . sixthly , the whole lodgment of the regiment is shut up by the old way of incamping , and the lodgment of the colonel , field officers , and captains , being every one inviron'd with a breast-work , it makes , as it were , a retrenchment within the line of circumvallation , and renders it the more defensible , as also it more certainly covers and secures the colours , pikes , and muskets , by their having the colonels , field officers and captains lodgment , between them and the alarum place ; for none can come but within the regiments intrench'd lodgment , to imbezel or prejudice them . as to the narrow passages between the field officers and captains lodgment next the alarum place , it needs be no narrower than the lane between the files of the soldiers hutts , and if they will pass the one , they may as well pass the other , nay , better do it ; for the utmost length of those narrow passages , is but 24 , and the utmost length of the lane is 180 foot . i have thus shew'd the forms of the ancienter and newer way of incamping a regiment , and what advantages and disadvantages seem to attend them , and so leave it to the judgment of those who shall command in chief , to elect which form ( all things consider'd ) they most approve . before i conclude what is to be observed in the incamping of a regiment , i shall set down these two following particulars . 1. when that regiment is to be quartered in one division , which has also often been done , ( especially when incampings are but for a very little time ) the more to shorten the work of intrenching the whole army , the usual manner of the lodgment of the companies of it , is thus : the colonels company is quartered on the right hand , the lieutenant colonels on the left , the majors next the colonels , the eldest captains next to him , and so all the rest of the captains by their seniorities in order , from the right hand . 2. if the regiment be quartered in two divisions , which is the usual practice , then the lieutenant colonels company quarters on the right hand of the second division , and the serjeant majors company on the left hand of the first division ; the eldest captains next the colonels , the second on the left hand of the second division , the third next the eldest , the fourth next the lieutenant colonels , the fifth next the third , the sixth next the fourth in the second division , and so all the rest of the captains according to this order . this is the usual method , but in the ichnographie in the newer way of incamping a regiment , i have placed the lieutenant colonel and his companies lodgment , to close the right flank of the right hand division , and the majors , to close the left flank of the left hand division ; whereby the colonel is in the centre of the lodgment , the lieutenant colonel on the right flank of the regiment , and the major on the left ; which seems to be the best form of distributing the lodgments of the three field officers , and in my poor opinion , will sooner and better answer the service on a sudden ; for by the new form of incamping , all the field officers , and captains of the regiment , being lodged in the rear of the lodgment , are consequently farthest from the alarum place , and line of circumvallation ; and can hasten to it with their soldiers , but through lanes 8 foot broad , where but 3 men at most can pass a-breast ; and therefore i offer to consideration the lodgment of the lieutenant colonels and majors with their companies , to be on the right and left flanks of the regiment ; for all gross lodgments are to be divided the one from the other , by streets at least 50 foot wide ; through which street on either flank of the regiments lodgments , the two field officers of it , may readily march their men up to the alarum place about 18 a-breast , when as by their own and their companies being lodged the usual way ( the lieutenant colonel on the right hand of the second division , and the major on the left hand of the first ) they and their companies have but 8 foot passage to that place of action ; where 't is to be wish'd , they were still the very first , and well follow'd . but since this is not according to the practised form , i only propound it to consideration with some of the reasons which makes me do it . having thus shewed the several wayes of incamping a regiment , i shall now proceed to shew how an army may be incamped within a line or intrenchment , with the several gross lodgments for the general , the general officers , train of artillery , carriages , the regiments of horse and foot , and all other gross lodgments and requisites belonging to an army . only i would first recommend to consideration , that the lodgment for the powder , fireworks , and other combustible things , be at one of the angles next the alarum places ; because two parts of four of that ground , is not near other lodgments , and in which , if fire should take by accident , or design , ( unless the wind blows maliciously ) they may the better avoid the danger of it . i would still have the powder , and fireworks , in the general of the artilleries own lodgment , and in a redoubt apart cover'd with hair-cloth , or sod ; where his own eye , and the immediate care of his own officers may prevent , or remedy much mischief . i would also recommend that the lodgments for the cannon , and wagons of the train , might be next to one of the sides of the alarum place , that the bringing them in , and drawing them out , on any occasion , may be with less incumbrance to the rest of the camp ; which will follow , if the 300 foot wideness of the alarum place , and not the 50 foot streets , be made the passage to their lodgments . when the ground for incamping is pitch'd upon , the usual way to put the doing of it in practice , is , that the quartermaster general , and the officers belonging to him , or who are to receive their orders from him , together with the engineer general , and his assistants , do forthwith meet , and on fine pasteboard draw several parallel lines by a small scale , at 300 foot distance , ( for that is the standing measure of the length of every gross lodgment ) and then besides the said 300 foot parallel lines , to draw other parallel lines of 50 or 100 foot asunder for the streets , between the first line of the gross lodgments , and the second line of them ; and so in sequence till they have lodgment lines , and street lines for all the army to be incamped ; then calculating what breadth every lodgment is to consist of , according to the exact numbers of every regiment , both as to the quantity of the companies and troops ; and as to the true number of every troop and company , to divide the said parallel lines at 300 foot distance , into the due breadth of every regiments lodgment respectively , and so of all other gross lodgments ; and to write in the square for the lodgment , the name of the gross lodgment , or of the regiments , with the number of feet allow'd in breadth to every lodgment , and an alphabetical letter in it , to which reference is to be made . this being done , to cut off of the pasteboard every lodgment , and then to turn them to and fro , until you have adjusted them on a large sheet of paper , into a long square , with the streets between every line of the lodgments , which are to be at least 50 foot wide , the whole breadth of the armies incamping , and then the other streets of the like wideness , where it may be between every gross lodgment , and gross lodgment , the length of the armies incamping , and observing these following rules : first , that the four outsides of the whole incamping which are next to the alarum places , be in even lines ; for else your alarum places would not be 300 or 206 foot wide ( as you like best ) in the clear ; which must regularly be observed , both for the decency , and the usefulness . secondly , that from the proper front of the whole incamping , there be but one line of lodgments between the alarum place , and the generals own lodgment . thirdly , that from the alarum place next the front of the generals own lodgment , even till you come at it , there be a piazza , or space of 400 foot wide , and on each side of his own lodgment a street of 200 foot wide , the whole length of his lodgment , for the more state and honour , and for the officers and others to walk in , who resort unto him for business , or out of respect and duty ; and for his guards to draw up in , in case of danger from the enemy , or tumult within the camp. fourthly , the lodgments for the general officers , and for strangers and volunteers of quality , are usually to be in the same line of the generals own lodgment , and on the right and left hand of it , that they may be the nearer on all sudden occasions to be advised with , and to receive his orders ; but the general of the artilleries lodgment to be at one of the angles of the whole incamping , which is probably farthest from , and the unlikeliest to be attacked by the enemy , for the reasons before exprest . lastly , whereas the unequal numbers of regiments , and the various breadth of other gross lodgments renders it impossible to make the intire camping of the army on the four sides of it , an exact long square , if the breadth of every street between gross lodgment , and gross lodgment , be kept to 50 foot , therefore they may be inlarged or shortned to a breadth sufficient to answer the making of the four outsides of the general incamping in right lines , which last must never be omitted . these are the usual rules , and in this manner are adjusted your several pasteboard gross lodgments , with the piazza , and all their streets , on a sheet of large paper ; to which with some mouth glew , they may be fasten'd , so that you may be certain if it be exactly done in the tent or chamber , it will be exactly done in the field ; due care being taken . but though the way of preparing the camping of an army , on pasteboard , and drawing parallel lines for gross lodgments , and for streets , is the most usual , and generally practised , yet i must own , i have found it so very tedious , and uncertain , that it put me upon finding out another , which whether it be in it self more expeditious , and exact , or whether my being byassed towards a method i lighted upon , and have often practised , made me more approve of it i will not determine , but shall submit it to those whose judgments i more value than my own . and first i shall say that what render'd the pasteboard method tedious , and intricate , was , that since the standard of the parallel lines for streets , was 50 foot in wideness , as well between gross and gross lodgment , as between line and line of lodgments , i found it , after many tryals , unpracticable , and was forced to make many calculations . for 't is impossible where almost every gross lodgment differs in the breadth , if the street between every gross lodgment be 50 foot , that ever you can keep your second , third , fourth , fifth , and sixth line of lodgment ( if your incamping must consist of so many lines ) equal in extent with the first ; which still must be done , else your long square in the whole incamping cannot be kept , nor consequently , the exact breadth of the four alarum places , on the four sides which are round the camp ; which would be both uniform and very incommodious . and if the streets between gross and gross lodgment , be more , or less , than 50 foot wide ( which 't is impossible to avoid ) then your paralled street lines of 50 foot wideness , are useless ; and you must calculate the wideness of the streets between most gross and gross lodgments , and fling away your pasteboard parallel street lines . this is what on tryal will be found true , and it made me for my own ease endeavour to find out a better method ; which to my satisfaction i did , and i shall set it down , as follows . suppose i am to incamp within a line , an army which consists of 17 regiments of foot , every one of them of different numbers , but make in all 25400 men ; and of seven regiments of horse , every one of them of different numbers , but make in all 4900 horse ; and that i have besides 12 other gross lodgments to be within my general incamping viz. the generals , three other general officers , the general of the ordnances , the strangers , the piazza before the generals own lodgment , the sick , the magazine , the market-place , the train , and the wagons and carriages . the ichnographie of which is in the ensuing map figure vi. the first thing i do , is to calculate the breadth of every one of all these 36 gross lodgments , viz. the 24 regiments , and the 12 lodgments , that are not for regiments , but general officers , &c. every one of which lodgments i mark with alphabetical letters , to which i have reference ; and to every regiments lodgment i set down with it the number of troops and companies , how many soldiers every one consists of , and what is the exact breadth of every such lodgment , for the length is still 300 foot . secondly , having sum'd up all their breadths , i allow ( by way of estimate ) 50 foot wideness for every street between every gross and gross lodgment ; and 50 foot wideness for every street between every line of lodgments , or 100 foot wideness for the street , between every line of lodgments ; ( as i would do , if my army be great , and my camp be intended for a long time : ) if my whole incamping be to consist of six lines of lodgments , then there must be five streets the whole breadth of the incamping of 50 or 100 foot wide ; all which wideness of streets , between gross and gross lodgment , and between line and line of lodgments , i add to the breadth of the 36 gross lodgments , which i sum up all together , and divide by six ; which is the number of lines of lodgments i intend to make ; and the quotient shews me the breadth of every line of lodgments . as for example . i find the breadth of all the lodgments for my 17 regiments of foot , and 7 regiments of horse , to take up 12142 foot. i find my 12 other gross lodgments ( reckoning the piazza for one ) takes up in breadth 4850 foot , my five streets between line and line of lodgments , take up at 50 foot to each street , 250 foot ; and my 36 streets between my 36 gross lodgments at 50 foot breadth for each street , takes 1800 foot ; all these sum'd together , makes 19042 foot ; which being divided by six , the quotient is 3173 , which may be the breadth of every of my six lines of lodgments ; but in regard i leave 200 foot street on each side of the generals own lodgment , and a wide street between the next generals officers lodgment on the right and left hand of the generals , and a very wide street on each side of the magazine , where all the army are to attend in course , to take out their provisions , ( as is evident in the said map ) i make still my first line of lodgment less in extent by some feet , than it need to be , because i may thereby make the streets in the other line of lodgments wider between some gross and gross lodgment , which otherwise i could not well do ; for the breadth of the first line of lodgments , gives the rule to the five subsequent lines , which must be exactly of the like extent with it . therefore though i might make every line 3173 foot in extent , yet for the foregoing reasons i make the said first line of less extent . i begin the first of my six lines of lodgments on the proper front of the whole incamping , which usually is that which fronts towards the enemies countrey , or where he is likeliest to attack you ; and i begin that line , first from the midst of it with the piazza , which is still to be 400 foot in breadth , and to be before the generals own lodgment , which i alwayes place in the second line of lodgments ; i then lodge on the right hand of the said piazza , the regiment of foot r. ( which may be the generals regiment of guards ) and contains 16 foot companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 724 foot . then on the left hand of the said piazza , i lodge the regiment of foot p. which contains 14 companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 644 foot . then i leave a street on the right hand of regiment r. of 50 foot wide , and on the left hand of the regiment p. of 50 foot wide , and on the right of the 50 foot street , and on the right of regiment r. i lodge the foot regiment o. which consists of 13 companies , every one of 150 men , and takes up in breadth 604 foot ; and on the left , of the left-hand street of 50 foot , i lodge the regiment of foot q. which contains 15 companies , each of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 684 foot ; so that the piazza of 400 foot in the centre , the regiments r. and o. on the right hand with the street of 50 foot between them , and the regiment p. and q. on the left hand of the piazza , with the 50 foot street between them , make up in breadth for the first line of lodgments 3156 foot , which being 17 foot less in extent , than it might be i six upon ; and neither more or less feet must be in every of the remaining five lines of lodgments . the second line of lodgments , as all others , i begin in the middle of it , for by doing so , and then fixing lodgments on the right and left hand of the said middle lodgment , i know what is left for the two outwardmost lodgments of that line , which else i should not be able exactly to do ; and when i know that , i accordingly proportion the regiments that are the outwardmost of the line and the streets breadth next to them . as for example . i begin the second line of lodgments with the generals own , which is in the midst of it , and is 600 foot in breadth , ( for the length of 300 foot for every lodgment whatever is still the same ) then i allow alwayes 200 foot street on each side of the generals own lodgment , which with the 400 foot piazza before it , makes room for his guards to draw up , and for all comers and goers to walk in , till they are dispatch'd , which is for use as well as state . on the right hand of the generals lodgment , and of the street 200 foot wide , i place the lodgment of the first general officer b. b. which i allow to be 400 foot in breadth , and on the left side of the generals lodgment , and the street 200 foot wide , i place the second general officers lodgment c. c. for which i allow 300 foot in breadth ; then on the right of the lodgment b. b i leave a street 90 foot wide , and on the right of that 90 foot street , i place another general officers lodgment marked d. d. of 300 foot in breadth ; and on the left of the lodgment c. c i leave a street 90 foot wide , and on the left of that street , i place the lodgment e. e. of 300 foot wideness , for strangers , and volunteers of quality ; the two streets 90 foot wide apiece between b b. and d. d. and c. c. and e. e. being between three general officers lodgments , and that of the strangers of quality is for honour to them , and for the larger space for the attendance of those who belong unto them , or come for business , or respect , to wait on them . i then find the generals own lodgment 600 foot , the two streets of 200 foot in breadth on each side of it 400 foot , the four other lodgments for three general officers , and the strangers , with the 90 foot street between the two first general officers lodgments , amount in all in extent to 2480 foot , so that i have but 676 foot for the lodgment of two foot regiments ( which must be alwayes at the ends of every line of lodgments , ) and for the streets between lodgment d. d. on the right hand , and e. e. on the left hand , i therefore place the foot regiment a. consisting of eight companies , every one of 100 men , which takes up in breadth 276 foot on the right of the lodgment d. d. and the foot regiment b. consisting of nine companies , every one of 100 soldiers , which takes up in breadth 300 foot on the left hand of the lodgment e. e. and i find i have 100 foot left besides ; which i divide into two streets , each of 50 foot wide , and all those seven lodgments , with the six streets between them , make up in all in wideness , 3156 foot , which is the just breadth of the front line of lodgments , and shuts up my second line of lodgments , at both ends whereof i have a foot regiment lodged , which always on ht to be in every line of lodgments , except in that of the general of the ordnance , and where the wagons are placed ; for the two ends of every line of lodgments being next the alarum place , must still have foot lodged there , to be at hand to defend the line and fortifications which shuts up , and flanks the whole incamping . i begin my third line as the first and second from the midst , or centre of it ; first i lodge there the regiment of horse z. which consists of 10 troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 808 foot ; on the right of regiment z. i leave a street of 50 foot wide , and on the right of that street i place the regiment of horse y. which consists of nine troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 738 foot ; then on the left hand of regiment z , i leave also a street of 50 foot wide , and on the left of that street i lodge the regiment of horse x. which consists of eight troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 668 foot . i then find that the three regiments of horse z. y. x. with the street 50 foot wide between the regiment z. and regiment y. and between regiment z. and regiment x. with the street 50 foot wide between them , takes up in breadth 2314 foot ; whereby i have left to complete that third line of lodgments but 842 foot , within which i must lodge two foot regiments , with their streets between regiment y. on the right , and regiment x. on the left , i do therefore on the right hand end of the third line of lodgments , place the foot regiment d. consisting of 11 companies , every one of 100 foot soldiers , and takes up in breadth 348 foot ; and on the left hand end of the line , the foot regiment e. consisting of 12 companies , every one of 100 soldiers , which takes up in breadth 372 foot ; and i find 122 foot left , which i divide into two streets , each of 61 foot wideness , and all these five lodgments with the four streets between , are 3156 foot wide , which is the due extent of the third line . i then proceed to the fourth line of lodgments , and begin at , or near the midst or centre of it , when i cannot exactly do it there , with the lodgment l. l. which is the place for the market , and contains 400 foot in wideness , i then leave a street 50 foot wide on the right of l. l. and place the regiment of horse w. which consists of seven troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 598 foot ; then i leave a street of 50 foot wide on the left of l. l. and place on the left of that street , the regiment of horse v. which consists of six troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 528 foot . then i place in the right of the regiment of horse w. the regiment of foot n. which consists of 12 companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 564 foot , with a street of 46 foot wide between the regiment of foot n. and the regiment of horse w. which shuts up the right end of the fourth line of lodgments , and then on the left of the horse regiment v. i leave a street of 50 foot wide , and place the lodgment g. g. which is 300 foot wide , for the sick ; when this is done , i find i have left to close the left end of the said fourth line of lodgment , but 570 foot , i therefore lodge at the left end of that fourth line the foot regiment m. which consists of 11 companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 524 foot , and so rests 46 foot for the wideness of the street between lodgment g. g. and foot regiment m. all which six lodgments with the five streets between them , takes up in breadth 3156 foot , which is exactly the due breadth of the fourth line of lodgments . i then proceed to the 5th line of lodgments , and begin about the middle , where i cannot exactly do it at the middle with the lodgment k. k. which is the magazine for the victuals , and contains in breadth 500 foot , on the right i leave a street 136 foot wide , and on the right of that street , i place the regiment of horse s. which consists of four troops , every one of which is 100 soldiers , the breadth whereof is 388 foot ; and on the left of the lodgment k. k. i leave a street of 136 foot wide , and on the left of that street i place the horse regiment t. consisting of five troops , every one of 100 soldiers , and contains in breadth 458 foot ; so that all my cavalry i place in the midst of the general incamping , that the infantry may be still lodged nearest the alarum places , and works ; then on the right of the regiment i leave a street of 50 foot wide , and on the right of that street i place the foot regiment i ; which consists of eight companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes in breadth 404 foot ; all which four lodgments with the three streets between them , i find takes up in breadth 2072 foot , whereby i have left to my fifth line of lodgments but 1084 foot , and therefore proportion the two remaining gross lodgments , with the streets between them , accordingly . to complete that line of lodgments , i leave therefore on the right of the regiment i. a 50 foot street , and at the right of it i place the lodgment i. i. which is for the wagons and carriages , which takes up 500 foot in breadth , and shuts up the right end of my 5th line of lodgments , where i choose to place the carriages , because 't is next the alarum place , that those bulky carriages may never come within the 50 foot streets , lest it might incommodate all the lodgments in them . then on the left of the regiment t. i leave a street of 50 foot wide , and on the left of it i lodge the regiment of foot l , which consists of 10 companies , every one of 150 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 484 foot , which shuts up the left end of my 5th line of lodgments , all which six gross lodgments placed in it , with the five streets between , takes up in breadth 3156 foot , which is the exact breadth of that line . i then proceed to my sixth , and last line of lodgments , in which i must place the seven remaining gross lodgments , of my 36 lodgments , and i begin in the midst of it , by placing the foot regiment h. which consists of 15 companies , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 444 foot ; on the right of the regiment h. i leave a street 50 foot wide , and on the right of that street i lodge the foot regiment k. consisting of nine companies , every one of 150 soldiers , which takes up in breadth 444 foot , and on the left of regiment h. i leave a street of 50 foot wide , and on the left of that street i lodge the regiment of foot g. which consists of 14 companies , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes in breadth 420 foot ; then on the right of the regiment k. i leave a street of 49 foot wide , and on the right thereof i place the lodgment h. h. which is for the artillery , and contains in breadth 400 foot ; then in the left of the regiment g. i leave a street 49 foot wide , and on the left of it i place the foot regiment f. which consists of 13 companies , every one of 100 soldiers , which takes in breadth 396 foot ; all which five lodgments , with the four streets between them , take up 2302 foot in breadth ; so that there remains but 854 foot , to complete the 6th line of lodgments , and i have two gross lodgments to place in it with the streets , between them one of those gross lodgments , is the general of the ordnances f. f. which takes in breadth 450 foot ; with which i close the left end of my 6th line , for the reasons formerly mention'd ; and the other gross lodgment is the foot regiment c. which consists of 10 companies , every one of 100 soldiers , and takes up in breadth 324 foot ; so that i have but 80 foot left for the two streets between lodgment h. h. and f. f. and lodgment f. and c. which therefore i divide equally into two forty foot wide streets ; all which seven lodgments , with the six streets between them , take up in breadth 3156 foot , which is the exact breadth that my 6th and last line of lodgments ought to consist of ; so that your intire camping of an army which has 36 such gross lodgments , and contains 25400 foot , 4900 horse , with all the lodgments for the general , general officers train , wagons , piazza , for strangers , for the sick , for the magazine , and for the market-place , takes up in breadth 3156 foot , and in depth 2050 foot. as i place a lodgment in any line of lodgments , i strike it out of the list of lodgments , that thereby i may see what is placed , and what is to be placed ; else it would bring things into disorder . when i have resolved what the extent of the first line of lodgments shall be ( which must be alwayes less wide , than it might be ( for the reasons beforementioned ) then i see how many gross lodgments may be in every line of lodgments , and how much in all is left for the streets between gross and gross lodgment , and proportion the breadth of my streets accordingly ; but i never have any such street less than 40 foot wide . all this i draw up first without a scale , but set down the breadth of every lodgment in the lodgment , and the breadth of every street between lodgment and lodgment ; and when i have thus roughly done all my lines of lodgments and their streets , and find every line of lodgments punctually answer the breadth of the first line of lodgments , then i do it exactly by a scale , which is finish'd in an hour , and then cutting