a letter from tangier concerning the death of jonas rowland, the renegade, and other strange occurrences since the embassadors arival [sic] here. franklin, william, 17th cent. 1682 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40405 wing f2090 estc r34855 14873931 ocm 14873931 102787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40405) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1570:5) a letter from tangier concerning the death of jonas rowland, the renegade, and other strange occurrences since the embassadors arival [sic] here. franklin, william, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed for j.s., london : 1682. caption title. imprint from colophon. signed: tangier, aug. 26, 1682 william franklin. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rowland, jonas, d. 1682. kirke, percy, 1646?-1691. morocco -history -1516-1830. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from tangier concerning the death of jonas rowland the renegade , and other strange occurrences since the embassadors arival here . in my last i gave you an imperfect account of the arrival of ben hadu the morocco embassador and his kind reception and noble entertaiment here by our governour collonel kirk . since then by the return of the renegadoes wife , we have had a more ample account of all passages since the arrival of the embassador at court , and the death of the renegade her late husband , which for the strangeness of the manner , with what other occurrences happn'd since , i thought fit to send you . the embassador attended out of town with 200 of our hors , ( his own being all dead or kill'd at sea ) we marched with him as far as our liberties extend , where he was received by a party of 300 of the moors with great shouts , and three volleys of shot being discharged on both sides he was conducted to the emperous pallace . the next morning being sent for to render an account of his embassy , he did it with a great deale of satisfaction , where he insisted much in the praise of england , concluding every period of his discourse with the greatness of the king , the gallantry of the people , and the nobleness of his entertainments , when having ended his discourse , buzzy ham , the other ambassador there who was as superintendant to ben. hadu the principal embassador said he had spake very kindly of england , as indeed it had well deserv'd , but he had forgot two things which merited his commendation , viz , their wine and women , with whom he had been as familiar , and to whom he was as deeply engaged as the rest , this being seconded by the secretary , which so enraged the emperour , that immediately he order'd him to the ballcove , the other two to other prisons , till they made good their information . the secretary being put to the rack , confessed that he had joyned in a confederacy against the embassador on shipboard , being put upon it by the renegade , and for what he had said against his master , was by subornation of buzzy ham the other embassador . of all which when the emperour was made sensible and that it proceeded rather from malice then any other just grounds of accusations , he ordered buzzy ham with the secretary to be strangled , and the embassador to be set at liberty . the renegade who was brought to morocco bound , having all things prov'd cleerly against him , was committed to a deep dungion of 100 steps descent their to continue a fortnight with a very small allowance of bread , and water , to do penance for his apostacy , and to attone for the affront put upon their grea● prophet mahome● , whose religion he had formerly embraced . afterwards being taken bu● as a contempt of christianity and the holy unction , he was anointed all ●ver with sea fish oyl , and hung upon a gibbet three days together naked , expos'd to the wasps and flys with all sort of obnoctious insects , sed at the same rate the third day being taken down yet alive he was thrown into a cauldron of hot boyling oyl , where he expir'd an unlamented martyr for his apostacy , neither christian nor mahometan ; his he●d b●ing sent to tange●● , and body throw 〈◊〉 into the sea as thinking it unworthy e●●her of christian or pagan bu●●al . complaint was then made by the embassador against three of his retinue , who to keep their hand in u're by a slight of ligerdemain wou●d turn knives , forks , spoons , or any other moveable into ale and brandy or what other creature they listed . this was lookt upon as so high an abuse to the dignity of the embassador and emperour , nay of mahomet himself ▪ that they were condemn'd without benefit of clergy ▪ being order'd to be thrown into the lyons den , and there to be devoured alive , one only escaped , who diving a little too deep into a ladies placket palm'd away her ladyships oracle ▪ which hung by a gold chain , for whom a certain great countess interceeding with his exeellency , obtained his promise for his pardon ▪ which accordingly he has performed . some were accus'd for drinking , others for whoring and mixing pagan ▪ ru●●●s with christian giblets , whereof some of them that carryed with them the tokens of their mistresses kindnesses ( which several its thought did to their sorrow ) the foreman of the jury giving in verdict against them , their principle evidence was cut off , which it is thought will spoil their whoring for the future . this was all which hapned during the stay of mrs. rowland , wife to the late jonas rowland the english renegade , who after she had seen the sad and tragical end of her husband , obtained leave to come hither in order to her return for england ; where she will her self satisfy you more at large of the truth of every particular , which i had from her self , and is as faithful delivered from s●r , your affectionate kinsman william franklin . tangier , aug. 26. 1682. london , printed for j. s. 1682. a short account of the progress of the mole at tangier 1680 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32878 wing c3925 estc r35572 15367456 ocm 15367456 103528 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32878) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103528) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1148:7) a short account of the progress of the mole at tangier cholmley, hugh, sir, 1600-1657. 7 p. s.n., [london : 1680?] imperfect: creased, with print show-through and loss of print. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng teviot, andrew rutherford, -earl of, d. 1664. lawson, john, -sir, d. 1665. sheeres, henry, -sir, d. 1710. harbors -morocco -tangier -design and construction. morocco -history -1516-1830. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short account of the progress of the mole at tangier , from the first beginning of that work . his majesty having declared the earl of tiviot governour of tangier , and constituted certain commissioners for the care of that place , about the year 1662. the business of building a mole there was discussed in the presence of engineers sent from genoa , and others that could be found versed in such sort of work , and because tangier was at that time only an open bay , and that chests could not be framed but in a secure harbour , it was found of absolute necessity to begin the work with great loose rocks , after the manner that all other moles are built , excepting the new mole at genoa . many of the tangier lords declaring such a work could never be carried well on , but by way of contract , they gave encouragement to the said earl of tiviot , sir john lauson , and mr. chomeley , to enter into articles for building the same by the cubical yard . thirteen shillings for every such yard was the price asked , and as readily consented to , in so unusual a work there was no other measures to go by than such as the contractors themselves laid down , who wanted not private assurance to secure them from the danger of such accidents as might render the bargain over-hard on their side , nor were they indeed otherways mistaken in their measures , than from such contingent causes as could not be foreseen at first , viz. the softness of the stone , which upon opening the quarries wrought to half loss , the uncertainty of the weather , and the very bad and dilatory payments by tallies . this contract for building the mole was signed in february 1662. and the first payment began the tenth of april following . it was no easie matter at this time to get workmen to go to tangier , because of the ill reputation the place had , from the mortality of our countrymen , and the great sufferings they at first met with . mr. cholmeley by the interest he had in the north , and by going himself , prevailed with about forty masons , miners , and other proper artists and workmen to undertake the service , with whom he arrived at tangier about the beginning of june 1663. the place being destitute of all conveniencies ; much of that summer was spent in providing quarters for men and stores , and in putting together engins prepared for the weighing stones , so that it was the end of august when the first foundation of the mole was laid , soon after which the earl of tiviot went for england , and at his return , about the end of december , found the mole advanced beyond his expectation , but mr. cholmeley being obliged to go for england in february , because of the death of his elder brother , who left a son in infancy , had not been long there , when news came of the loss of the earl of tiviot , chief of the contractors , which occasioned mr. cholmeley to return for tangier so soon as he could settle affairs , provide himself of officers and stores necessary , which delayed his arrival there until january 1664. and then he found little work had been done in his absence , chiefly because the workmen at the mole , by reason of the loss the garrison had with the earl of tiviot , were forced to the duty of soldiers , and because the water engins were found to be of little use , by reason of the frequent levant winds ; this made mr. cholmeley soon alter the method from water to land-carriages drawn by horses , and to build at the quarries a little town called whitby , which contained stables for a hundred horses , large magazines for all sorts of stores , and quarters for the workmen and their wives . he also advised sir john lauson of the many impediments which made it impossible to carry on the work at the rate of the contract , which procured an order of council of the 31 of march 1665. by which his majesty was pleased to explain the intentions of the contract , so as to leave the contractors free from danger of loss , and to reduce the work to an account , if the same were insisted upon . tangier was at this time under the government of the lord bellasis , and the mole advanced so well , that there was a battery built upon it which did secure the trade of the place from the attempts of the dutch , but sir john lauson also dying in that war , the burthen of the mole was left to mr. cholmeley the only surviving contractor , whose nephew dying about the same time , left unto him the business and the estate of his family , and this occasioned him to pass into england the end of this year , having put the affairs of the mole into an excellent method , and left the care under knowing and intelligent officers . the plague and the war did occasion that want of money , it was impossible to get any other payment than tallies anticipated from 24 to 30 months , so that money could not be had but by additional security , which forced stores to be bought at the worst hand , and the business to be carried on in the way of trade , and much time to be spent barely in keeping account of the money and the interest , and in the continual negotiating the same by tallies , which received no amendment , notwithstanding sir hugh cholmeley his daily complaints . the earl of sandwich being called from madrid in the year 1668. had instructions to call at tangier , and take a survey of the mole , which he did in the month of august by the help of one mr. shere , and at his return to court towards the end of that year reported the same to be 380 yards in length , carried on by the conduct of excellent officers , and under such a good oeconomy as could not well be mended : but the work of the mole being now carried into so deep water that there was a possibility of building with chests , and some necessity appearing to proceed in the future work in a more solid way than the contract seemed to oblige , the carrying on of the work was reduced into an office by order of the king in council , dated the 27 of august 1669. under the care of sir hugh cholmeley as surveyor general , who framed the method for governing the work , and issuing the money under such checqs , and so well to the liking of the tangier lords , and the lords of the treasury , that upon the greatest disquisition it hath not since met with one single amendment . some time before this settlement there was noise of breaches at tangier , which occasioned discourses of the necessity of building with chests , and obliged sir hugh cholmeley to frame two chests for a tryal under the survey of mr. shere a gentleman , sir hugh had lately entertained , who was experienced in such works , and under whose care they were sent to tangier , from whence mr. shere embarks for genoa , to take exact observations of their proceedings , at his return to tangier gives his advice for building an inner mole with chests , and for protection of this an outward work in dimensions much greater than that which was contracted for , and in the same way advised sir hugh at his arrival at tangier , april following , to proceed upon the repair of the work. the work with chests seemed to sir hugh superfluous , because it required an outward one for protection of it , and this was proposed to be made of stones from 25 to 30 tun each , which by reason of the continual agitations of the seas was at tangier wholly unpracticable : he therefore immediately applied himself to the repair of the work by artificial pillars of about 100 tun in bigness , which suddenly secured about 50 yards of the side that was most exposed , and the end of the work he secured by one of the great chests he had sent from england . about the month of july , this year , sir hugh received a letter from the lords commissioners for the affairs of tangier , taking notice of the ill reports they heard of the mole , and commanding the matter to be discussed in the presence of the chief on the place , and be proceeded in the way should be generally approved . the chief officers of the garrison , the best of the citizens and commanders of ships being summoned , the whole matter was discussed in the presence of his excellency my lord howard , now duke of norfolk , the earl of middleton and the mayor of the place , mr. shere being also present , who all unanimously concluded the present practice with pillars was the most probable expedient for the repair , and that if the same resisted the storms of the approaching winter , the work ought to be carried on in the same way for the future , and to this purpose signed a letter to the lords commissioners under all their hands . the work continued to resist the sea , not only the following , but many winters , so that the present practice gave satisfaction almost to every man , excepting sir hugh himself , who did then declare that the work was such as he was able to carry on under the exceeding bad payments with which it laboured , but such as could not be of lasting continuance . and having for above two years managed the work almost wholly without money upon his own credit , was forced to return to england the beginning of the year 1672. where the wars made arrears impossible to get , beside that the trouble in soliciting for money , and accounting for the same , caused such an attendance as was incompatible with the service at tangier . the winter ending , the year 1674. brought news of some breaches at tangier , which sir hugh being much troubled to hear , and assured within himself he knew to cure the evil , so as would take off all future complaints , if the want of money , and perplexities of an exchequer account could give him leave to go to tangier , offered unto the lords in the year 1674. certain proposals whereby he undertook both to repair the present work , and to carry it 100 yards farther into the sea , by which means there would be a harbour for ships to ride safely in four fathom at low water , and all this to be done in six years , for the annual establishment , and though he could not give security for the whole sum , he offered to give , from year to year , security for the money he should receive , and to be punished or rewarded according to his yearly performance . mr. shere taking advantage of these proposals , framed others , by which he undertook the work at 10000 l. less in the whole , and with great upright chests , maintaining that figure best against the reflux sea ; whereas by sir hugh's offers the same was to be done in solid work , and with chests too , yet so placed that the force of the sea should be wholly dissipated by a slope and gradual interception of the waters , after the imitation of nature , that from this position doth in many places guard the coast meerly by a bank of sand. at the same time the lord privy seal gave in other propositions from certain artists who offered to do the work at a much cheaper rate than that proposed by mr. shere , and to give 60000 l. security for their performance , but mr. shere had the preference , and without security is trusted with the issuing and paying of the money with a reward of 2000 l. if he performs and nothing if he fails in the same . sir hugh was happy in the greatest exigency of the work , and upon the most severe enquiries to hit upon such expedients for the repair and advance as gave satisfaction to mr. shere , and all upon the place without one dissenting man , and this after mr. shere had been at genoa , and considered the way of their practice , it had been no unusual thing for one that had been so many years trained in the work under sir hugh to profit himself upon such defects as he might have observed . let us then take a view of the present state of the work , by which we shall see how far mr. shere hath exceeded or come come short of sir hugh his proposals , or how near he hath hitherto complied with his own undertakings . sir hugh having carried the mole 500 yards into the sea , within which there was about 18 foot depth at low water , was very desirous to leave the same compleat and finished , that so it might have had comparison with any future work. he offered for one years establishment to compleat the repair , and to finish the same , as well on the inside as outward , and to carry it farther 15 yards into the sea , and to give security to do all this in so substantial a way , as upon view and tryal should be judged and found durable ; and in case of failure , to pay back the whole money , or as much as should be judged the deficiency might amount unto . but it was concluded that this repair should also be undertaken by mr. shere , who having now received 60000 l. and spent three years last midsummer about the same , we hear hath reparired the old work , but there was not at midsummer one foot advanced into the sea , nor will the expence of another year , at his rate of work , scarce finish that which sir hugh offered to give security to do for one years allowance ; yet mr. shere computes he hath every year performed his complement of work , which was 30 yards yearly in length , until the whole were finished , and possibly he may have done so according to the numerical quantity of cubical yards contained in the chests placed ; but certainly there is much more work to secure the foundations of his chests , and that according to his own proposals , than barely the placing and filling the same : and what mr. shere hath done in the years past will be best understood by the progress of his future work , if in other three years be can compleatly finish ninety yards in length , which is his undertaking , then may it be concluded , the past work , though it comes much short of what sir hugh offered security to perform , is yet in proportion to his own agreements . and now that the work done by sir hugh is compleatly finished and made durable by mr. shere himself . sir hugh will allow he was mistaken in his measures , if the future work be done in proportion any thing cheaper ; but if it shall happen to cost the king much more than the past work now repaired hath done , sir hugh humbly conceives the way of building is nothing improved , and that it had been better to have continued the work in the old way , and afterwards to have secured it as mr. shere hath done the past work , than to prosecute it in a way much more costly , and by confession of himself no less durable ; sir hugh was for building with chests as well as mr. shere , he differed only in the way of placing these chests , which sir hugh proposed by several rows , one set within the other , gradually breaking and intercepting the sea , mr. shere maintained , and undertakes to do the work by one solid body , and an upright side , which from its own strength should secure the work without any other outward work or defence whatever ; to this sir hugh's objections were , the difficulty of placing these chests close one to the other , as at genoa , and the danger of the works falling when the worm had consumed the wood of the chest : by what hath been practised it is plain the chests cannot be close joyned scarce nearer than four foot one to the other , which occasions the supplying the vacancy with a small chest , which hath little substance , and therefore must occasion many fears , and for the great chests , they are made of such strong plank , and so bound with timber , that it is not possible for the worm suddenly to destroy them , and it is plainly demonstrable , that if the chests were filled with sand , they cannot possibly give way whilst the wood work continues unperished , and therefore no tryal of the work can be suddenly expected ; but if mr. shere be obliged to secure his great chests by other lower chests set outwards towards the sea , then whatever he may pretend , his proceeding is directly according to sir hugh's proposal , only in the way of a far greater and needless expence by all the cost of the great chest , which is plainly demonstrable from the solidity of the old work , built without chests , and made durable by means of such an outward work as in the foresaid case is presumed necessary to secure the present work with great chests . it is not the intention of this paper to diminish ought from mr. shere , whose diligence sir hugh heartily wishes may have all encouragement in so publick a work ; but not being conscious by the progress since he left the work , or by the future advance , that it will appear he hath any ways mis-employed the kings money , he thought it not unreasonable , in order to his own justification , to set down this short narrative of the whole affair . written in the year 1669. finis . the nevv prophetical king of barbary or the last newes from thence in a letter vvritten of late from a merchant there, to a gentl. not long since imployed into that countrie from his maiestie. containing some strange particulars, of this newe saintish kings proceedings: and how hee hath ouerthrowne mulley sidan twice in battell, as hath been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses. late newes out of barbary r. s., fl. 1613. 1613 approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02725 stc 12857.4 estc s116330 99851547 99851547 16825 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02725) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16825) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1392:24) the nevv prophetical king of barbary or the last newes from thence in a letter vvritten of late from a merchant there, to a gentl. not long since imployed into that countrie from his maiestie. containing some strange particulars, of this newe saintish kings proceedings: and how hee hath ouerthrowne mulley sidan twice in battell, as hath been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses. late newes out of barbary r. s., fl. 1613. harrison, john, fl. 1610-1638. g. b., fl. 1613. aut [24] p. [by george eld] for arthur ionson, imprinted at london : 1613. two letters, the first signed "r.s.", the second "g.b.". editor's foreword signed: i.h., i.e. john harrison. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-c⁴. the first leaf is blank. running title reads: newes from barbary. originally published the same year as: late newes out of barbary. identified as stc 21515 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng morocco -history -1516-1830 -early works to 1800. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the new prophetical king of barbary . or the last newes from thence in a letter vvritten of late from a merchant there , to a gentl. not long since imployed into that countrie from his maiestie . containing some strange particulars , of this newe saintish kings proceedings : and how hee hath ouerthrowne mulley sidan twice in battell , as hath been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses . imprinted at london for arthur ionson . 1613. an aduertisement to the reader . hauing receiued this letter following out of barbary , from an honest english merchant , who hath long time soiourned there , very religious , wise and discreet , and so knowne among the merchants : with whom also my selfe conuersed many moneths , during my abode in that countrie ; and therafter shewing it as a matter of newes to some friends , i was at length importuned to make it common , in respect of the nouelty : est natura hominis nouitatis auida ; and ( as the prouerbe is ) africa semper aliquid apportat noui . thereby to satisfie , if not all ( which ) was wont to bee the poets taske : populo vt placerent quas fecisset fabulas ) ; yet at least wise those , who haue nought else to doe , ( like those athenians in the acts ) but either to tel or heare some newes : howbeit , i hope , it may serue to some good vse also for vs christians of these last daies , vpon whom the ends of the world are come : to see how busily the diuell acteth his last part , now in this last age of the world , & playeth his prize , for that he knoweth he hath but a short time , 40. yeers by his own calculation , pronouncing before hand his owne condemnation . for the lord hath so done his marueilous workes that they ought to be had in remembrance : and so ought the deuils workes too , though in an other kind , & a latere ( as i may say ) for he is the ape & imitator of god ( transforming himselfe into an angel of light ) neither can he doe any thing of himselfe , but by gods permission as he hath power , commission and authority from him . and therein also many times he plaieth the mountibank , obtruding for true and effectual workings ( as the apostle tearmeth them ) many false and feigned delusions . and whether true or false , his end is still to deceiue , and vent his lying arts , doctrines of deuils ; and therefore in scripture worthily stiled the father of lies : and his miracles , which hee worketh for confirmation thereof , lying wonders . and by these his sleighty conueiances , sometimes winding heere , sometimes there , hath this subtle serpent gon about frō time to time , compassing the earth , to and fro , and walking in it to deceiue the world . and not onely the world ( i meane the children of disobedience and misbeleefe ) but if it were possible euen the very elect . and such must bee ( or rather is ) the comming of antichrist in this last age of the world whereof we haue beene so long since forewarned : ( little children it is the last time &c. ) whose comming ( as the apostle describeth it ) is by the effectuall working of sathan with all power and signes and lying wonders &c. and therefore god shall send them strong delusions that they should beleeue lies : that all they might bee damned which beleeue not the truth &c. o the miserable estate of al misbeleeuers , whom the diuel hath thus blinded to their vtter condemnation , which sleepeth not . and such is the state and condition of these miserable moores giuen ouer , beyond measure , to these idle & superstitious vanities ( so dauid calleth them ) i hate all them that hold of superstitious vanities ) blind prophesies dreams , naecromancie and such like , wherein these saints professe themselues , and hold the people in such awe for feare of their curses ( which many times fall out accordingly : ( the diuell working together ) as if they were popes , such is their soueraignety . as by this example yee may see , one of these fanaticall saints now become a king. scilicet his babylon dextris : euen by these and such like arts , did that spirituall babylon , at the first that great whore spoken of in the reuelation , that man of sinne , the sonne : of perdition , now sitting as god in the temple of god , and shewing himselfe that he is god ) vnder the like pretence come to the height of his supremacie , and not onely making himselfe a king , but insulting euen ouer kings and emperors : not caring ( as the prouerb is ) neither for king nor keiser , but exalting himselfe against god , and all that is called god : that is to say kings and princes . be wise now therfore ye kings , whether christian or heathen , the vse is generall to all , beware of these saints for all their hypocriticall shewe of holinesse . saints in profession but diuels in practise . his holinesse catexochen ; euen that holy one of rome , ( for so the word saint signifieth : a holy one ) nam si hic mali est quidquam ( i say no more ) they are capital enemies to the thrones of kings . instance this saint who ( forsooth ) vnder a colour of holinesse , and simplicity , armed with most strong delusions , euen from the deuill himselfe ; yee see what wonders he hath wrought against mully sidan , yea and what greater hee promiseth : operae pretium est audire . but when that bridge appeareth in the mouth of the straights , as he prophesieth , and he with all his troupes ariue in the popes dominions ( the pope and he in the lists together ) then we shal see whether deuil is the stronger . the lord preserue his people from their deuillish delusions . and so after this long preface ( too long i must needs confesse for so short a discourse , but that i could not wel cut it shorter ) i referre it to the censure of the wise to make vse of : beeing the chiefe and maine motiue , with the aduise and approbation of some godly persons , preachers and others , why i haue published it . which ( if i finde acceptable ) i may ( perhaps ) bee encouraged to reuise some papers of my owne , all this while throwne aside , as touching the affaires and state of that country , falling within the compasse of my daily obseruation , during that my imployment : with other accounts of my time not altogether idlie spent there , hauing now but too good a leasure ( since the losse of so hopefull a maister ) for such a purpose , god send vs an other comforter . and so once more farewel gentle reader . i. h. laus deo in saphia , the 9. of september . 1612. good sir , in most hearty manner i commend mee vnto you , with desire of your good health and all other content to your hearts desire , vvhich the lord graunt vnto you amen . since my last vnto you , here is great alteration in this gouernment , as i account you haue vnderstood before now ▪ and because master n. and master f. haue beene here , and heard , and seene what hath passed , i do referre the discourse to conference : for i assure my selfe they will visite you . yet i will make bolde to trouble you , to aduise of some perticulers as followeth . the tenth day of may was the battaile betwene mulley sidan , and our new king mulley om hamet ben abdela ; not farre from marocus betwixt the mountaines , and the city , both sides very strong : yet in mans iudgement mulley sidan of most force in horse and foote , and three and thirty peeces of good field ordnance . the other no ordnance , and a few peecemen : his chiefest force larbies of sahara , a place distant hence twenty daies iourney . these armed with launces , demy launces and azagies , and many larbies that came in to him , by the way as he came , some hee forced , some voluntary . and at the day of battaile his people beganne to bee dismaied , perceiuing mulley sidan , was very strong . but hee encouraged them , saying , as they had found that come to passe which formerly hee told them , so now they should see the like , and bid them not feare his ordnance , for onely three peeces should goe off , and doe no harme : the rest should take fire , but not shoote a bullet , and hee would bee formost , and goe in the face of the ordnance , and finding his wordes true , then at his commaund to fall vppon his enemies so hauing satisfied his people with these perswasions sent spies to know where mulley sydans ordnance lay , and so came right before it , with all his troopes . and comming within daunger , at mulley sidans commaund , they gaue fire , hauing both moores and christians that knew how to mannage his ordnance . so three peeces went off , and did no hurt . but the bullets hard sing in the ayre a great height , and the rest of the ordnance tooke fire , and burnt out the powder , but shot no bullet that remained in , so comming nearer , the musketiers plaied vpon them , with foure thousand shot , yet hurt no man. so then they came on , and mulley sidans people gaue way and fled . they pursued them , and slue mulley abdela ben hammet , alkaide hammet , benzebe●re , and many moe alkaides , and betweene foure and fiue thousand people . so put his people into marocus , and lay himselfe in the field . hee hath not entered into marocus , neither purposeth till he haue destroied his enemies , and put peace in his country . so mulley sidan fled & came down to saphia , with his hackam , abdela kather , abdela sadocke and the iew benwash , and a few others ( besides his mother and women , and luggedge ) hee made account to gather a head againe , and to giue a new battaile . but in vaine the larbies made a faire shew and came in to him , and receiued some mony , cloth , and linnens from him , and so would haue betrayed him . whereupon he hauing some of his brother mulley shecks children with him , ( to make frendship with his brother ) sent him his children , and wrote to him very kindly , so betwene them i accountis peace . so staied heere so long as he durst : for that mulley om hammet persued him . whereby hee was forced to fraight a ship of marcelleis heere in port , with a french ambassador , who came to him vpon bussines out of france , and a fleming that was in the roade : and tooke his treasure and luggage , some women and children , some al●aids and seruants , and benwash and his followers , and went for santa cruz and there landed in sus : and from thence to tarradante , and there since remained , what force he hath or of his proceeding wee here know not the certaintie . some fewe dayes after his departure , came our new king into these parts , halfe a dayes iourney from saphia , and all the larbies came in to him & submitted themselues , and he receiueth all into fauor , pardoning what passed : for hee sayth , hee comes to make peace , and is sent from god , because of the euill gouernment of mulley hammets sonnes the xeriffes ; and to stablish their prophets religion , that was decaied , and to fight against the christians , and recouer those parts of christendome the king of spaine holds from them : as granada , andaluzia , &c ▪ and tels his people they shall yet see great wonders come to passe , where they shall acknowledge he is sent of god ; he promiseth them spaine , italy , and france : and hauing put peace in these countries , there must now appeare a bridge in the mouth of the straights , which hath been in former time , ( and so recorded in their writings ) and sunk in the sea . now in his time it must appeare to carrie ouer the moores : and hauing gayned these countries ; he must raigne forty yeeres , and then must com christ , whom they call sidie nicer : and he must surrender all to him ; for he must iudge the world and then all must end . but for england , flanders , or other parts they haue not to doe , they will haue friendship with vs , and desire trade and traffique with vs in loue and friendship , and would haue his myracles and acts made knowne abroade the world : i was in his almahalla at first fowre dayes , and spake with him , and saw his behauiour , and found him very humble and courteous , with many good speeches ; and pittying the iniuries all the christians haue by the ill gouernment of his predecessors , or vsurpers as he counted them . a man of some thirty six yeers , very ciuill , very plaine in habit , a course tucke vpon his head of died callico , a holland shirt , an alheick of lile grogram , a plain sword by his side , hanged with a plaine leather thong : a man of great wisdome and learning , as none like amongst them , and a good astrologer , a great polititian . and hath drawne vnto him alkaide azus , of whom you haue heard ; the principall councellor of the land , shecke z●mb●e , shecke glowie , and many other saints and principall men : and since his comming maried the widow of mulley bufferris . and now diuers libel in larby verse against mulley sidan and his proceedings , and of further misery must come vnto him , till he and his race be consumed . and for his gouernment at morocus placed his hackam to see euery one haue peace , and a very honest man for iustic● : so morocus is in peace and quietnes ; and amongst the larbies he demands his due , either corne , horse , cattell , or money ; and tels them he coms to put peace amongst them ; neither to rob thē , nor yet to lose his right ; not to giue them pay , but force them to serue him , as need requireth , if they yeelded not to such conditions , his sword should force them : he came amongst them as a guest , and was to be entertained by them , and not to giue them to gaine their fauour . by which speeches , myracles past , and policy , hee hath made them all tremble ; so he puts all to silence : som cōtent themselues , of the greatest in former time , to heare and see , shew obedience and say nothing : others change with the time , and haue great imploiments , and professe loialty to him , and renounce their old master ; what the euent may be i know not : for , we haue learned , the hearts of kings are in the hands of the lord , he turneth them as riuers of waters which way hee pleaseth . but hauing beene in his almahalla , seeing the manner of it , his plainnesse and policy , mixt with a shew of mercy and a kind of saintish gouernment , i feare mee it will come to passe , according to the fable in aesop , when th● frogs desired a king , a blocke was throwne downe into the water , which dash at the first made them feare him , but lying still they grew familiar , and sunned themselues vpon him , and grew in dislike ; so had the storke : but it were to be wished they would now content themselues , when peace and iustice is offered . if he doe continue it is like to be with trouble and bloud-shed ; for already the people begin to disobey , and the shabenites , mulley sidans * cast , are got to the mountaines neare marocus , and haue procured some of those * brebers ( as wee tearme them ) to ioine with them ; and one mulley om hammet bolassom , and these haue robbed to the gate of marocus ; wherupon this king sent forces to expell them , but found them so strong that they durst not meddle with them : whereupon was forced to rehale his almahalla some fifteen dayes since , and is gone towards the mountaines , where at this present hee is neere frugo : and what hath passed since we know not , only expect euery howre to heare some good newes that he may preuaile ; but here it is greatly feared , because many of his owne people be departed from him : and those larbies he caried along with him out of these parts , run away and returned , so if he lose , the other bee the friends of mulley sidan , and he is expected againe : but the beginning and rising of this king and his procedings are very strange . he is a great saint and learned in the lawe , and was sought vnto by many the principallest of the land for his blessings , and fauour , according to their superstition ; he findes it in ancient books writ of him by way of prophecy , that such a man of that place named messa ( whence he is ) by name mulley om hamet be● abdela , should bee sent at this time , to put peace in the country , and to reuiue their law , and put out the race of mulley sidan , and name of xeriffes : and so to raigne forty yeers till christ come to iudgement : his beginning must be , hee must strike vp a drum hee should finde in that zow●● 〈◊〉 missa , and then should repaire vnto him people , to make him king . the manner of his proceedings , and what encounters hee should haue , and what he found written , all the talbies and learned men now do confesse to find the same written in their bookes . at his beginning he put forth only one tent and a kitchen : so resorted to him the shrokies , a saintish people in their lawe , but otherwise in behauiour very sauages . these without pay came to him , to the number of 150. or 200. at most ; and with their helpe hee brake alhadge ▪ lemiere , and his forces , seruants of mulley sidan , beeing 5000. strong ; so more of the sayd shrokies came to him , to the number of 5000. & with them and such people as ioined with him in the way , he ouerthrew mulley sidans forces thrise before the battell . and so came to some strong places in the mountaines , neuer brought to subiection in the time of mulley sidan , nor his father : those with-stood him , but hee ouercame them and made them pay him what he demanded , serue and obey him ; so forced the principallest shecks in the countrie to come to him . after this marched towards morocus , and by the way was to pass a riuer ; and the daie before he warned his people , in passing such a riuer no man to take vp water in their hands to drinke , if he did he would die . after comming to the riuer weary and hot , many not remembred , or not regarded his words , but tooke vp water in their hands , drunk , and anon after dyed , the rest all escaped , which strooke a feare into them to breake his command , and a perswasion that hee is more then a man : for they say hee is their fatamie , that is , a sauiour . next in comming to morocus , diuers great saints and sheckes resorted together , and would goe to visite him , that they might see what hee was , and vnderstand whether that which passed was true or not . so comming , after salutations , hee told them they came to enquire and see what newes , and what wonders hee did , and so meant to depart . now therefore , being men of account and talbies hee would satisfie them , that they might satisfie others . so appointed them a time to come againe , and to bring such bookes , hee nominated , with them ; so they did : then he willed them to turne to such places , and reade what they found written of him ; so they did . to wit , both his name , his beginning , and course he was to take , and withall found written seauen speciall markes , or signes , hee must haue vppon his bodie , a wart aboue his right eie , a blacke tooth before , a bunch of hayre growing betweene his shoulders , a signe of a ring in the palme of his right hand , the signe of a spurre vpon the outside of his right legge ; the rest i remember not . but these and the rest hee shewed them which seeing they did honor him and swore to him to serue him , and to liue and die with him , or in his cause . next comming to a place named dets in the mountains very strong , where much people were gathered together against him so that some of his owne people began to faint and be afraied : hee bad them feare nothing for that before to morrow they should see there was more with him then against him : so that night , he cōmanded to take vp his almahalla & march towards that place dets : so they did , and all night long to the thinking of al his people , there marched another almahalla greater then theirs , and went before them : and comming to the place dets vannished away , and at sight of it his enemies fled , leaft the place and goods , al to the spoile , so comming thither had the spoile of all without fighting . this our country man m. w. affermeth with diuers others vpon solemne oth to haue seene . at his being in these parts , my selfe with others went to welcome him : he entertained vs very kindly , & told vs he would shew the english what fauour he could , and permit them free trade , willing vs to take knowledge that he was sent by gods appointment to releeue the oppressed as wel moores and strangers , as christians , and al sorts , and what we had seene and heard to aduertise , saying wee should see yet more strange matters come to passe , then what had passed . his meaning as we gather is , the conquering of spaine , france and italy ; with which oppinion hee possesseth the foolish and credulous moores . now hauing bin tedious to trouble you with such news as the time affoords ( not al but part as it comes into my memory ) i pray you take it in good part : the censure hereof i leaue to your wisdome and confideration . for my owne part i am perswaded , they bee delusions of the diuell done by witch-craft , & permitted by the lord , to seduce them to further error , god deliuer vs christians well from among them , and grant vs the vse , and true knowledge of his holy word preached in christian countries which heere wee want , and the vse and comfort of his holy sacraments to the sealing vp of our faith in christ iesus amen . i am sorry i haue nothing for remembrance , to present vnto you , but god willing when the time betters i will not bee forgetfull : in the meane time , i pray you accept of these few lines in good part . so resting euer at your seruice , i commit you to gods holy tuition who blesse you in this world with health and content , and in the world to come with eternall ioy , amen . your louing friend to command . r. s. another letter receiued from another friend , at the same time dated the tenth of september . good sir pardon me in that at my going away , i came not to take my leaue of you ▪ the ship went downe two daies sooner than i made account off . but for all your courtesies alwaies towards mee , i heartily thanke you and remaine your debter &c. for the state of this country , and of the wars of this new king , i know master s. hath enlarged you more than i can a great deale . but for all this , and the troubles mulley sidan hath had , it is thought he will be king again , and that in short time : staying but for a new moone to giue battaile . this saint or king told his shrokies which came with him at first , his comming was to take mazagant , sute and tanger , not to sight against the moores vnlesse they would resist , and not let him take the christian townes . hee said againe that mulley sidan and his followers were christians , one who robbed all men without reason , killed and slue many men vpon no occasions , but in his angry minde . and withall said hee dranke wine , and eate oppium , therefore said it could not bee but that hee was an vn●rony , which amongst them they hold to bee an vniust , or vngodly man as they say wee christians are . his shrokies two thousand fiue hundreth almost all footmen , with no peeces , but halfe launces : that was their weapons , bare-headed men . neuer in their liues they weare shert , or cloth to their backes , but an alheik . which shrokies haue left this king , and are all gonne for their country . this kings forces are of larbies , which are horsemen : euery day they flee from him more and more . as alkaid syde , whom you know alkaid of this place , is come from him with sixe hundreth horse . so that very shortly mulley sidan is expected to come heare againe . and thus with my commendations to your good selfe , and all our good friends i commit you to the almighty . yours assured to command , g. b. since the writing ( and almost printing ) of these two letters , there is nevves come ( and that for certaine as i am giuen to vnderstand ) that mulley sidan is defeated againe , and hath lost this last battaile : so the saint victorious still . what the euent of all these troubles may bee it is hard to gesse . this country hauing beene so long time ( euer since the death of olde mulley hamet ) so vnsetled , and subiect to so manifold alterations : so many yeeres , almost , so many alterations or gouernment : the crowne imperiall tossed to and fro , from one to another , as it were a tennis ball rather then a diadem . non vnquam tulit documenta , fo rs maior● quam fragili loco starent super●● : and that may serue for another vse : a small vse of all , either that hath passed , or may hereafter fall out : whereof if any thing else come to my hands , worthy obseruation , i shall not withhold it , to make the rest answerable to the preface . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02725-e50 act. 17. 21 forty yeers ( saith this new saintish king or prophet of his ) & then christ must come to iudgement as in the letter . mat. 24. 24 ioh. 2. 18. 1. thess. 2. 9 reue. 17. 1● 2. thes. 2. ● notes for div a02725-e550 larbies are the country people dwelling in tents . brebers those that inhabite the mountaines a●agies are a kind of darts . hackam is a chiefe officer in a citty . kinred of mahomet which they challenge . or camp. or turban a long loose garment mu●h like an irish mantle . * or kinred . * mountainers . seneca . late nevves out of barbary in a letter written of late from a merchant there, to a gentl. not long since imployed into that countrie from his maiestie. containing some strange particulars, of this new saintish kings proceedings: as they haue been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses. late newes out of barbary r. s., fl. 1613. 1613 approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02724 stc 12857.2 estc s118846 99854053 99854053 19460 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02724) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19460) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 575:09) late nevves out of barbary in a letter written of late from a merchant there, to a gentl. not long since imployed into that countrie from his maiestie. containing some strange particulars, of this new saintish kings proceedings: as they haue been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses. late newes out of barbary r. s., fl. 1613. harrison, john, fl. 1610-1638. g. b., fl. 1613. [24] p. [by george eld] for arthur ionson, imprinted at london : 1613. two letters, the first signed "r.s.", the second "g.b.". editor's foreword signed: i.h., i.e. john harrison. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-c⁴. the first leaf is blank. running title reads: newes from barbary. formerly stc 1377. identified as stc 1377 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng morocco -history -1516-1830 -early works to 1800. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion late newes out of barbary . in a letter written of late from a merchant there , to a gentl. not long since impolyed into that countrie from his maiestie . containing some strange particulars , of this new saintish kings proceedings : as they haue been very credibly related from such as were eye-witnesses . ( * ⁎ * ) imprinted at london for arthur ionson . 1613. an aduertisement to the reader . hauing receiued this letter following out of barbary , from an honest english merchant , who hath long time soiourned there , very religious , wise and discrect , and so knowne among the merchants : with whom also my selfe conuersed many moneths , during my abode in that countrie ; and therafter shewing it as a matter of newes to some friends , i was at length importuned to make it common , in respect of the noueliy : est natura hominis nouitatis auida ; and ( as the prouerbe is ) africa semper aliquid apportat noui . thereby to satisfie , if not all ( which ) was wont to bee the poets taske : populo vt placerent quas fecisset fabulas ) ; yet at leastwise those , who haue nought else to doe , ( like those athenians in the acts ) but either to tel or heare some newes : howbeit , i hope , it mayserue to some good vse also for vs christians of these last daies , vpon whom the ends of the world are come : to see how busily the diuell acteth his last part , now in this last age of the world , & playeth his prize , for that he knoweth he hath but a short time , 40. yeers by his own calculation , pronouncing before hand his owne condemnation . for the lord hath so done his marueilous workes that they ought to be had in remembrance : and so ought the deuils workes too , though in another kind , & a latere ( as i may say ) for he is the ape & imitator of god ( transforming himselfe into an angel of light ) neither can he doe any thing of himselfe , but by gods permission as he hath power , commission , and authority from him . and therein also many times he plaieth the mountibank , obtruding for true and effectual workings ( as the apostle tearmeth them ) many false and feigned delusions . and whether true or false , his end is still to deceiue , and vent his lying arts , doctrines of deuils ; and therefore in scripture worthily stiled the father of lies : and his miracles , which hee worketh for confirmation thereof , lying wonders . and by these his sleighty conueiances , sometimes winding heere , sometimes there , hath this subtle serpent gon frō about time to time , compassing the earth , to and fro , and walking in it to deceiue the world . and not onely the world ( i meane the children of disobedience and misbeleefe ) but if it were possible euen the very elect . and such must bee ( or rather is ) the comming of antichrist in this last age of the world whereof we haue beene so long since forewarned : ( little children it is the last time &c. ) whose comming ( as the apostle describeth it ) is by the effectual working of sathan with all power and signes and lying wonders &c. and therefore god shall send them strong delusions that they should beleeue lies : that all they might bee damned which beleeue not the truth &c. o the miserable estate of al misbelieuers , whom the deuil hath thus blinded to their vtter condemnation , which sleepeth not . and such is the state and condition of these miserable moores giuen ouer beyond measure , to these idle & superstitious vanities ( so dauid calleth them ) i hate all them that hold of superstitious vanities ) blind prophesies dreams , necromancy and such like , wherein these saints professe themselues , and hold the people in such awe for feare of their curses ( which many times fall out accordingly : ( the deuill working together ) as if they were popes , such is their soueraignety . as by this example yee may see , one of these fanaticall saints now become a king. scilicet his babilon dextris : euen by these and such like arts , did that spirituall babylon , at the first that great whore spoken of in the reuelation , that man of sinne , the sonne of perdition , now sitting as god in the temple of god , and shewing himselfe that he is god ) vnder the like pretence come to the height of his supremacy , not only making himselfe a king , but insulting euen ouer kings and emperours : not caring ( as the prouerb is ) neither for king nor keiser , but exalting himselfe against god , and all that is called god : hat is to say kings and princes . be wife now therfore ye kings , whether christian or heathen , the vse is generall to al , beware of these saints for all their hypocriticall shew of holiness . saints in profession but deuils in practise . his holinesse catexochen ; euen that holy one of rome , ( for so the word saint signifieth : a holy one ) nam si hic mali est quidquam ( i say no more ) they are capital enemies to the thrones of kings . instance this saint who ( forsooth ) vnder a colour of holinesse , and simplicity , armed with most strong delusions , euen from the deuill himselfe ) yee see what wonders he hath wrought against mully sidan , yea and what greater hee promiseth : operae pretium est audire . but when that bridge appeareth in the mouth of the straights , as he prophesieth , and he with all his troupes ariue in the popes dominions ( the pope and he in the lists together ) then we shal see whether deuil is the stronger . the lord preserue his people from their deuillish delusions . and so after this long preface ( too long i must needs confeffe for so short a discourse , but that i tould not wel cut it shorter ) i referre it to the censure of the wise to make vse of : beeing the chiefe and maine motiue , with the aduise and approbation of some godly persons , preachers and others , why i haue published it , which ( if i finde acceptable ) i may ( perhaps ) bee encouraged to reuise some papers of my owne , all this while throwne aside , as touching the affaires and slate of that country , falling within the compasse of my daily obseruation , during that my imployment● with other accounts of my time not altogether idlie spent there , hauing now , but too good a leasure ( since the losse of so hopefull a maister ) for such a purpose , god send vs an other comforter . and so once more farewel gentle reader . laus deo in saphia , the 9. of september . 1612. good sir , in most hearty manner i commend mee vnto you , with desire of your good health , and all other content to your hearts desire , which the lord grant you : amen . since my last vnto you , here is great alteration in this gouernment , as i account you haue vnderstood before now . and because master n. and master f. haue beene here , and heard , and seene what hath passed , i doe referre the discourse to conference : for i assure my selfe they will visit you . yet i will make bold to trouble you , to aduise of some perticulers as followeth . the tenth day of may was the battaile betweene mulley sidan , and our new king mulley om hamet ben abdela ; not farre from marocus betwixt the mountaines , and the city both sides very strong : yet in mans iudgement mulley sidan of most force in horse and foote , and three and thirty peeces of good field ordnance . the other no ordnance , and a few peecemen : his chiefest force larbies of sahara , a place distant hence twenty daies iourney . these armed with launces , demy launces and azagies , and many larbies that came in to him , by the way as he came some hee forced , some voluntary . and at the day of battaile his people beganne to bee dismaied , perceiuing mulley sidan , was very strong . but hee encouraged them , saying , as they had found that come to passe which formerly hee told them , so now they should see the like and bid them not feare his ordnance , for onely three peeces should goe off , and doe no harme : the rest should take fire , but not shoote a bullet , and hee would bee formost , and goe in the face of the ordnance , and finding his wordes true , then at his commaund to fall vppon his enemies . so hauing satisfied his people with these perswasions sent spies to know where mulley sydans ordnance lay , and so came right before it , with all his troopes . and comming within daunger , at mulley sidans commaund , they gaue fire , hauing both moores and christians that knew how to mannage his ordnance . so three peeces went off , and did no hurt . but the bullets hard sing in the ayre a great height , and the rest of the ordnance tooke fire , and burnt out the powder , but shot no bullet that remained in , so comming nearer , the musketiers plaied vpon them , with foure thousand shot , yet hurt no man. so then they came on , and mulley sidans people gaue way and fled . they pursued them , and slue mulley abdela ben hammet , alkaide hammet , benzebeere , and many moe alkaides , and betweene foure and fiue thousand people . so put his people in to marocus , and lay himselfe in the field . hee hath not entered into marocus , neither purposeth till he haue destroied his enemies , and put peace in his country . so mulley sidan fled & came down to saphia , with sidan , fled and came downe to saphia , with his hackam , abdela kather , abdela sadocke and the iew benwash , and a few others ( besides his mother and women , and iuggedge ) heare made account to gather a head againe , and to giue a new battaile . but in vaine the larbies made a faire shew and came in to him , and receiued some money , cloth , and linnens from him , and so would haue betraied him . whereupon he hauing some of his brother mulley shecks children with him , ( to make friendship with his brother ) sent him his children and wrote to him very kindly . so betweene them i account is peace . so staied heere so long as he durst : for that mulley om hammet persued him . whereby hee was forced to fraight a ship of marselle is heere in port , with a french ambassador , who came to him vpon bussinesse out of france , and a fleming that was in the roade : and tooke his treasure and luggage , some women and children , some alcaids and seruants , and benwash and his followers , and went for santa cruz and there landed in sus : and from thence to tarradance and there since remained , what force he hath or of his proceeding wee here know not the certaintie . some fewe dayes after his departure , came our new king into these parts , halfe a dayes iourney from saphia , and all the larbies came into him & submitted themselues , and he receiueth al in to fauor , pardoning what passed : for , hee sayth , hee comes to make peace , and is sent from god , because of thee euill gouernment of mulley hammets sonnes the xeriffes ; and to stablish their prophets religion , that was decaied , and to fight against the christians , and recouer those parts of christendome the king of spaine holds from them : as granada , andaluzia , &c. and tels his people they shall yet see greater wonders come to passe , where they shall acknowledge he is sent of god ; he promiseth them spaine , italy , and france : and hauing put peace in these countries , there must now appeare a bridge in the mouth of the straights , which hath been in former time , ( and so recorded in their writings ) & sunk in the sea . now in his time it must appeare to carrie ouer the moores : and hauing gayned these countries , he must raigne forty yeeres , and then must com christ , whom they call sidie nicer : and he must surren ▪ der all to him ; for he must iudge the world , and then all must end . but for england , flanders , or other parts they haue not to doe , they will haue friendship with vs , and desire trade and traffique with vs in loue and friendship , and would haue his myracles and acts made knowne abroade the world : i was in his almahalla at first fowre dayes , and spake with him , and saw his behauiour ; and found him very humble and courteous , with many good speeches ; and pittying the iniuries all the christians haue by the ill gouernment of his predecessors , or vsurpers as he counted them . a man of some thirty six yeers , very ciuill , very plaine in habit , a course tucke vpon his head of died callico , a holland shirt , an alheick of lile grogram , a plain sword by his side , hanged with a plaine leather thong : a man of great wisdome and learning , as none like amongst them , and a good astrologer , a great polititian . and hath drawne vnto him alkaide azus , of whom you haue heard the principall councellor of the land , shecke zimbie , shecke glowie , and many other saints and principall men : and since his comming maried the widow of mulley bufferris . and now diuers libels in larby verse against mulley sidan and his proceedings , and of further misery must come vnto him , till he and his race be consumed . and for his gouernment at morocus placed his hackam to see euery one haue peace , and a very honest man for iustice : so morocus is in peace and quietnes ; and amongst the larbies he demands his due , either corne , horse , cattell , or money ; and tels them he coms to put peace amongst them ; neither to rob thē , nor yet to lose his right ; not to giue them pay , but force them to serue him , as need requireth , if they yeelded not to such conditions , his sword should force them : he came amongst them as a guest , and was to be entertained by them , and not to giue them to gaine their fauour . by which speeches , myracles past , and policy , hee hath made them all tremble ; so he puts all to silence : som cōtent themselues , of the greatest in former time , to heare and see , shew obedience and say nothing : others change with the time , and haue great imploiments , and professe loialty to him , and renounce their old master ; what the euent may be i know not : for , we haue learned , the hearts of kings are in the hands of the lord , he turueth them : as riuers of waters which way hee pleaseth . but hauing been in his almahalla , seeing the manner of it , his plainnesse and policy , mixt with a shew of mercy and a kind of saintish gouernment , i feare mee it will come to passe , according to the fable in aesop , when the frogs desired a king , a blocke was throwne downe into the water , which dash at the first made them feare him , but lying still they grew familiar , and sunned themselues vpon him , and grew in dislike ; so had the storke : but it were to be wished they would now content themselues , when peace and iustice is offered . if he do continue it is like to be with trouble and bloud-shed ; for already the people begin to disobey , and the shabenites , mulley sidans * cast , are got to the mountaines neare marocus , and haue procured some of those * brebers ( as we rearme them ) to ioine with them ; and one mulley om hammet bolassad , and these haue robbed to the gate of marocus ; wherupon this king sent forces to expell them , but found them so strong that they durst not meddle with them : wh●reupon was forced to rehale his almahalla some fifteen daies since , and is gone towards the mountaines , where at this present hee is neere frugo : and what hath passed since we know not , only expect euery howre to heare some good newes that he may preuaile ; but here it is greatly feared , because many of his owne people be departed from him : and those larbies he caried along with him out of these parts , run away and returned , so if he lose , the other bee the friends of mulley sidan , and he is expected againe : but the beginning and rising of this king and his procedings are very strange . he is a great saint and learned in the lawe , and was sought vnto by many the principallest of the land for his blessings , and fauour , according to their superstition ; he findes it in ancient books writ of him by way of prophecy , that such a man of that place named messae ( whence he is ) by name mulley om hamet ben abdela , should bee sent at this time , to put peace in the country , and to reuiue their law , and put out the race of mulley sidan , and name of xeriffes : and so to raigne forty yeers till christ come to iudgement : his beginning must be , hee must strike vp a drum hee should finde in that zowie at missa , and then should repaire vnto him people , to make him king . the manner of his proceedings , and what encounters hee should haue , and what he found written , all the talbies and learned men now do confesse to find the same written in their bookes . at his beginning he put forth only one tent and a kitchen : so resorted to him the shrokies , a saintish people in their lawe , but otherwise in behauiour very sauages . these without pay came to him , to the number of 150. or 200. at most ; and with their helpe hee brake alhadge lemiere , and his forces , seruants of mulley sidan , beeing 5000. strong ; so more of the sayd shrokies came to him , to the number of 5000. & with them and such people as ioined with him in the way , he ouerthrew mulley sidans forces thrise before the battell . and so came to some strong places in the mountaines , neuer brought to subiection in the time of mulley sidan , nor his father : those with-stood him , but hee ouercame them and made them pay him what he demanded , serue and obey him ; so forced the principallest shecks in the countrie to come to him . after this marched towards morocus , and by the way was to pass a riuer ; and the daie before he warned his people , in passing such a riuer no man to take vp water in their hands to drinke , if he did he would die . after comming to the riuer weary and hot , many not remembred , or not regarded his words , but tooke vp water in their hands , drunk , and anon after dyed , the rest all escaped , which strooke a feare into them to breake his command , and a perswasion that hee is more then a man : for they say hee is their fatamie , that is , a sauiour . next in comming to morocus , diuers great saints and sheckes resorted together , and would goe to visit him , that they might see what hee was , and vnderstand whether that which passed was true or not . so comming , after salutations , hee told them they came to enquire and see what newes , and what wonders hee did , and so meant to depart . now therefore , beeing men of account and talbies hee would satisfie them , that they might satisfie others . so appointed them a time to come againe , and to bring such bookes , hee nominated , with them ; so they did : then he vvilled them to turne to such places , and reade what they found written of him ; so they did . to wit , both his name , his beginning , and course he was to take , and withall found written seauen speciall markes , or signes , hee must haue vppon his bodie , a wart aboue his right eye , a blacke tooth before , a bunch of hayre growing betweene his shoulders , a signe of a ring in the palme of his right hand , the signe of a spurre vpon the outside of his right legge ; the rest i remember not . but these and the rest hee shewed them which seeing they did honor him and swore to him to serue him , and to liue and die with him , or in his cause . next comming to a place named dets in the mountains very strong , where much people were gathered together against him so that some of his owne people began to faint and be afraied : hee bad them feere nothing for that before to morrow they should see there was more with him then against him : so that night , he cōmanded to take vp his almahalla & march towards that place dets : so they did , and all night long to the thinking of al his people , there marched another almahalla greater then theirs , and went before them : and comming to the place dets vannished away , and at sight of it his enemies fled , least the place and goods al to the spoile , so comming thither had the spoile of all without fighting . this our country man m. w. affermeth with diuers others vpon solemne oth to haue seene . at his being in these parts , my selfe with others went to welcome him : he entertained vs very kindly , & told vs he would shew the english what fauour he could , and permit them free trade , willing vs to take knowledge that he was sent by gods appointment to releeue the oppressed as wel moores and strangers , as christians , and al sorts , and what we had seene and heard to aduertise , saying wee should see yet more strange matters come to passe , then what had passed . his meaning as we gather is , the conquering of spaine , france and italy ; with which oppinion hee possesseth the foolish and credulous moores . now hauing bin tedious to trouble you with such news as the time affoords ( not al but part as it comes into my memory ) i pray you take it in good part : the censure hereof i leaue to your wisdome and confideration . for my owne part i am perswaded , they bee delusions of the diuell done by witch-craft , and permitby the lord , to seduce them to further error , god deliuer vs christians well from among them , and grant vs the vse , and true knowledge of his holy word preached in christian countries which heere wee want , and the vse and comfort of his holy sacraments to the sealing vp of our faith in christ iesus amen . i am sorry i haue nothing for remembrance , to present vnto you , but god willing when the time betters i will not bee forgetfull : in the meane time , i pray you accept of these few lines in good part . so resting euer at your seruice , i commit you to gods holy tuition who blesse you in this world with health and content , and in the world to come with eternall ioy , amen . your louing friend to command . r. s. an other letter receiued from an other friend , at the same time dated the tenth of september . good sir pardon me in that at my going away , i came not to take my leaue of you : the ship went downe two daies sooner than i made account off . but for all your courtesies alwaies towards mee , i heartily thanke you and remaine your debter &c. for the state of this country , and of the wars of this new king , i know master s. hath enlarged you more than i can a great deale . but for all this , and the troubles mulley sidan hath had , it is thought he will be king again , and that in short time : staying but for a new moone to giue battaile . this saint or king told his shrokies which came with him at first , his comming was to take mazagant , sute and tanger , not to fight against the moores vnlesse they would resist , and not let him take the christian townes . hee said againe that mulley sidan and his followers were christians , one who robbed all men without reason , killed and slue many men vpon no occasions , but in his angry minde . and withall said hee dranke wine , and eate oppium , therefore said it could not bee but that hee was an vnsrony , which amongst them they hold to bee an vniust , or vngodly man as they say wee christians are . his shrokies two thousand fiue hundreth almost all footmen , with no peeces , but halfe launces : that was their weapons , bare-headed men . neuer in their liues they weare shert , or cloth to their backes , but an alheik . which shrokies haue left this king ; and are all gonne for their country . this kings forces are of larbies , which are horsemen : euery day they flee from him more and more . as alkaid syde , whom you knew alkaid of this place , is come from him with sixe hundreth horse . so that very shortly mulley sidan is expected to come heare againe . and thus with my commendations to your good selfe , and all our good friends i commit you to the almighty . yours assured to command . g. b. finis . since the writing ( and almost printing ) of these two letters , there is newes come ( and that for certaine as i am giuen to vnderstand ) that mulley sidan is defeated againe , and hath lost this last battaile : so the saint victorious still . what the euent of all these troubles may bee it is hard to gesse . this country hauing beene so long time ( euersince the death of old mulley hamet ) so vnsetled , and subiect to so manifold alterations : so many yeeres , almost , so many alterations of gouernment : the crowne imperiall tossed to and fro , from one to another , as it were a tennisball rather then a diadem . non vnquam tulit documenta , fo rs maiora quam fragili loco starent superbi : and that may serue for another vse : a finall vse of all , either that hath passed , or may hereafter fall out : whereof if any thing else come to my hands , worthy obseruation , i shall not withhold it , to make the rest answerable to the preface . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02724-e140 act. 17. 21 forty yeers ( sayth this new saintish king or prophet of his ) & then christ must come to iudgement , as in the letter . mat. 24. 24 ioh. 2. 18. 2. thess . 2. 9. reue 17. 1. 2. thess . 2. 3. notes for div a02724-e600 larbies are the country people dvvelling in tents . brebers those that inhabite the mountaines . azagies are a kind of darts . hackam is a chiefe officer in a city . kinred of mahomet which they challenge . or camp. or turbon . a long loose garment much like an irish mantle . * or kinred . * mountainers . or saints house . notes for div a02724-e1460 seneca . the arrivall and intertainements of the embassador, alkaid jaurar ben abdella, with his associate, mr. robert blake from the high and mighty prince, mulley mahamed sheque, emperor of morocco, king of fesse, and suss. with the ambassadors good and applauded commendations of his royall and noble entertainments in the court and the city. also a discription of some rites, customes, and lawes of those affrican nations. likewise gods exceeding mercy, and our kings especiall grace and favour manifested in the happy redemption of three hundred and two of his majesties poore subjects, who had beene long in miserable slavery at salley in barbary. 1637 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07788 stc 18165 estc s112908 99848149 99848149 13227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07788) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 13227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 996:16) the arrivall and intertainements of the embassador, alkaid jaurar ben abdella, with his associate, mr. robert blake from the high and mighty prince, mulley mahamed sheque, emperor of morocco, king of fesse, and suss. with the ambassadors good and applauded commendations of his royall and noble entertainments in the court and the city. also a discription of some rites, customes, and lawes of those affrican nations. likewise gods exceeding mercy, and our kings especiall grace and favour manifested in the happy redemption of three hundred and two of his majesties poore subjects, who had beene long in miserable slavery at salley in barbary. glover, george, b. ca. 1618, engraver. [4], 44 p. : port. (metal cut) printed by i. okes dwelling in little saint bartholmewes, london : 1637. the robert blake in the title is probably not robert blake, 1599-1657--cf. michael baumber, "general-at-sea" (1989). the portrait is signed: g: glouer· fe:. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng blake, robert, d. 1643. jawhar ibn ʻabd allāh, -al-qāʼid. morocco -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true effigies of y e alkaid , ( or lord ) jaurar ben abdella , embassador from y e high and mighty mully mahamed shegue , emperourr of morocco , king of fess and suss , etc. g : glouer fe : the arrivall and intertainements of the embassador , alkaid jaurar ben abdella , with his associate , mr. robert blake . from the high and mighty prince , mulley mahamed sheque , emperor of morocco , king of fesse , and suss . with the ambassadors good and applauded commendations of his royall and noble entertainments in the court and the city . also a discription of some rites , customes , and lawes of those affrican nations . likewise gods exceeding mercy , and our kings especiall grace and favour manifested in the happy redemption of three hundred and two of his majesties poore subjects , who had beene long in miserable slavery at salley in barbary . london : printed by i. okes dwelling in little saint bartholmewes . 1637. with the commodities of another : for though every countrey doth not yeeld every commodity , yet by the meanes of merchandize and transportation , almost every countrey in particular , enioyes the fruition of all things needfull in generall . thirdly , it conserves , and makes peace , love , and amity with princes , and potentates , though they are far remote from each other in religions , realmes , regions , and territories ; yet they are conioyned in leagues and friendship together , and by the meanes of negotiation , may , and doe send letters , ambassadors , messuages , and rich gifts , magnificent presents , aides of armies , and navies , by land and sea , for the expression of their greatnesse and supportation of peace and unity one with another . fourthly , it is the strength of kings & kingdomes , in the encrease of shipping and marriners , whereby either in peace or warre they are furnished upon all occasions : and what thing is there more in the world so great , or so to be esteemed , whereunto love will not stirre , and animate the mindes of mortall men . lastly , it acquaints each nation with the language , manners , behaviour , customes , and carriage of one another ; so that by these meanes men are made capable of understanding and knowledge ; and therefore preferre knowledge before wealth and riches , for the one soone fadeth , the other abideth for ever : for amongst all naturall and terrestriall things , onely wisedome is immortalll ; and for that maine reason knowledge and understanding ought to bee imbraced before ignorance ; and especially for that in all other things which are odious , yet there is some profit to bee found : but ignorance onely is ever noysome and hurtfull to the ignorant , and doth make them bare the paine of those offences which they commit , by their imbecillity and want of knowledge . therefore study for knowledge whilst thou hast time and leisure to learne , & and be diligent to give care to those that are wise and learned ; for by this meanes thou shalt easily obtaine understanding and knowledge of that , which others have invented with great labour and difficulty . but to the matter in hand , concerning this alkaid ( or lord ) ambassador ; for the word alkaid , is lord in the language of the morocco , the larbies , or barbarie . i onely meane to relate his arivall in england , his abode and entertainment , with his comming up from gravesend to london , the manner of his receiving into the city , and how he was conducted to his house , his manner of riding to the court at white-hall , where he had royall entertainment and audience ; his magnificent and rich presents , his returne from the court , his estate and condition , and lastly a short description of the emperor of morocco and his empire , with his kingdome of fez , or fesse , and his kingdome of sus , and other his dominions , with something of old and new salla , or sallie , with the late proceedings there . the ambassador is by birth a portugall , a gentleman borne in a towne called mondego , who was taken captive in his child-hood at the age of almost eight yeares ; he was ( as the misery and fortune of captives is ) bought and sold , and by command ( as the manner of those barbarous nations is ) hee distesticled , or eunuch'd , and as he grew in yeares hee by his acceptable services , was daily more and more in favour with the emperor of morocco , insomuch , that his maiesty was pleased to take him into his especiall grace , making him his chiefest favorite , and trusty councellor of state , dignifi'd him with the high stile or title of alkaid , or lord , than which , there is not a degree higher under the emperor ; endowed with lands and revenewes fit and correspondent for so eminent a calling , gave him the two most honourable places of lord great chamberlaine , and lord privy seale , and to his prudent care and honourable mature wisedome was committed the maine charge and management of the most important affaires of his whole empire , and in suffering him to make lawes and edicts : and he which is in an office or place of command , and maketh lawes for other men , ought appointment , sir john finnet knight , master of the ceremonies , was sent downe to gravesend , to conduct the embassadors to london . they had no sooner taken their barges , and were launched , but an expression of love and welcome flew in thundering manner out of the mouths of the great ordnance , from both the block-houses of gravesend , and on essex side , and the tyde being reasonable calme , they pleasantly past to woolwich , where they saw his maiesties new great ship ( the eighth wonder of the world ) with pleasing and much contenting admiration . after which they past to greenewitch , where they landed , and stay'd at the rose and crowne foure houres , because the kings barge with the lord kenwell , and 12. gentlemen of his maiesties privy chamber , and other were appointed to come to greenewitch , to bring them to the tower-wharfe in state as was fitting and honourable . so they tooke barges at greenewitch , almost an houre before night , with their trumpets sounding before them all the way : and after an houres rowing they landed at the tower , where they were attended by thousands , and ten thousands of spectators , and welcomed and conveyed with his maiesties coach , and at the least 100. coaches more , and the chiefest of the cittizens , and barbary-merchants bravely mounted on horsebacke , all richly apparrelled , every man having a chaine of gold about him ; with the sheriffes and aldermen of london in their scarlet gownes , with such abundance of torches and links , that though it were night , yet the streetes were almost as light as day . and in this brave and noble way the embassador with his associate mr. blake , were accompanied from the tower-wharfe to their lodgings in wood-streete , at the house that was sir martin lumley's , knight , and alderman of the citty of london , and where he kept his honourable office of maioralty in the yeare 1623. the alkaid , having reasonable , well recovered him of his health , after hee had taken rest fifteene or sixteene dayes , till sunday the fift day of november , our kings maiesties physitians all this while ( by his maiesties command ) attending , and using their approved best skill , whose paines and industrious knowledge tooke such good effect for his health , that on the said fore-named sunday , his maiesty was graciously pleased to give them audience , at his palace or mannour of white-hall , and to that intent these preparations following were ordered for the accommodation of so royall and honourable a designe . the orders that were observed upon sunday , the 5. of november , 1637. by such honourable and worshipfull persons , and others that were appointed to conduct the embassadors to their audience . first , the right honourable the earle of shrewsbury was in the privy chamber at white-hall , at one of the clocke in the after-noone , and twelve gentlemen of his maiesties privie chamber were there at the same houre , and according as it was commanded , it was accomplished . secondly , the earies coach ( with as many other as was held to be fitting ) waited , and were ready at the court-gate , to carry his lordship and the gentlemen privately to the embassadors lodging , or house in wood-streete . thirdly , the foure horses which were sent as presents from the emperour of morocco , to the king of great brittaine , did stand ready at the embassadors house at the houre afore-said , and all the horses of those that came from the court for the same service , were ready at the sayd house the same houre . fourthly , a good guard of officers , and other men with halbards , bills , and lavelins , were at wood-streete end in cheap-side , and the like was in wood-streete below the embassadors house , to keepe the passage cleare from the presse of people . now it follows , that i relate somewhat of the greatnesse of the emperour of morocco that sent tham , and some causes why they were sent , with some iust and true remembrances of the good services that mr. robert blake ( associate with the alkaid ) hath done for his captive and distressed countrey-men , our kings subiects , english , scottish , irish , and of the isles of garnsey , and jarsey , and of other places of his maiesties dominions : besides his goodnesse in relieving and helping of many christians of sundry nations , both with his word and purse , when they were in miserable thraldome and slavery ; hee never ceased to doe his best to comfort them . this mighty and potent prince mulley mahamed sheque , is emperor of morocco , king of fez , or fesse , or sus , or susa , with many other dominions of large extent ; some part of his territories butting northward upon the mid-land or mediterranean sea , over against part of spaine , and some large bounds of hundreds of leagues south and vvest upon the atlantick ocean : as also his empire extends it selfe many hundred miles upland southward into affrica . the citty of morocco , ( which is the metropolis of his empire ) as atlas relates in his history of affrica , hath beene one of the greatest citties in the world , being once of that huge circuite , that it had 100000. houses within it , most strong and defencibly walled , with 24 gates to issue divers wayes out and in at , but within these 100. yeeres past , what with forraigne warres and domesticall seditions , the citty is much ruined , and abated of its ancient greatnesse ; yet by the maiestick valour and prudency of this emperor it begins to re-flourish , and may re-assume the former magnitude which once it had . the kingdomes of fesse and sus are vaste in extention , and rich in divers commodities , as chamelots , grograines , and many other stuffes made of the haire of cammels , and other beasts : besides , the best gold is found there in plenty , with oyles , sugars , and many other sorts of merchandize , for which our barbary merchants doe traffique into those parts , with our iron , tinne , lead , and other commodities which are vendible there . as concerning any further description of those countries , i am no geographer , and whosoever will know more of them , let them looke in pliny his naturall history , or in mr. purchase his pilgrimage , or in atlas , ( a compendious worke , well translated lately ) or in lithgows travailes , and there they may have more ample and satisfactory relations ; there shall they finde that in these dominions of mauritania , the great battell of alcazer was fought in the yeare of our lord 1578. on the fourth day of august , when don sebastian , king of portugall , came into barbary with a great army , in a wrong quarrell to ayde an usurping rebell against the true heire to the empire of morocco , for the which ayde the rebell had promised to sebastian , to give him the kingdome of fesse : but in that fatall battell king sebastian seeking after the shadow , lost the substance ; and instead of obtaining fesse , he was slaine that day , and there lost both his life , and kingdome of portugall ; by which meanes the king of spaine got it , and holds it ; and in the same fight was slaine the lawfull king of fesse , and the vsurper , with our country-man thomas stukeley , to whom the pope had largely promised the kingdome of ireland ; so that 3. kings fell in that one battell . this emperor now reigning , is the sonne of xeriffe mulley cidan , ( deceased ) who was a valiant and victorious prince , and his grandfather was xeriffe mulley hamet , a prince that held good league and amity with queene elizabeth , ( of blessed and most famous memory ) and this emperor as soone as he came to the crowne , he most lovingly desired the friendship and royall amity of our gracious king charles : he is a white man , of a goodly proportion , and a maiesticall aspect ; he is not above 18. yeeres of age , and yet of such surpassing strength , that he hath taken a new horse-shooe , and with both his hands hath writhed and inforced ▪ through extremity and want to retire the army , without any designe accomplished : and indeed it prooved no otherwise , but still laishi held friendship with our generall , and made many shot out of the towne of old sally into new sally , so that they were sore distrest in the towne , with famine , and the battering of our great ordnance from our ships by sea , which did sink and teare their shipping , and beate their houses about their eares ; as also laishi beate upon them on the land-side , that by sea and land they had lost so many men , that they began to talke of yeelding . the emperor hearing of the perfidious dealing of laishi towards him , ( for laishi still stands out , and holds old sally from the emperor ) he sent his alkaid and mr. robert blake his associate , in commission with him , to command them of new sally to surrender to him the towne , and deliver the captives that were the king of great brittaines subiects . but before the alkaid and mr. blake came , the towne , being unable to hold out longer against the force of our english ships , that they were in a manner neere yeelded before the embassadour came thither : so that ( under god ) our ships were the meanes to reduce sally to the obedience of the emperor , the right lord and owner thereof , and also to redeeme all the poore captives that were there , christians . so on the 28. day of july the alkaid , with master blake , went into the towne , and in the emperors name did place there their old governour , and all the captives were sent a boord the king of englands ships : those that list to have a more ample relation of the surrendring of this towne , with the other passages that happened there , they may read a journall written by master john duntons direction , who was the master of the admirall-ship the leopard , who , as it is thought , hath described it truely ; but hee is here and there wrong'd by the writer , in misplacing some things unorderly . were in number 302 , english , scottish , and irish ; amongst whom there were 11 women : also there were 27. french men , which wisely ran away from their keepers ; and there were likewise set at liberty 8. dutch-men , and 11. spaniards : all these great mercies of god to these poore captived christians , ought never ( by them ) to be forgotten , but with praise , thankesgiving , and amendment of life to be had in perpetuall remembrance : and we and they are all bound to love , honour , and obey our most gracious king , whose piety and pitty was so great , as to take the affliction of his poore subiects so farre into his most princely consideration , as to send his ships under such wise and able commanders for their redemption . and it is a most remarkable note of the almighties mercy , in that hee stir'd up and ordain'd master robert blake to be the agent and instrument to move the emperor of morocco , to be so well affected for their enlargement . their slavery ( for the time ) was worse than the aegyptian bondage under pharaoh ; for imagine ( good reader ) what misery can be more , than for a man or woman to be bought and sold like a beast , for a christian to be servile to an infidell , in the most base and contemptible drudgeries ; to eate the bread of sorrow , and drinke the water of affliction ; to have the head shaven , the body pin'd and beaten , to grind in mills , to digge and dresse vineyards , to draw ploughes , to be labourers dayly , and all their wages to be hard fare , hard blowes , hard lodging , and ( more hard than those ) never to hope to be freed till death ; but hardest and worst of all , to be urged , enforced , and enticed to forsake their faith , and turne miscreants ; or ( at the best ) to be ever debar'd the exercise of the freedome of their religion and conscience . now the learned doe say , that all kind of servitude is miserable , but that especially is intollerable , when a man is enforced to serve one that is dishonest and vicious : and therefore ( as a wise man saith ) it is better to live free with a little feare , than to be in servitude with much and great aboundance ; for liberty is sweete , and worthy to be regarded . these , and more than these were the insupportable calamities of our poore distressed countrey-men , with 46. of other nations , who are now by gods especiall mercy and providence at liberty , some of them having endured 30. yeeres slavery , and some fewer ; but all too much , and too many . in february last , 1635 , mr. robert blake being a merchant , and trading to morocco , by his good conversation and carriage there , the emperor cast an eye of regard and favour upon him , insomuch that he caused him to leave his merchandise and traffique in trust to his servants and factors , and himselfe to be neere attendant to his person in the court , where his maiesty taking especiall notice of his good diligence and integrity , entertain'd a liking to him and his services every day more and more , so that in short space hee purchas'd the office of farmer of all his ports and customes , ( which place hee still retaines . ) there were then in the emperors court 33. english captives , whom hee and his father had formerly bought from argeir and tunnis , and some of them had beene in captivity 25. yeeres , some 20. yeeres , some 14 , some fewer , but each of them thought that the time was too long . and although these mens miseries were not altogether so great , nor their captivity so heavy in the court at morocco , as it was at tunnis , argeir , or sally , yet was their thraldome so irkesome to them , that they had a desire to see their owne countries ; their mindes ran upon their parents , kinred , friends , and acquaintance , from whom they had beene long unfortunately separated : so that their best mirth was but forc'd , and a kinde of mourning , and all their ioyes were too much mixed with care and sadnesse , which mr. blake ( with great griefe of heart ) did note in them dayly ; and his most sorrow for them was , that he suppos'd hee could not helpe them , and therefore he did often see them with an eye of christian compassion and pitty , and in his minde ( like a true english-man ) had a sympathy or brotherly feeling of his with houses for so large a circuite : it hath three castles , two of them to the land-ward , and one to the sea-ward , with other strong cassamats and platformes , well furnished with great artillery . from sally to saffee is neere fifty leagues more to the southward , and there the embassador tooke shipping , as is before-said . and although i have written before in this relation , that i have no skill in geography , or description of countries and climates , yet for the satisfaction of many , such as will not , or cannot be at the charge to buy larger relations , it is not impertinent that i write somewhat of affrica , and consequently of barbary , morocco , fesse , sus , and other of those dominions , with their religions , manners , rites , lawes , and cermonies . for their religion , they are strict observers of the law of mahomet ; they say christ was a great prophet , borne to bee a saviour of the world , ( but not incarnate ) that hee was the breath of god , that hee was borne of a virgin , and that the iewes should have beleev'd in him , but would not ; and therefore because they went about to murder and crucifie him , he left them , and ascended from them into heaven , and that then they put another man to death instead of him , whom they tormented , and cruelly crucified . therefore these mahometans doe hold and esteeme the jewes as the worst of men , and very slaves to all nations of the world. the one and onely booke of their religion is called their alcaron , devised by their false prophet mahomet , who was of their nation , ( a larbee : ) they may not use any other booke for devotion , nor on paine of losse of life , no part of it doe they dare to examine or question ; but if any be diffident , or any point or sentence be intricate and hard to be understood by any of them , then it is lawful to aske the meaning of the talby , which is a poore weake learned priest : they are all circumciz'd , and they use a kind of baptisme , but not in their churches , but at home in their houses . their lent is much about the time as it is with us , which they doe hold but 30. dayes ; and they neither eate nor drinke all that time on any of those dayes , betwixt the dawning and the twi-light , but when once the starres doe shew themselves , then ( for their day fast ) they feed fast all night . that priest or talby that cannot read over the booke of the alcaron ( or mahomets law ) all over on their good friday at night , is held unworthy of his place and function : they say their prayers six times every day and night , and they doe wash themselves all over very often : they have no bells to toll them to church , but he that is the clarke , or sexton , hath a deepe base great voyce , and goes to the top of the steeple , and there roares out a warning for the people to come to their devotions . no man doth enter their churches with his shooes on ; their talbies or priests each one of them are allowed a wife , or wives if they will : the lay-men may have captive women , but they must not lye with them in the night-time , for that belongs to the wives by turne , and if any wife be beguiled of her turne , she may complaine for satisfaction to the magistrate : he that hath foure wives must be a rich man ; a poore man is allowed as many , but his meanes are too short to keepe them , therefore one or two must serve his turne . the bride and bridegroome doe never see each other before the wedding-night that they are going to bed , where if he finde her a maid , all is well ; if otherwise , hee may turne her away , and give her no part of the portion she brought him . as concerning their burials , if any one doth dye , they doe wash the corps all over , and ( by reason the countrey is extreame hot , they cannot keep them above ground ) with all speed they send for the friends or kinred of the party deceased , and carry the dead out of their townes or citties , to a place appointed for that use , ( for none are buried in their churches , or synagogues , or within their townes ) and there the talby sayes a short prayer , and then the corps is interred . they have a custome to speake in praise of vertuous persons departed , to encourage and animate taken with false weights or measures , doth lose all his ware in his house to the use of the poore , and is a defamed person , and cruelly whipt . their execution for life and death is , that commonly the person adiudged to die , hath his throat cut by the executioner . and these are part of the religion , lawes , and manners of the people of morocco , fesse , and sus , and i doe wish they were all inspired with holinesse from god ; for i am sure they doe surpasse many christians in righteousnesse and iust dealing towards men . in affrica there are many nations , kingdoms , and provinces , many parts whereof are inhabited by christians , as spaniards and portugalls . aethiopia is a great tract of land in the south part of affricke , it hath many kingdomes in it , over whom ( as chiefe ruler ) is prester john : he is emperor of aethiopia , or of the abassines ; he is a christian , and so are his people , but withall they are all circumcised : the evnuch whom philip the evangelist converted , was governour of aethiopia , and chiefe treasurer under candaces the queene then reigning there , acts 8. egypt ( now under the turke ) is another part of affrica ; in that land the israelites were in bondage , whom god delivered by the hand of moses : it is bounded on the east with the red sea , wherein pharaoh and all his host were drown'd . also the kingdomes of gaogan , nubia , dangaly , doba , gansila , dasila , barnagasso , doara , balli , angola , numidia , guiney or binney , bizarchus , triptoletana , mauritaunia cesariensis , mauritaunia sitiphensis , tingitania , congo , ( far to the south ) carthage , neare where tunis stands , ( famous for dido and hanniball ) hippon more famous for being the the bishops sea of the renowned and blessed lampe of light and learning , saint augustine , and utica , where the admired roman cato uticensis did enrich them with his venerable bones . and in some parts of affrica the people doe use to eate three whole daies together , and are in all things obedient to their wives or concubines : moreover , they never suffer any of their daughters to be married , except she or they have first slaine with her owne hand by policy one of their enemies : this they doe observe from the tartarians . in other parts of this countrey they doe honour their women more than their men , and they take their sur-names of their mother , and not of their father : and they leave their daughters to be their heires and inheritors of their lands , and not their sons . and in some places many have beene punished , and some banished , because they have kissed their wives in the presence of their children or daughters ; but at the least they have beene fined to their governour many duckets for this offence . their lawes command , that men accustomed to wickednesse and viciousnesse , should be cut off , without being spared or concealed : and that they which were attainted , and convinced as guilty of any crime , should never escape without some punishment or other . affrica is that part of the world that doth produce most wonders , monsters , strange beasts , fowles , and serpents . for monsters , it is said that there are a people called aramaspians , with one eye in the fore-head ; some with their feete naturally growing backward , some with heads like dogges , some with long tailes , some with but one legge , that doe hop very swift , and are called sciopedi , who with the shaddow of the foote ( as they lye on their backs ) doe defend their whole bodies from the violent heate of the sunne ; some without heads , with eyes in their shoulders ; some satyres , ( halfe men and halfe goates ) some with no noses , but flat-fac'd , with holes to breath at : some with legges as limber and pliable as lamparnes , ( without bones ) who doe creepe and crawle . some with eares so great that they cover the whole body ; and that in aethiopia there are some men that are 8. cubits , or 4. yards high ; let the reader beleeve as much of this as he list : but i am perswaded , that many of these things are true , or else so many grave and approved authors would never have written of them , and divulg'd them to the world. also in affrica are store of elephants , tigers , lyons , buffles , panthers , leopards , cammells , rhinoceros , lynces , musk kats , onces , elkes , porcupines , dragons , serpents , crocodiles , ichneumons , the hiena vipers , the basiliske , the chamelion , the sallamander , tarentalaes , and scollapendraes , vultures , eagles , ostriches , osprayes , the bird of paradise , ( that is almost all tayle ) with many other , too long to recite : so that those parts of the world doe breed and produce more venemous beasts and vermine , and strange rarities of nature , than all europe , asia , and america . and thus having briefly related the religions , manners , rites , lawes , and ceremonies of some of the dominions of affrica , as barbary , morocco , fesse , and sus , i hope it will satisfie any indifferent reader : to name all were too tedious , and impossible ; and therefore those that will have more ample description , let them get the credit to borrow , or the ability to buy larger volumes . imprimatur sa. baker , novemb. 27. 1637. finis . three miseries of barbary: plague. famine. ciuill warre with a relation of the death of mahamet the late emperour: and a briefe report of the now present wars betweene the three brothers. wilkins, george, fl. 1607. 1607 approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a15357 stc 25639 estc s101854 99837657 99837657 1995 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a15357) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1995) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1016:19) three miseries of barbary: plague. famine. ciuill warre with a relation of the death of mahamet the late emperour: and a briefe report of the now present wars betweene the three brothers. wilkins, george, fl. 1607. [30] p. printed by w. i[aggard] for henry gosson, and are to be sold in pater noster rowe at the signe of the sunne, [london] : [1607] by george wilkins. printer's name and publication date from stc. running title reads: barbary. signatures: a³ b-d⁴. reproduction of the original in harvard university, cambridge, mass. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng africa, north -history -1517-18182 -early works to 1800. morocco -history -early works to 1800. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2006-06 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three miseries of barbary : plague . famine . ciuill warre . with a relation of the death of mahamet the late emperour : and a briefe report of the now present wars betweene the three brothers . post tenebras lux printed by w. i. for henry gosson , and are to be sold in pater noster rowe at the signe of the sunne . to the right worshipfull the whole company of the barbary merchants . hauing drawn certaine collections together of some , the best and maine occurrents which haue now lately ( and not many yeares past ) hapned in barbary ; & they being digested into a volume ( although little for quantity , yet delightfull to be perused for the raritye , ) i thought they could not better be bestowed , than vpon such as holde commerce with that countrey , and know the state and condition of the people . amongest which number i make bolde to present these my labors to you onely , because you are all brothers , and men that most worthily can iudge of the relation , and the truth thereof . the chiefe and farthest point that my intention seeks to arriue at in this , is to describe the horrour and vn-heard-of misery that hath falne vpon that kingdome by a plague : to the intent that by comparing our sins with theirs ( being altogether as greet if not greater ) and the hand of mercy which heauen hath stretcht forth ouer our nation , aboue theirs , we may be allured to looke into our soules betimes , least the like viols of wrath bee powred downe vppon vs. it is my loue that bestowes this vppon you , which i pray receiue with such good acceptation , as with my best affection it comes vnto you . and thus referring my selfe to your censure i take my leaue . deuoted yours , geo. wilkins . barbary . this is a story ( like a briefe chronicle ) conteining various and much matter in few lines : it is but a little bottom of tyme , which you may holde and hide in your hand , yet being vnrolled ( to the length ) it reacheth to the beginning of many yeares past . a word now must stand heare ( as in a map ) for a citty , and a few sheetes for the chart of a spacious kingdome . understand therefore that abdela the emperor being dead : muly mahamet his brother succeeded , and was crowned king of barbary . no sooner was this dignity conferred vppon him , but he reuenged himselfe on those that in abdelaes raign loued him not , and therefore by their counsels did what in them lay , to draw his brothers ( the emperors affection ) from him , yea so far that they perswaded either to haue his eyes put out , or bee sent to death : of these counsellours , these three were chiefe , alcade azus , alcade mussa , and alcade bardu , from two of which he commaunded their liues : but because his state needed the heads of wise-men to hold it vp , and for that he was not generally beloued of the nobility and some of the bloud royal : he gaue alcade azus his life , and of a prisoner and a man in disgrace , aduanced him vp to higher honours then before ; receiuing him euery daie into his bosome for his counsell : which he did the rather because he knew that azus would bee prouident and carefull to increase the emperors bittelmell ( that is to say ) his treasury . much and often was his mind perplexed with thoughts about settling his empire ; his cogitations fought within thēselues , when sometimes hee would ( in his owne pryuate iudgment ) make such a man fit to be of his secret and chiefest counsels , and sometimes another : this he would like to day , and to morrow vtterly distast him . at length he resolued to trust none of his owne country-men , but lay his hart in the brest of one of his elkes , ( that is to say , a christian turned moore ) yet ( vpon sounder contemplation ) him hee reiected too : he would put the health of so great a kingdome into no such dangerous physitiaus hands : for he deliuered that mahamet ( his god ) would take all fauor from him if he should doe so : besides he that had forsaken his owne law and religion , could not haue the temper of constancy , to serue one of a contrary religion : nay , how euer in out-ward shew , these elkes or regadoes ( quoth hee ) seeme saints , and holy ones , to me they may proue diuels , and hold it no conscience to betray my bloud and kingdome . azus therefore was the man culled out from the rest , by the emperor . this prince flourished in as great glory , as the greatest of his predecessors : the blessed fruites of sweete peace , tooke away the sourenesse of any warre ( either forren or domesticke ) that was serued in against him : his subiects were infinite , his cittie 's filled with nations : he had more wiues then any of his fore-fathers : his concubins were fairer and more in number ; he was as happy as euer was any king in barbary , in the flourishing multitudes of his people : and as infortunate as euer any before him , in beholding their misery . fortune twice had her pleasure vpon him , first in lifting him vppe hygh in her loue , lastly in pursuing him and his subiectes with her tyrrany . many noble and notable occurrentes , presented themselues to the eye and eare of the world , during his raigne : of which to write as they deserue , were to adde a large uolume to the chronicles of that countrey . i will therefore ( as one hauing been at a royall banquet ) reserue some of it to my selfe , and bestow some vppon others , such as i thinke will be sweetest in going downe : of which take this as part . it was in his time , when that great armada , ( that brought terror in her wombe from spaine ) was deliuered of it , in the narrowe seas of england . at the birth ( but indeed the buriall ) of which inuincible nauy , the spaniards that lay then in barbary and attended on the spanish embassadour , beguiling themselues with a false rumor , that this land was conquered , prepared for triumphs , as ( if their ioy had bin tamely begot ) they had reason : but one maister arnold tomson ( an english marchant ) certifying to the emperour the truth and certaine defeature of the spanish fleete : the english men that were there , hadde likewise leaue of mahamet , to expresse their ioy in bone-fires , and other triumphes ; for the king did euer loue the nation of our countrey , and did many fauors to our marchantes . the english embassadour lying in the same streete where the spanish embassador lay , and our marchants gathering togither , determining to ride into the fielde , and there hauing put themselues into some gallant order , to come backe into the citty , in a triumphant and ciuill manner , to doe honour to their country for so happy and vn-heard-of a victory : behold , before the spanish embassadors gate ( by which our country-men determined on horsebacke to passe ) stood a company of spaniardes , ( with some moores whom they had hired ) armed with pike and shot to stoppe their passage ; betweene whom what happened , those english marchantes the then were hurt , ( of which maister arnold tomson was one ) can if they be yet liuing testifie : and for those that were then slaine out-right , the emperour ( in indignation ) swore not onely that they who did execute this trechery vppon the english nation , should haue iron giuen them ( that is to say , should haue their throates cut ) but hee would also certifie the king of spaine of this abuse : so willing was hee to doe iustice euen to strangers . another accident ( because it is worthy note for the example , and may be a warning to our countrey-men ) will i set downe : and this is it . an english man fallen out and struck by his maister , desperately resolued ( whilest the fire was in his bloud ) to reuenge those blowes on his body , by giuing wounds to his own soule : and thereupon he presently went and denyed his religion , forsooke christ to follow mahomet ; and from a christian turned moore . it is the custome of that countrey when any man wil do so , to obserue ( amongst others ) these ceremonies : it is signified to those christians that are in the citty , towne , &c. that such a one will be an elke , or turne moore , a certaine equall number therefore ( aswel barbarians as christians ) are assembled in a place fit for such purposes ; one part sitting ( like iudges ) on the one side , the other , opposite directly against them : the turne-coate iust in the middle of the roome betweene them , and in presence of both , he is there then demaunded , whether he will deny the law of his owne religion and embrace theirs or no : it is offered vnto him his free liberty to take the one or the other : nay it is lawfull for those that sit there on the contrary part ( being christians ) to vse all the power of argument to winne him from this delinguishment . thus did they serue this man : thus was he three seuerall times , conuented before them : and three seueral times did he most stifly defend what he had done , and defie christ : no physicke of spirituall counsell doing good vppon him , they gaue him ouer . but note the iudgment of that captaine ( the lord of hoasts ) whose colours of saluation he had forsaken , within a short time ( after this apostasy & rebellion of his soule ) this traytor to god , happened to kill a man : for which fact hee was adiudged by the ladies of that country , not to loose his life , but ( which was worse ) to liue ; but how to liue ? as the first murderer that euer drew bloud of man : as cayne liued , wandering vp and down , with none ( on paine of death ) to keep him company , but his owne thoughtes which were tenne thousand executioners ; none to giue him bread , so that he fed vpon despaire : none to quench his thirst , so that he drunke the poison of an infected conscience , he knew he had killed a man , and therefore euen infidels abhorred him : he knew he had forsaken his religion , and therefore christians would not pitty him : in this wretehed state he went vp and downe , in this misery he pyned , till hee dyed : let that death of his teach others how to line . but leauing this , let vs againe fixe our eyes vpon mahamet the emperor , who ( thinking it would be as great a glory to him , to create others , kings , as to be a king himselfe ) did ( by the aduice of his counsell , but most of all out of the working and height of his owne spirit ) determine to diuide his large and fruitful empire amongst his sonnes . of all the wiues and concubins that this emperor had , three onely , ( aboue the rest ) had a soueraignty ouer his amorous affections , and of those three , he did still prefer one before the other . lilia isa was the fairest , and her did he loue dearest : shee was empresse ouer the rest , yet were the rest queenes ouer others , shee had the supreame commaund of the kinges house , and none commaund her but the king. lilia ageda was a negro , yet had she a second place in his heart . lilia myriem had the third : of lilia myriem ( being a blacke woman likewise ) did hee beget a son , called muly-shem , being one of the fairest children that euer he had , but this muly-shem offring some offence to a youth that attended on him , was by him slaine . the young-man afterward ( knowing the emperours wrath ) killing himselfe . lilia agede was mother to muly-beferris , and muly-sheck , ( the youngest brother : ) lilia isa mother to muly-sidan ( the eldest . ) betweene these three were these late ciuell warres in barbary . and thus did mahamet make diuision of his kingdome , which afterwarde bred diuision amongst his people , and set all in a combustion to muly sidan ( who was giuen to armes and to loue a souldier ) gaue he the kingdome tadula , and taphalet : to mulibefarris ( whose soule lusted after nothing but sensuall pleasure ) gaue he the kingdome of sus : to muly-sheck , the kingdome of fez : appoynting mustapha ( that was born a christian , and turned moore , but a souldier , and a gentleman of a noble spirit ) to attend on sheck as his guardian , because he was but young . before we step any farther , it shall not be amisse ( because i would draw this barbary-picture , with as much life and delightfull colours as i could ) to set downe a pretty combat betweene two of the emperours wiues , playd before the emperour himselfe . thus it was : mahamet sitting one morning with lilia ageda ( the negro ) by him , talking mearily ( for hee tooke pleasure in her speech , because shee was wise : ) in comes isa ( his fairest bedfellow ) and seeing the blacke-one so neere her beloued , she blushed and shewed anger euen in her eyes , ( for what woman woulde not be angry to see another robbe her of the loue of an emperour ? ) at length bowing to the earth , she fell at the kings feete , and with a pretty smile beganne to tell a tale of the larke and the crow : the shutting vppe of her morrall being , that the larke was the bird of the morning , and of the day , and therefore might be bold to challenge the mornings due , and all rytes of the day ; but the crow was the bird of the night , and had nothing to do with the morning . the emperor vnderstanding her sweete witty bitternesse , that by the larke thee ment her selfe , and by the crow , lilia ageda ( because of her blacknesse ) was so delighted with the comparison , that hee gaue charge none should euer after presume to giue the emperour his good morrowe , till lilia isa had bin with him , and thereupon was isa called the emperors larke , or his bird of the morning . let vs loose one poynt more of our compasse , and sayle a little out of our intended way to finde out in what feare and awful reuerence the subiects of this kingdome hold the anger of their soueraigne : to vnderstand which , receiue this only as a tast . one of the emperours officers of his custome ( whose name was cidde abdela creme ) being an olde man , had one sonne onely , ( called enhamet ) whom he tendred as his life , being the hope and health of his age : him had the father put into his owne place : the young man comming in a morning betimes to the custome-house , but the rest of the officers being not present , he could not enter ( for euery one hath a seuerall key , and vnlesse all be there together , not one can get in ) he determined within himselfe to spend an houre ( til the rest met ) in renewing the emperors pallace ( where his concubins liued ) because he was told it was a rare and rich place , and that it was not lawfull without great meanes to enter . that report more inflamed his desire , insomuch that in the end ( watching his time ) by stealth he got in . where being , and staring vp and downe , it chanced that one of the women saw him , who presently screeked out , and ranne crying , a man , a man : for you must note , that if any one of them spy a man , ( except the eunuches that attend them ) and doe not call for helpe , it is death to her : and what man soeuer rudely presume to haue a fight of thē , it is death to him . it was knowne by inquiry , ( vpon her noyse ) that it was enhamet the customers sonne , who had thus offended the lawes : the emperor being giuen to vnderstand so much , made an oath he should dye for it . immediately vpon this ( by occasion of some busines ) comes the olde man ( enhamets father ) to the king , who supposing it hadde beene about his sonnes pardon , and his indignation being now a little cooler ) suddainely demaunded of him what that man deserued , that durst breake into the place where his emperours concubins were : cidde abdela ( not suspecting the offender ) answered , that hee deserued the sharpest sentence of death , for so the law would adiudge him . be thou then ( quoth the emperor ) thine owne sonnes condemnation : as thou hast iudged him , so let it be . but the king beholding death sitting in the olde mans face at that doome , grew pittifull , and ( for loue he bare the father ) forgaue the sonne , which mercy notwithstanding , abdela creme not truely laying holde of , but mistaking the noble spirit of a prince , and imagining that this fauor so strangely extended was but a snare to intrap his owne life , because offences of that nature were neuer before pardoned in any : home hee comes ; with sorrow in his afflicted looks , and his heart euen murdered within him , by the cruelty of his owne thoughtes : his sonne demaunded the cause of this so strange and suddaine distemperature , but his father giuing no answer , sends for cordes , shewes them onely insteade of speech , and to make this dumb tragedy fall in the end , he causeth him before his owne eyes to bee strangled : great were the lamentations of the sonne , and aboundant were the teares he let fall to soften his fathers heart : a mighty conflict was there in the poore old mans bosome , betweene naturall piety to a child , and naturall feare of a soueraigne : but the last of the two preuailed : and hauing bestowed vpon the dead body the ceremonies of the graue , according to the custome of the countrey , hee caused the act to bee registred downe for his owne safety , alledging that howsoeuer the emperor ( when he heard this blacke and vnnaturall deed reported ) would happily bee moued vnto wrath , yet inwardly he would be highly contented with it . mahamet being thus feared and loued of his subiects , wanted nothing that ( according to humane iudgement ) could make a prince happy : pleasure was his slaue and waighted on him whensoeuer he lusted for her company : riches flowed into his houses of treasure in large & goldē streams : his court was ful of counsellors ; his cittyes full merchants , his castles full of souldiers : he was a mightie king himselfe , & had sonnes that were as mightie as hee , their dominions were ample , they were full of men , and full of all thinges that maintaine men . it seemed that the father lost much of his imperiall state and dignitie , when hee placed his three sonnes ( like three great lights ) to shine equally in his kingdome , considering that all the beames of maiestie that came from them , might ( if he had pleased ) haue beene sent foorth from the centred glory of his owne head , but euen this borrowed reflexions of theirs , made his brightnes the greater : and his sonnes yeelding acknowledgement of all their royaltie to flow from him , did ( like riuers paying tribute to the sea ) seeme not a whit the lesse for such homage and fealtie . fortune hauing turnd the wheele of this emperours fate along time with steddie hand , had now brought it about to the vppermost point & highest , on which she meant he should sitte : he should be no more her darling , and therefore shee tooke her fauours from him . or to speake of a power that cōtrolls fortune , and whose very finger throwes downe kingdoms to vtter confusion , or holdes thē vp in their greatnesse , whether the generall sinnes of the whole nation deserued it , or whether the people were punisht for the particular faults of the king and his courtiers , as many times it falls out , and as it hapned to the grecians , for quicquid delirant reges plestantur achini : or for what other faultes soeuer , the rodde of vengeance was made readie : it is in man to thinke vppon and feare , but not to examine , yet sure it is , that as a fire catching hold at first but of some meane cottage , in some one end or corner of a cittie , hath oftentimes ( ere the furie of it could bee put out ) swallowed vp in his flames , the goodliest and most beautifull buildings that stoode euen fardest out of reach , so did the clowdes of infection burst open their vaines , and let fall the poyson of them , on this kingdom of barbary . if euer the plague in any place got his true name , there he had it . at the beginning it strooke ( like an arrowe ) on the head but of one citty , but in a short time after , it fleme from cittie to citty , and in the end stucke in the very hart of the whole kingdome . insomuch , that death came ( like a tyrannous usurper ) to the court gates , & threatned to depose the emperour himselfe . hee that before sate in his throne of maiestie , greatly feared of other nations round about him , and strongly garded by his owne , is on the suddaine daunted , and ( beeing accounted one of the mightiest amongst the kings of the earth ) is ready to submit to him , with whom euen infants doe euery howre fight hand to hand . see the authoritie , fame and terror of that inuader ( death ) hee strooke but vp an allarum in this emperous pallace , and the emperour himselfe trembled through feare thereof : his conceites that stood before like so many aged oakes , bowed presently to the earth like so many ranks of young willowes : yet his cittie 's shooke at the voyce , no lesse then if it had beene at an earth-quake . and so hardly did the pestilence pursue mahamet , that he durst not sleep for it in one place twice together : euery night was he compelled ( for safety ) to flye vnto a contrary lodging . as his court remoued so did the plague : whersoeuer the one kept his standing house , there the other pitched vp his pauilion as a proud and daring challenger to all commers . insomuch that sicknesse in the end ( though weake of himselfe ) wrastled with so many that were neere and about the princes person , and still got the better of thē , that mahomet had not men to remoue those tents which hee was inforced to carry vp and downe with him for his owne houshold to lye in : fourescore barbarians ( being all attendants and officers in court ) falling euery night , in this mortal and pestiferous massacre . so that the emperour for want of seruants was glad to take chained slaues from the oare ( out of their gallies ) and to make them his guard . what a strange alteration is here of a court ? he that had seene this prince so royally attended , so maiestically attyred , with such god-like reuerence kneeled vnto : so guarded , so followed , so circled round with a nation in number infinite : would that man haue euer thought that such a prince could haue beene driuen out of his stately pallaces , and beene glad to lye abroade in the fields ? or that he shold euer submit to such humility , as to put his life into the hands of slaues and miserable captiues ? the onely dispised wretches of his kingdome : the beggerliest : the most discontēted , the worst-minded to him & his nation : yea , such whom he knew could haue been glad to cut his throat , to ransome themselues from the bondage and hell of the gally ? yet euen these most forlorne creatures , ( which before like oxen were yoaked by the neckes with iron ) was this great monarch faine to make much of , and to turne them into his best and fayrest courtiers . so easily and so low can the hand of heauen pull downe the mightiest vpon earth , and make them stoope euen to the weakest . the hart being thus sicke , was not the whole body ( thinke you ) in danger to perish ? the eye of the kingdome being so much blemished , did not the uniuersall land dwell in darkenesse ? was it possible that the court should pyne , and that the citties should flourish ? no , no , alasse ! full houses were emptied there of whole families : whole streetes of their housholds : yea , euen the citties themselues were left desolate of inhabitants . had all the artifiers in the land , layed by all other worke , onely to haue made coffins , they could not all haue builded roomes fast enough , for the dead to dwell in : for sicknesse was euen weary of throwing downe bodies , and death euen glutted with killing them . doe but imagine how the world shewed , when all creatures that were drowned in the uniuersall floud , lay heaped together , after the waters were shrunke into the earth , such a mount caluary was barbarie : the carkases of vnburied men were so many , that a far off they might be taken for hills , yea so numberlesse were they , that it seemed as if all the nations vppon earth had sent their dead thether , and that barbarie had beene the common church-yard . when vespasian besieged ierusalem , famine fed vpon the cittie within , and warre without , yet did the iewes choose rather to steale forth , and trust the doubtfull mercy of an enemie , then to perrish vnder the crueltie of their owne countrymen . at length , such multitudes of them got daily through the gates , that tytus ( to be ridde of them , & fright them from comming ) crucified them all , and sixt the bodies so put to death , round about the cittie , before their walls , as a terror to those within : so that in the end , ( they pressing forth for all this continuallie vppon him ) there coulde be found neither wood enough for crosses to nayle them vpon , nor ground enough whereon to set crosses . the like miserie fell vpon this royall kingdom of barbarie , for the people in it were strooke downe so fast by the pestilence , that the liuing were not able to inter the dead , neither could there be found ground sufficient enough ( about theyr citties ) to affoord them buriall , so that the earth did not ( as in other countries ) couer and burie them , but they buried and couered the earth . let vs muster the dead together , and take a view of this disordered armie . in morocco the cheefest cittie of barbarie , died in one yeere seauen hundred thousand moores , and seauen thousand seauen hundred iewes , as by bills daily sent to the emperour did appeare . what nation in the worlde would not haue trembled , hearing of such an invinsible host marching against them , yet death with one arrowe slew all these . in the cittie of far , died ( the same yee●e fiue hundred thousand , beside those that fell in the country . yea so terrible and fierce was death in his execution of those in morocco , that in the space of one day and a night , hee slewe there with his owne handes , foure thousand , seauen hundred and odde . a mercilesse and tragicall conquest , an inglorious victorie , for he made them away in their beddes . o what a number of graues must haue beene opened , if all these thousands should haue had their rites of buriall ? howe many fathers for children , wiues for husbands , sonnes and daughters for parents , and kinsfolkes for friends , should heere haue wept , if the dead had beene paid their due lamentations ? but mourning heere had so wasted it selfe , that it quite forgot truly howe to mourne . sicknes & griefe grew so familiar with men , that to be ridde of such lothsome company , they sought out death , when they knewe not where to finde a graue . o thou beautiful kingdome , how couldest thou chuse but looke vnlouely , hauing so many children dead in thy wombe ? how could thy body be otherwise then vnwholesome , hauing so mortall a disease running vppon thee , yea , all ouer thee seuen years together ! and o your citties that were the fairest daughters to so noble a mother ; what shrikes , and soule-afflicting passions did not you breath forth , seeing all your marchants ( that had wont to court you bee your loues ) and forsaking you to see your buildinges stand in their wonted height , but robbed of their wonted ornamentes ! to see foxes and wilde beastes ( instead of men ) inhabiting in your goodliest streetes and meeting daily vpon your exchanges ! a more then widdow-like lamentation must you needes put one , to behold your selues vtterly bereaued of those that were your best-beloued : what kingdome ( thogh neuer so farre remoued ) is not heauy at the heart , hearing these sad stories of your sorrow ? — quis talia fando , mirmydonum , dolopumùe , aut durimiles vlissi temperet àlachrimis ? your enimies cannot bee so barbarous as not to yeeld to your condolement . we will therefore no longer let out your teares within-doores , nor no more stand wondring to see all your buildinges shew like so many hearses ; but will suruay your filds abroad , & try if they can afford any better cōsolation , alasse they cannot : calamity there trauels vp and downe in the same wretched habilyments , that she weares within the walled citties , people fly in numbers vp to the mountaines , to dwell amongst beastes , and to dispossesse them of their inheritance : they flie thinking death would not follow them , but hee like a politicke generall , lay so close in ambush at their returning backe to their citties , that he cut them off faster then at the first , & left their bodies to be a pray to those beasts , who not many daies before ranne into their caues as beeing afraid of them . o what a miserie was it , to see high-wayes strewed with dead and infected carkases , as if the whole kingdome had beene sacked , and the enemie had had all the people in execution ? a rich and abundant haruest couered the face of the earth , but the husbandmen in steade of filling their barnes , were busied in filling vp graues : the fruites which the ground brought forth , shee herselfe did againe denoure . a strange haruest was it , for corne was had in without reapers , it was gathered & sowed againe all at one time , for the earth did now play the good huswife , shee saued all to herselfe , and yet euen in sauing it , did she spill all : there were not handes enough to gather the foode , which she out of her plenteous lappe bestowed amongst her children , nor mouthes enough to eate it . the country-lasse sate not nowe singing by her milking-payle , for the poore beastes ran bellowing vp and downe with swolnevdders , mourning before their maisters doores , because they could not be eased of their burdens . the pestilence hauing thus ( like a mercilesse inuader ) destroyed both citties & uillages , and hauing oftentimes made the greatest lords in the kingdome stoope to his commaund , and determining to conclude his conquest , with taking the generall ouer so great a nation prisoner , did at the last set vpon the emperour mahamet himselfe , and with her venemous breath kild him . which glorious victorie beeing gotten , death and his liefetenant ( sicknes ) beganne to sound a retra●te , to march from their walls , and to let them liue in quiet . no sooner were their backes turnd , but againe in multitudes came the people downe from the mountaines , and as all riuers ( when land-waters haue opprest thē ) flie to the bosome of the sea for safety , so did the nation of this great empire , frō all parts thereof come marching ioyfully , ( and yet fearefully ) to fill vp & make good againe theyr disinhabited houses . what stories are now tolde of lamentable funeralls ? what friends and kinsfolkes are missing ? what sorrowe there is for so much acquaintance lost ? what gladnes to meete with any , whom they heard or doubted were in their graues ? their citties doe now looke with cheerefull countenaunces , streetes are filled with men , houses with families : euery one applies himselfe to his former labour , euery merchant to his trafficke . but behold , in the heate of all this sun-shine , when no wrinkle could be seene in the browe of heauen , when all was calme , and that men lay safely snorting on their secure pillowes , a seconde storme burst out of the clowdes , a second & a more fearefull : god poured another vengeance on the heads of this people , he sent famine to breath vpon them , and to suck the life-blood out of theyr bosoms , so that they that before durst not come neere one another , for feare of beeing infected with the pestilence , are now ready to lay hold each of other , and to turne their owne bodies into nourishment . the plague was mercifull to them , in dispatching them quickly out of the world , but this tyrant put thē to lingering deaths . they had once more meate then mouthes , now they had many mouthes and no meate . o hunger ! how pittilesse art thou ? a monster thou art of a most strange condition , for , how small a thing will appease thee , and yet what wilt thou not destroy to satisfie thy rauenous appetite ? thou art most cruell to them that most seeke to relieue thee , and when thou hast nothing to feede vpon , thou plaiest the murderer , and eatest vp thy selfe . how tirannous hast thou shewed thy selfe to this great nation ? thou hast heard children crying for bread to their parents , yet wouldest not relieue them , whilst the parents went mourning and pyning vp and downe that they wanted foode themselues . men that were strong of body , didst thou by thy sorcerie bring so lowe , that they could scarce stand on their legs : weomen that had fresh blood in theyr cheekes , and were louely to be lookt vppon , didst thou make leaue , and turnedst them into anatomies . o famine , thou cruellest executioner of gods wrath , thou dishonest guest , for into what house soeuer thou commest , thou destroiest all that is set before thee : thou traytor to plentie , enuious hag , malicious witch , that with thy vnsauorie breath blasteth whole fieldes of corne : away , gette thee gone , the hand of heauen keepe thee from landing vpon the english share , hide thy head for shame , in the graues of those whom most vnmercifullie thou hast slaughtered , bee buried there for euer : for if thou shouldest set footing vpon this little ile , thou wouldest quickly turne it into a great land of miserie . but was the terrible iudge of the world , satisfied with punishing this people twice in this manner , had their offences towardes him deserued no more blowes ? it seemes they had run into a most proude rebellion , and that hee had sworne in his indignation to be reuenged vppon them for it : for loe , the spirit of his rage comes nowe in a consuming fire , it is wrapt vp in clowdes of lightning , and the thunder of it breakes into ciuill warre . the three sonnes of so great an emperour , shine now like three meteors in the firmament , all in steele , their courts now are campes , and none are courtiers but souldiers . three brothers beeing all three kings , are vp in armes , only to make of three but one , miserie vpon miserie . they that escaped the stripes of the pestilence , were eaten to death by famine , they that saued themselues out of the iawes of famine , are now in danger to perish on the sword. o noble france , if i should bid thee onely to tell the horror , the terrors , the vnbounded mischiefe and calamity that come marching in with intestiue broyles , thou needest to say nothing , but to open thy bosome , and shew those deepe scars which thine owne sons haue set there . there are teares yet in thine eyes , for those sad funeralls which the ciuill sworde prepared . the low-countries haue beene in labour a long time , and are not yet deliuered of that monster : if they could not expresse the paynes and pangs that followe this inward disease of a kingdome , this griefe about the heart of a land , this very earth-quake that hath power to ouer-turne townes and towers , wee haue too many leaues in our own chronicles , spotted with the inuenomed inck of ciuill discord . too many of our kings haue beene too famous by that miserie : too many of our noblest families , haue shaken their ancient houses by that thunder . this fire of discention hath now taken holde of barbarie , a kingdome full of people , abundant in riches , flowing with arts and trafficke with all nations : how happy therefore are we , that haue peace in our citties , and plentie in our fieldes ? yet doubtlesse , our sinnes are in number infinite , in nature abhominable , wee deserue as little pardoning as they , yet is our wickednes as blacke and detestable as theirs . let vs therfore stray aside awhile , and by comparing the heauy afflictions which the diuine iusticer hath layd vpon other countries in times past , acknowledge an incommensurable loue and mercy of his , to this iland of ours , nowe in these present dayes . for in the yere of christ 81. and in the yeere 188 , the breath of the pestilence was so strong , and so contagious , that in rome there died daily two thousand people . in the yeere 254 , fifteene prouinces of the romaine empyre were almost cōsumed with the like calamitie . nay in constantinople the rage of the disease was so great , that in the yeere 530 , there fell euery day ( for many dayes together ) fiue thousand , & sometimes tenne thousand . within tenne yeeres after that , ( which was in anno 540 , ) there began an vniuersall plague ouer the whole world , which continued 50 yeeres with hot violence . in the yeere 1359 , so mortall a blow did death giue to italy by infection , that there was scarce left tenne of a thousand . and to rome ( in the yere 1521 ) that shee made graues for a hundred thousand . millan likewise , padua and venice , in the yeres 1576 and 77 , opened the earth to receiue into her womb a hundred thousand dead carkasses , that were left breathlesse in each of those citties , by the tyrannie of this pestiferous disease . and in bohemia ( beeing but a small kingdome ) there died three hundred thousand the same time . in the yeere 1596 , fel such a plague in constantinople , that it strooke downe in sixe moneths space , seauen hundred thousand persons . and this misery was seconded by so terrible a famine , that a penny loafe of breade of english mony , was worth a crowne in golde , by reason of which , the people were worse consumed thē before by the pestilence . we will now set forth some of our owne home-borne tragedies wrought by the plague , of which take this as prologue to the rest . in the raigne of k. edward the third , the infection spred it selfe in the east indies , amongst the tartars , saracens and turks , which had a hand ouer them by the space of 7 yeeres : and this vengeance which was poured downe from heauen vpon this people , strooke their soules into such amazement and terror , that many of the heathen ( with the very feare thereof ) offred to be conuerted and turne christians . shorthe after , by reason of passengers from one prouince to another , the same mortall plague was dispersed in many christian kingdoms , & ( amongst others ) brought into england , where it was so forcible all ouer the land , that not onely men , but also beasts , birdes and fishes were smitten there-with , and found dead with botches vpō them . yea , such a massacre did it make amongst the liuing , that they were scarceable to burie the dead . at which time , ( with the rest that then died of the plague , ) henry duke of lancaster , blanch dutchesse of lancaster , and the earle of warwick ended their liues . so that in one yeere , in a little plot of ground of 13 acres compasse ( then called spittle-croft , and nowe the charter-house ) were buried 50000. persons , besides all them that were then buried in the church yards & diuers other places . our late calamities infliced vpon vs for our sinnes are fresh in memory , the eyes of many people are yet wet with mourning at burials , the rod is stil held ouer vs , the stripes of it are euen nowe to bee seene sticking in our flesh . yet you see howe the great father of nations , keepes vs vnder his wing , he is loth to chide , more loath to strike vs , let vs not therefore , like foolish haire-braind children , prouoke him too often , and too much to anger , least he take vp his triple mace of hote vengeance , and with it bruze our people , as hee hath already stretcht out his arme to smite those of barbarie . finis . barbarian cruelty being a true history of the distressed condition of the christian captives under the tyranny of mully ishmael, emperor of morocco, and king of fez and macqueness in barbary : in which is likewise given a particular account of his late wars with the algerines, the manner of his pirates taking the christians and others, his breach of faith with christian princes, a description of his castles and guards, and the places where he keeps his women, his slaves and negroes : with a particular relation of the dangerous escape of the author and two english men more from thence, after a miserable slavery of ten years / by francis brooks. brooks, francis. 1693 approx. 