them out in pasteboard , or paper-royal , i write in the square of every lodgment , what lodgments are in every line of lodgments , what wideness of streets is between every lodgment in every line , and what lodgment or vacuity on the right , and left hand , is next to every lodgment , in every line of lodgments ; and then by mouth-glew , or pasting , i fix them in a sheet of paper , which makes the map or figure of the whole incamping ; and may forthwith be unpasted , or unglew'd by the quartermaster general , and distributed accordingly ; or which is much better , he may keep the said map , and give to every lodgment in paper the quantity of feet in breadth that it is to have , in what line of lodgments it is to be in , and in what part of it ; who , or what is on the right , and left hand of it , and the wideness of the street on each hand of it , whereby when every lodgment is thus particularly set down , there can hardly be any error in the laying it out , unless by gross negligence , or wilfulness ; either of which must never 'scape unpunish'd in those who are guilty of it . this is one of the wayes i usually practise . another way is thus , which i think is briefer , and as certain i cast up the whole breadth of all the lodgments and streets as before , and divide it by six , because i resolve to have six lines of lodgments ; then i resolve my first line of lodgments shall be of less extent than it may be , for the reasons before set down . then i find i may place the piazza of 400 foot wide , and the four largest regiments of foot r. o. p. q. in the front line , which four regiments with the piazza i find take up in extent but 3056 foot , and then i have but 100 foot left , which i divide into two streets of 50 foot each , between regiment r. and o. on the right of the piazza ; and between p. and q. on the left hand of it , and all those five lodgments , with the two streets , take up in extent 3156 foot ; which being 17 foot less than i might make the first line of lodgments to consist of , i fix on it and write it down . in the second line of lodgment , where i always place the generals lodgment in the centre , ( that the piazza on the first line , may be before it ) and the other three general officers , and the strangers , and unregimented voluntiers of quality , and two regiments of foot , one to close each end of that line , i find those seven lodgments take up in breadth 2476 foot , viz. lodgment a. a. 600 foot , lodgment b. b. 400 foot , lodgment c. c. 300 foot , lodgment d. d. 300 foot , lodgment e. e. 300 foot , lodgment of the foot regiment a. 276 foot , lodgment of the foot regiment b. 300 foot ; and then i have left to complete my second line of lodgments but 680 foot , which are for the six streets , between the said seven lodgments ; i therefore give thereof 200 foot street on each side of the generals lodgment , and 50 foot street between the four other lodgments , all which making but 600 foot , i add to the streets between the two lodgments of the next chief general officers on the right hand of the generals street of 200 foot , 40 foot , and on the left hand of the general officers and the strangers lodgments , next the 200 foot street of the generals own lodgment , 40 foot more , which makes those two streets 90 foot wide each , and compleats the extent of my second line of lodgments 3156 foot. i find the three regiments of horse z. y. x in the third line of lodgments , and the foot regiment d. to close it at the right end , and the foot regiment e. to close it at the left end , take up , in breadth , 2934 foot , viz. regiment of horse z. 808 foot ; regiment of horse y. 738 foot ; regiment of horse x. 668 foot ; regiment of foot d. 348 foot ; regiment of foot e. 372 foot ; so that there remains but 222 foot for the four streets between the said five lodgments , which at 50 foot to a street is but 200 foot ; therefore i add the 22 foot remaining to the street between the regiment of horse y. and the regiment of foot d. and between the regiment of horse x. and the regiment of foot e. which two streets being 61 foot wide each of them , makes my third line of lodgment also exactly 3156 foot in extent . i find in my 4th line of lodgments i must place six gross lodgments , and therefore choose those to consist of the lodgments for the regiments of horse v. and w. and between them near the midst of the line , the market-place l. l. for the equal coming to it from all parts , ( alwayes observing where the number of lodgments , in a line are even , to begin as near the midst of it as i can ; since i cannot in such case begin at the very midst , which i may still do where the number of lodgments are odd : ) the second lodgment on the left from the market-place , is g. g. for the sick ; i then close my 4th line at the right end , with the foot regiment n. and at the left end with the foot regiment m. all which lodgments take up in breadth 2914 foot , viz. regiment of foot m. 524 foot ; lodgment for the sick g. g. 300 foot ; lodgment for the regiment of horse v. 528 foot ; market-place 400 foot ; lodgment for the regiment of horse w. 598 foot , and lodgment for the regiment of foot n. 564 foot ; so that i have left for the five streets between the said six lodgments , but 242 foot , which i divide thus ; 50 foot to every of the three innermost streets , and but 46 foot to the two outwardmost streets : all which makes up the exact number of 3156 foot , which is the due extent of the 4th line of lodgments . i find then that i have 13 gross lodgments to be placed in my remaining 5th and 6th lines of lodgments , to compleat the 36 gross lodgments in the whole . i therefore place in the 5th line these six gross lodgments , near the midst of it the magazine of victuals k. k. on the right of the magazine , the regiment of horse s. on the left of it , the regiment of horse t ; on the right of the horse regiment s. the foot regiment i. and then on the right of that regiment , to close my line on the right hand of the lodgment i. i. for the wagons , carts , &c. ( for the reason beforementioned ) then on the left hand of the horse regiment t. i close the line on that hand , with the foot regiment l. all which six gross lodgments take up in breadth 2734 foot , viz. regiment of foot l. 484 foot ; regiment of horse t. 458 , k. k. place for the magazine of victuals , 500 foot , regiment of horse s. 388 foot , regiment of foot i. 404 foot , place for the wagons , carts , &c. 500 foot ; so that there remains 422 foot to be divided into five streets , between the said six gross lodgments ; i therefore allow 50 foot to each of the two streets on the right of the magazine for victuals , and 50 foot for the one street on the left hand of the said magazine between the regiment of horse t. and the regiment of foot l. which closes the left end of the line , and i allow 136 foot for each of the streets on the right and left of the said magazine k. k. because of the constant resort of the carriages to it , and of the crowd of the soldiery which come to receive provisions for man and horse-meat ; as also that if fire should happen , the more hands may come to quench it : all which six lodgments , and the five streets between them , make up in all 3156 foot in breadth , which is the due extent of my 5th line of lodgments . in my sixth and last line i must place seven gross lodgments , viz. in the midst of it the regiment of foot h. the three other lodgments on the right of regiment h. i place the foot regiment k. next to it the lodgment h. h. for the artillery , and next to it the lodgment f. f. for the general of the artillery , the powder , and the fireworks , with which i close the right end of that line ( for the reasons before set down ) and then on the left of the foot regiment h. i place the other three gross lodgments , that of the foot regiment g. next on the left of regiment h. next on the left of regiment g. the foot regiment f. and next on the left of it the foot regiment c. with which i close the line on the left end : all which seven gross lodgments take up in all 2878 foot , viz. regiment of foot c. 324. regiment of foot f. 396 foot , regiment of foot g. 420 foot. regiment of foot h. 444. regiment of foot k. 444. lodgment for the artillery h. h. 400 foot , lodgment for the general of the ordnance , powder , and fireworks f. f. 450 foot ; so that there remains but 278 foot for the six treets , between the said seven gross lodgments , which i thus divide ; 50 foot to each street on the right and left of regiment of foot h. 49 foot for each street , between regiment k. and lodgment h. h. and between regiment g. and regiment f. and 40 foot for each street between lodgment h h. and regiment f. f. and between foot regiment f. and foot regiment c. all which makes 3156 foot , which is the due extent of my sixth and last line of lodgments , and exactly compleats the long square of the intire lodgment of the 36 gross lodgments . either of these two ways before set down may be practised , but i still find the latter more expeditious , and therefore make oftnest use of it . though the figure number vi. does consist of six lines of lodgments , yet according to the nature , advantage , or disadvantages of the ground your standing camp is to be in ; you may make your camp consist of more or fewer lines , as you find it most advantageous . as for example . if i am limited to a certain ground for my standing camp , by reason that it is to command some beneficial pass , or that it is to bridle a considerable city , or town , where your enemy has his arcenals , magazines , or bridges , over some navigable river ; and that by so placing my standing camp before his army is rendezvouz'd in or near that city or town , i may make it of little use to him as to his invading the countrey i am to defend ; for if i am posted so near it , as that he cannot imbattle his army but under the reach of my artillery , or march his squadrons and battalions over his bridges , but so as i may attack as many of them as i think fit , and which are come over , while the rest are on the other side , or marching to those which are got over ; i say , if in these two cases , or in other the like cases , i am limited to a set proportion of ground to incamp in , i will make the length and depth of my lines of lodgments accordingly : as for instance , if by making my standing camp to consist but of four lines of lodgments , i thereby get some eminences of ground within my camp , which if i made it consist of five or six lines , i should be necessitated to leave out , and consequently must secure such heighths , by making forts on the top of them , and lines about the foot of them , which will be a prejudice to me if done ; and by the enemies possessing them , a disadvantage to me if not done , i would make the number of my lodgment lines but four ; and on the other side , if the ground for my standing camp be such , that if i should make but four or five lines of lodgments , i should thereby inclose within my camp , or border upon it , some moorish lands , i would make it consist of 6 or 7 lines of lodgments , to avoid that mischief . these two instances will evidence no standing rule can be given of how many lines of lodgments the setled incamping shall consist ; for that must still depend upon the judgment of the general , and nature of the ground ; wherefore the romans manner of making their standing camps alwayes an exact square , and the usual modern way of making it a long square , may neither of them be alwayes the best . after the ground for the standing camp is resolved on , and that in pasteboard or double paper , the lodgments are agreed upon with how many lines of lodgments deep the whole shall consist of , it is the duty of the quartermaster general , and of the engineer general , to wait on the general with it , who approving of it , the quartermaster general with his assistants , and the quartermasters of every foot regiment , and of every troop of horse , with those appointed to take care of the lodgments , for the general officers , the train , the strangers , the sick , and the market-place ( if you will have it within the intrenchment ) are to receive from him respectively , their number of foot in breadth , ( for the length never alters ) which every one of their lodgments is to consist of , and also in what line of lodgments , and who is , or what is next on their right , or left hand , to be lodged or left void , with the breadth of the street on each side of the lodgment , when it varies from the usual wideness of 50 foot , and then the four angles of the whole camp , and afterwards of every lodgment are to be staked out , with the streets , which are to run the whole breadth of the camp , as also between gross lodgment and gross lodgment ; after which , every gross lodgment is to be gone upon , by those appointed to work on the hutts , and the breast-work , which is to inviron every gross lodgment , yet so as no hands must be diverted , of the foot regiments from intrenching the whole army , for that of all things , must be the very first gone about , and finished ; then the engineer general leaving the 300 or 206 foot wideness for the alarum place , round the whole incamping , is to shew the general in paper , his project for fortifying the camp , with the several sorts of works which are to defend it , and flank the line ; alwayes having the largest bastions , or forts , on the four angles of the whole intrenchment , and the most capacious works on the rising'st grounds , to plant the most ordnance on , the better to command the fields without the camp , and with graffs and rampards , the deeper and the broader , to those larger works ; all things being seen by the general , and agreed unto by him , the engineer general with his assistants , is immediately to put them in practice . and first he is to stake out the alarum place , which is to be the 300 or 206 foot in wideness , between the circumvallation line , and the lodgments of the whole camp ; then to stake out the four lines of the whole circumvallation of it , erecting long poles with streamers on them , at the four right angles of them ; then to turn up one sod all along the said lines , for the better direction of those , who are to raise the parapet , the whole length of it ; leaving the gaps which are to be at the entrance or gorge of every work or bastion , which is to flank and defend it . next to stake out and mark the fortifications , which are to secure the camp , with their graffs , and the distance between the undermost inward sods of the parapet , and rampards , and the outwardmost nearest the graff ; then he is to sum up how many feet invirons the whole line , which shuts up the camp , together with the several works which are to defend it round ; afterwards he is to cast up how much in proportion to the just number of the whole infantry of the army , every regiment is to do of all those works and lines , and to appoint every one of them the part they are to perform , which he is afterwards to stake out to their officers , that every regiment may know its proper task , and where it begins and ends , and then they are without delay to fall to their work , and never cease till it be finished . this apportionating to every regiment of foot , its equal share of the whole work , is done by the rule of three , and when thereby the exact share of regiment a. is found , the like must be done as to every other regiment , till all of them be gone thorow . in what is already exprest , i take it for granted , that the works to flank the line as well as the line it self , are only in effect parapets , and that may serve for a short time of incamping , or when you are certain the enemies army cannot attack yours ; but if it be for a standing camp , and in which you will secure your self against his attempts ; then all your works which flank your line , ought to be fill'd with earth , to the heighth you judge needful , and from that heighth to erect your parapets , which may be cannon-proof , with portholes , or with great cannon gabions well fill'd with earth , or skite gates thorow the flanks and faces of the said works ; and in such cases , the usual method is to have your pioneers or hired soldiers , or both , to do those extraordinary labours ; and this must be resolved upon at your first incamping ; since it will be too late to go upon it afterwards , because when your bastions and other works , to defend the line , are only thin parapets , made 6 foot high , both the casting the earth over those parapets , to fill the vacuities will be of hard labour , and also the sod work too weak to keep in the burden of new earth , which by the great weight of it may belly and slide , and all works which have rampards , ought to have the earth fill'd , but as the sod-work rises , both that the casting in of the earth may be the easilier done , and that it may have the more time to settle as the work rises . besides if your intire line , and the work which scours it , is only to be six foot high , and but six foot thick at the bottom , and three at the top , the sod-work which faces and lines it , is usually but one sod thick , which is sufficient to keep in the earth between , giving it so much battering ; but if you come to fill the vacuities of your flanking works with earth , then you ought to lay double , sometimes treble rows of sods , and those well ram'd , to face and line your works ; also good store of frith must be mingled amongst the earth , which fills the vacuities ; both which will bind it so , as it shall not be apt to slide . this caution i esteem'd not amiss to set down . the ichnographie of an army incamp'd , is in the following figure number vi. with a table annexed , as also a prospect , how a line may be fortified , and secured . when the whole circumvallation of the camp is intirely finished , for that must be the first work of all , the general safety depending on it , the general of the ordnance , and his officers , and others belonging to the train of artillery , must mount their cannon or field-pieces , on the several works which are to command the countrey about the camp , and to defend the line which invirons it ; and to have them loaden with round or case-shot , and a sufficient quantity of ball and powder , and number of gunners and matrosses , constantly to attend the service . if your camp be designed for a standing one , and that you apprehend an enemy will straiten you in it , because you are too weak to give him battel ; then i would also raise some cavaleers , or mounts of earth , of a reasonable heighth , and plant the longest ordnance on them , the more to command the fields ; the●…e cavaleers i would raise on the most advantageous places in the bullwarks , at the angles , and in the works which inviron the whole camp. whil'st these things are doing , the quartermaster general and his officers , ought to distribute to the general officers , and those of the train , as also to the colonels of horse , foot , and dragoons , &c. the quantities , dimensions and places , where their several lodgments respectively are to be ; the boundaries or outmost lines of every one , being forthwith to be staked out ; at the four angles of every gross lodgment respectively , and on those stakes , small streamers of taffaty , or other slight stuff , are to be placed ; and of the colour of the respective regiments , or general officers , to the end that all of every lodgment , by those small streamers may know , where they are to lodge , and how much ground is allotted for it ; then the quartermasters of the regiments , and of the troops , with those appointed for the lodgment of the general , and others , unregimented officers , are immediately to fall to work , in dividing their lodgments , and in making their hutts and stalls , the qu●…rtermasters of troops with their corporals , and the se●…geants of foot with their corporals , are to see the 〈◊〉 and stalls finish'd , for the lod●…ments of their respect 〈◊〉 troops and companies , and the due regularity in hutt●…g or pitching their tents , punctually observed ; according   feet a foot regim t of 8 comp. euery one 100 men bredth of its lodgm t 276 b foot regim t of 9 such companyes breadth — 300 c foot regim t of 10 such comp. breadth — 324 d foot regim t of 11 such comp. breadth — 348 e foot reg t. of 12 such comp. breadth — 372 f foot reg t. of 13 such comp. breadth — 396 g foot reg t. of 14 such comp. breadth — 420 h foot reg t. of 15 such comp. breadth — 444 souldiers 9200 breadth of lodgm t s . — 2880 foot 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 8 comp. euery one 150 men bredth — 404 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 9 such comp. breadth — 444 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 10 such comp. breadth — 484 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 11 such comp. breadth — 524 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 12 such comp. breadth — 564 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 13 such comp. breadth — 604 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 14 such comp. breadth — 644 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 15 such comp. breadth — 684 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of 16 such comp. breadth — 724 soldiers of these 9 reg t s . 16200 breadth of the lodgm t. — 5076 foot 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 4 troopes each 100 men bredth — 388 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 5 such troops breadth — 458 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 6 such troops breadth — 528 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 7 such troops breadth — 598 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 8 such troops breadth — 668 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 9 such troops breadth — 738 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of 10 such troops breadth — 808 ●…orse 4900 breadth of the 7 lodgem t s . — 4186 foot 〈◊〉 generalls owne lodgm t. breadth — 600 〈◊〉 one officer generall lodgm t. breadth — 400 〈◊〉 one other generall officer lodgm t breadth — 300 〈◊〉 one other gen ll . officer lodgm t breadth — 300 〈◊〉 strangers lodgment breadth — 300 〈◊〉 generall of y e ordance lodgm t breadth — 450 〈◊〉 lodgm t for y e sick breadth — 300 〈◊〉 lodgem t for y e artilerye breadth — 400 〈◊〉 lodgem t s for y e waggons carts &c breadth — 500 〈◊〉 lodgem t for y e magazine of victuall breadth — 500 〈◊〉 place for y e markett breadth — 400 〈◊〉 piazza before y e generalls lodgm t breadth — 400 ●…tall of y e breadth of these 12 lodgements — 4850 foot ●…e numbers which are sett down in the ●…uerall lodgem t s are the numbers of feet ●…ontained in y e breadth of each lodgem t figure six this is the lodgement of an ar●…y in six lines of lodgements the whole consisting 7 regimt s. of horse which make in all 49●…●…n and 17 reg t s . of ●…oote which make in all 25400 the generalls lodgement 〈◊〉 o●…ers gen ll . gen ll of the ordnance traine waggons piazza lodgem t s . for strangers , for the sick 〈◊〉 ●…gazines and market place place this foll : ●…20 to the beforementioned rules , and that no time be lost . the romans in hot weather , made the soldiers by turns , to sprinkle well with water all those streets round their line , as also the piazza , other streets , and void places , where the officers and soldiers use to walk all the day long ; and if something like this were done in camps , it would be of good use . the distributing the guards , the word , and going the rounds , i would recommend to have observed in the camp , as in the garison ; only if you suspect to be assaulted in your camp , you must have parties of horse , day and night ; especially in the night , beating the wayes , and scouring the countrey on all sides , that you may have timely notice for your defence ; and if you believe your enemy will attempt you in the night , it would be adviseable to have great piles of wood , and fagots , a convenient distance without your line , to set them on fire when your enemy is ready to begin his work , the better to see how effectively to bestow your small and great shot , amongst them ; and still in case of alarums or assaults , those regiments must be led to defend that part of the line , which they are the nearest unto , the like for the horse ; and every regiment must know the portion of the line , which they are to make good before there be need , lest then it may be too late . there seems to be ten particulars which ought ( if they be attainable ) to be minded , in incamping an army in a standing camp. i. that the camp be setled in a safe place , that is to say , that no heighths or eminent grounds be so near it , as that an enemy seizing on them on a sudden , may both by seeing into your camp , or planting his cannon and mortar-pieces on those heighths , annoy , and disturb it . ii. if it be possible , that it be seated on a navigable river ; for by the benefit thereof , the expences of bringing victuals , ammunition , and forage , will be cheap and expeditious , but otherwise dear and slow , if all be brought on the axel-tree , or backs of beasts ; for whatever is so brought , the bringers ( when it is for sale ) so heighten the price , as the poor soldiers are hardly able to buy what they need . but if you cannot camp near a navigable river , you must never omit to have your standing camp by a river ; for the dung of the horses , and the stanch of the butcheries , will else hazard the infecting the very air of the camp ; besides water must still be at hand for the soldiers , the horses , and the beasts of draught , to drink ; and if water can be brought about the graff of your standing camp , or a great part of it , it will thereby become the more safe and defensible . i would still have the butchers quarter , near the brink of the river , that they may with the less pains rid their quarters of all the filth , which else will soon be nauseous in them . iii. great care must be taken , that no woods or large coppices , be too near your camp , lest your enemy lodging in them , may from thence too safely annoy you , and accommodate himself . iv. a flat champaign ground is the most eligible to incamp in , because in such a scituation , the enemy may be discover'd , and seen afar off , the cannon of your camp will be the more useful to you , and prejudicial to him ; and when you find your opportunity , you may the sooner , and the more easily draw out your army , and put them in battalia to fight . v. a standing camp , though it be best posted in a plain , yet there must be no moorish or wet ground in it , for the vapors which will thence incessantly arise , may soon infect your army . vi. great and strict inquiry must be made , whether the plain your standing camp is to be in , cannot be overflow'd by the river near it , if great rains should happen ; and your own engineers must diligently view , if your enemy , ( in case he be the stronger ) by making great dams below your camp , cannot force the river to overflow it , though the greatest rains will not do it ; as also , whether your enemy being in effect the powerfuller in the field , may not turn the river , from above your camp into it , in which cases , if floods , if dams below , or turning of the river above , may drown your camp , such a scituation must not be made use of . vii . in scituating of a standing camp , you are to elect a place , near to which you may have good grazing for your horses , and cattle ; grounds proper for medow , ( which usually are near a river ) and wood and coppice , both for fuel , and making your hutts . viii . if the river adjoining be navigable , or not alwayes fordable , bridges of boats must be cast over it , else you will be soon streightned by your enemy , and probably he will raise mounts and batteries on the other side the river , which shall play into your camp , and exceedingly annoy it , if not force you to abandon it , and in disorder too , whereby he will have too fair an opportunity to defeat you ; therefore before your bridges of boats are cast over the river , you must immediately provide to secure them against they are cast over , by raising forts , and lines between the forts , in which you may draw up safely your battalions and squadrons , and likewise furnish those forts with good artillery , and man them alwayes sufficiently . also a competent distance above your standing camp , you must have a boom or cable under water , or chain ready to draw across the river , and cover and well defend them at both ends , together with boats well mann'd , thereby to defeat any design of your enemies , by floating engines he may make , to destroy the bridges of boats. ix . the standing camp must not be too scant , nor too large , but duly proportionate to the army , train , and baggage , you are to lodge in it ; and all the wayes unto it , you must with your best industry secure , and what you cannot secure , you must spoil and make them useless to your enemy . x. lastly , if there be any eminencies of ground near your standing camp , and yet without your line that invirons it , you must secure those heighths , not only by making redoubts or forts on the tops of them , but also by making a line , if you have men enough to do it , round about the foot of those heighths ; and you must make cover'd wayes from your camp to those redoubts , or forts , the more safely to relieve them , in case your enemy vigorously should attack them ; nor is it amiss to have mines under them , to blow them up , should your enemy enter them ; whereby