103 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29712 wing b4973 estc r2320 12016473 ocm 12016473 52536 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29712) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52536) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 84:10) barbarian cruelty being a true history of the distressed condition of the christian captives under the tyranny of mully ishmael, emperor of morocco, and king of fez and macqueness in barbary : in which is likewise given a particular account of his late wars with the algerines, the manner of his pirates taking the christians and others, his breach of faith with christian princes, a description of his castles and guards, and the places where he keeps his women, his slaves and negroes : with a particular relation of the dangerous escape of the author and two english men more from thence, after a miserable slavery of ten years / by francis brooks. brooks, francis. [3], vii-xxiv, 118, [2] p. printed by j. salusbury ... and h. newman ..., london : 1693. "decemb. 8, 1692. imprimatur, edmund bohun"--p. [1] advertisements ([2] p.) at end. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ismāʻīl, -sultan of morocco, d. 1727. slavery -africa. morocco -history -1516-1830 -sources. africa, north -history -1517-1882 -sources. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion decemb. 8. 1692. imprimatur , edmund bohun . barbarian cruelty . being a true history of the distressed condition of the christian captives under the tyranny of mully ishmael emperor of morocco , and king of fez and macqueness in barbary . in which is likewise given a particular account of his late wars with the algerines . the manner of his pirates taking the christians and others . his breach of faith with christian princes . a description of his castles and guards , and the places where he keeps his women , his slaves and negroes . with a particular relation of the dangerous escape of the author , and two english men more from thence , after a miserable slavery of ten years . by francis brooks . london , printed for i. salusbury at the rising-sun in cornhil , and h. newman at the king's arms in the poultry . mdcxciii . to their sacred majesties , william and mary , of great-britain , france and ireland , king and queen . most gracious soveraigns , amidst the throng of those weighty and important cares that fill your royal breasts , it is indeed a high presumption , in one so inconsiderable as i am , to offer the interrupting them by this address . but since such is your royal clemency , as not to deny access to the meanest of your subjects , permit me , with awful reverence and humility , to lay the ensuing narrative at your majesties feet , with hopes you will vouchsafe to shelter it under your royal patronage . the deplorable and miserable condition , wherein many of your majesties subjects , with other christians , now lie groaning in slavery , and under the barbarous tyranny and inhumanity of mully ishmael emperor of morocco , is a subject that may perhaps not altogether be thought unworthy the cognizance of your majesties ; it being manifest to all the world how much it has been the glorious design of your majesties whole life and reign , to set mankind at liberty , and to free the distressed from the yoke of tyranny and oppression . may that almighty hand that has framed your majesties for the support and joy of the universe , continue to crown all your affairs with uninterrupted success , giving you more and more the hearts of your subjects , and the necks of your enemies . and after your majesties have reaped many harvests of lawrels , may you plant such an olive of peace , under the branches whereof all europe may for successive ages rejoice . which is and shall be the constant prayer of your majesties poor and distressed , tho loyal subject , francis brooks . to the reader . courteous reader , though i must own my self incapable to write upon this subject , any thing worthy to be exposed to the publick view , since my education hath not given me those advantages of stile and composition , altogether necessary for such an undertaking : yet considering i had the miserable experience of what hath been barbarously inflicted on me , with many others my fellow sufferers , who are still groaning under the most insupportable miseries ; i thought my self bound in duty to publish , as well as i can express it , what was plain matter of fact , to the end it might more powerfully move your compassion , and excite your charity for the redemption of those who remain to this day under their egyptian task-masters . a full account of which you have in the ensuing relation , wherein i have made it my business , to give you a clear and particular view of the most remarkable passages that happened during the unfortunate time of my confinement among those barbarous savages . i shall offer nothing but truths , which ten years sufferings have made me too long acquainted with . we were not only banished from our native country , ( being english-men , and my self born in ratcliff-parish in bristol ) but from all the spiritual as well as temporal comforts . we were confin'd amongst those whose religion was composed of cruelty , whose customs were extravagant , and whose usages almost intolerable ; what from the hardness of our labours , and the coarsness of our provisions , we were reduced to the most pressing extremities , which caused us to think and contrive all ways and means to procure our desired liberties ; which considering how narrowly we were watch'd , and how closely kept , was almost impossible to be effected . i need not mention here how i made my escape , with two others of my companions , since i have given you an exact account of it , with all its circumstances , in the following relation , with what happened afterwards to the person who was instrumental in our happy deliverance , for which we are in duty bound , during the whole course of our lives , to own the particular providence of god , to whose assistance and protection we owe our present safety . the chiefest design of my publishing this book , is to caution all seafaring men , whose particular voyages carry them into the streights , that they take all possible care not to be trapan'd by these subtile pirates who in●●…st those coasts , where we unfortunately fell into their hands ; and that reflecting on the barbarities they must expect to suffer from those merciless enemies , it will be their surest interest to defend themselves to the utmost of their power , even to the last extremity , death it self being to be preferred before that , or any other slavery . another motive is , that i hope what i write , may be a means to procure liberty for these my country-men , who are now labouring under the most pressing miseries , and who would be very serviceable at this time against the common enemy ; whose deplorable condition hath been not long time since published and recommended in a brief to be continued for two whole years , as followeth . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of england , scotland , france and ireland , defenders of the faith , &c. to all and singular arch bishops , bishops , &c. whereas a great number of our good subjects , peaceably following their emploments at sea , have been taken by the turkish pirates of algiers , salley , barbary , and other places on the coast of africa , and now remaining slaves , in cruel and inhumane bondage , without any days of rest , either on the turkish sabbath or ours , except four days in a year , being kept to extream labour ; from which some endeavouring a little rest , several of them were barbarously murdered . neither is their diet any more tolerable than their labour , great numbers being allowed no other food than decayed barley , which stinketh so , that the beasts refuse to eat it : and often they are not permitted to go from their labour to fetch water , which is their only drink ; and sometimes driven about by black-a-moors , who are set over them as task-masters ; and some by them have been so severely whipp'd , that they have dropp'd down dead . whose miserable conditions being represented to us , and we having now an offer from the emperor of fez and morocco , by his envoy sent hither to treat about a general redemption of all the english that are his slaves ; and the dey of algiers having now also invited us to redeem our subjects there in slavery , &c. so that if the before-recited end may have its desir'd success , it will make sufficient amends for any censures or reflections that may be made on me , upon the account of my imperfect performance : therefore i shall only refer their distressed case to your benevolence and charity , as i do my book to your pardon and candour ; which , i hope , will neither be denied to them , nor your humble servant , f. b. an impartial relation of the poor captives under the emperor of morocco , &c. in november 1681 , i went on board the william and mary of bristol , of 120 tuns burden , 7 guns and 4 paterero's , william bowry commander , being bound from bristol to plymouth for a convoy , from whence we went with our convoy ( the turkish tyger ) to cales , where she left us ; when the fleet was safe arrived , we staid there for good company or convoy ; but none coming , our merchants went to a french commander of 26 guns that was bound for marseilles ; who agreed with them to carry us safe thither : in order thereunto he went aboard and fired a gun , which hearing , we set sail after him . we were not above three leagues out of cales , but he hoisted his top-sails , and left us ; however we got safe to malaga , where we again waited for a convoy : but after we had staid there a considerable time , expecting we should have met with one , we were forced to go without , being loaded with herrings which were likely to be spoiled . from thence we went to allicant , where we met with two flemmings bound for marseilles , one of 16 guns , the other of 22 , with whom we set sail about four a clock in the morning : and four hours after we met with the bristol frigat , who enquired from whence we came ? we gave them account whence we came , and whither bound . we ask'd from whence they came ? they answered , from algier . we enquired what was the best news there ? they answered , good news , for they had made peace with algier ; so we brought to , and our master hoisted out his boat , and went aboard them , and procured a copy of the articles of peace made between the english and algerines : after which he sailed with the two flemings in company to marseilles , where we lay 19 days for pratique , which being gained , we went into the mould and delivered our loading ; after which our master was very urgent for us to take in our loading , and so return ; but the merchants said we must wait a while , and we should have it ; so we took in our ballast , and our master took in the merchants at santra pee : and afterwards we went to santra pell , and took in loading of oil , and set sail for bristol : but coming homewards , we put into malaga , where there was a ship that came from tunis , bound for london , in which were two lions and two barbary horses , being a present for the late king charles the second , whose commander came on board us , to give our master a visit . we enquired of him whither he was bound ? he said , to tangier , but to make no stay but one day . our master told him he should be glad of his company homewards : who said he should be likewise glad of his company ; upon which our master went ashoar , having some concerns with the merchants . the same day the londoner sail'd away , leaving us behind . next day , being the 2 d of august 1681 , in the morning we set sail alone ; and coming within six leagues of tangier , we saw a ship give us chase , when they came up with us , ask'd us whence we came ? we said from marseilles . we enquired the same of her ; who answered , from algier : so he bid our master hoist out his boat : our master answered , he would not for any ship he should meet withal . our master further told him , he should hoist out his boat if he had any thing to do with him , and if he came to him , he should see he had a pass ; so he sent his lieutenant aboard us in his own boat , to whom our master shewed his pass , and he acknowledged it to be good , and calling to his commander , told him the same , who nevertheless desired our captain to come abord with his pass : our master told him , that if the lieutenant would stay on board us , one of our men should go aboard , and shew him the pass . the lieutenant agreed thereto , and when the captain had viewed the pass , the moors went into their own ship , and loading their pistols they stuck them in the waste-band of their drawers under their coats , and every one of them had likewise a cutlass stuck on their waste : so they entred aboard us all at once , firing their pistols , and cut and wounded us with their cutlasses . * they had on board them 300 men and 16 guns ; when they had thus taken our ship , they carried us to sally , and sent our ship into memora , having secured us in a place under ground : our diet they gave us was a little black bread and water . there they kept us four days , and then sent us to memora to discharge the ship they took from us , and sent the oil with which we were loaden , in skins , upon camels and mules , to the emperor of morocco . after we had work'd there very hard all day in delivering the ship , they put us down in the hold of their ship in irons , and afterwards sent us to macqueness , where the emperor's castle is , and where he keeps all his slaves , and we were delivered up to the vice-roy , ( the emperor being then in camp against a city to the southward , called tarradant in barbary ) and by his negroes we were driven to work all day , driving and cursing of us , bidding us turn moors , and at night we were driven to a place where the rest of the christians lay , being like a vault under ground . in the year 1680 , the english captives that were under this inhuman tyrant , the emperor of morocco , bewailing their own condition , making moan to one another , and praying to god for deliverance , at last concluded amongst themselves to draw a petition to our late king charles the second of great britain , giving him to understand their miserable condition in this captivity : which being done , the king took it into consideration , and sent over captain francis nicholson ; who being come , and seeing the cruel bondage his poor country-men were in , their hard labour and cruel fare , having therewith many cruel stripes and blows , he could not but lament their condition , and prayed god that he might come to some composition with that hellish tyrant for them . the emperor at the same time sent for the shack , or chief over all the jews in his dominion , and bid him build a town , which would be better for the jews than the cane houses , ( his name was abraham memoran ) and at that time captain nicholson made an agreement with the emperor for the christians , and the english and portuguese were delivered him up , the emperor wishing them a good journey to tangier ; the captain took them out of the town that night , which the shack of the jews hearing of , that came to the emperor , telling him , if he would let him have the christians to build the jews town , he would give him as much money as the captain had agreed with him for : the emperor bid him come again in the morning . then the shack or chief of the jews went immediately home to his house , and got a present ready , and sent it in to the emperor's wife , that she might follicite the emperor for him : which having received , she sent word back by the eunuchs , that she would endeavour to prevail with him , which she did . and the next morning he spoke again with the emperor , who immediately sent out his negroes to drive back the christians , which were hurried again to their works in a cruel manner . the moors of his city macqueness seeing that , cursed the jews for doing it : but the captain could in no wise prevail with this grievous tyrant the emperor , ( notwithstanding the captain had done what in him lay to have got the christians away ) who said he would not part with them till the town was finished . so they went to work with great chops , and baskets to carry earth in ; and the negroes were set over them to keep them at it from morning to night . when the town was finished , he put in his negroes : but the curse of the jews fell upon their own governour , his mischief returned on his own head , as will shortly be shewn . in the mean time the poor christians were grievously hurried and punished by those hellish negroes at the command of this wicked and inhuman tyrant the emperor , and had scarce time to take any nourishment , or eat any of their bad bread that was allowed them , but with a great many threats , stripes and blows by the negroes , bidding them turn moors . in which condition they prayed to god to preserve them in their faith ; in which , through his assistance , they remained constant . sometime after captain nicholson being gone from thence , the emperor laid siege against a city called tarradant , in the south-part of that dominion , being kept by a king whose name was mully hammet : and having been there a considerable time , he sent to the chief of the jews , to bring him up some goods which he wanted from macqueness . when he had gotten mules , and carried them to the place where emperor was in camp , the vice-roy's son being there with the emperor , went to the said shack or chief of the jews , and desired him to assist him with some money , and his father would repay him , when he , viz. the chief of the jews , should return to macqueness . he told him his father owed him already several thousand ducats , and would not pay him any , for as yet he could get none from him : and said moreover , if he should die and perish , he would not lend him a penny . of which passages he acquainted his father , writing a letter thereof to macqueness . afterwards the chief of the jews went to macqueness to the vice-roy called coid birry , and told him he had acquainted the emperor of the care he had in his absence of his castle and business ; he taking little notice of him , but returning him thanks for his kindness , he went away . but coyd birry the governour ( being so called in the emperor's absence ) ordered one of his chief negroes in a little time after to go and take such a horse which he described to him , and go to the place where the country-people kept their market , to see if he could find the said chief of the jews ; and if he saw him , take little notice of him ; but if he had an opportunity , watch as he went home to his house , and kill him . the negro did as he was ordered , and espying the shack , or chief of the jews , going home to his house , in a road which lay through a parcel of olive-trees , the negro came to him , pretending kindness to him , being glad to see him , &c. and riding by his side along on horseback , spied his opportunity very diligently , so spurred his horse over him , rode upon him and trode out his brains . word thereof was quickly carried to the vice-roy , that the chief of the jews was killed , at which he seemed to be sorry , that the people might take no notice thereof , and acquainted the emperor therewith , and had made search , but knew not who had done it . the emperor sent him word back , that if he did not find out who did it , he would cut off his head , and ordered the said vice-roy to put the governour of the jews son to be the chief in his stead ; but the old jew was soon forgoten by the emperor . when the emperor had laid siege some years against tarradant , and could not take it , he returned home to macqueness . after he had been at home a certain time , he went against that city with about 70000 horse and foot , and declared that if any christians knew what belonged to mining , he would set them to work ; and if they took the town , they should have their liberty ; so four english men undertook the work , the moors digged , and they gave directions . the mines being finished , and 30 barrels of english powder rowled into the mine , and a train laid ; the christian that fired it was blown up : and a breach was made in the castle-wall , but they could not enter , their enemies fired so thick upon thm , killing a great many of mully ishmaell the emperor's men. they mined again under the burges , or small forts : after powder was put in , and a train laid , he that gave fire to it , had his arm struck off , the burg was blown up with the people thein . and the emperor mully ishmaell coming to view the breach , and being told by the people , the christian had lost his arm , he ordered his chiefest doctor to take care and heal him ; for in case he did not see to him carefully , he should lose his head. mully hammet got up his people to the breach , and kept out the emperor and his forces , that they could not enter . afterwards mully hammet went out of his castle with a small guard , and meeting with some of the emperor's scouts , one of them knowing mully hammet , cock'd his piece and shot him to death : then mully hammet's guard fought with mully ishmael's scouts , and there were several killed on both sides . some of mully hammet's guards retired into the castle , and acquainted the chiefest of them that were in the castle , that their king was killed : presently they proclaimed mulle rann ( being the chiefest of the governours in mully hammet's time ) to be their king. which news being carried to the emperor by his scouts , he enquired who had killed mully hammet ? they told him one of the scouts , which he sent presently for by a messenger , and bid him acquaint him that he should have a good reward for killing him ; he being brought before the emperor , expecting a great reward for so doing , after he had examin'd him , he rewarded him with calling of him dog , and said he should die for killing mully hammet , and immediately caused him to be made fast to a mule's tail , and so had him dragged through the camp , and ordered one to go before and declare , that it was for killing of mully hammet ; he was dragged so long till his body was torn in pieces ; after that he had him put in a place where the country people used to come into the camp. mully ran kept the castle and city , and the emperor's forces made more mines in order to take the city and castle , which being finished , they blew up the town-walls , and several small forts , with the people in them , and made so great a breach that mully ishmaell entred his men and took both the city and castle , and promised the people he would be kind to them : but when he took the town , he secured their arms , ammunition and treasure , and carried the people of that place to macqueness : and being come down to macqueness , he put all the christians , and several hundreds of the natives to work there to make a court , and houses for his women . and coming on a certain time , ( as he uses constantly to do ) although it rained very fast , as he was going into one of the houses , the master-workman and his assistants going to hoist up a piece of timber , the rope that held it broke , and the timber fell , with which he suddenly retired back , and sent for the master-workman in great passion , threatning him for taking no better care : he told him he was as careful as he could be for his life in doing it , saying , it was a mischance he could not prevent ; nevertheless he took a piece out of one of his boys hands , and shot him to death , and went among the christians raving and tearing as if he would have killed them all , setting his negroes and guard to beat both the moors and the christians that were at work ; which they did with such violence , that many of them had their heads and arms miserably broken , making his buildings more like a slaughter-house than a place of work ; and at the same time ran two of his moors through with his launce . so that he makes no more to kill a man at his pleasure , than to kill a dog. in a little time after the emperor was come to macqueness , the three christians that were miners , desired their liberty as he had promised : he granted it , and ordered a letter to the governour of sally , that he should send them away by the first opportunity ; a ship being ready , they desired their liberty , being at sally , in order for their journey ; but the governour instead of granting it , abused and railed on them , saying , they should pay him so much a head , or they should not go . the english man that lost his arm , turned back and acquainted the emperor thereof , telling him what the governour said , who wrote a letter and sent him with two of his chief negroes , saying , if he would not let them go off , he would cut off his head : the governour hearing that , durst not detain them any longer . so the three english men , whose names were william chalender , robert jackson , and benjamin newman , through the goodness of god arrived at london , and came again to their own country . in the year 1683 , captain venetia the younger , a pirate belonging to sally , met with one mr. bellamy , an english-man , who was bound for leghorn in a pink of 8 guns , to whom he gave chase : and when he came up to mr. bellamy , the pirate examined him from whence he came ? he answered , from london ; and enquired likewise of him whither he was bound ? who said , to leghorn . mr. bellamy asked him from whence he came , and what place he belonged to ? he said , to algier . the pirate commanded bellamy to hoist out his boat , and bring his pass aboard , who answered , he should hoist out his own if he had any business with him , which he did , and sent his lieutenant aboard on bellamy . one of mr. bellamy's men that had been a captive in sally , knowing the said pirate , told the master he knew him very well , and that he belonged to sally . when the lieutenant came to bellamy's side , mr. bellamy placed some of his men with their small arms at the entring , and said , one man should not enter him save the lieutenant , who viewed mr. bellamy's pass , acknowledging it to be good . the lieutenant returning aboard their own ship , acquainted the captain , saying , we 'll fire at them and afright them ; in order to which , he commanded them to make ready ; the pirate firing at mr. bellamy , he fired at them again , so they fought a considerable time : mr. bellamy killed and wounded about thirty of his men , and he wounded some of bellamy's men : but for want of powder mr. bellamy was forced to yield . when venetia had taken him and his company , and brought them aboard his own ship , leaving several of his own men in their stead , he began to examine mr. bellamy why he had killed and wounded so many of his men ? who answered , he would have killed all the rest , and him too , if he had had powder ; with that the pirate cut him down with his cutlass , and rip'd him open , and said , there was an end of a dog , so threw his murdered body into the sea , and carried all his men into sally , and from thence to macqueness . thus have these bloody heathenish crew deceived many of our country-men , telling them they belonged to algier , when they belonged to sally . i pray god keep all my country-men , and all good christians out of the hands of that barbarous and inhuman crew , the worst that live upon the earth ! and that all may beware of them , hath caused me thus to write ; being one that by sad experience , and from a certain knowledg i have had of them , can assure these things to be nothing but a real truth ; and bless god , that he has thought me worthy to escape them , and that i am now come safe to the land of my nativity . in the year 1685 , a ship being bound from london to barbadoes , in which were four women , two of them being mother and daughter ; one of those heathenish pirates meeting them , gave them chase , and coming up to them , examined them strictly from whence they came , and whither bound ? who told them as afore , from london to barbadoes ; ( the pirate was venetia the younger , who had 300 men , and 18 guns ) after the commander had enquired the same of them , he understood what they were , they telling him , that they came from algier ; so they demanded of him to shew his pass , and said he must hoist out his boat ; they seeing him not provided with guns to defend himself , could make no resistance , which being done , the captain of the pirate took them into his cabin , and would shew himself kind to them , treating them , and giving them dates . in the mean while the lieutenant and moors girded their pistols and cutlasses on their wastes , and with the english-man's boat went aboard his ship , and took all that were aboard him , with the four women . and the captain asked who the young woman was , and whether she was ever married ? account being given him concerning her , he ordered her to be put in the cabin , lest any of his own barbarous crew should offer to lie with her , and so sailed away for sally . being come there , the captain of the pirate brought them they had taken to macqueness , and the women were carried before the eunuchs . the captain giving an account to the chief eunuch , that one of those women was a virgin ; but for the men , they were driven by the negroes to hard labour . and afterwards all the christians of the ship and the 4 women were brought up to macqueness ; the women were brought before the emperor's eunuchs , and an account given to the chief of them by the moors captain , that one of them was a virgin , and she was immediately sent to the emperor's women : and the eunuch sent to the vice-roy , acquainting him how he had disposed of the virgin , who ordered the other women to be brought to his house , and ordered the negroes to drive the poor christians to hard labour , who at night were lock'd up amongst the other christian captives , having no sustenance allowed them for that day ; and what their poor brethren offered them , they could not eat , being such bread as i have already described , so bad , that the beasts in that place refused to eat it : and what betwixt their diet and lodging on the cold ground , together with the negroes hard usage , many of them fell sick . and to add to their extremity , were threatned and abused by the negroes to turn moors ; but they daily prayed to god to strengthen them in their afflictions , and in his great mercy work some way for their deliverance out of this dreadful bondage . afterwards the chief eunuch sent word to the emperor , that he had a christian virgin amongst the rest of his women . the emperor ordered him to send her up to the camp , with a parcel of his eunuchs to guard her thither . when she came to the camp , the emperor urged her , tempting her with promises of great rewards if she would turn moor , and lie with him . she earnestly desired of the lord to preserve and strengthen her to resist his earnest perswasions , and great proffers , which he used , to have his desires fulfilled . when he could not prevail so , he fell to threatning her , and put her amongst his negro women , and threatned to kill them if they offered to shew her any kindness , where they kept her , beating and abusing her for several days . she prayed still to the lord to strengthen her , and held a resolution to withstand him ; who again sought to prevail with her , tempting and promising of her great things , if she would turn , which she still refused : so he caused her to be stript , and whipt by his eunuchs with small cords , so long till she lay for dead ; and he caused her to be carried away out of his presence that time , and charged his women none of them should help her till he sent for her , which was not till two days after , and in the mean time to have no sustenance but that black rotten bread : at which time he sought again to prevail with promises and threats , which she still withstood , praying to the lord that she might be preserved from him , and be delivered from his cruel hands . then he prick'd her with such things , as commonly his women use instead of pins , being as sharp . thus this beastly and inhuman wretch by all ways he could invent , sought to force her to yield , which she resisted so long , till tortures , and the hazards of her life forced her to yield , or resign her body to him , tho her heart was otherwise inclined . so he had her wash'd , and clothed her in their fashion of apparel , and lay with her ; having his desire fulfilled , he inhumanly , in great haste forc'd her away out of his presence ; and she being with child , he sent her by his eunuchs to macqueness ( who delivered her with the emperor's charge concerning her ) to the chief eunuch , and after that she was delivered of two children . about four years ago , two english-men and a french-man being at memora ; and as they were passing along the river , on a certain time in a boat , with some moors , one of which was a lieutenant , he ordered the christians to go on shore to fetch a little of their black rusk and water : and as they were passing along the river to take their pleasure , the christians said one to another , now is the time , with the lord's leave , for us to see for our liberty : the french-man said , the moors would be too many for them : the english-men said , fear not , let us trust in the lord , and he 'll deliver us . so they going aboard with their bread and water , the lieutenant bid them get out their oars , and pull up like dogs as they were ; which they bore patiently . at night some of the moors lying down , they fell upon those moors that were awake . they then fearing the christians would be too hard for them , called out , and awaked the other moors . then the lieutenant and other moors came , and he drew his knife , and stabb'd one of the english-men to death , the other knock'd him down , and they fought so long till blood was spilt on both sides . the next day the english-man and french-man were carried up to macqueness in irons , before the emperor , and by the moors was informed of what was done . the emperor upon examination , told them if they did not immediately turn moors , he would kill them . the french-man yielded : the emperor then threatned the english-man , if he did not turn , he would quickly kill him . he made answer , god's power was greater than the devil 's ; and let him do what he would , he should not make him turn moor. the emperor called for his sword , and immediately fell to cutting him , threatning him still to turn ; he said he was brought up in the faith of jesus christ , and he would not forsake it . then this inhuman wretch in great spleen cut him till he fell down , and hack'd and hewed him as if he had been butchering an ox , and caused the negro boys to run his body full of holes with knives , till his body was as full of holes as possible it could be ; when he had so done , bring , saith he in his own language , four english dogs to fetch that dog away : and as they carried his body away , the negro boys stoned them , saying , that should be the end of them if they did not turn moors ; but they were glad to go quietly without answering again ; if they had made any reply , they had certainly been fallen upon by the negro boys . so their greatest satisfaction was , his dying in the christian faith , and his counting that more precious than his own life , holding the same stedfast before that cruel tyrant , whilst he had breath in his body . then they carried him to the place where they lodged under ground , so took off his irons and kept him there all night , and the next morning carried him where he was to be buried , the negroes still stoning of them as they went along . as soon as they had laid his body in the ground , they were hurried by the negroes to work again after their usual manner . the tyrant coming a certain time to view his work , examining what was the reason they went no faster on ? they answered , several of the christians were fallen sick : so this inhuman tyrant went to the place where they lay , which was under ground ( acting the part of herod , in killing at his pleasure , as well as of pharaoh , who of old encreased the israelites bondage , in causing them to make brick , and allowing them no straw . but we read of the end of those cruel tyrants . ) so by the emperor's order his negroes fell to haling and dragging them out of that place , when in that weak and feeble condition that they could not stand on their legs when dragged before him ; he instantly killed seven of them , making their resting-place a slaughter-house . the very moors were terrified to see so inhuman and bloody an action . it is a proverb , the more rain , the more rest : but god knows it was most commonly our lot to be driven and kept closest at our work when it rained ; yea , when it rained most fast , our work was nothing lessened , but the more encreased : and besides the christians , he sets thousands of his own natives to work with great chops , and to carry earth on their heads in baskets from one place to another . and let it rain never so fast , ( there