he will be the more endamaged if they enter , or the more deterr'd from entring . all coppices and woods which are at too much distance to be secured by a line , ought to be cut down or burnt , to prevent those advantages , which else in many wayes , your enemy will draw from them . in making your line , you may have sometimes unequal grounds , through which you run it , some being high , and some low ; on the heighths of a standing camp , ( which are natural cavaleers ) i would still make forts , and plant my longest cannon on them . where the ground is sandy , or gravelly , or for any cause apt to slide , i would not depend on the facing of sods , but drive poles into the ground , wattle between them , and fling the earth which arises out of your graft , between the outwardmost and innermost wattlings . where the ground is moorish on the verge of your line , and is sometimes , in dry seasons , passable by horse or foot , i would with pallisadoes and stockades , secure it ; or by many join'd turnspikes , or chevaleers de freze , and without these i would , during the whole length of the moorish grounds , at a competent distance , cut two or three broad and deep ditches , which will fill themselves with water , and thereby discourage your enemy to attack you in the weakest part of your line , or if he did assault you there , much incommodate him , and render it almost impossible for him to make use of his horse in the attempt ; i have also known in such cases , several lines of deep and pretty large holes without , but near your line , made at unequal distances , and cover'd with slight hurdles , with a little earth strew'd over them , both to intangle an assaulting enemy if he know it not , or discourage him if he knows , or has cause to suspect it ; for it were temerity with foot only , to enter the line of an inviron'd camp , where horse , and foot , and cannon , are ready to welcome them ; and by the immediately beforemention'd methods , it will be difficult , if possible , for him in case his foot enter , to have them seconded by his cavalry , without which they are much likelier to be driven out , than to be successful . i would likewise for the better defence of those feebler parts of your line , erect batteries and redoubts within it , the better to defend them , and to rake your enemy , should he enter . there are several cares indispensably incumbent on a commander in chief , who posts himself in an intrenched standing camp , i shall enumerate some . i. to have a countrey behind his standing camp , to supply it constantly , and at reasonable rates , with victuals , forage , and all other necessaries , and to preserve it , both from the incursions of the enemy , and from the insultings or injury of his own army . ii. to secure throughly those towns , forts , or fortresses , nearest to his camp , and in which he lodges his magazines , which are to supply him , when the countrey cannot , or will not do it longer ; and therefore he ought alwayes , before his enemies are near , ( whereby they may awe the countrey from supplying him , or the people of it may make that the pretence ) to get into those places , with great diligence , all the victuals and forage he can ; and from thence to furnish himself , with what his camp cannot contain , or cannot be laid up dry in it ; but still to have as much provision within the line of his camp , as possibly he can , for there 't is safest and at hand ; for bisket , cheese , butter , meal , and such like meats , may be long kept in good condition , in little room , and are ready for food without cookery ; if the countrey be not perfectly well affected to the general , he ought to take hostages from it , to supply the victuals , forage , and other necessaries , at the rates , times and quantities , which shall be agreed upon ; these hostages , if well chosen , and diligently kept within the camp , will make the countrey punctual in performing , and be a sufficient answer to make those of it , who would starve the camp , or the enemy , ( who else might frighten them from supplying it ) that they dare not but obey , because their hostages else will suffer . as the chief commander of such a standing camp , must make his agreement on equal terms with the countrey , for his sustenance out of it , and see to their punctual performance of it , so he must as punctually pay the country , according to his contract , since fear and gain , are usually the most operative motives with the people , to make good all agreements . iii. the convoys of horse and foot , which are to secure those who must supply your camp , must never omit their duties , in punctually meeting , rather before than after the hour , and in carefully conveying , what is brought to the camp , and must be strong in proportion to the need ; for should such parties fail of meeting the countrey , at the set time and place , it might discompose all your affairs , discourage the bringers of necessaries , and give them but too much cause to fail , by your example ; or should the convoys by being weak or negligent , be defeated by the enemy , or the disaffected of the countrey , you would not only lose that one supply , but too probably , deter the countrey from coming with another . iv. the major general , and commissary general of the horse , must make all the regiments of horse and foot , do equal and proportionate duty , according to their numbers , in going on such convoys ; for which end they ought to keep exact and written lists , of all the parties they send on such employments , from time to time ; and inform the general of them ; else if by favor any be exempted , or favor'd , the duty will be the heavier , and the discontents the higher . v. if the places in which the standing magazines are setled , which must supply the camp , be at a great distance from it , or may have the wayes infested by the enemy , forts ought to be erected , and well mann'd at competent distances , the one from the other ; into which should any of your convoys be unexpectedly fallen upon , they may shelter themselves , and what they convoy , till relieved from the camp ; for all such attempts from the enemy , are sudden , and by surprize , and they dare not stay to force such a fort , lest they draw the camp upon them ; besides when every two or three miles there are such forts , erected in the fittest places , they do not only make the convoys march the more securely , and discourage your enemy from attempting them , but also the countrey people without convoys are the more invited to bring their provisions for your sustenance . vi. if i foresaw , my enemy would endeavor to straiten my standing camp , by possessing the countrey about it , i would immediately burn and drive whatever i could not secure , in my magazines , or within my line , the sooner to necessitate him to dislodge ; so that no two particulars are more carefully and speedily to be perform'd , than to secure your own victuals and forage , and to destroy all that your enemy will otherwise be master of ; and doubtless the first and most important duty of a general , is to provide food and ammunition for his army ; for men can live and fight without pay , but can do neither without food and ammunition ; and he who intrenches well his camp , and hath food the longest , must in time have the better of that war , without fighting , though his enemy be his superior in strength ; gaspar de coligny , admiral of france , and who in military knowledge has been exceeded by few , if by any captains in past ages , would often say , war is a great monster , which begins to be form'd by the belly , meaning that food ought to be the very first care of a general for his army . a standing camp thus situated , fortified , and provided for , may truly be said to be in a good posture ; but in regard all these desirable particulars beforemention'd , are not usually to be compassed in all places ; whatever is defective by nature , must be supplied by art and industry . there are several orders for the well regulating a camp within it self , which ought to be given , punctually observed , and the breakers of them indispensibly punish'd . i. that all cursing , swearing , lying , stealing , drawing a sword , and quarrelling , be exemplarily punish'd , both in those who are the guilty , and in those who knowing it , do not detect it ; for which end , daily court martials ought to be held , that the faulty may as soon suffer as their offences are proved ; that the officers and soldiers daily come to the service of god , at the times the several chaplains of the regiments are appointed to officiate ; for without the blessing of almighty god , how can any so much as hope to prosper : yet alas how debauch'd are the generality of the soldiery , who hourly , as it were , carrying their lives in their hands , ought , most of all men , to be prepared for death ; yet they , of all other vocations , are too frequently the least fitted for it ; and though god himself does at all times , and on all persons , forbid wickedness , yet he repeatedly does it to the soldiery , in the xxiii . chapter of deuteronomy , and the 9th verse , viz. when the host goeth forth against thine enemies , then keep thee from every wicked thing . if we own god to be our general , which who dares deny he is , since he is pleas'd to call himself the lord of hosts , we ought to obey his commands , and punish those who break them , else we shall be found to be more obedient to a general , than to our god. ii. that the camp be kept exceeding clean , which is not only decent , but healthy . that none of the soldiers do their easements within it , but in some convenient places , at least 100 foot without it , as the martials of every regiment shall appoint , either in the river or brook , or in some pits to be digged by every regiment for that end . that the troopers , every morning and evening , be made carry out of the line , all the dung of their horses . that the butchers do the like as to all the filth in their shambles , and be made kill their beeves , sheep , &c. out of the camp , and that all dung and filth be buried ; and that the suttlers and victuallers , keep their cellars and kitchins sweet , and that the latter be still cover'd with sods , or raw hides , for fear of fire . iii. no man , without express leave of his officer , is to go further than cannon-shot out of the camp ; nor lie out of the camp , under a most severe penalty . iv. that none be admitted who are suttlers or victuallers , to entertain soldiers at night , after the warning-piece is gone off ; nor in the morning , until the reveille be beaten . v. that none be admitted suttlers or victuallers , but by the martial general , who is with his under-officers to take care , that no bad meat or drink be sold to the soldiers , or good sold at unreasonable rates ; that he set the price on all the camp provisions , which are daily sold , and are not supplied out of the magazine ; nor must any thing be sold amongst the private soldiery , but by his or his officers licence ; and by sound of drum , to prevent the sale of stol'n goods , to detect the thieves , and to hinder many other mischiefs . many such and other orders are given in standing camps and leaguers , according to the wisdom of the general , the discipline of the army , or the present condition of the countrey . i have the longer and more particularly , insisted on this part of the art of war , of intrench'd incampings , because it is what in england we have not been much accustomed unto , and therefore are generally the less knowing in it ; for i have seen eminent commanders there , when they came with armies for the war of ireland , so great strangers to the rules of it , as their camps appeared to me to be like fairs ; and some of them , not only have ingeniously acknowledged to me , they were to seek in that great part of war , but condescended to inform themselves from me , what i could tell them on that subject , choosing rather to confess their ignorance , that they might mend it , than to continue under it ; though i heartily wished them a better instructer . i also have been convinced by reading the greek and roman histories , that they ow'd as much of their conquests , to their well incamping , as to their other excellent military discipline , and their valor ; it would be almost endless to enumerate , what kingdoms and provinces they kept in obedience , by their standing camps ; and how often they stop'd the invasions of torrents of barbarous nations ( as they were pleas'd to term them ) by the same proceeding ; and having first wearied out their enemies , by such safe and beneficial delayes , then on some great advantages , they would give them battel , and defeat them ; none of which they could have effected , or rationally have attempted , but by their thoroughly knowing how to incamp advantageously , by constantly practising it , and by a timely providing of food , and forage . i have likewise observed these few last years , that the french , who have not only many eminent commanders , if not the most of any one nation , and daily improve the art of making war , have begun to revive , and with great benefit to themselves , this almost obsolete part of it ; for i take the prince of conde , to be one of the famousest captains , that any age hath produced ; and i observed when the prince of orange , the imperialists , under the count de souches , and the flemish forces , were united ; the prince of conde who was sent to oppose them , would not give them battel , but incamped himself advantageously on the french frontiers ; so that they justly apprehended to enter them , and leave him at their backs , whereby he kept them long at a bay , and when he found his opportunity , gave them at seneff so considerable a blow , as the french from having been on the defensive , they became afterwards the assaulters , and closed that campagne , by taking some of their enemies garisons . the mareschal de turenne also , who was sent general to the war in germany , and who in the military art had hardly a superior , having there to do with the count de montecuculi , who , i believe , has not been excell'd by any captain in any age , would still by intrench'd incampings , when the germans were the strongest , preserve himself and army , by spinning out the time , and cover those territories and places he had won , while he had been the most powerful ; and to me it seems a thing very worthy observation , that after by the mareschal de turenne's being kill'd , when the french king sent the prince of conde from the army in flanders , to command his army in germany , he did also by intrench'd incampings , weather that storm ; which in it self was so threatning , not only by the sudden loss of so great a captain , but also by the germans being led by the count de montecuculi , and the present duke of lorrain , two persons as considerable as the very forces they lead ; i say it seems to me very worthy of observation , that two such justly celebrated commanders , as the prince of conde , and monsieur turenne , should observe the very same methods , in managing the same war ; whereas usually when one general succeeds another , in heading the same army , and ordering the same war , the last comer judges it a kind of diminution to his own skill , to tread in the very paths of his predecessors ; but the prince of conde not doing so , thereby , in my poor opinion , renders three things evident : i. that he truly judged himself so justly secure in his own reputation , as it could receive no diminution , in following the steps of the dead general ; especially he having done the like before , and successfully in flanders . ii. that a wise and great captain , will rather by his actings , confirm that course to be best , ( if it be so in it self ) by imitating his predecessor , than try new methods of war , whereby out of but a meer hope to do the like thing , by a different way , he may hazard his reputation , his army , and the countrey he is to cover and protect . iii. what two such generals have practised , ( all circumstances consider'd ) is to me an evincement , that by camps intrenched and well posted , a countrey may be best secured , an invading enemy may be best resisted ; and in time , all advantages being taken in the nick , may be defeated , or made retire as the french king manages his wars on the german side , by his captains , and makes it oftner defensive there , than invasive ; so on the flanders side , he makes it generally offensive , and leads his armies himself , which is the solidest way to be successful ; some few of the many reasons why i believe it is the very best way for a king to lead his own armies , i shall here set down : i. it evidences he has a genius to the wars , else he would not himself be at the head of his own armies ; and that makes the nobility and gentry of his kingdom warlike , since all subjects of quality , generally addict themselves to what they find their prince is most inclined . ii. no prince is likely to be so well served , or is so well served , as he who with his own eyes , sees who are active or remiss in their duties ; to reward the first , and punish the last . iii. how many opportunities to be victorious are lost , by a generals sending for , and staying to receive orders from his prince ; all which , by his own being on the place , are laid hold of and improved . iv. how many brave men will not go to the war , if the prince be not there in person ; who if he be , cannot then be kept from the honour and duty of waiting on him . v. how many valiant men of his guards are to attend his person , which if it be not with his army , is thereby deprived of so many good fighters . vi. how many good heads may be consulted with in the army , when the king is there , who would not be drawn thither , unless he were there ; either by reason of their crazy healths , or believing it below them to be in an army , where any commanded but themselves , or some such other considerations . vii . how many garisons may be bought , and commanders bought off from the enemy , when the king in person is the merchant , which otherwise would not listen to , or trust to the bargains offer d by his general . it were endless to enumerate all the real advantages , which a sovereign has , who makes war in person , against enemies , which make war only by their generals ; nor can there be almost a larger illustration , of the truth of what i have said , than what we have seen with our own eyes , these three last years ; even that the french king singly , not only makes war , in effect , against all the continents of europe , but also gains , rather than loses ground ; which possibly could hardly be done by him , though he is a great and brave prince himself , though he has a large and noble monarchy , many eminent commanders , and almost an innumerable company of good subaltern officers , and is absolute , and has all his territories united , and fronting upon the countries of almost all his enemies ; if to all these advantages he did not in person often lead his armies , where he means to make his chief impressions ; and if he did not by intrench'd incampings , oppose by his generals , those of his enemies , who else might invade his dominions ; and if he did not also excellently manage the wars on his side ; and if he were not also help'd by his confederated enemies being intangled under many inconveniencies , and hinder'd by many obstructions ; i say , if all these did not concur , it would seem to me almost impossible to do as he does , especially since he hath also at the same time engaged himself in the protection of the messineses , with his maritine and land forces ; whose militia he must not only pay , but what is worse , feed the useless mouths of both sexes , and of all ages ; and which perhaps is more than all this , he must send all things to them in his fleets , by a long navigation ; and hinder'd therein , by the joint naval forces of spain , and the united provinces , so that many conclude , he may gain more fame by extending his arms so far abroad , even while he has so much need of them near home , than solid benefit by engaging in that revolted peoples defence , unless some considerable emergencies be favourable unto him ; but yet on the other side , why may it not be believed , that the inuring his subjects to navigation and sea-fights , is singly worth the expence of that sicilian war ; and indeed all things rightly consider'd , perhaps he could not more usefully attempt the attaining that end , than by making war in the mediterranean sea against spain ; for thereby he gives his majesty and the states of the united provinces less jealousie , than if he managed it in any other of the european seas ; he makes the war laborious , chargeable and tedious to the states , if they pay their mediterranean fleet ; or to spain , if that king be at the sole expence of doing it . it is also no little augmentation of his glory , that france , which till his reign was so little considerable at sea ; and that spain , which though during the reign of king philip the second , made europe , and the ottoman empire apprehend his armada's , yet cannot now , even in conjunction with the fleet of the states , hinder france from frequently relieving of messina , and the other revolted places of the island of sicily ; nay , in sea-battels has forced his way to that end : so that all things duely weighed , perhaps the french monarch could not make a more hopeful war by sea than this , to train up his subjects to fight on that element , if he aspires to be as formidable on it , as he is actually on the land ; which may not be unreasonably presumed he does , by the stupendious and royal foundations he has laid for the building of ships , and equipping them ; and for the educating his subjects to navigation , and encouraging them to pursue that calling ; and by the numerous and stately navy he has built in a very few years ; which is such , as some believe , may at the present , equal for number , and size even the fleet royal of england , or the navy of the states ; and should this be true , may it not be more likely , that he may ten years hence , if not sooner , attempt to give the law at sea ; then that ten years past , he should be so strong in ships of war as now he is ; especially if while his navy is growing , he can render his own subjects capable to manage it ; for 't is easier to increase fleets , than at first to build them : so that this messinese war , which some consider as a blemish in his politicks , may be none of the least depths of them . but since i have asserted two particulars , viz. the french kings excellent management of his wars , and the advantage he reaps , by the intanglements and difficulties which his confederated enemies are under : i esteem my self obliged to set down some of my grounds for those two assertions . i. i find that having so many formidable armies to deal with , and being thereby unable to have forces , both to face every one of them , and reserve armies also , he is very cautious to avoid a general decisive battel , lest the loss of it might hazard his monarchy . ii. he has been usually in the field about the beginning of march , and by having his armies excellently well provided , and frankly hazarding his soldiery , he has taken in 18 or 19 weeks , before the whole confederacy can imbody , more countries and important garisons , than they have retaken in the six succeeding months after they are imbodied . iii. being an absolute monarch , and having none in his armies but such as depend on his will ; he may alwayes pursue the councel which is in it self best , and may execute it with expedition , and secresie ; so that having resolved where to make his impression in the very opening of the spring , he provides in the neighbouring territories his magazines for victuals and forage accordingly ; and thereby what supplies him with both , doth disable those territories to supply his enemies on the place , should they come to raise any of his sieges , with an army formed of the forces of the whole confederacy : and by his having formerly secured or consumed all meat and forage near his leageurs , makes it impossible for the other in that ill season of the year , to carry all of both forts on the axle-tree , sufficient for themselves , though it were but for a few dayes ; and having by his lines of circumvallation made it almost an act of temerity to attempt to force them , he makes it also an impossibility to constrain him to raise his sieges by a diversion . for what place can they besiege in a season , when the earth yields no sustenance for man or horse ; and when they have not magazines of both laid in beforehand to supply them . and if they should attempt to raise his sieges , but by such part of the forces of the confederacy as can carry provision and forage with them on the axle-tree , or by boats , 't is much more than an even wager , that they will repent it , sooner than he . iv. since the germans are the greatest force of the confederacy , by his so early in the year attacking the spaniards , flemish territories , he renders the german assistance useless to those countries in that season ; since 't is almost a winters march to lead armies timely enough from the centre , or remote parts of the empire ( where commonly they have their best winter quarters ) to the frontiers of flanders , were there no impediment but the length of the way ; but when to that is added , the ill season of the year , and the vast charge and difficulty of carrying horse and mans meat , besides artillery , ammunition , and needful baggage so far , to form also magazines then timely enough to answer the occasion , experience as well as the reason of the thing , sufficiently evidences is not practicable ; so that no formidable army , can at such times be expected from thence : besides the great garisons the french keep at brisac , schleckstad●… &c. and the flying camp they have on those frontiers of germany , renders it hazardous to send the body of their army to relieve flanders lest during their absence , their own territories be exposed to the incursions of the french. the spaniards on the other side , though assisted by the states , are not over-able to cope with all the power of france , headed by their king in person , and attended by all that brave and numerous noblesse , which usually wait on him ; nor is it over-likely that the states will be ready to hazard their armies , onely to relieve the spaniards , who some have thought are not able , and others have fancied are not very willing to relieve themselves in flanders ; so that to me it seems the french king plays a wise and secure game , as he orders his war : for if the germans should march in that ill season , and unprovided with magazines , they would probably by such a march in the dawn of the spring , disable their army to do much all the ensuing summer ; and if they do not make such marches in the spring , the french king does then gain more than he can lose all the rest of the campagne , which is a military dilemma can hardly be avoided : besides , the farther the french king advances his conquests , and the more garisons he takes , in his enemies countries , during the spring , the more he secures himself from having his own dominions invaded by them in the summer , at least by the way of the spaniards netherlands . there seems to remain then but two other probable ways for their doing of it , by lorrain , or by alsatia ; in the first , he is not only gathering a great army , but strongly fortifying all considerable places there , and in the latter , i hear , he has laid all the countrey waste ; so that it will be difficult , if possible , to invade him by alsatia , and it will be no easie task to do it by lorrain , when so many strong garisons must be taken , his army looking on ; or if untaken left at their backs should they enter france , and monsieur de crequi's army to watch and attend their motions , which by great detachments may be reinforced according to their need by the french armies in flanders ; and to me it would seem a temerarious action , for the confederates to enter france , if they could , and leave the french new conquests in flanders , with the armies which cover them , the old and newgarisons in lorrain and the mareschal de crequi's army there , and the desart of alsatia at their backs , and this too without having any confederates ( that are yet visible ) in france to join with them , or any garison in it at their devotion , where they might form arcenals , magazines , leave their sick or wounded , &c so that in my poor judgment , it seems against all the maxims of reason and military experiment , that the confederates will invade france if they could , as the present state of affairs are : i know 't is almost the general opinion , that great action will be this ensuing summer , but i must own i cannot bring my self to believe , the event will be proportionable to the expectation . for to me it seems very probable , that the game the french will play is , with their best and greatest army to oppose ( but without giving a decisive battel ) the germans , when they enter lorrain , which is the likeliest , if not the onely way they will come ; and thereby the french having all the garisons , and the standing bridges over the unfordable rivers , they may , by posting themselves in advantageous places , and by intrench'd incampings , keep the germans at a bay , spin out the summer , and by the little progress of the war , endeavor to render the empire weary of it . for having , in effect , made lorrain the onely way by which the germans can advance , they have doubtless already so well furnished their own magazines in those parts , that they will be provided for plentifully ; whereas 't is to be doubted whether the germans can be so well furnish'd with victuals , when all they eat must be brought on carriages , and often from countries or stores at a considerable distance , and from princes whose territories get little , and suffer much by the war , while the french will have their food at hand , and will destroy whatever they cannot secure ; by which means , the farther their enemy advances into lorrain , the more unlikely and troublesom it will be to be fed , while they are there ; nor will the germans probably be able to force any considerable place there , since such as are so , will be well fortified , mann'd and provided for , and to sit down before a strong garison , while an army which it may be is as strong as their own , is ready to relieve it , or to cut off all their convoys , is no usual enterprise . if the prince of orange be strong enough to act apart with his own army , and the governor of flanders , by additional forces of the germans , be able to do the like with his army , the french , who have armies to attend their motions , will , in all likelihood , either relieve the places they shall besiege , or if they shall have so strengthned their lines of circumvallation , before the french can fling the necessary relief into those garisons they shall besiege , as it will render it too hazardous to try to force the line , the french , by diversion , may besiege some places of theirs , and take as much as they lose ; for in that season they will have forage in the field , and their magazines of victuals near , neither of which the germans could have in the beginning of the spring ; when the french inlarge their conquests , so that the french by that excellent conduct wherewith they order their affairs , do certainly take places , before the confederates can come into the field , and will , in all likelihood , lose few after . on the side of alsatia , the french keep but very few garisons , and those excellently furnished , and the countrey generally wasted ; so that if the forces of the circles of the empire besiege and reduce one of them the ensuing summer , that will probably be the most they can aim at , and possibly all things consider'd , more than they can effect . to the best of my observation , the french with great prudence , attack places in the beginning of the spring , when there is no army to relieve them ; and in the summer , when the whole confederacy is in the field , they are usually on the defensive , and cover what they have took ; and in my weak judgment , they do at least as much by their alwayes providing well to eat , and by their intrenched incampings , as by their good fighting , which questionless is the most hopeful and the most solid way of making war ; for it has been for many ages a standing military axiom , that the lesser army if it can feed and avoid being forced to fight , it will weary out the greater army in no long time . these are some of the many reasons which induced me to commend the french kings excellent manner of managing this war , and why i cannot readily believe the results of this ensuing summer , will be so great as many think . i shall now mention some of those inconveniences and intanglements which his confederated enemies , seem to me to lie under , and which are so helpful to him . i. that union being made up of many absolute sovereigns , and states , some of the highest , some of the middle , and some of the lesser size , nothing can be designed , much less attempted by them , but by joint consent , and after long consultations ; at which since the sovereigns cannot be personally present , they must be carried on by their ministers , whereby before any thing can be finally resolved , much time is consumed , motions are much slower , than the nature of war requires , the due secresie of designs cannot be observed , on which depends the life of all military action ; and such resolutions as possibly in themselves are the very best ; are usually opposed by those of them , who find not their particular interests in the observing and pursuing them . ii. when after much time and labour , during a whole winter , all the confederates agree how the war shall be best managed the ensuing summer ; it is great odds , but all or the most considerable measures then taken , will be broken again , for they only knowing their own project for the campania , and not their enemies , his early actings may necessitate them to alter theirs ; in which case most of the summer will be consumed in concerting how it shall be employed . this uncertainty , during which their armies are at a gaze , does not only give great advantages to an active and vigilant enemy who is resolved what to do , and vigorously prosecutes his designs , but also slackens the courage of their own soldiery ; towards which , no one thing can more contribute , than irresolution in their superiors ; nor is it a possible thing ( at least in my humble opinion ) to order a war as it ought to be , when those who command in it , must on all emergencies send to their masters for new directions . and therefore the romans , as jealous as they were of their liberty , never were imbark'd in a dangerous war indeed , but they created a dictator , who was absolute for the time being , and who was not fetter'd with the necessity of sending to the senate for new orders , on new accidents , but was at his liberty to improve them on the place . all which confirms on the account of reason what experiment in all ages has clearly evinced , which is , that a monarch who is at the head of his own armies , has a hopefuller game to play in war , than many mighty princes who compose a league , and act by several generals , and are acted by various interests . iii. though the opposing the formidable and growing power of france was the true cement of the present confederacy and union , yet as by the greatness of their own strength their fears of france lessen ; so many of it cool in their first vigor , lest by too much humbling their enemy abroad , they may too much heighten their greatest allies at home ; and so what in shew renders the league the stronger , does , in effect , weaken the actings of it . iv. oftentimes they can neither agree to divide what they have gotten , nor how they shall divide what they may get ; though possibly , the dividing of the bears skin is more easily agreed unto before he is kill'd , than after ; and possibly also those of the confederacy which are weary of the war , had rather make their being unsatisfied with their partition past , or to come , the pretence of their withdrawing , or remissness , than to own they are tyred with the charge , trouble , and hazard they undergo , and then how apt are such princes or states to listen to a neutrality , if offer'd by the french. v. what differences are and must be raised every winter , how the armies shall be then quarter'd ; for some sovereigns which are the least rich , and have the scantest territories , yet have the fittest to make winter quarters in ; and whereby posting great bodies of the soldiery , they may be the better able to resist the incursions of their enemy , and to make successful ones into his territories ; but if such winter quarters be granted by the lesser princes , and states ; than those who are to be least gainers by the war , undergo the greatest burthen of it , and suffer the most considerable damage by it : and if they will not quarter the forces where they are most useful , then not only the whole union suffers thereby , but also those lesser princes themselves and their subjects ; who not being willing to be eaten up by their friends , and unable to resist with their own forces those of france , become a prey unto the latter , to avoid being devoured by the former . nay , sometimes the necessity of the common safety and benefit , makes the stronger of the confederacy take winter quarters on the weaker , without or against the permission of the princes themselves ; whereby animosities are raised , in which friends to the wrong'd , or fear of being in the future under the like usage , makes others share in the discontents and resentments . and such forces as are quarter'd in any princes territories against his leave , are thereby all the winter put on double duty ; that against the enemy , and that against the people of the countrey ; who else , would by surprize revenge their princes affront , and prevent their own farther sufferings . so that their winter-quarters which should be to refresh them against the spring , is frequently more harassing to them , than all the summer service is , or can be . vi. since the war is pursued by several armies at once , and consequently a greater monarchs forces is to be often united with those of a lesser , many difficulties arise about the chief command in an army so composed , and greater mischiefs are too frequently the inseparable consequences of its being so composed . for where the two sovereign powers whose troops make that body , have their distinct generals in it , though one of them be made the superior as to command , yet battels are not to be given , nor sieges undertook , or continued , without the concurrence of the other general , who perhaps if the hazards both armies are to undergo , be to redound to the benefit of his own master singly , or chiefly , will be more inclined to embark in them , than he will be , if the result of the success be more for the advantage of his colleague , whereby particular ends , often obstruct the general good of the union . i shall give two remarkable instances of this great truth which very recently happen'd . the prince of orange not being able singly to take maestricht , is therefore join'd with the flemish forces , &c. when by the valor , conduct , danger , and indefatigableness of that brave young prince , ( true inheritor of the virtues of his famous ancestors , and deservedly worthy of the royal blood of england , which he has the honour to be of ) the siege was so far advanced , as that the place must be taken , unless relieved by a battel , or his own being necessitated to raise it ; the french king orders monsieur de schomberg with all the united forces of those parts , ( which his courage and conduct justly intitled him to command ) to try to relieve the place sufficiently , or make the prince raise his siege : upon the advance of monsieur schomberg , the prince , ( as i am credibly inform'd ) was absolutely for giving him battel , that the fruits of so much time , labour , expence , and blood , might not be lost , and lost with some disparagement ; but his associates judging that to be too hazardous a counsel , the siege was raised , and possibly with more loss of men , cannon , and reputation , than the ill success of a battel could have cost . far be it from me to say , that those who were for raising the siege , believed it of more importance to their king to keep his troops entire , than that the prince should be again master of maestricht ; much less will i say that they would not venture all their forces on an engagement , where the states were to have the greatest , if not the sole benefit of the success , though the others were to run a great share of the hazard ; but this i hope without offence may be thought , that it had been more adviseable never to have engaged in that siege , than after having so far proceeded , to have quitted it : for who could in reason believe , that so great a monarch as the french king is , and so jealous of the glory of his arms , as all europe has seen , and too many of it felt , would let a place of so vast importance as maestricht , be torn from him without a battel ; so that in my poor judgment , the siege should never have been resolved upon , or the battel should have been given to have made it good . to be warm in undertaking a great design , and cool in justifying it when undertook , is seldom attended with success , or reputation . all which that generous young prince so well foresaw , as i am confident nothing would have made him besiege maestricht , if he had not fully believed his allies would have ventured a battel to have carried it . i know not whither to do so , was a part of their written contract , but i take it to be clearly inferr'd by their sitting down before it ; and therefore though the prince might share in the trouble of the ill success , yet he ought to have no part in the fault of it . the second evidence of this truth , was in the year before ; when the prince of orange was in conjunction with the imperial forces , and the flemish ; how little was there done when united , and how much was suffer'd , few are ignorant of ; but as soon as the prince commanded singly , how gloriously did he end that campagne , by the reduction of grave , which though it had been long besieged by general robenhoft , who was a brave commander , yet till the prince of orange came thither , the siege moved not on , with the life , vigor , and success , which his example and conduct gave unto it . and in the taking whereof , it will not be so much a complement to him , as a truth of him , if i should say , alexander the great at his siege of the mallians , or king henry iv. of france , ( as great a captain i believe as even alexander himself ) at the taking of cahors , ran not greater hazards as to their persons , than the prince of orange did for the reduction of grave . lastly , ( to omit many other particulars ) oftentimes those generals which are really the fittest to manage the war , cannot be employ'd to do it ; since if a sovereign who is of the confederacy , will go in person to command an army , or send his son , brother , or some first prince of his blood to do it , none of them but will be the chief , though some under them may perhaps be more capable of being it : whereby superiority in command may not alwayes be vested in him , who is the fittest to discharge it ; and therefore sometimes the war prospers accordingly . i hope whoever shall undergo the trouble of reading what i write , will be in some degree satisfied , that i had reason to assert both the french kings excellent management of his war , and his being help'd therein , by the unavoidable obstructions and intanglements which the confederacy of his enemies does subject them unto , both from the nature of such an union , and from the situations of the territories of those sovereigns which compose it . but if the body of the confederates strength could constantly lie as near the frontiers of france , as the strength of france , by that monarchs absoluteness , unitedness of his dominions , and wise management , can be brought ( when he will ) near the territories of the less strong princes of the union ; possibly his maintaining a war against almost all the continent of europe , might be a greater trouble , charge and difficulty to him , than yet he has found it . nor indeed can so dull a judgment as mine is , readily foresee , why the french king may not continue the war , long enough , to make his enemies , or many of them , weary of it , unless his methods be broken by some unforeseen great accident ; as a revolt within his own territories , or some decisive victory which the confederates may obtain , either from the french generals confident belief of winning it , or from the necessity of the french giving them battel , to preserve an endanger'd detachment of his army , or a garison or territory worthy of that hazard , or some such other great accident ; or unless the kingdom of spain ( now newly under the intire ministry of don iohn , a wise , and warlike prince ) be able , and willing , to invade the south-west part of france with a royal army ; such a powerful diversion perhaps might put all the affairs of france into a new fold ; for hitherto , little armies have busied spain at home , and preserved the french pyrenean frontiers , while all the great ones have been employed against germany , and the spanish and states netherlands : nor is it very improbable but such an attempt may be made ; for i have still observed , that when the ministry of a great monarchs affairs is on a sudden changed , the new comer either intirely alters the measures taken by his predecessor , or if he pursues those , he does it with greater forces and vigor ; since in all such mutations , the honor of the new minister , ( if not his safety ) as well as the good of the state , incites him to a better , or more prosperous conduct of affairs , than that under the late administration has been . now whether that conduct shall consist in acting by maxims diametrically opposite to the former , or in heightning considerably of those , does depend upon the judgment , or inclinations of him that sits at the helm ; or on the state of things as they are then circumstantiated . but that don iohn should attempt , or hope to incline his master to a separate peace , is not very likely ; since to do it , nay perhaps but to attempt it , will be dangerous in it self , ungrateful to the confederates , and in all likelihood is not solidly and durably attainable ; and to endeavor to gain all the rest of the union to it , or the major , or weightier number of them , looks more unlikely to be effected ; for neither has there ever yet been made so numerous , or so strong an union against france , as this now is ; and it may be no age has seen , that so many monarchs , and states , and of such various interests , and religions , should be at once so firmly confederated ; which perhaps nothing could have brought about , had not the examples of the duke of lorrain , and some other sovereigns of the lesser size , filled all of them with so great apprehensions of the like usage , as nothing could allay , but such a league ; which since they have after the employing of much time , treasure , and industry , so happily made , 't is not probable they will dissolve it ; especially when their affairs seem more promising , and that notwithstanding this stupendious league , they have hitherto lost ground . whereby none of them all , nor no less than all of them , can judge himself safe til , by the forces of all , they have by arms reduced this deluge of france , into its first and natural channel . for to think to do this by a treaty , looks very improbable to me ; because the french king is yet too high in his hopes and strength to fall so low , as to give more by a treaty , than ( it may be ) he can lose by a war ; and none of his enemies can well think themselves secure , but by keeping fast this knot , which was so long a tying , and which experimentally they have found , has been their common safety ; and that in nothing less , can it well be found ; so that the continuance of the war appearing to be the likeliest measure that can be taken , 't is hardly to be believed , that don iohn , whose genius is for arms , and his education has been in them , will draw his masters sword but half out ; but if he unsheaths it , 't will be to purpose ; which yet as i think can hardly be done , but by being at the head of a brave army , ( and possibly getting his young monarch to be personally present ) and thereby making an effective invasion on the southwest parts of france : for no ministry that preceded his , did of late attempt it ; and yet the only attempting it , may give more solid advantages to the whole union , than hitherto all the arms of spain has done as they have been order'd ; nor may he in any other way more acceptably apologize to the emperor in particular , and to the rest of the union in general , for having got the queen regent out of the government , than by his own being more beneficial to him and them in it . besides , the present complexion of the affairs of spain , seems such , that it may be his only true interest , to be considerable in arms ; which he can never be , but by being great with the sword-men ; and that he can never hope for , but by being at the head of them , and leading them to daring and high attempts . all this seems to manifest , 't is not improbable he may invade the french pyrenean frontiers , for there only he can be so considerable , and at once both so useful abroad , and safe at home ; on which last there seems a necessity on him to fix one eye , as the other on the humbling of france ; lest otherwise the late ministry of spain , get again into the saddle . i beg the reader 's pardon for this long digression , which perhaps i may the sooner obtain , when he shall be pleased to consider , that i was partly drawn into it , by observing how useful this revived part of the art of war , of posting armies in intrench'd camps , has lately been to those , who have well understood , and on fit occasions practised it ; and though all which i have now said , is not properly congruous to the title i have given to this one chapter ; yet it may not be altogether impertinent to what the whole book treats of ; for the successful active part of the art of war , has no less dependency on the considerative part of it , than the effect has on the cause ; and what i have so weakly , and disorderly exposed , may yet furnish a solid , and fertile judgment , with no ill reflections , and notions , on this great subject . of battels . all who have commanded armies , or written of the military art , have universally agreed , that no one act of war , is so great in it self , or in the consequences of it , as fighting a battel ; since the winning of one , has not only been the cause of taking of the place besieged , ( if in the field the army is defeated which comes to relieve it ) but also by the gaining of the victory , a province , nay , a kingdom has often been the reward of the victorious . but as the advantages are eminent to him who wins it , so the prejudices are no less to him who loses it ; and therefore nothing ought to be more exactly consider'd and weigh'd in war , than whether a decisive battel shall be given , before the resolution to fight it , is taken . there is hardly any thing which seems to me more essentially needful to a great captain , than perfectly to know and lay hold of all advantages in a day of battel ; and to know all the disadvantages , that he may avoid them . i shall therefore in what i write on this subject , specifie some general rules or principles , which , in my opinion , ought never to be unknown or unpractised by a general or commander in chief . i. the first is , to be so vigilant and careful , as not to be forced against his will , to come to a battel ; but if he is so unhappy , or faulty , as not to avoid it , then to be sure to disguise it from his army , by his words , looks , and actions ; since for a chief commander to evidence fear , or amazement ; or to own he has been over-reach'd by his enemy , before he is gotten out of the ill consequences and effects of 〈◊〉 , ●…oes to that degree deject his own men , that they are half conquer'd before they fight . for the generality of the soldiery in an army , have their senses much better than their understanding , and consequently take their omen of victory usually , from the chearful looks and words of their general ; who ought therefore in no wise to seem disanimated , or doubtful , but alwayes chearful and confident . ii. the second is , that no general should resolve to give his enemy battel , but on rational , or , at least , very probable grounds , that he shall win it ; and also when the advantages of gaining it , will be greater than the prejudices will be , if he should lose it ; for whoever elects to fight a battel on other considerations , cannot answer the doing it , to his prince ; to the army he leads ; or to his own judgment , and conscience . iii. the third is , whoever has his enemy at such an advantage , as he must submit in a short time without hazarding a field , ought on no terms , to expose his army to a battel ; but should derive that from time , and patience , which else he must leave to the decision of fortune . as within my own memory i have known , that a general greedy of honour , and impatient of delay , when , by the wise conduct of those under him , or the ill conduct of those against him , his enemies army was so coop'd up , that it could not long subsist , nor force its way ; he drew his own army off of the passes which shut up his adversary , that he might come out , and decide it by a battel ; which he lost , and deservedly . for the turns in a battel are so many , and are often occasion'd by such unexpected accidents , which also proceed from such minute causes , that a wise and great captain will expose to chance , only as much as the very nature of war requires . iv. the fourth is , when a battel is resolved upon ; the field to fight it in , ought to be answerable to the numbers of your army , and the quality of your forces . as for example . you should never choose a ground to fight on , ( if you can possibly avoid it ) which you cannot fill up , with your fighting , and reserve squadrons and battalions ; or as 't is now usually call'd , your first , and second line . that is , you must still endeavor to cover the outward flanks of your wings , with a river , a wood , a moorish ground , or something equivalent ; for else you will expose your army too much , if your enemy does overwing you : whereas if you cannot be charg'd but in front , you will have the less to fear , and your adversary the less to hope . for instance : if i found my army drawn up in battalia would take up in its utmost extent but 15000 foot ; i would not choose to fight in a plain that was 20000 foot wide , if my enemies army were either more numerous than mine , or were stronger in cavalry than i : but if by some accident which i could not foresee , or possibly avoid , i were to fight on such a ground , i would immediately cover one , or , if possibly , both of my flanks , with what the nature of the place afforded ; as besides a river , a brook , a moorish ground , a wood , or coppice ; or a steep ground , with a ditch or trench , or some place so incumbred , as my adversaries horse could not fall on that flank , without disordering himself before , and in his doing of it . but in case the ground was so level and clear , as it afforded me none of those advantages , ( which would be an extraordinary thing ) i would then , by my carriages , or by immediately casting up a long and large ditch , or trench on my flanks , supply by industry , what i could not otherwise attain . and if i had leisure , at the two ends of each of these ditches , or barricade of wagons , especially at the front end i would cast up a sconce , redoubt , or fort , and stuff it with musketeers , whereby the flank of my wings would be covered , and the front and rear of them defended by those musketeers . 