falling store of rains in the winter season ) he 'll stay by them , setting his negroes to drive them with whips of small cords and sticks from morning till night ; and if he 's minded to eat , he often sends home to his castle , and hath his victuals sent him , lest the slaves should neglect his work. he hath great buildings in his castle , which will not be finished in his time , and there he keeps the poor people at work , in order to suppress and keep them low . his small forts at his castle are more for a show of great strength , to make his enemies afraid , than for any use he puts them to , making them into store-houses , and turning them to such-like uses . in the year 1688 , the tyrant coming out one time to see his works , as constantly he did , a sort of stuff they used instead of mortar , being earth , lime and sand mixed together , to build their walls with ; and taking up a handful thereof , he did not like it : upon which he sent his negroes to fetch the master-workman to him , which being haled by the neck before him , he asked why more lime was not mixt with the earth ? he made answer he wanted lime , and that was the reason the stuff was no better : he sent for the shack of the negroes and christians that were at work , examining him after the same manner ? who said he wanted mules to bring them lime : he then sent for the mules to see how many there were , and wanting one of his number , which the negro said he had at his house , and was lame , he ordered his negro boys to keep him fast , while he sent some of the rest to enquire whether the negro said true ? but they finding not the mule that was wanting , he ordered the negro , immediately to be stript unto his drawers , and fastened to a mule's tail , which was done , and he was dragg'd so the space of half a mile to prison , there to remain ; and had the master-workman stretch'd out by four negroes , two at his hands and two at his feet , beating of him till he could not turn himself , bidding him take care of his mules , saying , if when he came again he found such bad stuff for his work , he would cut off his head. so immediately he sent his negro boys to fetch the seventy christians that were at hard labour making a wall ; so asked one of them if he could speak his language ? who said he could , examining him in like manner about the stuff ? who answered , he durst not for fear acquaint him of the badness of it : so he took one of his sticks they used to carry after him , and calling him dog , bid him hold his head fare to strike at : having strucken him down , he knocked down all the rest with his own hands , and broke their heads so miserably , that the place was all bloody like a butcher's stall , and none of them durst make resistance , for if they had , he would presently have killed them . so he bid them rise like dogs as they were , saying , if they used any more such bad stuff in his work , he would kill them all . in 1689 , the emperor sent down to the coyde , or governour of tangier , to take a view of alarache , where was a garison belonging to the king of spain . the governour taking view thereof , he sent him farther orders to prepare for the taking it , if he could possibly . so sending back to the emperor to provide him forces , the emperor sent him down 40000 horse and foot , besides the forces he had there : and he laying siege to the place , the spanish boats fetch'd off the officers wives and children . they afterwards raised a small fort , to keep all small vessels or boats from fetching any thing off . which the friars taking notice of , hoisted up a flag of truce ; and came to a treaty with the governour of the moors , till they had been with the emperor at macqueness . when come thither , they told him , that if he would let them go , and take what was their own with them , they would give him the place , with the christians , and all the ammunition and guns . to which he agreed , saying , he would . they returning again to alarach , ordered the governour of the moors to make a feast ; and going to their own garison , told their own governour , that they had made an agreement with the emperor , and that they should march into ceuta in their own arms , saying , they had better do so , than go into slavery amongst the christians . the governour , and the governour of the king of spain dining together : when dinner was over , he bid him send for his men , and send them with all speed to ceuta . they being come , he commanded them to lay down their arms ; which he , ( to wit , the moors governour ) quickly secured , telling them , they must go up to the emperor at macqueness , for he had a mind to see them , and afterwards they must return to ceuta . so the moors took the great guns , with their carriages , muskets and powder , carrying them all to the emperor , with a band of men to guard them thither . being come thither , he set his negroes to drive them to work ; ordering the great guns to be unmounted , and laid flat on the ground betwixt the two walls , with those guns that were brought from memora . so the negroes kept them at hard slavery , beating and whipping them all day long ; and at night they were to lodg under-ground ; allowing them such bread as his other poor captives have , and water to sustain them alive . after the poor christians had undergone their hard labour and cruel stripes , for the space of five months time , many of them fell sick and died : then this tyrant came and enquired , what was become of them ? they gave him account , that seven hundred of them were turned moors , and five hundred were dead . after that the poor christians concluded to draw a petition to the king of spain , and lay before him their miserable condition under this tyrannical emperor , having but now and then rotten bread , and water when they could catch it , and therewith cruelly punished to add to their extremity . the king of spain received their petition ; and viewing it , declared to his council what a condition his poor subjects were in under this cruel tyrant the emperor of morocco . and the said king took it into consideration , and sent over an ambassador to the emperor , to see if he could agree with him for his subjects that were there in slavery . the ambassador being come , an agreement was made betwixt them , that the king of spain should give a thousand moors for an hundred christians . and for the souldiers wives that were not carried off , and young children , they agreed for 4 moors a head. the ambassador bargained with the emperor , to have the christians down to tittivan , lying near unto tangier , and there to remain till the moors were brought over , and left at ceuta , a place not far from thence . after which the ambassador returned home to the king of spain , acquainting his master what a miserable condition his poor subjects were in , working from morning to night , allowing them nothing but old rotten barley-bread and water ; not suffering them to have any thing to lie upon , after their hard labour and cruel usage by the moors , nor no apparel to wear , but daily beating them , and often with his own hands , to force them to turn moors . the king of spain ordered his ambassador to take as many moors as he had agreed for : so he went and got the moors together , and went over to ceuta with them ; when being come thither , he went to tittivan ; and leaving the moors in ceuta , he spoke to their governor , told him the moors were ready at ceuta , and that as many christians as he was pleased to send to ceuta , there should be so many moors surrendred as they had agreed for . when the moors were all delivered up , and the christians brought in ; the moors governour brought them up to macqueness to the emperor ; the emperor enquired of them how they had fared in christendom ? they answered , they had allowed them a jacket and a pair of breaches once a year ; and for their provision , they had a certainty of rusk , and hot beans once a day . but being come to their own country , they began to lament the christian captives poor condition , seeing daily what they endured with hunger , cold and stripes ; and many times the tears fell from their eyes for grief to see it ; some of the moors saying , we are christians , ( privately to them ) but durst not publickly own it : and at another time told the captives , ( when they saw the emperor's cruelty , often murdering one or other at his pleasure ; and themselves had nothing allowed them but a little of that rotten barley-bread , and a little butter that stunk ) that they had rather be in spain than there . and some of the moors got back again into spain , acquainting the people there what a cruel tyrant their emperor was , and how miserably he used the poor christians . and when the spanish ambassador returned with the christians , into their own country , the king asked them how they had fared ? who gave a large account , as aforesaid , of the hard bondage and slavery the emperor of morocco had kept them in whilst they were under him . the king said , it was well they had kept their faith , as they had done , whilst there . and his ambassador drew a petition to the king his master , imploring his favour to remember them that were left behind , and take their suffering condition into his christian consideration ; which he did , and ordered them some relief . those that were left behind , likewise petitioned him to allow them something yearly : which was done , and care taken that it should be sent over for their use : as likewise our factories at cales and portugal , having enquired how it was with them ; and understood the english fared no better than the rest , contributed towards their necessities , and sent it over from cales to tittivan , to one mr. anthony packer a merchant there , desiring him to order it them for their relief : who accordingly did , and they therewith bought them a few clothes to cover their nakedness . so they wrote back to mr. anthony packer , and to the factories , returning them thanks for their kindness in remembring them , praying to god to prosper them in their affairs . and i beseech god to open the hearts of our gracious king and queen of england , as he hath done others , to grant some relief for their distressed subjects that are yet in that place , whose cruel sufferings i could do no less than acquaint them with , being when i left them , in as poor a condition as ever . the poor christian captives that are taken by any of those hellish pirates belonging to the emperor of morocco , are brought up to macqueness , being kept at hard work from day-light in the morning till night , carrying earth on their heads in great baskets , driven to and fro with those barbarous negroes by the emperor's order : and when they are drove home by the negroes at night to their lodging , which is on the cold ground , in a vault or hollow place in the earth , laid over with great beams a-thwart , and iron bars over them , they are told in there like sheep , and out in the morning ; and if any be wanting , he quickly secures the negroes , and sends out a parcel of his guard to look for them . their food is bread made of old rotten barley , and their drink water when they can get it : many times when they are hurried to their work in a morning , not knowing whether they shall be able to undergo their afflictions till night : and when they are drove home , expecting rest , the tyrant sends some of his negroes to hurry them again to work , either to hale down walls , cut gates , or the like , keeping them both night and day many times without either bread or water , which is all their sustenance : when they have done that , the negroes dare not to drive them home before he gives order , lest they be killed for so doing ; when they have his order , they drive them home , tell them over , and so lock them up until day-light in the morning . and in this captivity i have been , with the rest of my poor country-men for the space of ten years , being so long since taken ; but now , through the mercies of god , i am come to see my native country , and cannot but condole their miseries i have left behind under that cruel tyrant the emperor of morocco ; beseeching almighty god , that none of my country-men may ever come to have a share under that hard task-master . there are three hundred and forty english-men , subjects of our gracious king , in this sore captivity . this emperor , as i have been informed , touching his birth or descent , was begotten of a negro woman by a white man , one of the noblest of their quality in that time , and is a mollatto by his colour ; but when he 's in a passion , he looks just as he is , as black as an infernal imp ; which his natives take notice of , and can tell when he 's angry . for his apparel , he wears a fine holland shirt , with sleeves so large that will make any ordinary man a pair of drawers , besides a large pair of drawers of the same , with breeches over them , and next to his shirt a garment of as fine stuff as can be had , made of the fashion of a wastcoat without sleeves , and over that a coat of as fine cloth as can be bought , made almost of our fashion ; he wears over that a sort of garment which they call a shilham , or barnoose , but we may call it a short cloak , being wrought all over with silver and gold , with a cap to go over his head , having at the top of it a great bob with a fringe , and at the bottom a great fringe all round it : on the lower part from his breast it is open , and the upper part made fast ; and over that in cold weather he wears a cloak , with a cap to put over his head : upon his head he wears sometimes a turbet ( as they call it ) made of silk ; and when it is hot weather , he wears a garment made of a sort of stuff like fine crape , and a hat ; and on his legs he wears fine red boots , but different from our fashion : he 's oftner on horse-back than on foot ; his guard , which are of different stature , wear some of them shoes , and have over their shirts and drawers only cloaks with caps , some light coloured , and some dark : sometimes he has an hundred following him , and at other times fifty , and sometimes more , he having thirty thousand negroes of his own slaves . every one of his black guard have a piece , and he has three or four launces carried after him , and several pieces ready charged , to kill with at his pleasure either the christians or his own natives . when he falls out with his guard , he strips and takes their clothes , from them and puts them in irons , and sets them to work . he seldom returns home after his going out in a morning , without killing one or other before he returns , by running of them through with his launce , shooting them , or dragging them at a mule's tail , either men or women , seldom repenting for what he has done ; mahomet their great prophet possessing them with a belief , that if he kills any one , he merits heaven by so doing ; but if any person should kill him , he cannot avoid going to hell. he has water carried after him by a boy , which he drinks , to make the people believe he drinks nothing else ; and likewise hath short sticks carried after him daily , to beat the poor slaves at his pleasure , which is hourly , to vex and punish them , delighting in nothing more . he was first made a coyde or governour of some part of the country , and by his kindness and affability to the people , he gained respect from them in that country . mully sheade being then king , and living in the city of fez , there died ; and the inhabitants there being all whites , and he a mollato , they cried up mully hammet . mully ishmael being then beloved of his own people , he raised a small army , and went against the said city and won it : having conquered fez , he still strove to oblige the people ; and one guillan raised a small army , against whom mully ishmael went. guillan being a great friend to our nation , the governour of tangier offered him assistance if he was pleased to accept it : he returned him thanks , saying , it was bad enough for himself and his own army to be conquered , and it would be worse for the christians if they should go with him ; but engaging himself , mully ishmael conquered him , and his people carried his head up to macqueness . when i was there , the emperor kept two of guillan's sons in his castle , and had them at school amongst his own children , because of their father's courage and stoutness . our english governour was concerned at the loss of guillan and his people . when the emperor had won most of his country , and conquered tarradant , he soon after came to macqueness , and ordered all his bashaws or governours to build walls and great houses upon their own charge , on pain of losing their lives . some finished their houses , and some could not , having not wherewith to do it , being brought so low , he causing it to be so , that they might not rebel against his chief son called mully sedan , for whom he hath the greatest esteem above all his sons , thinking he may succeed after his decease : but i hope in god , and wish it may never be , for the young tyrant imitates his father too much in cutting and killing the slaves as bad as he almost , that the people begin to dread him as well as the old one . the emperor's castle hath four gates belonging to it . the city of macqueness is an old decay'd place , the castle standing distant from it , and walled in some places double , and has a few old iron guns mounted upon them : for the brass guns that were taken from the king of spain , he 's afraid to leave them with any of his governours , lest they rise against him , and had them brought up to macqueness , plac'd within the castle gates betwixt two walls flat upon the ground . the buildings within the walls are very high , and several small forts round the castle-walls . and lately he set the people to build two new towns , ( with which to plague his country people , to bring them as low as he can ) which i think will never be finished in his time ; and if he did it on his own cost and charge , he would not have so many buildings . when taxes are brought him in , he treasures it up , taking but little out again . the common diet the emperor uses to eat , is made like a kind of grain ; they call it cus●ozoo , being boiled and mixed with their butter , which is far more loathsome and strong to us than our butter in england ; being put into platters , they put thereon mutton cut in small pieces : so he sits down , and thrusting his hand into it , he shakes it a little to and fro , crambing it in his mouth together . when he has done , he calls his negroes to take what 's lest to eat while he stands over them , and they are in great fear left he kill them ; which he certainly would do , if one should eat more than another . their drink is commonly water ; 't is said , he 'l drink wine ; wherein he makes invalid the doctrine of their great prophet mahomet , who told the people , it was a great sin to do it ; yea , and he 'l often be drunk too , ( to the sorrow of his poor slaves ) ; though if any of the rest , if it be the greatest among them , be found in the like case , if he comes to the knowledg of it , he 'l kill them . his guards about him are made up of negro boys , of fourteen , sixteen , or eighteen years old . if he calls for the greatest man in his country about the least crime , they presently run like so many hounds ; and they come collering of him , as if he were a bullock to be slaughtered : when he 's hal'd so before the emperor , he either kills him , or he 's beaten , or put in irons , and thrown into prison ; and after this manner he governs his own people . when he had business with our nation , and asked advice of the chief of his own country , none durst say his concerns would go well or ill , for fear he would dislike what they said , although he would often require them to do it : so he first gives his own judgment of the matter , and they say as he does . he is seldom true to his word , having cheated most kings and princes that have had any thing to do with him ; as in the case of the algerines , who made him pay dearly for it . whilst i was there , he made peace with holland and france ; but soon broke it , taking since that time several dutch and french ships , making slaves of their subjects . if he swears one thing to day , he 'l swear quite another on the morrow . yet he did not out-wit ( notwithstanding his falshood and treachery ) the king of spain's ambassador , who surrendred not one of the moors , till the christians were got into the spanish garison . if any christian king or prince sends an ambassadour to this emperor , ( as in my time there have been from england , spain and france ) when they come thither , he makes them wait a considerable time : and he 's so high in his own conceit , that except they be persons of quality , he regards them not ; and when they come before him , he 'l be either in his stable , or on horseback , or sitting on an heap of earth , and so speaks to them by an interpreter , ( and he will not allow a penny towards their charges , nor any place to lodg in , be they who they will ) and so sends for several of the white-men , being bashaws or governours , the chiefest of his country , who dare not for their lives be judges to speak otherwise than what he says first , for fear of him . about twelve years since , he sent an ambassadour over to our late king charles the second , to congratulate his majesty , and treat with him for peace , or the like ; and in the mean time sent out his pirats to take our english ships . our king not thinking him to be so false , sent him a present over by hammet benhado the emperor's ambassador ; who is now as barbarous to the poor christians , as any belonging to the emperor . he never goes to rest , but when dead sleep overcomes him , and make him so drowsy , that he can't hold up his head ; and as he goes to rest , he often kills one or other of his negroes , at home as well as abroad . then in one of his rooms in the castle , he lies down on a kind of quilt on the ground ; and sleeping that night , he rises early in the morning , and falls to his old tyrannous and inhumane practices , domineering over his poor slaves , and sets the negroes to whip , stone and beat them , to work harder than many times it 's possible for them to think they can hold out or endure till night . the poor christians , the english captives , daily praying to god , if it be his will , to support them in this distressed condition , and to keep them and deliver them from under this miserable oppression they are under , and restrain the hands of that bloody tyrant : and when they think of their native country , and the government thereof , they cannot but greatly lament their own condition , erecting their prayers to heaven for the preservation of their own king and country ; and that god would be pleased to open their hearts to remember them in this sad and deplorable condition . thus bemoaning one another , they commit their case to him , who is the wise disposer and orderer of all things , without whose permission nothing can be acted or done , who can in his due time grant them relief . on fridays the emperor goes to his place of worship , having first viewed his slaves , being of several sorts , both christians , negroes , and a sort of people called brabboes ; the last sort being natives of the country , which he suppresseth so much , that they are not able to pay him taxes , keeping them at as hard slavery as the rest . if he kills none in the morning before he goes to worship , they dread him for fear he will at his return : he rides thither and back again , going about eleven of the clock , and returns about one , against which time the poor slaves order one or another to watch , and are in as great fear when they see him as if they must all be destroyed ; and they all work more hard that day than all the rest of the week . he killed seven and twenty moors on one day ; but there 's none can tell the several thousands of poor souls this unmerciful tyrant hath slain since his reign , which is now about two and twenty years . for his women i think he knows not the number of them , he hath so many , both whites , blacks , mollatoes , and copper-colour'd ; and for apparel they have a piece of silk of a red or yellow colour , which they wear over their heads . they wear shifts or smocks made of fine linnen , big enough to make two shifts , and fine drawers that will reach down to their heels , which are open or slit in the middle ; and their upper garment is fine flannel , and a silk girdle about their middle upon each of their breasts they wear silver or gold pins , with which they fasten their upper garment ; and upon the wrists of their hands they wear on each a silver shackle , and likewise upon the small of their legs ; and on their feet red slippers . he hath store of children of several colours . he hath built within his castle fine dwellings for himself to live and lodg in ; and for his women he hath built very fine houses , two courts very sumptuous ; in the bigger of them are seventy two marble pillars , each at least three foot thick , to support the fine painted works above ; in the middle of the greater court is a marble cistern with curious spring-water , which springs or boils up in the middle thereof , and comes from a fountain about two miles from the castle . if he desires to lie with any of his women , he sends an eunuch to fetch whom he pleases : she being come , he lies with her , after that he bids her begone ; being as inhumane in this as in the rest of his actions ; and away she goes , lest he kill her . he allows his women a quantity of flower , and sends his eunuchs to measure it them out ; and sometimes goes to look over them himself , lest his eunuchs cheat him . one of his women came to him carrying a young child in her arms , desiring him to allow her a little more flower and butter ; he bid her stay a while , and she should have it ▪ then he called for some of his eunuchs , and killed her , and caused them to pull the young child in pieces limb from limb. it 's his pleasure sometimes to shew his women his fine buildings : before he goes , he sends his eunuchs to drive away all the men out of their sight , riding with a lance himself before the women , being two or three hundred following , where he rides in great pomp , extolling this and the other work , and admiring the bravely thereof ; but the women dare not to speak a word otherwise than as he himself doth . in the year 1688 , the emperor of morocco sent a letter to the algerines , acquainting them that he heard they had a great many christian slaves ; and since he had a great deal of work to do , if they would sell him any of them , he would give them 150 dollars a head for five hundred of them , and send them away with all speed . they gathered three hundred french men , and brought them to tittivan ; being landed there , the governour had them to macqueness to the emperor , to see them , and asked him if he liked them ? who answered , yes . immediately by the emperor's order they were driven away by the negroes in a barbarous manner . the algerines expecting their money from the emperor , having waited a long time for payment , they resolved at once to demand it from him . when they asked him for it ▪ he answered , he did not use to give money for christians that were brought into his land ▪ then they charged him with breach of promise , saying , they hoped he would not serve them so . he said , if they did not retire out of his country , he would cut off all their heads . so they retiring to algier with speed , acquainted the king and his pateroons how they had sped with the emperor , giving relation of what he said concerning the christians . the king presently rais'd an army of 50000 men , preparing ammunition and field-pieces , who marched through trimsind , a place at or near the emperor's dominions , where they entred without resistance ; and as they passed along , several of mully ishmael's people ran to them : mully ishmael's coydes , or governours , acquainted him that the algerines were coming against him : mully ishmael hearing thereof , raised an army of eighty thousand horse and foot , and made his son mully sedan general thereof . whilst his army was a preparing , the algerines were got up as far as a town called tezzo , within two days journey of fez , where they pitch'd . mully sedan went against them ; and being there , the algerines wrote a letter to mully ishmael , acquainting him , that they did not come to fight with his son , but to have met himself in person : he sent them word back that his son was able enough for them . soon after they had received his letter , they engaged mully sedan's army , and slew abundance of them . many of mully sedan's people deserted him , joining with the algerines . then he sent with all speed to the emperor his father , giving him account what had happened . when mully ishmael understood that , he gave out , that if any christians would help , and stand by the great guns , if he prevailed against the algerines , he would give them their liberty . so eight englishmen told him they knew what belonged to the guns , and they would go with him . so he ordered an hundred moors to assist them , and to take out six great guns ( that they judged might be most serviceable ) from the place where they lay betwixt the walls . they told him they wanted carriages : he sent for carpenters immediately , charging them to make carriages strong and good , and that with all speed , upon pain of losing their heads in case they neglected . mully sedan again sent the emperor his father word , that if he did not hasten to battel , the algerines would be in fez in four days time . mully ishmael hearing that , was forced to go with all speed , raising what forces he could , leaving for haste his field-pieces behind him . the emperor being come where his own army lay , he made peace with the algerines general , and in order thereto , gave forty eighty mules laden with gold , and an horse and furniture worth 200000 crowns . about a month before i came from macqueness , one of our own nation , namely elias roberts , being by the said emperor put to look after a parcel of sheep , he came himself to view them ; and telling them over , found three of his number wanting , who thereupon sent for one of his chief negroes that kept an account of them , and examined him what was become of them ? he replied , the christian kept , the key , and lock'd them up every night , and carried it with him to the place where he went to sleep under ground . the tyrant immediately sent his blood-hounded negroes to fetch the poor christian , who was not far from them ; being come , he asked him what was become of those sheep that were wanting ? he made answer , he went home every night , having first fastned the door , and that the negro had a false key to the door ; so turning to the negro , and upon examination finding him faulty , he presently shot him to death , running his launce through his body in several places , and threatned the christian for not acquainting him therewith sooner , saying , if he would not turn moor , he would kill him , as he had done the negro , who lay dead before them . the christian boldly replied , he was brought up in the faith of jesus christ , and he would not turn moor , and that he feared god , whose power was greater than his ; so the emperor fell to cutting him , and afterwards had him very inhumanly stretched out by those bloody negroes , and beaten till he was left for dead . then he went away to his works where english captives were , and told them he had killed one of the dogs their brother , for taking no better care of his sheep , calling them dogs in his own language , and bidding them fetch that dog away ; five or six of them went and brought the poor man away , who had been so cruelly beaten by the wicked wretch , his body was so exceedingly bruised , he could not stir neither hand nor foot ; neither could he feed himself for several days , but as we help'd him . yet through god's mercy , he was pretty well recovered before my departure from thence . and thus when the poor captives are by this unmerciful , and rather , as we may term him , inhuman brute , beaten and killed at his pleasure , none dare make any complaint to him ; for instead of taking any pity of them , he matters no more to kill a christian than to kill a dog ; and if any of them seeks for favour from this tyrant , he 's either killed , or sorely beaten by either him or his bloody negroes . a moor , one of the natives of the country , having compassion on me , and seeing my sad condition that i was kept daily in , which i cannot at large insert here , came to me , speaking his own language , being arabick , knowing i could understand him ; and he asked me if i would go to my native country ? i replied , are you in earnest or not ? he answered , yes , and would direct me , and go along with me himself to marsegan , a garison belonging to the king of portugal . i told him , if he expected any reward or satisfaction from me for his pains , i had nothing to give him ; he said he knew that by my condition . so i enquired of him where he lived ? he answered , at a place called assimore , which is not far from the christian garison ; and he said , he would trust to the benevolence of the governour of that place , provided i would speak to the said governour for a gratuity for him , when we should arrive there : i told him i should be worse than a jew , if i did not do that ; and they themselves count the jews the worst and falsest of all people . then i asked him in what time we should provide for our journey ? he said , as soon as i could find convenient opportunity ; and i farther prevailed with him to take in two more english-men along with us , whose names were tristram bryan , born in plymouth , and edward tucker , who came from new-england . and in five days time after we were fitted with a small quantity of bread for the journey , supposing we might accomplish our journey in ten nights time , for we must of necessity hide our selves in the day for fear of being discovered ; yet we found it difficult enough to perform in two and twenty days , in which time we were put to great hardships and necessities on the way . the particulars are as follow . on the 26 th of june , 1692 , in the evening , we set forward from macqueness , and travelled as far as we could that night in great fear of being pursued , with our moor to direct us in the way , knowing that if they had found us , we had been killed , if not burnt , which would have been the moor's lot had we been taken : towards day we had a great river to pass ; when we were got over , we found a small coppise or wood , where we rested the day following , being the 27 th . in the evening when the sun was set , our guide was forward to be going , not knowing how the event would prove , and i had much ado to perswade him from going before 't was dark . when we came into the road out of the wood we met ten moors , and mules and asses laden with goods for the emperor , being iron , which they had taken from one savage an english master that came from bilboa ; so we followed our guide the moor , who gave them the time of the night , and they him likewise ; and so we passed that time without any further trouble , they supposing us to be moors , being we had on their sort of apparel . so we travelled that night , making what haste we could , and still in great fear , lest we should have been discovered by the moors : when we rested , it was towards day , in some brambles or bushes , seeing them pass along by us , driving of sheep and bullocks ; but through mercy they did not see us . and the next night , being the 28 th , we travelled all night ; and when day appeared , we could not find a convenient place to lodg in , which we sought for ; and about sun-rising we found a place betwixt two mountains where were holes made with the winter rains coming off the hills near a path-way , to which we made , and espied several moors who went along the road , that had mules and asses loaden with iron , who saw us not . some part of the day we slept ; and the moor and i watcht ; in which time the moor gathered palm , and made a sling , to sling stones at lions and other wild beasts that appeared . so in the evening , after sun-set , ( being the 29 th ) we travelled till we came to a river-side , where were a great parcel of moors and mules a baiting , that had bail-goods , which the sally-moors had taken in prizes , to carry to the emperor at macqueness ; who strictly enquired of our moor , from whence we came , and whither we were going ? he made answer , to salley , and came from macqueness , and so our moor bad them good-night ; and we travelled on ( without further enquiry ) along the river-side before we could get over . when we were over , there were a great many bramble-bushes and rush-bushes ; and our moor feared there were lions in that place , so we made what haste we could up a hill , on the top of which was a great plain ; and being very thirsty , we travelled on a good way further , and heard a noise of frogs and toads ; to which place we came , and found a standing water , which stunk ; however we drank thereof to stay our thirst , and 't was sweet to us : and so went on till we found a ruined castle , which had formerly belonged to the portugues , at which our moor would fain have rested ; but i told him there might happen to be moors there , because they usually rested in such places in the night . so we went further , till we came to a place where grew a great parcel of high weeds , and there we rested that day . the 30 th at night , after sun-set , we set forwards ; but were very thirsty , the sun having shone hot upon us that day , having lain without shelter , only the weeds . i asked our moor , how long it would be e're we could find any water ? he said , a little further there was a small river ; but we thought it a long way to it , our throats being so parch'd with drought ; so we drank water , and eat a little bread , which did greatly refresh us ; and we went forward till near break of day , where we rested in some weeds till about two in the afternoon ; at which time three women disturbed us two or three times , but saw not our faces : so we three went forward , and our moor stood , and enquired of them the way to salley . then the women asked from whence we came ? who answered , from tapholet , which was a city in that country . they further asked , if he had lain in that place all night ? and asked what they were that were with him ? he told them , three of his neighbours , and that they had lain there all night , being strangers . they said , it was a wonder that the lions had not destroyed us , there being so many in that place , they devoured some of their cattel almost every night ; and they told him it was about four leagues to salley . after sun-set ( july 1. ) we travelled till we came to a wood , where the moor would have had us to rest ; but seeing of lights which the country people had in their tents , and hearing a lion roar thereabouts , we went further , and came to a ruined tower , where was a good spring of water ; we drank and refreshed our selves , but durst not stay for fear of moors being in that place ; and going a little farther , we came into a valley , where was a hole the winter rains had made , there we rested ; and after the sun was risen , two moors came to cut palm : at which i awaked our moor , who spoke to them , and gave them the time of day , and they likewise to him . they enquired of him from whence he came , and whither he was going ? he told them , he came from beyond tapholet , and was going to visit a great saint at a town called temsnah ; and asked further , if there were none with him ? he answered , there were three more . they asked , if we had lain there all night ? he said , we had ; they said , it was to be wondred that the lions had not devoured us ; and came to look at us where we lay , speaking arabick ; but the moor told them , we could not speak that lingua ; and we were covered all over with our white blankets , being such as the moors commonly wear . so they went away and left us , telling us , we did well in going to visit the saint . so we got up , and espying a parcel of bushes a little distance off , we removed thither , lest the two moors should have informed of us at salley , and so have come back to the place and found us . the bush where we were hid , was near a river-side , but we durst not go to drink thereat , by reason of people which passed to and fro there by us all day long . july 2. after sun-set , we attempted to go over the river ; but it being so strong a stream , and deep , we could not pass over it : and in our going a great way further up the river-side , there happened to be several of the moors ; yet being night , they saw us not , save only one man of the natives , which had tied up a bundle of canes fast together to pass over the river with them ; to whom our moor gave the time of the night ; and he answering with the like to us , we parted : and going higher up , we found a place not so deep as the other part of the river ; so got over , and travelled up a hill on the other side , where we found some bushes , and there we rested , and our moor lay on the out-side of them . in the morning when the sun was risen , came by us two moors with two asses , who said one to the other , it was wonder the lions had not devoured that man , meaning our moor , who they saw lying by the side of the bushes . on the third instant , after the sun was set , we set forward , endeavouring to get to the sea-side : but there being several people in the way , watching with their dogs to keep the wild beasts from their gardens ; which we hearing , were fain to flee further from them : so we travelled a little further , and rested among some rushes . the next night , being the 4 th of july , we travelled after sun-setting as far as we could , being weary and faint , and rested on the 5 th ; on which day after sun was set , we set forward , and travelled till we came to a place where was a standing water , being thereto led by a noise of frogs ; which although the water stunk , yet drinking thereof , it was sweet to us ; with that , and a little bread , we were much refreshed ; but at this time our bread was gone , so we travelled a little further , and rested . the 6 th instant , after sun-set , we went forward , and discovered a great many lights which the natives had in their tents where they lodg : so we parted a while one from another , to find out the roads . at length i came to a place where the country people use to go to market , where we again met together ; and travelling awhile , we heard some dogs , as i thought , did scent us ; and near that place we met with a lion lying by the way-side ; which the moor seeing , before he roused , he struck him fair over the head. so the lion roared at him , and followed us half a mile or more ; but our moor kept slinging of stones at him so fast , that he left us . then we came to a valley , where was a wood on each side : when day appeared , we rested in the wood , having no bread to sustain us ; but we durst not enter the wood till it was day-light , for fear of the lions : we then found a piece of pot in the wood , with which our moor brought us some water out of the valley ; for we durst not fetch it our selves , lest the people saw us : so when the moor had brought us a pot full of water , ( but in the mean time we were lamenting our sad condition for want of bread , having then no sustenance but palm-berries , grass and weeds , and any thing we could eat , which was sweet to us ) he said , in his own language , god was great . so went from us about the space of four hours ; in which time he sold his sash , and bought us a small quantity of bread ( about a pound and an half ) therewith , and brought us a little of it , which we ate ; and he fetch'd us a little more water in the pot : after we had eaten and drank of the water , we went to sleep , two of us watching . on the 7 th , after sun-set , we travelled on ; and the moor slung stones , whilst we passed through the wood , lest there should be lions lurking thereabouts : having refreshed our selves with the bread and water , we rested amongst some brambles , but could find no more water that night . then on the 8 th day at night we came to another wood , in which we travelled a great way , and kept two of us awake to watch against lions and other wild beasts . on the 9 th we set forward , and travelled in the same wood , and still had no water . the 10 th , after sun-setting , we went till we came to an hill of rocks ; at the bottom whereof we found a spring of water , and drinking thereof , we were greatly refreshed : and there was a little river , from which we went , till we came to some trees or bushes , and there rested . about eight a clock in the morning , july 11. ( it raining fast ) we ventured to travel that day , after we had rubb'd out a little corn , and eaten , that the moor had brought us , having no bread to eat : so went to the top of an hill , on which grew a tree , which we climb'd upon , and espied the sea at a great distance from us . we travelled all that day , and the night following , till towards day , that we rested , but had neither bread nor water . on the 12 th at night , after sun-setting , we travelled a good way , and heard a noise of frogs and toads ; to which we made , and found water , which we drank of ; and although it was very brackish , yet it was pleasant to us , by reason of our sore drought . a little from thence we met with a person of quality , as we judged by his habit and attendance , having ten men with him ; to whom our moor paid his respects , and gave him the time of the night . he answered him again in his own language , and asked him whither we were going ? our moor answered , to santa cruse : so he bid us , god speed : afterwards our moor asked him from whence he came ? he answered , from assimore . so we departed away , and travelled till we found some bushes , wherein we rested that day . july 13. after sun-setting we set out , and came so near to assimore , that , listening , we heard the people in it , and saw the town , which stood on the south-side of a hill , and a river by the town , which was so deep , that we could not get over , because one of our men could not swim . then we travelled along the north-side of the river , till we came to a place where cains grew , and there we rested by the river-side . july 14. after it was day , our moor went to see his family which dwelt there in that town . we having been a considerable time without bread , i requested our moor to bring us a little , ( which he did ) and likewise to see if he could find any thing to carry my country-man over the river ; and about four in the afternoon he returned with some bread , and said , he had found a tree . after sun was set , we went to view it , and found it not fit to swim withal : so we returned , and went back to the cains , and there staid . on the 15 th instant , when the sun was risen , i desired our moor to go and enquire of the people , where we might pass over the river ? the people told him , there was no other passage but by a boat at the town . so our moor went about a league further in the country , where he saw a man and a woman upon a mule crossing the river , and marked the place with some stones , that we might find it , and so returned to us , and rested till sun-setting . so we set forward , and had gone but a little way before we heard a lion roar , but he did not come in our sight ; then we came to the place where the moor laid his mark , and sat down to consult how to pass over there , we hearing of people in a garden were near at hand : and in the interim , we heard a lion just behind us ; so we hastened and got over the river , and travelled a little further , and rested . july 16. after sun-setting we travelled about a mile further , where we saw a town , that our moor said was a saint's town , to which the people , that were not able to pay their taxes to the emperor , fled for refuge . july 17. after sun-setting we travelled ; and going till about midnight we came within call of the garison , * which was at mersygan , belonging to the king of portugal : so i called out , and the souldiers made answer to me , and asked what we were ? i replied , we were three christians and a moor : which they presently acquainted the governour of , and bid us hasten nearer , lest there should be any moors in the hearing of us . which we did , and running to a wrong place , they called to us again to make to the two draw-bridges , where we sate down . so the governour , and the rest of the officers , came to the wall ; and after he had examined us , he and the guard let us in ; and he ordered his servants to bring us into the house , and to give us some relief ; and he himself came to us , and wondred that so little satisfied us in our eating and drinking : so had us into another room , and asked me , if i did not know of three men that were taken by the moors from that garison ? i answered , i knew of two , but not the third . he bid me speak to the moor , and ask him , if he would undertake to bring them thither to that place ? so i spoke to the moor , who bid me tell the governour , that he would endeavour it to the utmost of his power . so the governour ordered us a lodging ; and in the morning ordered his clerk to write a couple of letters , and gave them to the moor , with forty pieces of eight for bringing us thither , saying , if he did bring the two portugueses , he would give him as much more as should maintain him and his family as long as he lived . the moor said , he would do his endeavour . so the governour ordered dinner for us : and about four a clock he again sent for me and the moor ; and bid me tell him , in his language , that if he feared any thing in his return , he would send some of his troopers to conduct him on the way . the moor made answer , he should go more safe alone . after sun was set , the governour gave him victuals to serve him , till he could shift for himself . and the moor taking his leave , returned , and went on his journey . about three weeks after , a portuguese man of war came into that garison to fetch about 1800 souldiers off from thence : so i desired of the governour we might go aboard with them : which he was willing , and in four days after we had been aboard , most of the souldiers being come off , the captain sent a letter to the governour , by the coxon of the pinnace , desiring him to hasten the remainder away . when the pinnace went ashore , his crew wondered to see any moors there , and asked , what they did there ? the portugues told them , they came with a flag of truce , to treat for three moors they had taken . they offered the governour two thousand dollars for them , being one of them was a shack , or governour ; or bullocks , or sheep , or corn , in lieu of money . he answered , no ; for they had taken three troopers belonging to his garison ; and he heard that two of them were at macqueness . they replied , they knew by whom he heard that , for the christians that the moor brought , had acquainted him therewith ; but he had paid dearly for it , for , said they , he was taken with the pieces of eight , and letters about him , and carried up to the emperor and burnt : at which the governour was very sorry when he heard it . the governour then told them , he heard two of his troopers vvere alive at macqueness , but he feared the third vvas dead , because he heard nothing of him ; and bid them go up to the emperor , and prevail vvith him , if they could , for the two christians , and bring them , and they should have the three moors . they told him , they could not do that . he made answer , then they should never have the moors . so at night when they came on board , i asked them what was the best news ? who said , very bad ; for they had seen a parcel of moors , who had given account to the governour , that the moor that brought us to the garison , was taken and burnt . at which i was much grieved , knowing the poor moor's true-heartedness towards us , in bringing and directing us on our journey , vvhen vve made our escape from macqueness . so setting sail for lisbon , through god's mercy we safely arrived there , and vvent to the king's palace , giving him thanks for the kindness the governour had bestowed upon us , and the moor that brought us to the garison . when vve came thither , several of the nobility enquired of us , what nation vve vvere of ? and told us , if vve desired it , vve might speak vvith the king ; and acquainted him of us , vvho ordered us to come before him ; and enquired of us if vve could speak french or portuguese ? i said we could speak some portuguese , and a little lingua franc : so he enquired from vvhence vve came ? and i gave him account of our narrow escape from that slavery vve had been in under the emperor , &c. and told him how our bread vvas gone in ten days time , and that vve had been two and twenty days in coming from macqueness to the garison , and did eat nothing but reach till the 23 d night . he much vvondered how vve vvere kept alive the rest of the time after our bread vvas gone . i told him , through god's assistance vve had shifted as vvell as vve could ; for our liberty being sweet to us , had caused us to run these great hazards vve vvere exposed to . he further enquired after those christians that are still in slavery ; of vvhich i gave him an account of all i could remember : and desired him , out of the abundance of his goodness and clemency to remember them in their afflictions . he told me , it vvas more than he ever heard before , and said , he vvould , before winter came , take care to send them relief , to buy them victuals and clothes ; and enquired of me , whether any of his subjects desired me to lay their condition before him ? i answered , no ; but ( by god's permission ) i had in part undergone the same afflictions they were in , and knew vvell enough how it vvas vvith them . he made answer , god vvould bless me for it . he likewise asked , if i knew vvhat number of ships vvere at salley ? i told him , eleven sail. he said , he knew venetia , for he had formerly been at his palace . i said , it was our late king james's pleasure to give him his liberty ; vvith much more that passed betwixt us . vvhen this venetia returned home to the emperor , the emperor ordered him to build a ship ; and several english-men , that were newly taken slaves he caused to draw timber in a cart from memora to salley , ( which was twelve miles distant ) like so many oxen , driving and whipping of them in a very barbarous manner . the name of venetia caused me to insert this here , to show the barbarous cruelty of this inhumane vvretch ; and so i shall leave him , and proceed . vve having taken our leaves here , took our passage for holland , where my two country-men staid ; but i took my passage for england , where , praised be god for his great mercies , i arrived safely , being by his good providence at last delivered from under the hands of this inhumane tyrant , and his hellish crew of negroes ; beseeching almighty god , that all my country-men , in all their affairs and negotiations , may ever escape from his cruel hands . francis brooks . finis . books printed for john salusbury at the rising sun in cornhill . the certainty of the worlds of spirits , fully evinced by unquestionable histories of apparitions and witchcrafts , operations , voices , &c. proving the immortality of souls , the malice and miseries of the devils and damned , and the blessedness of the justified . the end of doctrinal controversies , which have lately troubled the churches , by reconciling explication without much disputing . both by mr. richard baxter . the protestant religion truly stated and justified , by the late reverend divine mr. richard baxter : whereunto is added , by way of an epistle , some account of the learned author , never before published . by mr. matth. sylvester and mr. daniel williams . the harmony of the divine attributes , in the contrivance and accomplishment of man's redemption by the lord jesus christ . by william bates , d. d. the changeableness of this world , with respect to nations , families , and particular persons ; with a practical application thereof to the various conditions of this mortal life . by timothy rogers , m. a. the duty and blessing of a tender conscience , plainly stated , and earnestly recommended to all that regard acceptance with god , and the prosperity of their souls . by t. cruse . five sermons on various occasions . by the same author . the mirror of divine love unvail'd , in a paraphrase on the high and mysterious song of solomon . by robert flemming , v. d. m. the mourners memorial , in two sermons , on the death of the truly pious mrs. susannah some . with some account of her life and death . by t. wright and robert flemming , v. d. m. the christian's converse with god , or the insufficiency and uncertainty of human friendship , & the improvement of solitude in converse with god , with some of the author's breathings after him . by rich. baxter . recommended to the readers serious thoughts when at the house of mourning and retirement . by mr. matth. sylvester . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29712-e760 * when they meet with any of our merchant-men of small force , having but 8 or 10 guns , they often deceive them , by telling them they are algerines , getting the master on board them to shew his pass ; when he and his men are on board , they enter them , and take their , ship. * the distance between macqueness and marsegan , being two hundred miles or more ; but travelling in the night , occasioned our missing the way : so that we went at least three hundred miles before we came to the garison . a true historicall discourse of muley hamets rising to the three kingdomes of moruecos, fes, and sus the dis-vnion of the three kingdomes, by ciuill warre, kindled amongst his three ambitious sonnes, muley sheck, muley boferes, and muley sidan. the religion and police of the more, or barbarian. the aduentures of sir anthony sherley, and diuers other english gentlemen, in those countries. with other nouelties. cottington, r. 1609 approx. 150 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17485 stc 4300 estc s107368 99843070 99843070 7778 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17485) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7778) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 725:17) a true historicall discourse of muley hamets rising to the three kingdomes of moruecos, fes, and sus the dis-vnion of the three kingdomes, by ciuill warre, kindled amongst his three ambitious sonnes, muley sheck, muley boferes, and muley sidan. the religion and police of the more, or barbarian. the aduentures of sir anthony sherley, and diuers other english gentlemen, in those countries. with other nouelties. cottington, r. sherley, anthony, sir, 1565-1635? [84] p. printed by thomas purfoot for clement knight, and are to be sold at his shop in paules churchyard, at the signe of the holie lambe, at london : an. dom. 1609. leaf a2r signed: ro. c. attributed to r. cottington, who may be a ficticious person. signatures: a-k⁴ l² . running title reads: the historie of barbary. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng islam -morocco -early works to 1800. morocco -history -1516-1830 -early works to 1800. morocco -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2003-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-10 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true historicall discourse of muley hamets rising to the three kingdomes of moruecos , fes , and sus. the dis-vnion of the three kingdomes , by ciuill warre , kindled amongst his three ambitious sonnes , muley sheck , muley boferes , and muley sidan . the religion and policie of the more , or barbarian . the aduentures of sir anthony sherley , and diuers other english gentlemen , in those countries . with other nouelties . at london , printed by thomas purfoot for clement knight , and are to be sold at his shop in paules churchyard , at the signe of the holie lambe . an. dom. 1609. to the right worshipful , sir robert cotton , of cunnington knight . sir , i entreate you , patronize this smal treatise , if in your iudgement it can either pleasure , or in small measure profite , by being divulged to the open view of the world : if otherwise , lay it by you as a bundle of waste paper . in so doing , i shal thinke my selfe much obliged vnto you : if in suppressing the originall , my weakenesse may rather take a priuate checke of a friend for being too bolde , then an open scorne of a multitude , for being too foolish . thus relying wholy vpon your wonted fauour , discreete and iudiciall censure herein , i rest euer at your seruice , ro. c. the true historicall discourse of mvley hamets rising to the three kingdomes of moruecos , fes , and sus. cap. i. how the kingdome of barbary came to muley hamet xarif , the late deceased king. the familie of the mareines beeing larbies , were long times kings of barbary : vntill a plaine haly some hundred yeres agoe , calling himselfe muley hamet xarif , came out of the countrey of dara , ( lying beyond the mountains of atlas ) with a great number of montaniers , called in their owne language brebers : these with their strength got moruecos from the mareins . and going forwarde following the fertilnes of the soyle , draue the mareins out of fes : getting into his power all the flat countries comprised vnder the titles of sus , moruecos , and fes , from the hilles of atlas to the straits of gybraltar . being thus growne great , be would proue himselfe a xarif , one of the kindred of the prophet mahome●… , desiring his birth might be held answerable to his new acquired fortunes : but within a little time after this his sodaine inuasion , sus rebelling , refused his gouernment , wherefore he sent to the bordering turkes for ayde , who fulfilled therein his request . aided with these turkish auxiliary forces , he set forward , and at his enterance into that kingdome , y● turkish souldiers through treason killed him , & cut of his head ; sacked taradant , and running ouer the whole countrey , spoyled it by the space of twoo moneths , which done , they would gladly haue returned to trimasine : yet fearing their owne strength to return the same way hamet had brought them ; it was helde their better course and shorter iourney , to passe ouer the mountaines : but the montaniers knowing this their new done bloody fact , and séeing them haue good store of pillage , set vpon them , so that few or none escaped their handes , but were all slaine . after this hamet xarifs death , who raigned some eight yeares , succéeded his brother muley abdela , hauing all his life time great warre with the mareins , to kéepe that his brother had conquered : hee hauing raigned some fiftéene yeares died , leauing behind him thirtéene sonnes , the eldest muley abdela ( who at his entrance to the kingdome , commaunded all his brethren to bee killed : ) but the second brother abdelmelech fearing hard measure , fled presently vppon the death of his father into turkie , and so saued his life . the third brother muley hamet of whome we are hereafter to entreate , béeing held a great church man , simple and humble spirited , not any way addicted vnto armes , was spared aliue as lesse feared . the other ten were all put to death in one day at taradant in sus , where they were kept in their fathers life time . this abdela raigned fortie yeares , and dying , left behinde him thrée sonnes , muley mehamet , muley sheck , muley nassar . muley mehamet beeing king , his twoo yonger brethren ranne away into spaine , the elder wherof named muley sheck is yet liuing , and there turned christian. the yonger brother called muley nassar returned into barbary , in the fourteenth yeare of muley hamets raign , who died last . at this muley nassars landing in the country of fes , much people fauoured him and his title , & two thousand of muley shecks souldiers ( who now liueth , and then gouerned fes , for his father reuolted from him to nassar , insomuch as muley sheck was in mind to haue fled vnto his father . but that alkeyd hamet ben lau , being a very wise captaine , and there placed to helpe muley sheck by his councell , who was very yong , ) kept him from running away : and muley nassar with a dilatory warre , with whome if the souldiers had staied , he might peraduenture haue gotten the country . but their lent approaching , the souldiers tolde nassar , they would go kéepe their easter at their owne houses . whervpon nassar , thinking if they were once gone , they would neuer returne to him againe , would giue present battaile , & so was this nassar slaine . abdelmelech being second brother to abdela , got such fauor in turkie where he liued , as entering barbary with foure thousand turkish souldiers , he got the kingdome from his nephew mehamet the eldest sonne of abdela , and their raigned two yeares . muley mehamet thus depriued of his kingdome , fledde for succour to sebastian then king of portugale , who came in person into barbarie to helpe him with thirtie thousand men , giuing battaile , the mores fled , and the christians retired , hoping the mores would returne , that so the christians might make the greater slaughter of them . according to this expectation abdelmelech with his armie returned , and the christians charged the formost of their horsemen very hotly , who would haue fledde . but such was the aboundance of abdelmelechs horsemen , following the foreward which were discō●…ted , as they could not haue field-roome to flie , but were forced to ●…ght it out . this was a bloody battaile wherin thrée kings lost their liues , don sebastian king of portugale : muley mehamet vnto whose ayde sebastian came ouer : and abdelmelech who came out of turkie being second brother to abdela ▪ this abdelmelech left behind him a sonne yet liuing at this day in turkie , whose name is muley smime . after the death of these twoo , abdelas third brother , muley hamet xarif , was made king , raigned about twenty seauen yeares in great peace and felicity , vntill he went to take his sonne muley sheck at fes , where the father dyed , whose death hath caused all these warres , as yea may reade hereafter . cap. ii. the course of muley hamet xarifs gouernment , during his 27. yeares raigne . obtaining the scepter , he first prouided himselfe of the grauest men he could finde in his kingdomes , to be counsellors of estate ; then of the most experienced , and valiant souldiers , for commanders ouer his campe , and garrison townes . and whereas hee was monarch ouer two nations , the larbies , and brebers , hee found it requisite to vse a two-folde gouernment . the larbies dwelling in the best plaine champion country of his three kingdomes , moruecos , sus , and fes , were easily gouerned , being of milde and peaceable nature , giuen to thrift and tillage of the ground , sought no alterations , but receiuing from him a due forme of iustice executed by his ministers : protecting them from the montaneirs which are robbers , willingly obeyed his regall authoritie , and yearly payed their tenths towards their kings maintenance . as for the brebers , or montaneirs , beeing of an vntamed and fierce disposition , speaking the tamiset tongue , which is as much different from the larbee , as welch is from our english , dwelling in places by nature defencible , and almost inaccessible : he could not so well gouerne , neither had euer such absolute power ouer them , nor receiued the fift pennie of profite from them , as hee did from the alarbeis . therefore hee sought by all meanes to diminish their strength of people , drawing them alwayes into forraigne expeditions , especially into that warre , against the negros , which continued a long time , thereby extending his empire so farre that way , as by camell it was sixe moneths iourney from morruecos , to the farthest parts of his dominion . likewise , he vsed this people to goe with the carabans to gago , to fetch home his yearely tribute and custome , whereby manie were consumed in trauailing ouer the saharas : for anie offence or robberie committed by them , his sword should punish seuerely , that the rest might feare : diuiding their countrey into seuerall diuisions or cantons , in euerie which hee placed an alkeyd , with souldiers to suppresse any suddaine vprores , must like our lieutenant set ouer our seuerall countyes , but that the alkeyd is continually resident , and hath greater power in executing marshall law . and lastly , as pledges of their loyalties , hee would get their chiefest mens sonnes into his hands , bringing them vp in his court to a more ciuill and delicate kinde of life . he was alwayes of minde to keepe peace with christendome , with spaine , who was his next potent neighbour , but aboue all loued the english nation , and admired the late queenes happie gouernement , willing to entertaine trading with vs , witnesse his manie letters , written to that worthie ladie of happie memorie . and his embassage sent vnto her , anno. 1601. performed by abdala wahad anowne , and hamet alhadg , their great trauailer to mecha , and other places . towards his subiects he was not too tyrannicall , but sweetned his absolute power and will , with much clemencie . by diuerse wayes he got excessiue store of gold . first , by seeing his tenths truly payed from the larbees : secondly , by trading with the negroe , taking vp the salt at tegazza , and selling it at gago , hauing from thence returne in good golde . thirdly , by husbanding his maseraws , or i●…genewes , where his sugar canes did growe , ( though nowe all spoyled with these warres , ) for it is sufficiently knowne , all of them about morruecos , taradant , and magador , were yearely worth vnto him , sixe hundred thousand ounces at the least . i omit his loue he tooke in entertaining forraigne artisans , the reedifying of his house in morruecos , getting italian marbles , the richest that could bee bought for money , and workmen hired from thence at great wages . his sumptuous prouisions for the saraile , and maintenance of his women , not so much delighting in the sinne , as his predecessors had done before , as to shew his glorie , because the fashion of the countrey is such , to shewe their riches and greatnesse vpon that fraile sexe , and their attendances . for his chiefest pleasures were to see the gallantrie of his kingdome , managing their good barbarian steedes , and the falcons vpon their wing , making faire flights after the heron : for these sports hee was prouided , no man better , from which hee was recalled by certaine discontents , which as clowds forerunned his owne sunset . cap. iii. the number of muley hamet xarif sonnes , their behauiours , the beheading of mustepha . mvley hamet xarif the late deceased king and father of these thrée brothers now liuing that striue for the kingdome , at the time of his death left fiue sonnes aliue . the eldest muley mahemet , commonly called muley sheck , a title giuen alwaies to the eldest of the kings sonnes : the second muley boferes , which two sons were both by one woman , a negra , one of his concubines : the third sonne muley sidan whome he had by one of his wiues : the fourth sonne muley nassar who was about the age of ninetéen yeares : and the fift muley abdela about fourtéene yeares old at the time of the old kings death , and these twoo last were not legitimate , but the sonnes of two seuerall concubins . this deceased king in his life time , had placed his thrée elder sons in seuerall parts of his kingdome , to gouerne for him in them , to muley sheck his eldest he had giuen the kingdome of fes , which kingdome hath in former times continually béen allotted by the late kings of barbary to their eldest sonnes : muley boferes he placed in his kingdome of sus : to muley sidan he gaue the prouince of tedula , which lyeth in the mid-way betwéene moruecos , and fes : his two yonger sonnes muley nassar , and abdela remained with him in his house , whome by reason of their yong yeares , he had not as yet placed in any part of his kingdomes . the eldest sonne muley sheck in his yonger yeares gouerned fes , & those partes of barbarie , with great approbation of his father , through y● counsell of basha mustepha a spanish renegado : which basha in continuance of time , grewe into such fauour with him , that the whole gouernment of the kingdome of fes was wholly by mu : sheck put into his hand●… : whervpon y● alkeyds of the countrie that were naturall borne mores , & continuall attendants vpon the old king , enuying the greatnes of the said basha , raised diuers accusations against him : complaining to the king that he learned muley sheck to drinke wine ( a thing vnlawfull to the mores , being forbidden them by their prophet mahomet ) and that now hauing the whole gouernment of the kingdome of fes in his hands , vnder the kings sonne , he purposed after he had possessed himselfe of muley shceks treasure , to flie , and carry it with him to some partes of christendome . which accusations the old king vpon some probabilities and likelihoods conceiuing to be true , these alkeyds procured at last with him , that he should send to his sonne muley sheck , commaunding him to send the head of the said basha , which commaund howsoeuer muley sheck ( who greatly loued , and fauoured the said basha ) at the first delayed to performe , yet after diuers messages , the old king sending at the last a principall seruant