't was almost thus , that lewis , prince of conde acted in the battel at st. denis , in the reign of king francis the first of france ; and had not only thereby the resolution , with an handful of the french protestants , to fight the constable of montmorancy , whose army was three times as great as his ; but also to make it so disputable who had the victory , that the historians of those times give it without seruple , to the party they were of , and wrote for . and it seems indeed but doubtful who had the victory ; for the next morning the prince , and the admiral chastillion ( by andelot's being joined with them , who brought them not above 1000 men , ( with which , until then , he made the river of seine useless to the parisians ) drew up their army again in the field of battel , and shot some peals of cannon even into paris , yet none of that king's forces came out to fight them ; so that the protestants having for a few hours brav'd the french king's forces , and that vast city , marched away towards champagne , to meet their german relief . but on the other hand , the historians who were royallists , attribute this wholly to the death of the constable ; and not only to the consternation which it caused , but also to the irresolution of the counsels , who should succeed him ; since the duke of anjou , who at last did , was by many judged too young for so weighty a charge ; and it is reasonably to be believed , he would not then have been nominated , but that the queen regent was irremoveably setled , not to lodge in such intricate times , the absolute military power in any of the house of guise ; or in that of montmorancy but in one who intirely depended on her , and would be guided by her . and 't is probable that the protestants ( who doubtless had been much disordered in the battel ) durst not have made that bravade , depending only on their own strength , but at least as much on the irresolution and disputes of their enemies , who should be their new general : and therefore having set the best face they could on their tottering affairs , for a short time judged it not adviseable to continue playing that part any longer , than they believed they might do it safely by the king's army being without a head. i have only instanced this particular , to manifest how a lesser army may oppose a much greater in battel , if the flanks of the lesser be so well covered , as that it can only be charged in front ; which ought alwayes indispensibly to be provided for . nor is it only needful where a battel is to be fought , to pitch on a ground answerable to the number of your army , but also answerable to the quality of those forces which compose it ; and to those of your enemies with whom you must have to do . as if my enemy were stronger than i in cavalry , i would avoid all i might fighting him in a plain ; or if i were the stronger in horse , i would use my utmost industry to engage him in an open countrey . and on the contrary , if i were stronger in infantry , i would shun the combat , unless it were in an inclosed country , or incumbred by woods , brooks , coppices , rocks , or moorish grounds ; so if he were the stronger in foot , i would avoid fighting in a place where he who has the most infantry , may therefore have the most hopes of victory . but if you are commanded to fight by your prince , or are engaged to do it to answer an end worthy the hazard of a battel ; or for any such other rational consideration , great care must be alwayes taken to make choice of that ground which is fittest for you , both in respect of your own forces , as also of your enemies ; and in a most particular manner , if you are weakest in foot , to cover them the best you can with your horse ; and on the contrary , if you are weakest in horse , to cover them with your foot. v. the ranging of an army in battel to the very best advantage , is a great furtherance to the winning of the victory . but the so doing of it depends much , not only on the wisdom and skill of the general , the nature of the ground , and the quality of his own forces , but also on those of his enemies , and on the disposition of him who commands them ; so that although no standing rules can be given to answer all these varieties , yet some positive maxims may be set down , which if punctually observed , as things are circumstantiated , may beneficially answer all occasions , and emergencies . and i the rather say this , because i have seldom found that the greatest captains of elder times , ( whose military knowledge and practice the moderns justly value , and extol ) have ever observed one and the same form in giving battel ; but have varied therein considerably , according to the occasion . cyrus being to fight against croesus king of lydia , and in a large plain , fearing to be inviron'd , drew up his army but twelve deep in file , whereas formerly the file was 24 deep . whereby he augmented the front of his army , double ; overwing'd croesus's , and won the victory . caesar , at the battel of pharsalia , against pompey , did quite alter the manner of the roman imbattelling . for having found that pompey exceedingly outnumbred him in horse , he covered one of his flanks with a little river , and drew all his cavalry to the other flank ; among the squadrons whereof , he placed bodies of his best infantry , and there he began the battel ; where , by having all his horse in one wing , and those accompanied by select legionary foot , he soon routed that half of pompey's horse which opposed all his ; and then falling into the flanks , and rear of his enemy , won the victory . these two are very remarkable instances , which , among many others , verifie what i have said . i shall now mention some of those standing maxims , which , in my humble opinion , are indispensibly to be observed , immediately before , and in a day of battel . 1. the first is , with great diligence to view so well the field you will fight in , as when you have drawn up your army on it , you may not afterwards alter the order of it , or change your ground ; for all such mutations in the face of your enemy are very dangerous , and gives him also the greater confidence , and your own men the less ; as being an evidence to both , of a great failure in conduct ; and it may also be highly hazardous , either to remove the whole , or even some gross squadrons , or battalions , to the ground which on second thoughts may be believed the better ground of the two ; since your enemy being then near , may take the benefit , which such disorders , while the alteration is making , may give him , and may improve it to your total overthrow ; so that , 't is in my poor opinion , more adviseable to keep the ground , and order you are in , though by your oversight , neither should be the very best , than to alter it in the sight of your enemy , and when he is near ; and all changes of grounds , or order , in his view , ought never to be made in gross bodies ; but almost insensibly to them and your own army , by a few files at a time ; and where they cannot be so made , 't is better to leave them unmade . i had been often told , but could scarcely credit it , that at the fatal battel of naseby , after my lord fairfax his army was drawn up , in view of his majesties , it having been judged that the ground a little behind them , was better than that they stood upon , they removed thither ; i had the opportunity some time after , to discourse on this subject with major general skippon , ( who had the chief ordering of the lord fairfax his army that day ) and having ask'd him if this were true , he could not deny it ; and when i told him i almost admir'd at it , for the reasons before exprest , he averr'd , he was against it ; but he obeyed the orders for doing it , only because he could not get them altered . after the ground to fight on is well chosen , and all the advantages of it discovered , then to possess , and to secure the most useful and commanding posts of it with all imaginable diligence . as king henry iv. of france did , at the battel of arques , where that great monarch shewed as much conduct as any of the greek and roman generals ever did , in any of their greatest battels . ii. the second is , if you come near your enemy , but yet so late in the day , that the battel must be defer'd till the next morning ; then , if the season be sharp , to shelter your own army in the most convenient villages and woods , adjoining to the field you will fight in , and thereby give them all the cease you can , as king henry iv. of france did , the night before the battel of iuri . but you must not on any terms neglect the safety of your army , for the ease of it ; and therefore it must be quarter'd , or camp'd so well , as that on the touch of the drum all may be embattled , and ready to receive your enemy . for which end great corps de gards ought to be advanced , and many centinels , as covertly as may be placed near the enemy , and every moment visited , and relieved , by vigilant officers . these centinels , or perdu's , are to give instant notice to the advanced guards if the enemy moves , and those guards , with their seconds , or reserves , are to find the enemy play , while your army is drawing up to receive him . but still fresh troops must be sent to sustain your advanced corps de gard , if they are vigorously attacked ; lest by their being totally overthrown , your enemy be encouraged to push at all , and your own men be somewhat disheartned ; for it may so happen that your enemy , if he finds all the advantages of the place to fight in , are so well secured by your care , and diligence , as that the next day it may be hazardous to fight in that field ; he may make choice in the night , if you are not intrenched , to attempt you , where the confusion which darkness usually engenders , may be equally divided between both parties ; this of the two , being the more eligible . nor were it amiss , but very adviseable , if you have to deal with a general who is hot , and undertaking ; or one who , by the necessity of his affairs , must put all to hazard , that in such nights , when you are near your enemy , and may , for the beforementioned reasons , have ground to believe he will attempt you during the obscurity ; and while you are unintrenched , to cause great piles of wood , or fagots , or some such combustible stuff , to be ready to be kindled in fit places , and at fit distances , that if he advances , you may the better see how to point your cannon , and dispose of your small shot most effectually ; and by such fires also , terrifie , and disorder his horses , which generally are frighted at the sight of fire , especially in the night . this i find was practised near lorges in beausse , by anthony king of navarre , francis duke of guise , and the constable montmorancy , when lewis , prince of conde , and the admiral of chastillion , prest by the necessity of their affairs , went to attack the royal army by night ; and which so much disheartned the assaulters , as they retreated . the quartering of your army at all times ( but especially when that of the enemies is very near ) ought to be in such manner , as that the soldiers may be soonest in battalia to receive him ; and therefore to lodge it in the form you will fight , is still the very best ; that is , that such forces as compose your wings , and body , may have only to go out of their hutts , tents , villages , or houses , to be in the figure you will fight in ; else in case of an alarm , the disorders will be many , and dangerous ; but this way , there can be but few , if any . the nearer you draw towards your enemy , or your enemy to you , your quarters must alwayes be brought closer , and your advanced guards of horse , and foot , the stronger ; and your discovery the more vigilant . iii. the third is , to be the first drawn up , on the ground you will fight in ; which is constantly attended with three considerable benefits . the point of honor which you gain by being the earliest on the spot , which animates your own party , and often daunts your enemies . the being thereby enabled without opposition to possess all the advantages of the ground , either for the planting of your cannon , or for casting up parapetts on some eminencies which command all about it , ( as sir francis vere did at the battel of newport ) or by drawing up your carriages , or making a ditch to cover one , or both the flanks of your wings ; which you cannot well do , if your enemy be earlier , or as early as you on the place . the being thereby sometimes in a posture to fall upon , and cut off your enemies squadrons , and battalions ; or to rake them with your cannon while they are drawing up , which is an advantage , when it may be taken , that is of great use . iv. the fourth is , that your squadrons of horse ought not to be too great , for the reasons which i have formerly mentioned in that chapter which treats of the disciplining of your soldiery . yet if that need requires , two , nay three of the small ones may be put into one great one ; but still i would advise , that the same officers should command the same squadrons , when united , as they did before : by which means they will retain the agility which is in small parties , and yet when there is need , have the force of great ones ; and this i propound to be observed ; because , whoever has been practically versed in fighting , will hardly deny , but that 150 horse in two squadrons , will be likely to rout and beat 200 horse in one squadron ; and the reason to me seems very evident ; for besides the opportunity you have thereby to fall into his flank and rear , whatever body of men does fight , or has fought , disorders it self , though it gets the better ; and being disorder'd , a less number that is not , to speak humanely , must ( if the men be equally good ) overthrow a greater that is . and daily experience shews how difficult , if possible , it is , suddenly to rally great squadrons , when by fighting they have been disorder'd ; especially if but a small squadron is at hand , to fall on them , and improve their being so discomposed : nor indeed can great squadrons march many paces , though the ground be clear , and level , without disordering their ranks ; but if it be uneven , or rugged , they are almost out of their fighting order , before they come to fight ; which are mischiefs that less squadrons , are not so liable unto : but battalions of foot , as being more governable , may be large , according to the occasion and need ; especially those which are composed of pikes : for a great battalion , or stand of those in the vanguard , the battel , and the rearguard of the infantry , are the safety of the whole , and under their shelter all rallyings may be best made . v. the fifth is , a general must never omit in the drawing up of his army , so to dispose of his squadrons , and battalions , as probably every one of them may come to fight , again , and again , if the need requires , before they are totally overthrown . it is also observable that in a battel , whoever keeps in reserve a body of men , that are not led to fight until all the enemies squadrons have fought , rarely misses to carry away the victory ; and whoever has the last reserves , is very likely at last , to be the victorious . one signal illustration of this truth among many , i shall instance ; at the battel of dreux in france , where the constable montmorancy , assisted by francis duke of guise , ( the greatest captains of that age ) commanded the royallists ; and lewis prince of condé , and the admiral the protestants ; he , and the admiral , defeated all the forces they saw ; took the constable prisoner ; past over the bellies of the swissers , who made almost a miraculous resistance , and concluded , they had therefore won the victory . in the mean while the duke of guise , who led the left wing of the french king's army , either by design , as his enemies said , or as an act of high conduct , so cover'd his troops , with the village of blainville , and the trees and shrubs about it , that he was not so much as seen by the protestants , nor moved from thence , until the constable was taken prisoner , the mareschal de st. andré killed , and all those forces which were considered by the protestants , as the whole army of the royalists , were intirely routed , and so confusedly flying , as he was in no danger to have his squadrons disordered by the runawayes of his own party ; but then , advancing his troops , which were entire , he soon turned the fortune of the day , took the prince of condé prisoner , and overthrew all that opposed him . for 't is a tedious , and difficult , if not an impossible task , to put into good order again , an army that has newly fought , so as to bring it suddenly to fight again ; some being busied about the pillage , and prisoners they have taken , or are pursuing , others being loth to return to new dangers ; and all in effect being so heated , and disordered , that they do not , or will not hear , the commands of their superiors . vi. a sixth is , a general must never bring all his troops to fight at once ; and therefore is still to draw up his army ; at least in two lines , or orders of battel , and in three in case the ground , and the number of his forces , allow it : for those lines are in effect so many armies ; and the second line being intire , though the first should be broken , often recovers the day ; especially if the second line be at so just a distance behind the first , as if the first be overthrown , it does not disorder the second ; and also so near , that some squadrons of the second line , can come up timely enough to redress any beginning of a breach in the first , without too much discomposing it self . the romans constantly fought their infantry in three lines , or orders of battel , the one behind the other ; if the hostatii were worsted , they fell between the intervals of the principi , and there rallied again , while the principi advanced to give a check to the pursuers ; and if both the hostatii and principi were routed , they fell in between the intervals of the triarii ; but if those could not sustain the shock , the day was lost . vii . a seventh is , to have expert , vigilant , and valiant commanders , to be at the head of those five gross bodies , of which an army is usually composed in a day of battel ; that is to say , the three tertia's of the infantry , ( which as they march we usually call , van , battle , and rear ) and the two wings of the cavalry ; they ought to be men of great judgment , authority , and presence of mind , to remedy all disasters , and to improve all advantages in the nick of time ; for in such actions , the least delay or remisness , is too usually irrecoverable . to these five chief officers whose stations ought to be in the first line , there ought also to be five others to command in the second line ; for this is of equal importance , if not of greater ; since t is easier to give the attack well , while all is in order ; than to recover a disorder , when it once has happened . in my opinion it is a duty in a general which he ought never to omit , not only to appoint before the armies engage , what persons by name shall command in chief the five gross bodies of the first line , and of the second line ; but also what commander in every of the said gross bodies , shall in course , succeed in the conduct of every such body , in case the person whose right it is to do it , or who is appointed to do it , should be kill'd , or so wounded , as he is thereby disabled to discharge so weighty a trust , and to declare openly to every gross body , who by name is to lead them ; and who by name is to succeed him who shall be killed , or disabled from discharging his function ; that no man may be ignorant , or pretend ignorance therein : for if this be not done before troops are mingled in the fight , it will be too late to do it afterwards ; and i have known sad disasters occasioned for want of this necessary precaution . some who have been guilty of this omission , have , as their excuse , alledged ; that when he who commanded that gross was killed , or put out of fight by his hurts , or his horse being killed , the eldest officer or colonel in course was to supply his room . but that is not in all cases , a sufficient and full answer ; for sometimes regiments of horse , and regiments of foot , have made up one gross ; and though a colonel of foot has been the elder colonel , yet in the field , a younger colonel of horse , has claimed the right of doing it ; and thereby disputes amongst themselves have risen , when they should have only disputed against the enemy . besides , i have also known that the elder colonel has not been so fit to command a gross , as a younger colonel has been ; and the soldiery also have known it , who will not be a little troubled to be lead by one , who they all know was not so capable of that honor and trust. neither do all the inferior officers , or private soldiers , know the dates of every colonels commission ; and if their own colonel pretends to the seniority , they will not desert him in his pretence , by immediately submitting to be led by , and obey another . but by the method i propound , these uncertainties , and dangerous disputes , will be avoided ; else if they are ever run into , it may too probably be fatal . and since a general in the field , may appoint on the death of a general officer , who shall act in his place , till the king's pleasure therein be known , ( which is usual enough ; ) and in making this choice , acts not alwayes by the rule of seniority , but by the fitness of the person ; and yet therein does no wrong to an elder colonel : i see no solid reason why a general may not temporarily nominate who shall command a gross body , in case he who did it , is killed , or disabled ; especially in a day of battel , when all is at stake , and when no advantage ought to be lost in nominating the ablest person for the vacant charge , lest thereby the victory be lost . i am fully of opinion that the greatest captain that ever was , or will be , is not , or can be , of himself sufficient to redress all disorders , and lay hold of all advantages , in an instant , when armies are once engaged . the utmost he can do , is to choose well the field of battel ; to draw up his army according thereunto , to most advantage ; to give his general orders , and to give the best orders wherever he is in person ; but he cannot be ubiquitary , nor send orders to every place timely enough , to have them obey'd successfully . and therefore 't is indisputably necessary , that he have under him , expert chief officers , at the head of all gross bodies , who may supply what it is impossible for him singly to command ; for he can be well obey'd but to the time he sends his troops to the charge : after that , those only who lead them , and are with them , can actuate them according to the general orders , or as the occasion requires , which those under him must have the judgment to lay hold of , as it were in the twinkling of an eye ; so short are the moments to acquire the victory . together with those chief officers who command tertia's , and wings of armies ; it is of high importance to have an able general of the artillery , and that he have sufficient officers under him ; for the carriages well disposed , and the cannon early and well planted , do not a little contribute to the victory ; and if it may be , i would never have the cannon fired , so as the bullet , if it take place , can only carry away a file ; especially also , now our files are so shallow ; but alwayes to point your artillery so as the shot may rake thwart the squadrons and battalions of the enemy ; and then it does not only do execution while it has any force , but also disorders whole bodies of infantry , or cavalry . viii . an eighth thing is , to place alwayes your best soldiery in the wings of your army , and to begin the battel on that side where you judge your self the strongest , and your enemy the weakest ; and with those troops to advance as expeditiously as you can , ( without disordering them ) while the rest of your army moves as slowly as they may . for if your first impression be successful , you may fall into the flank , and part of the rear of your enemies , while the residue of your whole army is marching to attack them in the front ; but then the motion of your army must be quicker , as soon as ever they see your advanced wing is successful . i would recommend to practice one thing more , which i have on tryal found very beneficial ; it is this : during the motion of your advanced wing , to edge it by degrees , and insensibly , towards the outward flank of that wing of the enemies which you go to charge ; so as by that time you mingle , you may outwing them , and thereby attack them at once in front , flank , and rear , if he has omitted to cover that flank ; and therefore to begin the battel with that wing of yours , which is the strongest , is not only most adviseable , but also to place your best men in that wing of yours , which is opposite to that wing of his , which has the flank of it uncover'd ; if by neglect , or want of time , or means , either of his flanks are not secured ; i have known great advantage obtain'd thereby ; and if your enemy be not very timely aware of this , it may more than likely contribute considerably to win you the day . i mention very timely aware of this , because if he discover not your design until you are on the point to execute it , it will be too late to prevent it ; since no alteration can be made when you are ready to join , but it will , in all likelihood , be ruinous to him who in that juncture of time shall attempt to make it . when i mention your beginning the battel with that wing in which you have placed your valiantest soldiers , i intend thereby , that the second line of that wing shall advance as well as the first ; else , while you fall in the flank and rear of your enemies wing , his second line may fall into the flank and rear of as many of your first line , as are so employed ; unless your own second line be ready to prevent it ; and to improve all the advantages which your first impression shall give you . the placing the best men in the wings of an army , is very ancient , and seldom has been omitted , but to the loss of those who were guilty of such omission ; the reason is , the troops on your wings are not wedg'd in , as the troops in your main battel are ; but are at liberty to take all advantages that by accident , or by the ill conduct of your enemy , or by your own good ; may be offer'd you ; and you cannot so much as rationally hope to fall into his flank and rear , but by attacking one of his wings ; because you cannot overwing him , but only by falling upon one of his outward flanks . hannibal , who was so excellent a captain to win victories , ( though possibly not to make the best use of them , ) at the famous battel of cannes , placed all his valiantest men in both his wings , and the worst men in the midst of his battel ; whereby , when the romans came to the charge , ( who had placed their choicest legions in their main battel ) they soon pierced into the body of hannibals army , which was what he designed they should do ; for then with his two wings , in which were all his choicest troops , he immediately incompassed the romans , and totally defeated them . but at the battel of zama , or as some call it nadagara , which ●…e fought against scipio , though the fate of carthage depended on the issue of that day , yet he totally altered the order he had observed at cannes , and lost the victory ; for at zama he placed all his new raised men by themselves , to endure the first attack of the romans ; and of all his old soldiers who had so memorably served him in his wars in italy , he made as it were an army apart , and drew them up a few furlongs , behind his new raised africans , who were therefore soon cut in pieces , as his reserve army was not long after ; whereas if he had observed the like order of battel at nadagara , as he did at cannes , he might have had the like success . ix . the ninth thing is , to prohibit , under the severest penalties , the absolute chace , or the pillage , until the enemy is totally routed on all sides ; and then have those troops only to pursue , which are expresly appointed for it , alwayes having squadrons to march after the pursuers as near and in as good order , as if they were going to the charge ; that if the pursued should rally , and face about , you may have those ready to fall on , and break them a second time . how many victories seemingly won , have , in an instant , been lost , for want of due care , in these two particulars of such high concernment , which therefore ought never to be omitted ; neither is there any thing which more encourages flying enemies to rally , and fight again , than the seeing a disorderly pursuit of them ; for in such a pursuit , all the advantage of the prevailing party is immediately vanished , when the chaced do but turn about ; for such an evidence of restored valor , too often daunts those who are to oppose it : nor can any thing more deterr the flying party from doing that , than to see several bodies in good order , ready to make them repent that confidence ; and though brave officers will not cease pressing , promising , and threatning their men that flie , to face about ; yet the private soldier who sees those bodies are ready to fall on them , conclude it is more dangerous to do so , than to run , and therefore are too often deaf to all oratory , or menaces of that nature ; for the frighted soldier , as well as the hungry belly , has no ears . these nine particulars may not improperly be called maxims in war , and therefore ought to be still practised before a battel , in a battel , and after the enemy is routed . i know many of the ancients , and not a few of the moderns have with much industry alwayes endeavored to gain the sun and the wind of their enemy in the day of battel , and doubtless both are very desirable to be on our backs , when they may be obtained without losing thereby more certain advantages from the nature of the ground you are to fight on ; for those are mutable , especially the latter , and the former is still in motion , so that no precaution can ascertain the keeping of them when they are gotten ; and therefore one must not lose the stable advantages , in hope to gain the unstable ; but if both may be had at once , they must never be neglected . i shall now proceed to set down several other particulars , which i hope will be useful to whoever has the curiosity and patience to read them . vvhen an enemies army advances to raise the siege of a place , which otherwise can hardly hold out longer ; in my poor judgment , it is not adviseable to defend the ordinary line of circumvallation , but to draw out of it , and give the enemy battel , if your men be as good , your numbers as great as his , and that your ground you fight on , be as fit for you , as him . some of the reasons and experiments which induce me to be of this belief , i shall here express . if the place be large which you besiege , your line of circumvallation must of necessity be many miles about , for it ought to be out of the reach of your enemies artillery , else you will too much expose to the mercy of it , your army that is lodged within it . all this line must be equally defended , unless it be where the situation of it secures it self , or does it but thinly mann'd : for not knowing in what part , or places of it , he will attempt to force it , you must secure every foot of it , which in consequence does so disperse your army , that if he once enters , it will be impossible to draw it together expeditiously enough to beat him out again ; for as soon as ever he is gotten within it , he flings down immediately such parts of it as are near him ; that the squadrons and battalions of his army may come in , and they marching on the heels of each other , will certainly be imbattelled , and rout all the small forces which may be in readiness near that place ; and will also hinder those further off from imbodying . besides , if the place besieged is seated on an unfordable river , or that may be so in a rainy season , ( as most commonly considerable fortresses are ) 't is not to be doubted but you will cast over it bridges of boats , or fixed bridges , that you may surround the place , ( which else might with safety be every day or night relieved ) and thereby also have free intercourse between both parts of your army which are divided by the river ; and 't is as little to be doubted , but as soon as he has enter'd your line , his first care will be , to make himself master of all those bridges , that such as are , as it were , in a pound , may not escape ; and that having defeated half your army , he may march over them to destroy the rest , who seem then but too ripe for ruin , when half their friends are cut off , and all their enemies are marching against them , and the besieged , by their sallies , ready to assist them . this seems to me to be the usual , and fatal consequences , if your enemies army entring your ordinary line of circumvallation , which being most frequently but a parapet with a narrow and shallow ditch , is but too easily forced , and indeed not to be held tenable of it self ; if the forts , redoubts , and other works which flank it , and which are usually raised a musket-shot from one another , with many hands to mann it , did not , in a good degree , secure it . but those works usually are such slight things , especially when an enemy is entred , that few of the resolutest which are posted in them , to guard them , stay to do it after ; for commonly the attempt on such a line is made a little before the break of day , that the obscurity may the less expose the assailants , while they advance to storm it ; and that the day-light , may help them soon after they are gotten in , to improve all advantages which are offer'd them thereby ; and 't is in this twilight ordinarily , that those in the works to defend the line , steal out of them , when they find the enemy is entred , as those who then expect more safety from their feet , than from their hands . he who resolves to force an ordinary line of circumvallation , either does it without any noise , or else alarms it round ; and often most warmly , where he means not to make his attempt ; while small parties are doing this , in the dark he is drawing all the rest of his army to the place , or places , ( which still are near each other ) where he intends to make his real impression , and does it with that silence , as the defendants cannot discover his intentions , till usually it be too late successfully to oppose them . i must therefore frankly acknowledge , since the defences of such a line are so inconsiderable ; since the equally manning them so dissipates the army which does it ; since it cannot hopefully be defended otherwise : and since it cannot be safely defended that way , i have almost wonder'd at those , who rather choose to make good such a line , than to give battel to the enemy who comes to raise the siege . this being a more hopeful thing , a more glorious action , and whose consequences , if success attends the besiegers in the field , will be much more great , than to defend the line can possibly be ; for thereby you can at last but carry the place : but by a battel gain'd over the relievers , you usually carry the fortress but as one of the many good effects of getting the victory ; for few , if any towns , hold out , after the relief sent them is defeated . what i have said on this subject , proceeds from my taking two things for granted ; the first is , that the circumvallation line is after the usual and common form ; that is , but a parapet , and that the works which defend it are very inconsiderable either towards the field , or within the line . the second is , that the besieging army has as good men and more than the relievers bring ; for 't is necessary he leave his best and most advanced works well guarded during the battel , both to preserve them against his return with victory , as also by them to hinder the besieged from sallying on their backs , while they are fighting with the relief ; but indeed if the line need not be of much circumference ; if it be high , and the graft large and deep ; if your army is not strong enough both to fight the enemy in the field , and to secure at the same time your most advanced , and most necessary works ; if the place you must fight in , is an open countrey , and that your enemy does much exceed you in cavalry ; or if it be an inclosed , incumbred countrey , and he does much exceed you in infantry ; if you have victuals , and forage enough , within your line , and your enemy have little with him , or without it ; so that he can stay but a few dayes , and that you may probably in fewer dayes take the place by assault , or have it surrendred by capitulation . i say in a case thus circumstantiated , i would not admire a general would justifie his line ; but rather admire , if he should draw out of it , to give battel to the relievers . i shall therefore now instance some examples of famous captains , who have kept within their lines of circumvallation , when the enemies army came to relieve the besieged , and in them have resisted their attempts , and as a consequence of that success , have gain'd the places . i shall also give examples of some other great generals , who have chose rather to draw out of their lines , to give the relieving army battel , than to stay within their lines , and in them to oppose the relief . i shall then enumerate some of the many reasons , why i believe such various , and opposite methods , have been practised by such celebrated chiefs in war ; nay , sometimes by the very self-same general ; though i must say , i find many more examples in histories , and in my own time , for drawing out of ordinary lines of circumvallation to give battel to the relievers army , than for opposing the succors by continuing within them . caesar , who i esteem the famousest captain of the universe , in the famousest of all his sieges , that of al●…sia in france , chose to stay within his lines to oppose the relief of the united gaules ; or at least fought them in the field only with his cavalry , which on occasion he drew out of his lines , and in which services he owns his german horse did him most service ; who have been famous , for their valor , even as long as historians have recorded any great actions of war , in which that nation had a share . but because this memorable siege is so minutely , and particularly related by caesar himself , and does thereby imply , he thought it even his master-piece in that kind ; and since by his conduct there , the most eminent captains of the moderns , as i have been credibly informed , have model'd the design of their sieges , viz. the prince of orange , the duke of parma , and the marquiss of spinola , in their great sieges of maestricht , antwerp , and breda ; i hope those who read this book , will , at least , judge me worthy of their pardon , if i stay a little in the relation of this prodigious siege of alesia ; since also no less an author than paterculus , when he treats of it , has these very expressions , viz. so great things were done at alesia , that they might seem too great for any man to attempt , or any but a god to effect . caesar having defeated the cavalry of the gaules , whose army was led by vercingetorix ( a person worthy to command a national army ) vercingetorix shuts himself up in alesia with 80000 of his chosen soldiers , sends away the reliques of his cavalry , ( as useless in that siege ) and requires all the nations of the whole countrey of gallia , to come to his relief , which he conjures them to hasten , having but 30 dayes corn in the town to feed his men , which in all probability , by the frugallest management , and the carefullest distribution , could not suffice for above six weeks . caesar immediately resolves to besiege this great general , and greater army ; in hope to reduce both , before the relief could come ; yet admirably well fortifying himself against the relief , if it should come early enough to succor the besieged . what these stupendious works were , both as to the circumvallation to oppose the relievers , and as to the countervallation to resist the attempts of the besieged , you shall have briefly related , and from his own commentaries , wherein he writes , viz. that he made round about the town , a ditch of 20 foot wide , and 20 foot deep , with upright sides , as broad at the top , as at the bottom ; 40 foot behind this ditch , he made his first works ; behind them he made two other ditches of 15 foot in breadth , and 15 foot deep , and behind all these he made a ditch 12 foot wide , and 12 foot deep , with a rampard , and parapet thereon , and erected towers round about the whole work ; at every 80 foot distance the one from the other ; besides the palisadoes , stockadoes , and those other fortifications ; which he comprehends under the name of cippi , of which there were five ranks ; and of stimuli , of which there were eight courses or rows , round about his whole camp. so that it seems to me , none of his enemies could come to attack his works , but must run on several ranks of sharp stakes , or into holes , or on galthrops , which were also covered , or hid with branches of osiers . caesar further adds , that after the inner fortifications were thus perfected , he took in 14 miles of circuit , and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without , as he had done against the town : which are his own words . these are the first lines of circumvallation and countervallation , which i ever read of in any siege ; and i fully believe the making of both as ordinarily they are made in our modern sieges , when we equally apprehend the numerous sallies of the besieged , and the strong attempts of the relievers , was taken from this model of caesars ; but the copies are very much short of the original as to the quantities , and qualities of the lines ; so many prodigious works of 11 miles about towards alesia , and 14 miles about towards the armies which came to succor it ; with the several rows of stakes , holes in the ground , and other traps to destroy and catch the gaules , i think is admirable , and to perfect them , one would judge , must be the labour of some years , though a vast army undertook it ; whereas indeed as i believe it could not possibly be the labour of many days : for though caesar mentions not how many days it was before the relieving army came ; yet since he expresly says vercingetorix found scarce 30 days corn in the place , when he shut up himself in it , with his 80000 chosen men ; and that he surrendred it not , till the relief had made three attempts to succor it ; it is undeniable 't was not famine only which made vercingetorix yield : and therefore it could not be many days in which caesar began , and perfected all these wonderful works . this being the true narrative of the strength of his lines , both towards the town , and towards the field ; it is not to be thought strange he elected to withstand his enemy within such fortifications , and that he repulsed their general assaults , though three times made ; nor can any one reasonably believe caesar's army could have justified 11 miles of a line against 80000 men within the countervallation , and of 14 miles against 248000 men without the circumvallation , had not the multiplicity of his works , the one within the other , and the strength of them every way , made them defensible enough , for the paucity of the hands which were to justifie them . yet the finishing of these amazing works were not the onely labours of caesar's army ; but to do the constant duty , night and day , of the camp , especially most strongly until the line of countervallation was finish't ; the providing not only forage , and victuals , from hand to mouth ; but also to lay in besides , magazines of both , for 30 days , which caesar writes , by his orders , were done : that thereby , as i suppose , he might not be necessitated to stir out of his lines when the relief should incamp it self close by them ; which else might have hazarded the cutting off his army by piece-meel going to forage , or forced him to have come to a decisive battel , whereby all his labour on his lines would have been needless ; as also by carrying into his leaguer what was in the villages , and countrey neighbouring on his works , to deprive his enemies army of all sustenance but what they brought along with them , or were daily to be fetch'd by them to their camp , from a great distance . and lastly , to have still in his leaguer , more victuals than the besieged could then have within the town , thereby to compel the relieving army to attack those almost unconquerable works ; or the town to surrender for want of food in the sight of the army which came for the succor : these necessary performances , together with his often fighting against such forces , as almost hourly , night , and day , made numerous sallies , and were obliged to do it , both to harass , and lessen caesar's army , and to retard the finishing of his works ; which when compleated , would render it highly difficult , if possible , to relieve the besieged ; i say , and i think with reason , all these economies of war , were at least as difficult in the actings , as the making those laborious fortifications ; yet all were to be done , and done at one and the same time ; and in so short a space , that i scarce know to which of the two , my admiration is justlier due . at length the relieving army appear'd , which consisted of 248000 men , as caesar , who condescended to be the commissary of their musters , reckons them to be ; and also writes , how many every state of gallia , did particularly send ; so that at once he was to withstand 320000 of his enemies ; and which was more , to fight with them at the same time , when they attacked him in front and rear . this formidable relieving army was led by four generals , viz. comius , veridomarus , eporedorix , and vergesilaunus ; all great captains , and accustomed to make war even against caesar himself ; where they could not but have learn'd much , having to do with such a general , and yet for many years continued the war against him ; and one of them , viz. comius , had learn'd the rudiments of war , under caesar himself , and acquired so much honour in serving the romans , that caesar rewarded him with the principality over the morini . the gaules seated their camp on a hill half a mile from caesar's works , and sent their cavalry into a plain under it , and their nimblest archers conceal'd behind their troops . caesar makes his cavalry match out to fight them , lest the gaules , by having their cavalry unfought with , even under caesar's works , might grow too insolent , and his own army be intimidated . the roman horse were worsted by the help of the gaules archers ; but caesar's german horse relieved them , routed the gaules , and cut in pieces their archers , and then all caesar's troops return d within their line . the gaules made three several general assaults on caesar's camp , the first by day , the second by night , and the third at full noon , vercingetorix every time sallying out at the same hour with his army : in these three attacks all that valor , skill , and industry could perform on both sides , was not omitted . some particulars i shall enumerate ; the gaules finding the rows of stakes , and holes , and the galthorps , destroyd many of their men , flung up so much earth over them , as covered them ; and thereby made them useless to the romans : then filling their ditches with fagots , hurdles , and earth , raised the outside , on which they went to the assaults , higher than the line they assaulted , and so went on advantageous ground to the attack ; and caesar , when he found his men distressed in front , by the enemies over-numbring him , and fighting on equal ground , would often command his cavalry , sometimes his legionary infantry , to sally out of his line , and to fall on them in the rear , whereby he routed them . the last dayes attack , seem'd several battels , rather than one general assault , such great bodies fighting at once both within and without the first lines towards the field , and towards the town ; for the gaules having discover'd the weakest , or more properly the least strong part of caesar's line , while all the residue of their army were assaulting the rest of the works , vergesilaunus , ( who was vercingetorix's near kinsman ) in the obscurity of the preceding night , had marched behind a hill , and concealed himself there with 60000 select men ; who at noon-day ( when the romans were with all their forces defending their works both against the besieged , and comius , &c. ) assaulted them unexpectedly , entred the line , whose ditch they had filled , and with many shouts , daunted caesar's soldiers , as he himself confesses . but caesar , at last , by the valor and expertness of his men , and by his excellent conduct , relieving them in all parts , where they were oppressed , and leading them in person , to many charges , was victorious , and chaced the gaules to the very works of their camp , and to the gates of the town ; and adds , if his soldiers had not been quite spent with that dayes hot service , few of all the gaules had scaped . they lost in that last dayes attempt , above 60000 men , so that despairing to perform what they came for , they did that night abandon their camp ; and many were kill'd by caesar's cavalry , who pursued them in the obscurity ; and the next day vercingetorix capitulated , and yielded ; he himself gallantly mounted , and armed , at all points , having first leisurely rid round about the chair of state in which caesar sate to receive him , alighted off of his horse , and , as an evidence of his being conquer'd , disarm'd himself , and then went and sate down on the ground at cae●…ar's feet , without speaking one word . some of those many reasons which induced caesar , in my opinion , to continue within his lines , and not to give the enemy battel in the field , i shall here set down . i. he could not shut up in alesia a much greater army than his own , without making very strong lines of countervallation against it . ii. having made these wonderful ●…ines , and knowing of the vast relief which was certainly hastening , to succor the besieged ; he , with so small an army as his own , ( which probably could not consist of above 30000 foot , and 6000 horse , for he never had above 10 legions at once in all gallia ) could not reasonably hope both to keep in vercingetorix with 80000 chosen men , and fight against comius , &c. with 248000 good men , unless by prodigious works he could supply , what he wanted in numbers of men , and also by so posting his army between his lines of circumvallation , and ●…ountervallation , as to be thereby ready to resist both wayes , and often , with the same reserve , battalions , and squadrons . for whatever justus l●…psius computes , that the space between these two lines must be 5000 foot , yet in reason i am fully convinced they were much nearer each other , for else they could not answer the end for which they were made ; since no squadrons of reserve can 〈◊〉 answer both wayes , a distance of a mile , much less do it as often as need requires ; and our modern lines of circumvallation and countervallation , ( which are but copies after caesar's original ) are generally no farther asunder , than to leave space to camp the army in , and that the battalions , and squadrons , may be drawn up between them so near , as timely enough to relieve either , or both lines ; and to me 't is inferredly evident , that caesar had this in his prospect , by acknowledging he was necessitated to run that part of his line , which vergesilaunus assaulted as the weakest , on the hanging of a hill ; for had he ran it on the top of the hill , it would have taken up too much ground ; that is , have made his ●…ine of circumvallation too far distant from his line of countervallation , and thereby rendered the reserve battalions between both lines , useless to one , or both . iii. caesar seeing that vercingetorix , not designedly , but compelled by necessity , had cast himself into alesia with 80000 chosen men ; for the gaules cavalry having been defeated the day before by the italian , and german , on which cavalry of the gaules , vercingetorix most depended , and losing their support , despaired of retreating in the face of the roman horse , and of the legionary infantry , had no better game to play , than to get into alesia , which was very near him ; caesar therefore had abundant reason to believe the town had not wherewithall long to feed so many mouths ; for i conclude it was not a magazine of the gaules , since caesar particularly mentions , that the manubii by whose interest only , vercingetorix was admitted into it , were by him expelled out of it ; the longer to enable his army to eat : which sure he would not have been so ungrateful to have done , if they had been his garison , and also had not meer want of corn constrained him to it ; i say , since caesar , by their want of corn , had probable hopes to reduce them by famine , before their expected relief could come , ( for a league of many petty states are not overwarm to adventure their forces to relieve the defeated , but are more inclined to make their peaces apart ) and therefore having shut them up with prodigious works , he was afterwards compelled , as it were , to make as vast works against the relief , when he foresaw the besieged could hold out till the succor came ; for else all he had thitherto done , had been uneffectual to answer his final end ; since the full manning of those lines against the besieged , must take up too many of his small army , to leave him enough forces to fight the vast succors in the field ; and therefore he resolved to continue within his lines . iv. since he could lay up one months magazine of victuals , within his works , which was more than vercingetorix could have in alesia , after comius , &c. came with the relief ; caesar had all the reason imaginable to justifie his lines , and not to draw out of them , to give his enemy battel ; for he might justly believe , that if the relief had hopes of cutting him off from all provisions which he had not got into his camp before their coming , they would only design to block him up within his works , and then he might sooner starve vercingetorix , than comius , &c. could starve him : and by having ruined the flower of the gaules forces , and their generalissimo , he should be the better able to fight the rest in the field , when the consumption of his magazines within his camp , necessitated him to issue out of it . or if the gaules , soon after their arrival , should endeavor to storm , and force his camp on the field-side of it ; and vercingetorix , at the same time , on the town-side of it , he might be the better able to resist , and repel both , being within such works ; so that which soever way they acted , caesar had great cause to keep within such stupendious works ; by the help of which , he , at last , defeated his enemies field army , and reduced to his mercy their besieged army ; and did it both at one and the same time . nor had caesar left comius and the relievers , any probable hopes to besiege him successfully , while he was besieging vercingetorix , could he have been fed within the town longer than 30 or 40 dayes ; for caesar had furnished his camp , for one month , and had thereby brought into it , all the provisions which were near it in the countrey , and ( more than probably ) destroyed , by his cavalry , all he could not bring within his line ; and when 248000 soldiers , with the many useless mouths ( as to fighting ) which in the best regulated armies attend such forces , must be fed , and all this victual and forage must be brought far off ; it would have been very difficult , if possible , to have supplied them for any considerable time with food . i beg the readers pardon that i have thus largely insisted on this one instance , which in some degree to repair , i will almost but name the subsequent ones . the example of caesar's keeping within such excellent lines , and in them resisting , and defeating the relief , being very ancient , i will give the reader a recent one , to evidence that in parallel cases , equal success has been the consequence . henry , prince of orange , a most excellent captain , did in the year 1632. besiege maestricht , the spaniards apprehending they should not be able with their own armies onely , to force his lines ( which were as strong in needful places , as the very fortifications of the town ) prevailed with the emperor to join with them for that service ; the german army , commanded by count papenheim , a brave and adventurous general ; and to heighten his endeavors to relieve the place , he was promised 100000 crowns , and the order of the golden fleece , if he effected it : but the prince of orange had made such lines about his camp , and against the town , and so well furnished his leaguer , as thereby he resisted all their assaults ; and when the relief drew off , maestricht capitulated , and surrendred . the reasons which , in my poor opinion , did engage the prince of orange to stay within , and justifie his lines , were : that his works were almost as tenable as those of maestricht . that his enemies did greatly exceed him in cavalry ; and the countrey about it was champion . that he was well furnished with horse-meat and mans-meat within his leaguer . that his enemies armies were ill furnished with both . that he knew papenheim could not long be spared by the emperor ; and that the other commanders , without his help , durst not attempt to force such extraordinary lines . and that if he had raised his siege , and retreated before the enemy advanced , he had not only lost all the blood , treasure , and time , which were consumed in this siege , but also had given the enemy leisure , and means , to repair those defects in the place , which his knowledge of , had been a chief invitation to him to besiege it . i shall now present my reader with two remarkable instances , of famous generals , who even in our own memories , chose within an ordinary line of circumvallation to oppose the army commanded to relieve the besieged , and were thereby defeated , and forced hastily to abandon their design . the archduke , assisted by the prince of conde now living , besieged arras , and raised one of the ordinary lines of circumvallation about it ; monsieur de turenne , assisted by his royal highness the duke of york , came to relieve that place . the archduke , and the chief spanish commanders , resolve to justifie their line ; but as i have been assured , the prince of conde was absolutely , either for giving the french army battel , or retreating before the relief was near ; this wholsom advice was not followd . his royal highness and monsieur de turenne assault , and carry the line , being themselves two of the very first which entred it ; and doubtless had intirely cut off the spanish army , had those bridges been immediately secured by the french , by which the spaniards held communication . i was positively told by a person of great honour who was present , that his royal highness , whose judgment in war in so green an age , was almost as much admired , as his valor , exceedingly pressed to have it done ; which being a while omitted , the prince of conde in person , with almost incredible diligence , got together many squadrons of horse , then caused their own bridges to be destroyed , and with his usual conduct , his sword in his hand , made the retreat , and saved the residue of that broken army . in what the prince of conde then did , we may learn one very observable lesson ; that a great commander , when a fatal mischief is fallen into , which his advice , had it been followed , would probably have prevented , is notwithstanding obliged to hazard his person , and employ his best conduct , to make the loss as easie as possibly he can , to his own party . a second instance of the like ill success , by pursuing the like method , is in the same monsieur de turenne's besieging valenciennes jointly with the mareschal de la ferte ; and resolving within an ordinary line of circumvallation , to oppose the spanish relief , led by don iohn of austria , who forced the line on the mareschal de la ferte's side of the river : as soon as this was known to monsieur de turenne , he instantly broke his own bridges over it , sent away his cannon and baggage , and marched after it , as expeditiously as he could ; and therein acted the best part , which in such a case , was left him to manage . these two instances , so fresh in our memories , seem to me no ill evidence , that whatever besieging general shall stay within such an ordinary line , and of great circumference , when an army comes to attack it , 't is great odds but he suffers thereby considerable loss and disgrace . by the french forcing such a line justified by the spaniards before arras ; and by the spaniards forcing such a line justified by the french before valenciennes ; it looks , as if the victory were not won so much by the conduct and valor of either army , as by the difficulty of defending such a line ; and therefore whatever nation does play the like game , will , too probably , sustain the like loss . i might particularize several other examples of this nature , even within our own times , but , to avoid cloying my reader , i purposely omit them ; and will rather employ his patience , in giving him some instances of great captains , who chose to quit their ordinary lines , to give the relieving army battel , and were successful therein . maurice , prince of orange , in the year 1600 , had besieged newport , believing that the mutiny of many of the spanish forces , would disable the archduke from relieving it ; but those mutineers being unexpectedly pacified , and the archduke marching with his army to relieve the place ; that prince , though always loth to come to a decisive battel , yet in this case , having had onely time enough to make an ordinary line of circumvallation , quitted it , led thereunto by his own judgment , and the concurrent advice of our noble sir francis vere , and advanced to meet the archduke ; gave him battel in the open field , won the victory , with 116 ensigns , and 5 standards ; and perhaps had also won newport , had he in earnest again besieged it , which he forbore to do , partly because la burlotte had cast into it three regiments with great conduct and celerity . in the year 1633 , the duke of lunenburg , with milander , and mareschal kniphausen , had besieged hamelen , a strong and considerable place , seated on the river vess●…r in germany ; and having reduced it to great wants , the germans resolved to relieve it ; and rendezvous'd a great army for that end , under the comand of general merodes , and count cronesfield . the besiegers on their enemies army drawing near , left some regiments for the defence of their most advanced approaches , and to hinder the garisons sallying during the battel ; and with 9500 horse , near as many foot , with 42 pieces of cannon , field and battering , went to fight the relief , which consisted of near the like numbers . the battel was long , and bloody , it lasted above 9 hours ; but at length the protestant , and besieging army , got the victory ; the marks whereof were , the duke of lunenburgs , milanders and kniphausens taking 50 ensigns and standards , 800 wagons , 13 cannon , 2000 prisoners , and merodes the general , who soon after dyed of his wounds , as 5000 of his men did on the spot : the victorious immediately returned to the siege , and the garison soon surrendred . in the year 1638 , duke bernard weymar , on a sudden , sits down before rhinefield in alsatia , and reduces it almost to the last extremity ; the imperialists send duke savelle , and general john de wert , with an army to relieve it . duke weymar following his own solid opinion , and being seconded therein , by the advice of henry , duke of rohan , one of the greatest captains of that age , ( who went a volunteer to that action , to wipe off some calumnies which his enemies had unjustly laid to his charge ) quits his lines to give the enemy battel , but leaves some regiments of foot , and troops of horse , to justifie his works , and beat in the besieged , if they should sally : savelle and wert accept the battel , and , after a sharp dispute , weymar got the day , cuts in pieces the best of the imperial troops , takes all their baggage and cannon , and duke savelle , general wert , and spureter prisoners ; then returns to rhinefield , which soon after surrendred unto him . monsieur de turenne , a few years since , besieged dunkirk , don john of austria came with an army to relieve it ; monsieur de turenne abandons his line , gives don john battel , wins the victory , and as a consequence of it , had dunkirk yielded to him ; in which battel our countreymen did great service . king henry the great of france , when alexander ferneze , duke of parma , and charles duke of mayenne came to the relief of paris with the united forces of the league , and of philip ii. of spain , would not stay within his lines , but drew out of them , to give his enemy battel ; which those two excellent captains would not accept of , but , by a rare conduct , having forced lainy in the sight of the french army , by that way , flung the wanted relief into paris . for whoever does well understand the trade of war , will never put affairs to the greatest hazard , when they can be carried on with the less . in our sinful times in england , when robert earl of essex marched to the relief of glocester , his highness prince rupert , whose high genius in war , admirable valor , and great judgment , has made him justly to be esteemed both by his friends and enemies , a general of the very first form , would not stay in his works before that city , but leaving most of his infantry in them , advanced with his cavalry to meet the relieving army on the downes ; which doubtless he had defeated , as several of the chief officers of it have owned to me , had not some brigades of the earl of essex's infantry , done almost wonders on that occasion . these , and many other the like instances , make it seem to me , even a kind of maxim in war , that a besieging army , which has onely an ordinary and vast line of circumvallation to cover it , ought not to stay in it ; but to give the relief battel , or raise the siege before the relief be too near ; it being , in my poor opinion , altogether unadviseable , to stay as if you would fight , when you are resolved not to do it ; for whatever army retreats from another , thereby evidences that he apprehends his enemies ; which highly encourages them , and does not a little deject your own forces ; who therefore are the more prone to be disorder'd , if vigorously push'd ; and to be disorder'd , is almost the next step to being defeated ; so that early retreats , where the resolution is taken not to fight , is most eligible ; for why should you hazard to be engaged , when you resolve to avoid it ? though i cannot say that the besieging army quitting an ordinary line , has alway had success in giving , or offering battel to the relieving army , ( for that depends on many circumstances , and unforeseeable accidents ) yet the arguments appear to me very strong for the doing of it ; and actions ought not to be judged of onely by the event , but by the reasons which make them to be undertaken . i cannot observe in all the wars which caesar mad●… that he committed any one oversight so clearly deserving that name , as when at dirachium , he enclosed , with a prodigious line for its circumference the army of pompey , which was much greater than his own , and consequently might , when he would , force his passage in one part of it , because all caesar's vast line was to be equally mann'd and provided for , ( where nature made it not inaccessible ) which could not but disperse his troops to such a distance , as render'd them not only useless when pompey should attack any one place of them from within with his whole forces , but exposed them to be cut off by parts , when pompey got out ; so that it was believed the war had that day been ended , had pompey been a general who had known how to improve a victory : and if caesar , whose own conduct was so excellent , whose soldiers were so valiant and expert , as he himself writes , that their knowledge and experience was such as they could prescribe unto themselves what was to be done as well as any commander could teach them ; could not , on tryal , justifie so vast , yet weak a line , when it could then only be assaulted from those within it ; how should any other general rationally hope to justifie an ordinary line , and of great circuit , when it is at once vigorously attempted both from the field , and from the town ; for the strongest sallies from the town , are , when the relief fights the besieging army . experiment might teach what reason did not . but lest some who peruse this treatise , may think i have forgot how much i have already spoken of the great advantages which are derived from an armies being intrenched , though but as it were within a parapet well flank'd , by my now writing so much against an armies trusting to an ordinary line of circumvallation , i shall desire him to consider , there is a very great difference between an army which is posted in an intrenched camp , and one which is posted within such a line of circumvallation , though the works should be of equal strength . for an army intrenched lodges so compactly , and close , and has comparatively so little ground to defend , and no enemy to attack them from within ; that all the forces of it are at hand in a moment , to justifie their intrenchment against all assaults from without ; but an army within such a line of circumvallation , is necessarily so far disperst , to make good every part of it , not knowing where the real impression will be made ; and has so many troops , only to attend the sallies of the garison ; that if once the line be entred , it is impossible to bring forces from such remote distances , so expeditiously to drive them out , as the assaulting general can bring his in , to prevent all considerable imbodyings to resist him ; without which , it were unadviseable for the defending general to design it , and ruinous to attempt it . having thus set down my own opinion for giving battel to a relieving army , rather than to oppose it in a large and ordinary line of circumvallation , with the needful cautions to be observed in choosing to do it ; and having both by the reason of the thing , and by examples , endeavor'd to manifest why my opinion therein is taken up ; and having also given my reader nine general maxims , which are to be observed in giving battel ; i shall now close this chapter , and this tome , with some other particulars , which , in my belief , are not unworthy his perusal ; and seem to me fit to be observed , before , in , and after a battel , as being built on reason , or experiment . before the fighting of a battel , the field mark , and the field word ▪ ought still to be given to every one of your men ; the first is , that you may be able to distinguish afar off , who are friends , and who are enemies ; the second is , that when you come to rally , you may make your rallyment of those onely who are of your own troops ; which else might consist partly of your enemies men , who might , to shelter themselves , get into your ranks , as if they were of your army : and thereby not only preserve themselves , but also when you fight again , contribute to destroy you ; by killing some of your officers which lead you on , or by breaking your ranks just as you were going to charge , and thereby also save themselves when they had done you all the mischief they could ; for in the hurry and confusion of a fight , private soldiers must have some very apparent field mark to enable them to distinguish foes from friends , else much mischief may too likely ensue . and because such field marks , wherever you place them , are not still visible on all sides of the head or body of every one who wears them . the field word is also given ; for it often happens that in a battel , the field mark is by accident lost by many out of their helmets , or hats , and then if they had not the field word , they might be kill'd by those of their own party who knew them not personally . besides , the field mark of each army is seen by all of both armies before they engage , and the matter of it , being to be had in all places by private soldiers , ( as a green branch , a piece of fern , or a handful of grass , or a piece of white paper , &c. ) if you rout your enemy , he may , while he is pursued , take off his own field mark , put up yours in the stead of it , and so scape , if not do you hurt ; but the field word he cannot know , unless it be told him by some of your own men ; and therefore the giving of both before the battel , must never be omitted . i remember once when some forces i had the honor to command , obtained , by the blessing of god , the victory against the enemy ; an officer of mine , having kill'd an officer of the enemies , and finding he had a good beaver , he tyed his own helmet to his saddle bow , and put on so hastily the dead mans beaver ; as he forgot to take out of it the green branch which was their field mark , and to put on a white paper which was our field mark ; and following the execution with his sword all bloody , a captain of horse of my own regiment , taking him by his field mark for one of the enemy , and judging he had done no little slaughter by his sword being all gored to the hilt , undertook him in the pursuit , and turning short on him , before he could see his face , ran him through and through with his tuck , whereof he dyed in a few minutes . but finding the enemies 〈◊〉 mark had caused his death , he own'd his fault , and so acquitted my captain from any guilt . whatever can be done before a battel to distract , or intimidate your enemies army , ought not to be omitted ; some examples of this way of proceeding i shall mention . the archd●…ke ; before the battel of newport , having cut off several companies of the prince of orange's army ( sent unde●… count 〈◊〉 to secure some passes on the way the enemy was to march ) caused a trooper of his , on purpose , to be taken prisoner , just as the armies were going to engage ; who being brought to the prince , did with a loud voice tell him , that count ●…st was defeated , and that immediately the battel would be given him ; and exceedingly magnified , in the hearing of all which were present , the numbers , bravery , and resolution of his own side ; and though the prince immediately caused his mouth to be stopped , yet so many had heard what he said , as it was in an instant diffus d over the states army , and struck into it no little damp , if not terror . if the ground admits of it , it were adviseable , if it can be done safely , the night before the battel to lodge in a wood , or coppice , or hollow ground , some of your men , concealed on the flank , or towards the rear of your enemies army ; who by falling on just as you are engaging , or newly after you are engaged , may be of great benefit to you , and prejudice to him ; as it was done in that great battel between ieroboam and abijah and in many others : but then great caution must be had , that the enemy discover not this ambush , lest he cut it off before the battel , and thereby weaken you , and animate his own party , as it hapned to the suedes near lind●…w in the year 1632 , and to many other parts of armies in other countries ; for whoever goes upon designs , whose success depends on very fine , and nice management , must be exceeding wary , else he had better never attempt them ; and therefore though they may be , and have been practised , with good success , yet i am , in my own private judgment , no over-great friend to any such policies in war , where i may , in the management of them , be discovered , and not possibly know of it timely enough , to receive no detriment thereby : for where the fate of a kingdom , and the lives of thousands are at stake , as in battels the first too usually is , and the last alwayes is , i would still act on solid reasons and principles ; and in stratagems , embrace such methods only , as if they had success would be of great advantage ; and if they failed , yet i should thereby lose nothing but my hopes . the making a speech by a general to a whole army before a battel , is often read of in our best histories ; as well as romances ; but ought , in my belief , to be onely found in the latter : since 't is impossible for any general to speak audibly , in an open field , to above a regiment at once ; and if he makes an harangue to every regiment , he will employ that time in talk , which is more usefully spent in ordering his forces , and in action . not but that i think it highly useful that the officers and soldiers of an army before the battel , should be told all that may heighten their courages ( as the goodness of the quarrel they fight in , the beneficial consequences of their victory , the fatal effects which must attend their being worsted , the honour they have gained in many an action which is too precious to be all lost in one , &c. ) but because i esteem such orations impossible to be made by one , to many thousands at once ; therefore i think it is the duty of a general , to infuse these incentives to victory , into his chief officers first , and then to order their imparting them convincingly to the subordinate ones , and those to inculcate them , on all occasions , into the private soldiers , and especially on their guards , and a little before they go to fight ; and to do it but to a troop , or a company at a time ; and in these wayes i do not only approve of such oratory , but esteem it very practicable , and highly useful before a battel : besides , when all the officers thus discourse to their soldiers , it shews an unanimity which cannot be so practicably evidenced , when the general singly speaks to them . the shouting to the battel is very ancient , and we read of the practice of it , in most warlike nations , as amongst the iews in the time of david , amongst the romans in the time of caesar , &c. the english are so much inclined to it , as i have but once , in those actions i have been in , seen them omit the doing it , as soon as ever they came within cannon-shot of the enemy they were to fight with ; and then i minded them of that neglect , which they immediately amended ; such shoutings bring not only a kind of terror on the nations which do not use them , as being commonly an evidence of great joy in those who make them , but also it stirs up the blood and spirits before , and heats them during the fight . but though such shoutings are useful going towards the enemy , yet a deep silence must be observed by the soldiery , when you are about to engage ; that the officers orders , and the words of command may be clearly heard , and punctually obeyed . 't is observed that the grecians went alwayes silently to the battel ; alledging for it , that they had more to do than to say to their enemies . but such shoutings is a kind of doing , for it stirs up your own men , and often damps your enemies . this puts me in mind , how that once marching in battalia in a plain countrey to fight the enemies army , and as they marched in the like order to meet us , some musketeers of ours running hastily to a budge-barrel to fill their bandeleers , and being careless of their matches , the budge-barrel took fire , and blew them up ; at which the enemies army shouted ; and finding our men did not answer them , i rid hastily to the next squadrons , and battalions , and commanded them also to shout ; which the rest of the forces taking it from them , repeatedly did : soon after , the like accident happen'd to the enemies army , and then our men shouted , but were not answer'd ; which i bid the next troops to take notice of , as a sign they were disanimated ; and a proof that their loss was considerable by that blowing up ; the soldiers took it as an omen of that victory which god soon after was pleased to give us : which seems to shew , that shouting , according to the soldiers understanding , is a token of joy ; and the enemies not answering it , an evidence of fear ; and whatever may cause fear in your enemy , ought not to be omitted by you , since fear is truly said to be a betrayer of that succor which reason else might afford . besides , there is in all mankind a weak part and experience has but too clearly evidenced , that the difference between the best , and the worst men , does not consist in those being totally exempted from the influences , and operations of it , but in the degrees of being less liable to it . now this weak part is affected with noise and pageantry , and therefore when the shew of danger is thoroughly imprest on the intellect , by the conveyance of the senses , the minds of men are too much disturbed to be then actuated by the dictates of reason . the putting into rank and file , and the forming into the order of squadrons and battalions , all the men and boyes which attend the soldiers , and can be spared from the baggage , and are not armed , may be of good use ; for all those so ordered , and placed at a competent distance , as a grand reserve in the rear of all , make a formidable shew to your enemy , and inclines him to believe you have a third line , or battalia , to be broken , before they can get the victory . nor is this all the advantage which may be derived from thus disposing of those useless persons in a day of battel ; since thereby also , you will hinder them from filching the soldiers goods , while they are busie a fighting ; and will keep the field clear , which you engage in . i mention this last particular , having sometimes seen the soldiers boyes , and the drivers of carriages , either incited thereto by natural valor , or desire of pillage , or both , so closely attend the rear of their masters who were fighting ; that when they were disordered , it occasioned much hazard and confusion in the rallyment . but these appearances of soldiers , must alwayes be put at such a distance from the enemy , that he may not see they are unarmed , and consequently but a meer show ; for then that will become ridiculous , which otherwise will be terrifying . though i have already said in general , that if your enemy be stronger than you in cavalry , you must cover yours with your infantry ; and if he be stronger than you in infantry , you must cover yours with your cavalry ; yet possibly it may not be useless to set down , in some particulars , how those general rules may be best practised . if my enemy did much outnumber me in horse , and i him in foot , i would flank every battalion of my shot with files of pikes ; nay , i would so order such of my battalions as were likeliest to bear the often charging of the enemies cavalry , as that the front , and rear of my shot in them , should be covered with my pikes , as well as my flanks ; and under my pikes , my shot should be still firing , either keeping their ground , or advancing , or retreating , as there should be occasion . nor would i omit if my enemy very much overpower'd me in cavalry , to place small battalions of shot , and pike , so order'd , as is immediately before express'd , in the intervals between my squadrons of horse in the first line of my wings : for to me it seems much more adviseable , if you mingle battalions with squadrons in your wings , that such battalions should be of pike and shot , so ordered , than of shot alone , as is the usual method in such imbattellings . for if such small battalions consist of shot only , the chief advantage you can derive from them , is , by their firing to disorder your enemies squadrons , just as you are going to charge them ; but if that fails of the hoped-for event , whatever becomes of your squadrons , these small battalions are too much exposed to ruine : for shot onely , will not resist horse in an open field , especially when those shot also , are disanimated by the flight , or routing of the horse that had fought on their side . besides , i have found experimentally , that private soldiers never fight , with the needful courage , when they are led on such a piece of service , as this of firing on an enemy , and after to shift for themselves , if that volly does not the work ; for then they do it in haste , and too often timerously ; for even while they are firing , they are looking which is the best way to flie , when they have done firing ; which would too much distract men of more setled minds , than private soldiers are usually blest with : to which i shall further add , that musketeers , so imbattled , and chequer'd , as it were , with squadrons of horse , may too likely , on the disordering of your first line of cavalry , be so shuffled together by those of it that are routed by those of your enemy which pursue the rout ; and by those of your second line which advance to stop the enemies pursuit , that the poor shot can neither be useful to their friends , nor offensive to their enemies . whereas if those small battalions be composed of pike as well as shot , and be ordered as is formerly set down , they will , ( in the spaces , or intervals between your squadrons ) not only make almost as great fire on your enemies , but also firing under the pikes , do it with less apprehension ; and consequently take their aim the better , and thereby do the more execution . besides , fighting with a resolution to make good their ground , composes their minds , and makes them the more resolute against their enemies , and the more obedient to their officers commands ; but what is most material of all , is , if your squadrons should be disordered , nay , routed , yet such battalions as these , will , for some time at least , keep their ground , and with their shot , if not with their pikes , gaul your enemy , while under their covert , your horse may rally , and come again and again to the charge , and possibly recover the day . nay , it makes your cavalry fight with more confidence , when they know , that one , or more disastrous charges , may , by thus ordering some of your infantry , be repaired by their own rallying in the rear of them ; and those who know what belongs to war , will not be over-forward to charge the second line of your wing , leaving at once such battalions of infantry , and the disorder'd cavalry rallying at their backs ; but on the contrary , will hardly judge it adviseable to attempt your second line , till they have intirely swept out of the field your whole first line . i did frequently , though unworthy of the honour , command forces in chief , and therefore i esteem'd it my duty to be often thinking , and arguing , how they might be employed to the best advantage ; and though in the wars i was in , we alwayes were , or at least thought our selves to be , superior to the enemy in cavalry ; yet i was not seldom busying my thoughts , how we might best fight in case he should be at any time stronger than i , in horse , and i stronger than he , in foot. the result of those thoughts i will presume to present my reader with . the checquering my first line of cavalry with small battalions of shot , i judg'd was not the most secure , or the most effectual way , and therefore i concluded the impaling , as it were , my musketeers by my pikes , as is before-mentioned , was much the better . and because whatever is new , and surprising to your enemy , is still of considerable advantage , especially at the instant in which you are going to charge him ; i resolved , had i ever had an occasion to do it , to have acted ( when the ground allow'd of it ) as followeth : i. i would have drawn up all my cavalry a-breast , either two , or three deep , as i should have esteem'd it the best , as things were circumstantiated . ii. i would have appointed previously , what squadrons should have composed my first line , and what squadrons should have composed my second line , and what officers should lead , or be in the rear of every squadron in both lines , and have communicated to them respectively , my orders therein . iii. i would then have drawn up those small battalions of pike and shot , order'd , as i formerly mentioned , just in the rear of every such squadron only , as was to compose the first line of my wing , and just as many in a rank as might fill up the intended interval when it was made ; and have caused my pike-men to trail their pikes , that they might not have been seen by the enemy ; which if shoulder'd , or ported , they would be . iv. i would then have advanced towards the enemy as if i had had no second line , or reserved squadrons ; but just when i was come so near him , as that it was time to form my first and second line , i would , at the trumpets sounding the charge , ( which should be the signal for the doing it ) have composed my said two lines of my wing , by the squadrons of the front line continuing their motion , and by the squadrons of the second line making a stand or halt . v. as the first lines would be forming it self by the squadrons of it continuing their motion , and the second lines would be forming it self by standing , i would in the interval of ground made thereby , have caused my small battalions of pike and shot behind every squadron of the first line , to march up , and made an even front with the fame squadrons in whose rear they had till then marched ; and so have begun the battel , advancing with the horse , and those foot , my shot firing under their pikes inoessantly . this i esteem'd would have been both new , and surprizing ; for it would have been thought strange by the enemy , and likely have given him an ill opinion of my conduct , to see me bring all my cavalry to fight at onde ; which the first form of my advancing would probably make him believe was my intention : but when he unexpectedly saw that i composed my two lines orderly in my advancing , it might amaze , and surprize him . and in all likelihood both those productions might he heightned , when he should also see my small battalions of pike and shot appear unexpectedly from behind my squadron , and advance in an even front with them to the charge ; so that his horse singly , must endure the joint shock of my horse , pikes , and musketeers . if this method of checquering my squadrons in the first line of my wing with small battalions of pike and shot , order'd , as i have set it down , should be approved ; and that you have infantry enough so to checquer your second line also , and that you shall esteem it necessary to have it done , by reason of your enemies exceedingly overpowring you with horse , you may also observe the like method of doing it in your second line , as you did in your first , by having such small battalions of pike and shot , drawn up , and marching in the rear of those squadrons which are to compose your second line , who may advance by the interval ground , between the squadrons to the front of them , when by your first lines continued motion , they have left the ground free . in the doing of all this , there are some particulars i would recommend to be alwayes observed . i. that your pikes which are to be trail'd , during your advancing , behind the squadrons , that the enemy may not discover by those long weapons what you would conceal from his sight , be ported as soon as ever you begin to appear between the intervals , between which you are to march up , to make an even front with your cavalry ; that thereby they may be the readier to be charged against the enemy , who will by that time be very near ; and therefore such preparative readiness to receive him , is very needful . ii. i would have all my firelocks load their muskets , with pistol bullets ; for the enemy against whom you fire , will be alwayes very near ; and therefore several pistol bullets out of one gun , will do as much execution , as one musket bullet at a time , out of many guns . iii. those commanded pikemen which are to impale your shot , ought to be of the resolutest and strongest men ; for on their courages , will depend much of the safety of your horse , and of your shot ; and therefore if i had pikemen armed defensively with back , breast , pott and faces , i would choose to place them there ; since they are also to endure the shock of your enemies cavalry . iv. the shot of these small battalions , must be still bestowed on those squadrons of your enemies wing which compose his first line ; for those are the nearest , and the most pressing ; and the muskets being loaden with pistol bullets , they will not do certain execution on any squadrons of the wing of his second line , which are usually about 100 yards less advanced than his first line . lastly , if it be on your right wing that these small battalions of pike and shot are placed , then i would have them when they advance to front even with your squadrons , alwayes to do it to the right of the squadron they marched in the rear of ; and if it be on the left wing , alwayes to the left : for thereby your flanks of your outward squadrons in each wing , will be cover'd with pike and shot , and the innermost squadrons of your wings will be flank'd with the battalions of the foot of your army . therefore if this be not stedily observed , your outmost squadron of both your wings , will be needlesly left unflank'd by a small battalion of pikes and shot , which when you are much outnumbred in horse , will be too hazardous , and therefore the preventing it highly adviseable . i acknowledge i never practised this against an enemy , but it was meerly because i never had need to do it , neither did i ever exercise my men to it ; and that proceeded only from an apprehension , that it might discover what i intended , in case there had been need , and thereby probably have made it less effectual . but i am confident it is very easily practicable , and to be made of very advantageous use , in case the enemy were much my superior in cavalry , and i stronger than he in infantry . but i submit this notion to the judgment of those who are better able to determine of it , than i. if your army be stronger by much in cavalry than your enemies , and his stronger by much than yours in infantry , i would then earnestly endeavor to fight both , or at least one of his wings with both or one of my wings ; which i once did : and i would make all my infantry move as slowly towards the enemy as they could , while i advanced a round trot with my cavalry , and charged that of my enemies ; and if i had success in both my wings against both his , or in one of my wings against one of his , then i would make the next innermost squadrons of my second line of that wing which had beaten the enemies , or of both my wings if they had defeated both the enemies wings , immediately march to flank my battalions of foot ; but not to hazard infantry to infantry , till mine were wing'd by some squadrons of my second line , and then advance to the charge as expeditiously as i could , without disordering my battalions ; thereby making my squadrons doubly useful : and the enemies infantry must be resolute men indeed , when all their horse are routed , and that they are to be charged with all my infantry , and divers squadrons of my cavalry , and are to be raked with my cannon , which then may be drawn up for that end , if they are not soon reduced to furl their colours , order their pikes , and crave quarter . i would further , in case i were strong enough in cavalry to do it , even before my wings were fighting against the enemies wings , appoint some squadrons of mine to draw up in the rear of my battalions , both to countenance my own infantry , and the more to deter the enemies from charging them during the engagement of all the horse of both armies : for it is the duty of a general to order all things as safely as he may , and to leave as little to what is called fortune , as possibly he can . the clearing of the ground you intend to imbattel on of all such squadrons , or battalions , as your enemy may have advanced on it , before you bring up your battalions , and cannon on it , ought never to be omitted , and ought still to be done by your horse , and dragoons , or with few , if any of your infantry : for the neglect of this may hazard your army ; since the enemy having the start of you , by getting part of his army in the field of battel , before you get any of yours , he may thereby cut you off by peece-meal , while you are forming your imbattelling ; this i observed was carefully practised by the prince of conde before the battel of rocroy , and monsieur de gassion was commanded with his cavalry to do that work ; which being effectually done , it did not a little contribute to the princes victory . in the imbattelling of your army , i would still do it , ( where the ground admits it ) by drawing up in one line only all the cavalry and infantry , and not as i have seen some unexpert commanders do , draw up first a squadron of a wing , which was to compose part of your first line , and then a squadron of reserve to it , which was to compose part of your second line ; and so in sequence all your squadrons and battalions of your whole army ; for that method is tedious , and the just spaces of your intervals between squadron and squadron , and between battalion and battalion , cannot be so well adjusted by the eye , as by the first filling up those spaces with the soldiery ; for the first is but guessing , but the last is certainty . i would observe this method not only in order to the better , and more expeditious imbattelling my army if the ground allow'd it , but i would also observe it as much as orderly i could in my advancing to the charge , until i saw it time to form my two lines by the continued motion of those troops which are to compose my first line , and by alting of those troops which were to compose my second line , and of my third line , if the ground were so scanty as my two first could more than employ it all . and this not singly for the reasons before exprest , but for this additional one also , viz. it being very difficult for many and great squadrons which have intervals , between every two of them to preserve the just wideness of the intervals if they march far ; and if those intervals are not duly observed , 't is impossible to avoid one of these two mischiefs , either if they are contracted during your advance the troops which at need are to march up through them will be disabled from doing it , or at least so many of them as cannot , will in their separating from those which can , be disorder'd , and too likely remain useless . or if these intervals be inlarged , your flanks are thereby exposed to be fallen into by the enemy , therefore in my poor judgment , that way is the very best , which will most likely prevent your being involved in either of them ; and that is practicable and attainable i believe , by not making any intervals , till almost you may have need of them , which by advancing all your army in one line , until you come so nigh the enemy , as you judge is a fit time to form your lines in the manner before set down . and then the distance being so little between you and your enemy , 't is not likely ( if but ordinary care is taken ) that the interval ground can be either much contracted , or much enlarged , at least 't is not so likely , that either of those ills will be run into , marching over but a little ground , as marching over much : and if but moving a few paces , the mischief is probably in some degree to be run into , then so much the more care ought to be taken , that as few paces may be so marched as possibly you can contrive . i cannot see any solid objection can be made hereunto , in reference to your artillery , for those usually being drawn in the front of your battalions , till you come to place them where they are to do execution , they may be advanced still before the front of your army , though you should march it but in one line till you come near the enemy ; but this , as all things i write , i shall chearfully submit to better judgments . if you are desirous to come to a battel with your enemy , and that he endeavors to shun it by constant intrenched campings , and by having good magazines and arsenals with or near him , and a plentiful countrey at his devotion behind him , which is usually the best game of him whose countrey is invaded ; for he has little reason to give you battel , when by keeping unfought with , you cannot safely enter far into his countrey , leaving his army intire behind you ; i say , in such a case , you ought , by often removings , to try for an opportunity to give him battel ; for since he is to attend your motions , sometimes an occasion to fight him unexpectedly both to him and you may be offer'd you . sometimes also by your suddenly sitting down before a garison of his , and endangering the taking of it , he may be induced to give you battel , which he would not do , but in hope to prevent such a loss . sometimes it may be adviseable for you , ( if you are much his superior in strength ) with as little baggage as possible , and with as much bread as your men can carry , and with herds of fat cattle to be driven with you , ( which last is a provision that carries it self ) to make inroads into his countrey , both to destroy and pillage it , this may provoke him to follow you , lest his countrey esteem him careless in the defence of it , and thereby you may find opportunities to fight him . and sometimes by your invading parts of his territories , at a considerable distance from those places where he has formed his magazines , either necessitate him to remove from them , or else expose to your army those countries of his which you fall upon . as caesar by the like method drew pompe from his magazines and fleet at dirachium , and made him follow him into thessaly , by which means caesar won his famous battel of pharsalia . i look upon it as a maxim in war , never to have the army of the invaded countrey to give battel to the invading army , but on very great necessity , or on very great advantages ; for the invaded by losing a battel , may lose his countrey ; but the invader by losing one , will but lose his hopes , his baggage , and as many men as are kill'd in the defeat ; and few discreet gamesters will play their all against little or nothing comparatively . therefore as the invaded must still be careful to avoid a battel , so the invader must still be forward to offer it , on any fitting terms ; for should he not , nothing else will keep up his reputation , which , of all humane things , ought most carefully , and jealously , to be kept up and increased in war. in my private thoughts , i cannot readily believe , that any kingdom can easily be conquer'd , where the true principles and methods of war are alwayes observed , unless some great internal revolutions of affairs , or general revolts of subjects , should occasion such a misery . and therefore whatever i have heard to the contrary , i freely own , i cannot be brought to believe , that this present fatal war kindled almost all over europe , will have such great progresses as some of more sanguine complexions than i am , have believed , or rather fancied ; for though france has the formidablest league against it , that perhaps was ever yet made in europe against any one monarch of it , yet i cannot find the advances of his confederated enemies are very considerable , nor can i believe they will be , for the reasons formerly mentioned in this book , and also because he does by intrenched incampings , and providing timely and plentifully for his armies to eat , frustrate , in effect , all the great enterprises of his enemies , which is practicably to perform the solidest maxims of war ; and whoever he be that can stedily observe them , will find the necessary benefits which will result to him thereby , unless a higher power does turn the wisdom of man into foolishness , and against that stroke , there neither is or can be any defence . i shall now offer to consideration three particulars more , which are , i think , useful to be observed previously to a battel . the first is , that orders be given that no chief officer who commands a squadron , or commissioned officer who leads one with him , have that horse he charges on , advanced above the length of his head , before the front rank of his troopers . my reason for it is this : because if those who lead squadrons to the charge , be before the front rank , they either without cause adventure to be shot by their own men behind them , or hinder some of them from firing , or which is far worse , when both bodies come to the shock , such as are out of the ranks , and between both bodies , are needlesly exposed , even when they are of most use to those men they command , and consequently the whole army . in answer to this , i know some have said , it does not a little animate the squadrons , to see the officers which command them , lead them on eight or ten paces before the first rank , and then just as they are going to mingle to fall into it . but i must say , i believe good soldiers need not such airy animations , and the bad will not fight well , though they have more substantial ones . besides , i believe it does rather disanimate , than encourage soldiers , who have any consideration , when they see those officers , whose conduct they relie upon , ●…ive them so ill an impression of it , as doing a vain thing , by which also they may too probably incapacitate themselves to command their men , when they are likely to have most need of being order'd to the best advantage , either as to their rallying , if discomposed in the charge , or an orderly pursuit if successful . to which also may be added these two other considerarations ; if the officers advancing some paces before their men , be a great animating them , may it not be a greater disanimating of the soldiery , to see them , when ready to charge , put themselves into the first rank : for their going before their squadrons while there is no danger , and the returning when there is , will , in all likelihood , make the latter action dishearten more than the former can encourage ; for all animations are more effectual , when the danger is at hand , than when it is remote . when the squadrons advance to charge , the troopers horses and their own knees are as close as they can well endure , so that it will be impossible for the officers to fall into the rank if it be well wedged up ; or if it be not , thereby to give them admittance , it may leave such gaps in it as may hinder the close uniting of the rank , which is so necessary to make the charge effectual , and commonly the officers horses being of the best and of the highest mettle , when they come among strange horses , especially backwards , may by their fighting and kicking so disorder the rank , that the enemy is more likely to come in at the breach than they . i would also strictly forbid all those who have the chief command of a squadron , to fight against any of the enemies squadron , who should come out in a bravery to fight ; for who knows but the enemy may send an ordinary person , but valiant , on such an exploit , and if your chief officer of a squadron should engage with him , his killing of the other will signifie little , but his being kill d would much prejudice the whole squadron , and possibly thereby the whole wing , if not the whole army . therefore still in such pickeerings if they shall be judged necessary at all when troops are ready to mingle , only such young gallants should be allowed to be the actors , whose deaths , if they should happen , will not be of such a consequence as the fall of an officer , who has the honour and trust to command a whole squadron ; for in war i am an utter enemy for the sake of showes to hazard substances : and since the nature of war ●…ves but too much to uncertainty , i would expose as little as might be of it to choice or capriciousness . a second thing which i offer to consideration is , that your standards or cornets colours , in a day of battel , be in the second rank ; for these reasons : they are safer there than in the first rank ; and thereby the briskest of your enemy has the least invitation to attempt the winning of them . the chief and solid ends of having standards or cornets flying , is , that troopers , if they are disordered in the charge , may see under what they are to rally ; and it being a high disgrace to lose their colours , it makes men fight the heartilier against those who would cast it on them ; therefore , in my opinion , those cornets should still be placed in a battel , both for the greater safety of them , and the better to answer the speedy rallying under them , where they are most useful , and most secure ; which last , i think , will be in the second rank : for there every way that your troop can be attack'd , it has a rank between it and the enemy to defend them , and all the troop also to do it , being it is in the centre of it . a third thing i offer to consideration , is , that when your enemy does very much overpower your infantry , that the battalions of pikes which are in your first line , may have only so many colours flying at the head of them , as will serve to let the soldiers see where respectively they are to rally , in case of their being disorder'd or routed ; for nothing does more excite an enemy to push for colours , than to see many , and near him ; and since a few will serve to answer the need of orderly rallying , why should there be more in the first line . all the rest of the colours i would have flying at the head of your pikes in your second line , where they will be much safer ; and when the smoke of the cannon , and of the small shot is driven away by the wind , or so attenuated , that your enemies may see through it , the sight of so many colours flying at the head of your battalions or stands of pikes , casts a kind of dread on the soldiery of your enemy , who having been accustomed to see colours guarded by full companies , conclude those are the pikes of so many intire companies , in your second line , as they see colours flying at the head of those pikes , and makes them thereby even despair of vanquishing such a force in your second line , especially if they have been vigorously opposed , and much shatter'd by your first line ▪ if in objection to this it be said , that in case you win the day , though you should for a time lose any of your colours , yet as one of the many consequences of your victory , you will recover the colours you lost ; and if you lose the field , they will as certainly be lost in the second line , as if they had been in the first . to that i answer , it is a disgrace to have had for any time , any of your colours in your enemies possession ; and who knows also as soon as any of them are taken , but some may convey them so expeditiously out of the field , as though you get the day , you cannot get again your lost colours . besides , i have known a defeated army , at the close of the day , which has had some success in the beginning of it , and had then taken some colours by shewing which in places and countries they retreated into , have persuaded the people they were the victorious , and thereby have gotten the recruits , for their shatter'd troops , which nothing but such a belief , grounded on such evidences , could have procured for them . during a battel , or in it , it is the duty of the general still to send timely succor to any of his battalions , or squadrons , and rather a little before than one moment after they need it . and for that end to have several gentlemen about him well known to the chief officers of the army , to carry to them on the spur the necessary orders from time to time . it is also his duty when he sees a breach in his army , which nothing but his own presence can probably repair resolutely in person to lead those troops which are to do it ; but as soon as ever it is made up , then to return in person to that station from whence he may see how all things go , that from thence he may timely send alwayes his requisite orders . he ought also neither too hastily to believe the enemies army is routed , and therefore to command the general pursuit ; for thereby he may hazard his dawning victory : nor too slowly to order the follow of the rout , when he is satisfied it is real and general ; for else he may lose the best advantages of his success . a general ought , when he sees a wing of his enemies army palpably routed by a wing of his , to draw as many as he can well spare from the second line of his successful wing , to the rest of his army , ( leaving the rest to follow the execution ) that by such help and such order he may intirely and more safely both defeat such of his enemies as yet make head , and pursue those which are routed . he ought also never to think upon , much less order his army in a plain field to receive the charge , but still to meet the enemy in giving it . pompey , in the decisive battel of pharsalia by the advice of triarius , commanded his soldiers to receive caesar's assault , and to undergo the shock of his army , without removing from the place whereon they stood , alledging that caesar's men would be disorder'd in their advance , and pompev's by not moving keep their order ; on which caesar himself sayes , viz. in my opinion this was against all reason , for there is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man , who is inflamed with a desire to fight , and therefore no commander should repress or restrain it , but rather increase , and set it forward . and the event justified caesar's opinion therein was well grounded . a general ought , when he sees the day irrecoverably losing , having first done his very utmost to recover it , to get together as many of his soldiers as possibly he can , especially horse , and with them to bring up the rear ; and make his ill success as easie as he can to his own party ; and if he have any garisons which he doubts his enemy may attempt in the heat of his victory , to fling into such garisons those of his infantry which are left amazed at their defeat , thereby to stop the current , and give some check to the victorious , while he is getting together the residue of his army , the sooner to recruit it , and to try to recover afterwards what then he lost . after the battel is fought , and the victory apparently won , a general ought to take great care , as is before set down , that the pursuit be orderly made , and consequently the safelier ; for which end i offer to consideration , that the cornets squadron of every troop be expresly forbidden ever to be of the loose pursuers , but to keep alwayes intire , and follow as fast in order as they can , those of the other two squadrons of it which are on the execution . this i have practised , and found these three benefits thereby : first , thereby the standards of all troops are still well secured , which ought alwayes to be carefully minded for i have known those of them of the victorious party often in hazard to be lost , when out of too eager an haste to pursue a flying enemy , the troopers of the cornets squadron have follow'd the pursuit , and left their colours unattended , or but slenderly guarded . secondly , the cornets squadrons of the first line of your wing , being still kept in order , and by being the nearest to a flying enemy , are much fitter to follow in a body to countenance , and if need requires actually to justifie your pursuers , than any squadrons of your second line of your wing can possibly be ; for the enemy by his flight having got the start , and men who run for their lives doing it with their best speed , it will be almost impossible for those which are so much behind them as your second line is behind your first , ever to overtake them ; wherefore such as are the nearest to them when they first begin to run , are those only who most properly and most hopefully are to march in a body , after those who dispersedly pursue ; that the enemy may immediately be routed , if he begin to rally , which nothing does more frighten him from attempting , than to see so near him so many parties in good order to make him smart for it . thirdly , the more of the first line of your wing which in orderly bodies can follow , to countenance and protect your pursuers , the more you can spare of your second line of your wing , to join with others of your army to defeat those of your enemies which remain unbroken ; and though in the battel you should fight the cavalry three deep , yet after your men have absolutely routed those they charged , i would have every cornets squadron follow your pursuers but two deep , whereby a troop of 90 horse having in every squadron of it 30 men , the cornets squadron being drawn up two deep , will have 15 in each rank , and having a standard at the head of them , will appear a full troop to those who flie , and shall have but now and then time to cast a sudden look behind them , when seeing so many seeming entire troops as there are squadrons in a wing of your army , it will be so terrifying a prospect , as few will dare to rally , while they see it , and so near them . after the chace is finished , which ought still to be continued , as warmly and as far as may be , i esteem it an indispensible duty in a general , even in the field of battel , to draw together all his forces that he can , and with them cause to be returned to almighty god , their most humble and hearty thanks , for his blessing , in his bestowing on them the victory , and his preserving so many of them from death ; for an unfeigned and publick gratitude to god , is not only what piety , but even what the light of nature does teach , and nothing does more incline god to bestow future blessings , than to have men really thankful for the present , and to own him to be the onely author and finisher of them . a generals next care ought to be , to have his wounded men well tended , his dead honourably buried , his prisoners strictly , but civilly kept ( and to have a true list of all ; ) to take publick notice of those who behaved themselves well , to rebuke such as did the contrary , to send spies to discover what measures his enemies will take in their calamity , the better and more advantageously to form his own counsels and actions , and most vigorously to pursue his point , while the terror of a defeat is fresh in the minds of his enemies ; since 't is as essential to a general to make the best use of a victory , as to know how to obtain it . i confess i have the more minutely insisted upon the protractive or fencing parts of war , by intrenched incampings , &c. because few of my countreymen have made it mu●…h their study , but being carried on by the natural genius and hereditary gallantry of the nation , they are alwayes ready by true valor expeditiously to determine their quarrels ; and though this is highly estimable , yet i would not be ignorant of other useful methods ; for i know few men use to travel on foot , that would not be willing to have horses to lead in their hands , that when they are weary of walking , they may by riding on them come to their journies end . and since battels are what our countreymen most breathe after , and long for in war , i have also the more particularly insisted in this chapter on what seems most materially , if not essentially to be known before , in , and after they are fought . but after all that i have said on battels , nay possibly after all that has been said , or has been practised in them , ( could both those be known ) it is my firm belief , that still very much will be , nay must be left to the judgment and presence of mind of a general , and the chief officers under him , whose actings must be order'd according to the circumstances present ; in doing whereof most advantageously , no set rules previously can be given , for they must be taken as the occasion is offer'd , and then resolutely and speedily pursued ; yet what i have written , may possibly be of some use , to such of our less experienced officers , as shall well remember , weigh and practise them , who may by their own more illuminated reasoning , do as the spaniards did , who though they ow'd the first discovery of america to columbus , yet they ow'd the riches they deriv'd from it , to their own further improving , of what he had but laid the foundation : and if this should be the result of my endeavors , i should esteem them happily employ'd . finis .