of his to see the execution done , he was forced much against his will , to sée fulfilled . in these yonger yeares of muley sheck whilest this basha was aliue , none of the kings sonnes was more dutifull to their father then he , neither any of their actions so contented the old king as his ; insomuch , the whole kingdomes hope for a successor after the old kings decease , was onely in muley sheck . wherevpon and by the kings voluntary motion , all the principall alkeyds , and men of commaund that were in his kingdomes , by solemne oath vowed allegeaunce to muley sheck , after the olde kings decease . and at that time boferes the second sonne , by reason of the great plague in sus , and other discontents he receiued from that rebellious people , stayed not long there , but returned againe to his father in moruecos , where he stayed with him vntill his fathers departure to fes in september 1602. muley sidan the third sonne continued in tedula , ( a prouince fruitfull and scituate in the flat of barbarie , the mid-way betwéene fes , and moruecos , as i haue told you , ) who gouerned those parts in great peace and quietnes , euen in the cheife times of the tu●…lts that were in the bordering dominions of his eldest brother sheck ( whereof you shall read hereafter ) insomuch that he was generally commend ed and liked both of his father and of all the kingdome for his gouernment , being strict in séeing the execution of iustice to be done in those parts that he gouerned , not sparing his kindred or nearest followers in those cases : from his infancy be naturally hated all manner of théeues whatsoeuer , especially th●…se which robbed by the high wayes , and without any fauour or mercy seuerely punished them . howsoeuer , he carryed himselfe very dutifull to his father , whilest he was liuing , yet from his childehoode he was alwayes of an aspiring and ambitious nature , which could neuer be brought to subiect it selfe to giue any awefull respect to his elder brethren , but to hazard his whole estate in obtaining the kingdome , accounting himselfe his fathers lawfull heire , in that hee was his fathers eldest sonne , which he had by any of his marryed wiues : in this point not regarding the custome and lawe of the mores , who in title of inheritance or succession , respect not the mother , whether shée be marryed wife , or concubine bought with money , so that her sonne be the eldest in birth . cap. iiii. the misgouernment of muley sheck , which caused his old father to visite the kingdome of fes : the taking of sheck prisoner : the death of the father . but to returne againe to muley sheck the kings eldest sonne , who after the death of his basha mustepha , ( beheaded by his fathers commaund , ) soone shewed vnto all men the want of gouernment that was in him ; for in his latter times , giuing himselfe ouer to drunkennes , and other detestable vices , which amongst the mores commonly accompanieth that sinne , regarded not at all the gouernment of his kingdome , but suffered his seruants , followers , and souldiers to doe what they would in robbing and spoyling the the goods of his honest minded subiects , without controllment : and through want of iustice duly executed , his whole country in a short time swarmed so with théeues and robbers by the high wayes , that there was no trauelling through his dominions , but in caffilas or companies of 300 and 400 persons at a time , and they hardly sometimes escaped the hands of théeues . the alarbies , who continue to this day in tribes and kindreds , beeing the husbandmen of the countrey , liuing in the fields in tents , by ●…illing of the ground , and bréeding vp of cattell , when as they could not quietly gather in , and peaceably enioy the corne and fruits of the ground ▪ denyed to paye the king their accustomed dutie : and in the fields followed the courses of muley shecks seruants in the citie , in robbing of all passengers that came within their power . and such was his la●…ishing manner of spending and consuming of his treasure , that in his humors , hée neither regarded what hée gaue , nor to whome : in so much , that a iew who was a musitian , and vsed to play before him in his drunken fits , ( what with the gifts giuen him by the prince , and what else he gotte out of his house ) had gotten together in money and iewels , ( in the space of foure or fiue yeares ) to the value of foure hundred thousand duckets , which is about fortie thousand pound sterling . this dissolute life and carelesse gouernment of muley sheck , gréeued the olde king not a little , especially to sée such a change or alteration in him , whose forwardnes in former times had béene the staye of his age , and had mooued him to cause the alkeyds of the kingdome , by oath to confirme their allegeance after his owne death . many wayes he sought to amend what was amisse in those parts , and to draw his son to a more stricte course of life , and more carefull kind of gouernment , as well by his letters , as by sending diuers principall alkeyds to be counsellors vnto him . yet such was the small accompt he made either of the one or the other ; that the old king in the end séeing no amendment , but the estate of that kingdome to grow dayly worse and worse , determined to go to fes in his owne person with an armie , aswell to displace his sonne who had denyed to come vnto him , vpon his sending for : as also to put in order all matters in those parts , which through the ill gouernment of his sonne , were all out of frame . and so about the beginning of october 1602. he set forwards from moruecos with an armie of eight thousand shot , and some fiue thousand horse towards fes , leauing his second sonne muley boferes to gouerne moruecos , and sus in his absence , vntill his returne ; making such spéedy iourneyes , that he was with his forces within one dayes iourney of fes , before his sonne muley sheck was certainly aduised of his setting forth from moruecos . who , when hee vnderstood of his fathers being so néere , and himselfe euery way vnprouided to resist him . would haue fled towards tafilet , but being followed by basha mustefa , hee was ▪ constrained to take sa●…uary , with fiue hundred of his best souldiers , being very good shotte and well prouided . the old king the father , séeing his sonne take the pr●…ueledge of the place ( which is much respected in that countrey ) willed him to come forth , and submit himselfe to his mercy : but muley sheck refused either obstinate in not obeying , or fearefull he could not render a good accompt of his twenty fiue yeares gouernment in fes . wherefore muley hamet commaunded mustefa a basha of sidans , though then in the olde muleys seruice , to take thrée thousand men ▪ 〈◊〉 perforce to enter the place , which he performed , bringing sheck prisoner , and the rest of his company which were left aliue after the conflicte . the old man would in no wise admit him into his presence , but committed him to the charge and custody of basha iudar , one of greatest place about the king , who caryed sheck to mickanes a strong garrison towne , and there remained vntill the time of his fathers death , which was some fiue moneths after . the olde king in his iourney to fes , against his eldest sonne , passed by the prouince of tedula , and from thence tooke alongst with him his third son muley sidan , whom he commaunded to remoue his houshold to fes , from sidania , ( a citie which he had begunne to build in tedula , and called it after his owne name ) intending to leaue him uizeroy of those parts , in the roome of his eldest sonne , whom he purposed to carrie with him from mickanes , where he was prisoner , to morruecos . which he had also performed , if hee had not beene preuented by suddaine death : for in august 1603 hee hauing set all matters in order in those parts of fes , prouiding for his returne to morruecos , put out his tents without fes gates , but being abroad hee suddainly fell sicke , and his sicknesse so sore increased , that on thursday falling sick , on sunday morning beeing the fourteenth of august 1603. he died . cap. v. muley sidan proclaimeth himselfe king in fes . muley boferes in morruecos . muley nassar would haue done the likein taradant , but is hindered . the death of nassar . mvley sidan , by reason his mother lilla isha gouerned the old kings house , vnderstoode of his fathers death , before it was noysed abroad , whereupon he presently went forth into his fathers campe , and tents , from whence he carried away all such iewels and treasure as he found there . and after his fathers death , he caused himselfe in fes to bee proclaimed king of barbarie , as lawfull heyre of his deceased father . lilla iohora , mother to muley sheck , and muley boferes ; seeing her eldest sonne in prison , and voide of all meanes to helpe himselfe at that instant , was not vnmindfull of her second sonne boferes , whom the old king had left to gouerne morruecos during his absence . to whom shee dispéeded presently letters by one of the kings eunuchs , who made such hast , that in foure dayes he came from fes to his tents , which were some two leagues from morruecos , where he had lien all the summer ▪ before to auoyd the infection of the plague , which had béene that summer in morruecos , and with him was his younger brother muley nassar , and his eldest brothers sonne muley abdela . muley boferes vnderstanding of his fathers death , presently entred moruecos , and ga●… possession of the alcasaua , his fathers house . before the newes of his fathers death was noysed abroad , and generally knowne , fearing how the alkeyds , and people of morruecos might stand affected vnto him , and knowing that if he had once possession of the alcasaua , & of his fathers treasure , he had the best part of the kingdome . and the next day after his entrance , hee caused to bee published generally thorow the whole citie , the newes of his fathers death , and withall himselfe to be proclaimed king : writing letters to the uizeroy of sus , to doe the like in taradant , the chiefe citie of that kingdome , the which he accordingly performed . muley nas●…ar the fourth sonne of the deceased king , hauing beene all the summer abroad with his brother boferes ; when now hee vnderstood of his fathers death , followed his brother a farre off , as though hee meant to haue entred morruecos with him . but comming to the gates of the citie , in companie with muley abdela his nephew , being sonne to muley sheck , with whom hee was familiar , conferred with him about their flying into the mountaines , perswading muley abdela that hee might no wayes put any trust in boferes , since his father and he were the chiefest impediments , that hindered boferes from claiming the kingdome by course of iustice , his father muley sheck being the old kings eldest sonne , and he the eldest sonne of his father : besides , his father being in prison so neere fes , where muley sidan was , it was to be doubted that muley sidan had alreadie gotten him into his power , and it might be , had made some agréement with him alreadie , to ioyne both against muley boferes : which if it should so fall out , would cause boferes to deale more cruelly with him . but these perswasions moued not abdela , who rather chose to enter the citie , and follow his uncle , on whose curtesie he would relie . though nassar fearing how boferes would deale with him , with all speede fled into the mountaines to the kindred of his mother , from whence after a few daies with some eight hundred , or a thousand of those people ▪ whome he ioyned together , he passed into the plaines of sus , sending to the alkeyd in taradant to proclaime him king , or else to suffer him quietly to depart . but the alkeyd hauing alreadie proclaimed muley boferes , withstood him , and he hauing no meanes wherewith to pay his souldiers and people that he had gathered togither , was soone left of all , & so returned againe to his mothers kindred , and liued priuatly there about seuen moneths , and then dyed of the plague , or as some reported , secretly poysoned , was brought to morruecos , and there buryed . cap. vi. the reuolt of alkeyd hamet monsore . muley sheck prisoner , deliuered to boferes . muley sidan rayseth forces against his bother boferes . and the like doth muley boferes against sidan . but to returne to fes and those parts : after the death of the old king ( sidan being now proclaimed king in fes , boferes in morruecos , & sus ; & muley sheck prisoner in mickanes , in the keeping of basha iudar ) the souldiers being abroad in their tents , without fes gates , began to be in a mutenie , as well for sixtéene moneths pay , which the old king owed them , as also about their returne to morruecos , where the most of them had left their wiues and children . to appease this mutenie , muley sidan sent out of fes vnto them alkeyd hamet monsore , their chiefe commaunder in the olde kings time , to promise them as well content in payment , as also a speedie returne to morruecos with muley sidan himselfe . but monsore in stead of pacifying , laboured to encrease their mutenous humours , and at last agreed with them , suddainly in the night to take vp their tents , and to march with him to morruecos , alleadging vnto them both the vncertaintie of muley sidans pay , and the small likelyhoode of any speedie iourney he meant to take to moruecos . and being to passe within a little of mickanes , where the basha kept muley sheck prisoner , hee wrote vnto the said basha to know his intent , whether hee would goe to moruecos or no , with him . to whom the basha came , and brought muley sheck with him , whom they brought along as prisoner to moruecos , and deliuered him vp to his brother boferes , who kept him close prisoner in his house some 4. or 5. moneths , vntill the comming of muley sidan against him in battaile , by this meanes thinking to haue established the whole kingdome to muley boferes : who now , besides the possession of the city of moruecos and his fathers treasure , had brought vnto him y● greatest part of his fathers forces , 〈◊〉 his elder brother put prisoner into his hands . muley sidan being thus deceiued by monsore , and likewise by diuers other principall alkeids ( who had secretly departed from fes , and left him ) forthwith dispeeded one mustefa a reneg●…do of his owne whome hee made a basha , with two thousand shot , and some companyes of horses to tedula , aswell to receiue from the alarbies those duties which they alwayes pay vnto their king : as also to stoppe and returne to fes , whomsoeuer he should finde flying from thence to moruecos , kéeping possession of that prouince for his vse . he made likewise great preparations both of horse and foote in fes , to bee alwaies ready , to accompany himselfe in person if néede should so require , hauing with him in fes of principall alkeids , azus chéefe counsellor to the late deceased king , and lord ouer his bitlemel : bocrasia , absadiks , and diuers others . muley boferes likewise in moruecos , foreslacked no time in making preparation to send forth against him , sending first alcaide gowi●… with some six hundred men to make prouision of corne and other victuals amongst the alarbies , and after he had certaine ne●…s of muley sidans forces to be in tedula , he sent out his basha ●…dar with fiue thousand shot choyst men , foure péeces of artillary , and certaine companies of horse to enter t●…dula , and to giue battaile to mustefa the generall of sidans forces , or perforce to driue him out of that country . at whose comming thither , mustefa séeing himselfe no waies strong enough to encounter with iudar , retyred backe againe with his armie out of tedula : and iudar destroyed the foundation of sidania , ( which muley sidan at his being in tedula , had begunne to build vpon the riuer of morbaie and called it sidania , after his owne name ) likewise wasted and destroyed the country thereabout , at least so many of the kindreds of the alarbies as he knew to be friends to muley sidan , or those that would not acknowledge boferes for king. sidan vnderstanding what iudar had done in tedula , and likewise of the great preparations that his brother in moruecos daily made to send out against him , forthwith put forth his tents , and ioyned together his whole forces , which were some eight or nyne thousand shot , and some twelue thousand horse , with two and twentie péeces of artillery , himselfe in person going along with them . and because he was altogether vnprouided of skilfull gunners for his ordinances , he procured from salie out of certaine english men of warre , who at that instant were there , twoo english gunners , to whome hee committed the charge of his artillery , but by reason of much raine that had fallen , it being in the moneth of ianuary 1604. the ground in many places was so soft , that they could not march with their artillery so fast as néede required . so that his artillery neuer came at the battaile , which was thought to be a chiefe cause of his ouerthrow . cap. vii . fokers sent to entreat of peace from muley boferes to sidan . muley sheck set at libertie . the battaile betwixt muley boferes and muley sidan . whilest these preparations were in hand on either side , muley boferes sent certaine fokers held of great estimation amongst the mores , to his brother muley sidan , to treate conditions of peace ; howbeit , after their dispeeding from moruecos , he omitted no time and diligence in sending foorth newe armies and fresh supplies , both of souldiers and prouision to iudar basha that was in tedula , and vnderstanding for certaine that his brother sidan was in the field in person ( because hee himselfe had neuer béene in●…red to trauell , and knowing it would be no small discouragement to his side , and encouragement to the other , that sidan should be in perin the field , and no other his equall in bloud in his armie to withstand him ) he concluded a colourable peace betwéene himselfe and his eldest brother muley sheck , whome vntill that time hee kept close prisoner in his house , agréeing with him that he should go forth into his armie , and ioyne with iudar to fight against muley sidan , whome if he ouerthrow in battaile , he should enioy the kingdome of fes , and so much of those casterne parts of barbarie , as he enioyed in their fathers time : on condition that at his enterance into fes , hee should proclaime muley boferes king , and himselfe onely uizeroy , & so should stil acknowledge his gouernment there , as deriued from boferes : and to the intent muley sheck should the better obserue these conditions according to their agréement , hee was to leaue his eldest sonne in pawne with muley boferes in moruecos . on these plausible conditions , muley sheck was set at libertie , a happy turne for himselfe as he thought , who neuer looked for any better but perpetuall imprisonment with much misery . but the truth is basha iudar had secret aduertisement from his master boferes ( yet not so secret , but it was knowne to muley sheck , and closely carryed of him by interception of letters betwixpt moruecos and the campe in tedula : ) that he should abridge muley sheck of any commaund in the campe , or matter of counsell in ordering of the fight , onely shew him to the souldiers vnder his canopy , that the fezes who were the strength of sidans armie , might know sheck was in the campe of boferes , whome they loued in regard partly of his long ab●…de amongst them , but especially of his great liberality , or rather prodigality , formerly shewed vnto them , which wrought much in their minds at the ensuing battaile : and withall the basha had a speciall charge sent , and his guard so to watch him , that ( if he got the battaile ) he should bring muley sheck in yrons as safe a prisonner from the campe to moruecos , as once hee had done from mickanes . but this being discouered , muley sheck so shufled his game , that though iudar wonne the field , muley sheck escaped vnto fes , and was louingly entertainted of the citizens , proclaiming himselfe king of barbarie . but returne we to the fokers , treating about conditions of peace in fes with muley sidan , who by intelligence vnderstoode from moruecos of the fresh supplies of souldiers , daily sent out by his brother to the basha , whereby hee greatly suspected those offers of peace , to be but a deuise to prolonge the time whilest his whole forces were in a readines , and then sudenly to haue come vpon him vnawares before he should be prouided for him . and therefore hee returned the fokers with denials of the ●…ffered conditions of peace , and himselfe thinking to take the oportunity and aduantage of y● time before either his brothers new forces should come to the basha , or muley sheck his eldest brother be set at liberty . he caused with all diligence to be gotten together some two thousand mules and horses , and vpon euery mule to be set two souldiers with their furniture , and so ( without any stay for the rehalling of tents , or carrying along of his artillery with him ) to bee with all hast possible sent and ioyned to the almohalla of alkeid mustefa which lay hard by the riuer of morbaie , in the sight of the almohalla of basha sudar , the riuer onely betweene them : he himselfe likewise in person went along with some seauen or eight thousand of his horsemen , thinking by this meanes to come with his best forces vpon basha iudar , before the basha should expect him , or before y● cōming of muley sheck , who for his liberality and bounty in former times , was greatly beloued of all the souldiers both of fes , and also of moruecos . but this pollicy of his herein tooke no place , for muley sheck after he was set at liberty , made such spéedy iourneyes that he came to y● almohalla of the basha , before y● muley sidan had certain intelligence of his liberty , and yet he entered the almohalla but on the tuesday , the battaile being fought vpon the fryday following . muley sidan vnderstanding for certaine that his eldest brother was come into the basha his almohalla , thought it no time for him to deferre giuing of battile , least it shold be knowne amongst his souldiers , ( many of whome in former times had serued the sayd muley sheck . ) and therefore on fryday the sixt of ianuary 1604. the forces of each side met and ioyned together , betwéen whom there was no long fight , for vppon the discharging of foure péeces of artillery , ( which iudar basha had with him ) some 3 or 4 times , a great part of the souldiers of muley sidan beganne to flye : except some choyce men which were in that part of the battaile where the muley himselfe was : by reason of y● resolution of their commaunder , continued somewhat longer , but in the end fled when as y● canopy ouer muley sidans head was shot down with a piece of ordinance . at which m●…chance , & not before , the muley himselfe began to leaue the field , who in the managing of this battaile was some thing to be blamed , for as he had vsed the celerity of a wise generall , comming with all spéed to mustefa after he heard muley sheck should be set at liberty , setting two souldiers vpon euery mule , and euery horseman for the spéedier march , to take a souldier with his piece vp behinde him , being come to his campe an houre before day , ●…ee should not haue delayed two howers and more the present onset , gazing in his enemies face , and giuing them time to ready themselues to fight , whome otherwise he might haue taken at the disper●…iew , and his fezzes whome he halfe mistrusted , no premeditation to reuolte or runne away ▪ on muley shecks side few were slaine , and of muley sidans side the greatest number was some 〈◊〉 hundred men or thereabout , neither was it euer thought that the battaile would be sore or endure long , but that the one side would presently flye . first , for that they were all mores of one country , and one religion ▪ and howsoeuer the kings might be affected one to the other , yet betwéen the cominal●…y of each side was no hatred onely for their paye , came into the field to fight one against an other . secondly , by reason of the olde kings death in fes , there was almost no alkeide of muley shecks side , but had either his brother , sonne , or chiefest friend on the other side , as alkeid mumen bocrasia was a chéefe commaunder on muley sidans side : and his brother alkeid gowie of the like commaund on the other side . alkeid absadok was chiefe counsellor with muley sidan ; his brother was the like with muley boferes , to whome also was sworne alkeid absadocks son : alkeid hame●… monsore was on muley boferes si●…e , and his brother alkeid ally monsore on the other side ▪ and so of diuers others . cap. viii . ¶ sidans iustice done vppon the larbees forrobbing . his flight after the battaile lost , to trimasine . the thrée brethren thus striuing for the golden ball of soueraignty , iustice was trodden downe . the larbees robbed one an other , the strongest carrying away all . ●…uarrels betwixt families and tribes , which durst not be talked of in old muley hamts time , came to be decided with the swoord . after this battaile , alwayes were stopped with robbers , no trading from the port●… townes ▪ to moruecos , without great strength of men . muley boferes ( who had the imperiall seate ) was neither so fit for action , or to do iustice , as muley sidan who had lost the day . and that the kindred called weled entid well knew , which presuming vpon the soft nature of boferes , and their owne strength which consisted of fiftéene thousand horse , ●…oraged vp to moruecos gates , fore-closed all passages for trauellers , making marchants goods ▪ their prises : whereas an exemplary punishment executed vppon them for their robbing in fes by muley sidan , whilest hee raigned there , made them thinke the countrey too hot : for sidan commaunded alkeid german with twoo thousand souldiers in hostile manner to fall vpon the next dwarre of tents belonging to that tribe , to burne man , woman , childe , kyne , shéepe , and whatsoeuer belonged to them , not to spare it vppon his owne life from fire and sword , which fully executéd and so bloodily , that sidan●…ghed ●…ghed hearing the true report , yet it made fes the peaceablest part in barbarie . but returne we to sidans fortunes after he lost the field , hauing the ouerthrowe , retyred backe to fes , and forthwith was alkeid azus ( the onely man in the latter daies of the old king , fauoured by the whole countrey ) dispéeded towards moruecos to treate of a peace , and himselfe beganne to make head againe to resist such forces as should follow him , but before hee could bring his forces together againe , newes was brought vnto him that his brother muley sheck was neare at hand with certaine companies of horsemen , and that the whole almohalla of the basha was not farre behinde . so that then hee was rather to consider of , and to prouide for his escaping by flight , then any wayes to resist : and hauing before put some nyne hundred thousand duckets in allarocha , for the which money he had sent one of his alkeids after his returne from the batta●… ; he thought it is his best course to passe that waye , and to take that money along with him , but he was followed so hardly by alkeid abdela wahad , and alkeid vmsoud vmbilie , boferes seruants , that hee was forced to flye directly towards trimasine , and to leaue that treasure behinde him which was taken by his brother muley sheck . in these his frowning fortunes , the most of his alkeids left him , and amongst others mumine bocrasia flying to moruecos , in whome hee put no small trust : and more then the seruants of his house , he had no man of accompt but forsooke him , onely alkeid absadik , had●… tabid , and mustepha ; the twoo latter of them being his houshould seruants , and belonging to him in his fathers time , left him not in his aduerstie : so that any alkeid of the cassas or castes in barbarie , hee had no more then absadicke , who rather then he would leaue him ( although allured by the perswasions of his brother alkeide abdela wahad , and entreated by ●…he teares of his sonne to returne , both of them then b●…ing in the pursuite of muley sidan , and in a playne o●…ertooke the sayde absadocke , yet hee left his house an●… chil●…ren at the mercie of mul●…y bo●…eres his maister an●… enemie . the alkeids who followed in pursuite of muley sidan , ●…ollowed him so hard , that besides the treasure of allarocha , they likewise tooke much of the muleys treasure that hee carryed along with him , although with that small companye of horses , which were no more then twentye horsemen or thereabout , hee ●…eturned many times , and fought with those who pursued him , in person béeing still one of the foremost in th●…se s●…shes , vn●… a●…keide vmbil●… who persued him , admiring his res●…lution , and pittying his miserable estate , req●…ested ●…is maiestie to k●…pe on his w●…y and saue himsel●…e ●…y ●…ight , he not purposing to persue him an●… further . and so the m●…ley in this miserabl●… e●…te forsaken almost of all ) kept on his way to trima●…e a towne boro●…ring vpon the turkes , in the frontiers of the king●…ome of a●…rs : and the alkeids who pursued him , returned againe to fes . cap. ix . muley sheck proclaimeth himselfe king in fes . sidan goeth to tafilet , from thence into sus. a skirmish wherin mumine bocrasia is slaine . peace concluded between muley boferes , and muley sidan . after muley sidans flight , in this manner muley sheck entred fes , where he was ioyfully receaued of them , proclay●…ed 〈◊〉 king , and not gouernour 〈◊〉 his brother boreres . and it being in the time of ●…ummadan , all the almohallas of moruecos returne●… home against the pascua ▪ fro●… whence after the celebration of the feast , they were sent forth to all parts of the countr●… aga●…st the larb●…es : among whome were as great ciuile wars as among y● br●…thren , for in this time of so many kings , they would acknowledge none , or pay duty to any of the three brethren . wherevp●…on hame●… monsore with thrée thousand souldier●… , was sent into sus in the moneth of aprill 1604. but his men dying of the plague ( which was very hot at that time ) and thereby the larbies little regarding his power , would bring him no vic●…uals , so that with remainder of his men , hee was constrayned to returne towardes m●…ruecos . diuerse other a●…mohallas were sent abroad into seuerall parts of the countrey , but in the beginning of iune , newes comming of muley s●…dāns returne from trimasine to tafile●… , they were all sent for by boferes to returne to moruecos , and bée ioyned together the second time against muley sidan : who hauing some fewe moneths liued about trimasine with some fiftie souldiers , went towards tafilet , about which part liued the cassa or caste of alkaid absadok ( who was master of the hawkes to muley hamet ) and brought to sidan of his caste some twelue hundred horses , with which force he entered tafilet : the alkeid of muley bofe●…es fl●…ing to dara or d●…aw with his souldiers . in tafilet muley sidan stayed some fortye daies , where he vnderstood perfectly of the estate of sus , and had letters from diuers of his welwillers there : vnderstanding of alke●…d hamet mo●…sores departure from thence : and that the sheba●…es ▪ which is the greate●…t cast in all barbarie and the casse or cast of the muleys mother , would not ●…knowl●…dge bo●…eres for king , and likewise , how most of all the casts in s●… desired his comming thither : wherev●…on ●…e prepared what forces hee could there get ▪ to go i●…to s●…s . muley bo●…eres vpon the first newes of his brothers comming to tafile●… , called in ●…ll his 〈◊〉 , and ioyning some foure thousand shotte of them besid●…s horse , sent them from 〈◊〉 to dara vnder the comm●…und of his sonne muley abdelmelech , with whome went diuers principall alkeids ▪ as alke●…d gowi●… , vmbilie , & mumine bocrasia , who in the first bat●…aile of muley sidan was a principall man of commaund on his side , and after his ouerthrow fl●… from him to moruecos , with diuers others . the chiefe intent of these forces was to stop the passages from thence to sus , which muley sidan perceiuing before the comming of their whole forces , he passed by alcatouy , where y● horsemen on each side skirmished , the ●…ootmen not being able to come vp , and some slaine of either side , but no man of account saue onely alkeid mumine bocrasia , who as some reported dyed with thirst , being ouerheated ( the battaile being ●…ought in the middest of iuly ) or as others reported being wounded , and returning to his tent , calling for water , after hee had drunke it presently dyed , whose death was little lamented or pittyed of the mores , they saying he was iustly rewarded for being a traitour to muley sidan his master , who was not onely contented to lea●…e him in his misfortunes , and to flye to his brother , but also to goe forth into the ●…eld against him . muley sidans forces were so small , that he was not able to match in strength the forces of his enemies , and therefore was constrayned to passe into sus by the waye of the sahara , and durst not passe by draw : in which sands for want of water , both he & his whole company had almost perished , and after much miserey indured in that iourney , he arr●…ued at aca , where sidie abdela imbark the great foker dwelleth , the friendshippe of whome obtained , he knewe that all his brothers forces could not dispossesse him of the kingdome of sus , in such great reuerence is that church man held in those partes , that the people will obey none , but whome hee commaundeth them . he being come thither , the foker by letters to muley boferes then at moruecos , procured that there might be a treatie o●… peace between the two brethren : wherevppon in august following an. 1604. alkeid azus was sent to muley sidan to aca , where by the endeuours of the said alkaid and the foker , a peace was concluded , betwéene muley boferes and his brother muley sidan , this to enioy the kingdome of sus , and the other the residue of the empire , wherevpon sidan peaceably entered taradant the chiefe citie in that kingdome : vppon whose entrance thither , sus which in all former times had béen the most vnquiet and rebellious part of all barbarie , through his execution of iustice , became the onely peaceable and well gouerned countrie of that kingdome , all other parts of barbarie , that were vnder the gouernment and belonging to the other two brethren , as then remaining very vnquiet , and full of all tumults : neither was his gouernment any way to bee misliked , but that scarce setled , he charged the country with greater impositions then his father euer demaunded , insomuch as sedie abdela imbark , who was the onely man that first brought him thither , reprooued his courses : and the monta●…ers of atlas being good sou●…iers , excellent shot , and their dwelling by nature d●…fencible , finding his yoke too heauie ▪ th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him or his power , which humor of theirs was nourished by secret practises of boferes , lothe that s●…dan should either grow great in friends , or treasure . but the inhabitants of the plain●… and lower regions felt the smart of his rodde , knowing their throats lay at his mercey , when as the montaniers defended themselues with open armes , and oftentimes gaue the new king his hands full . cap. x. abdela muley shecks sonne , escapeth from boferes . sidan is sent for , to go in batta●…le against muley sheck ▪ he refuseth . abdelmelech boferes sonne goeth ▪ his bad successe . the peace concluded betwixt boferes and si●…an , by the meanes of abdela imbark , an●… azus , the wisest counsellor that barbarie hath : w●…e will leaue sidan at sus , seeking hi●… owne ende once more to become maister of morr●…ecos ▪ and returne to boferes , who was troubled which waye 〈◊〉 contriue the regaining of mul●…y sheck : who like 〈◊〉 b●… de had broken cage and was flowne to fes , making a f●… pretence to goue●…ne but as ui●…eroy , yet secretlie pra●…ised with forrain states , either to make thē his friends wherevnto he might ●…e , i●… muley boferes by fo●…ce should driue him out of fes ▪ or rather then he would loosē●…ooting in affrike , determined to bring in ●…orraine power , for ●…is ayde . wherefore boferes fearing a christian storme w●…ich might ha●…le bullets , was carefull to k●…pe abdela ▪ m●…ley sheckes eldest sonne the safer to k●…pe the father s●…rer from doing mischiefe . but it happe●…ed the plague was sharpe in moruecos , therefore boferes sent his sonne muley abdel●…elch some fiue miles fort●… of moruecos with his tents , an●… muley sheck ▪ sonne with him ▪ but either his keepers were negligent and corrupted , or else young abdela too wilie , for one night he made esca●…e out of the campe , and ●…auing horses ready l●…yd , poasted to his father at fes . this gallant being at liberty , sought all meanes to defend his title , being the eldest brothers sonne : his stirring spirit and youthfull hope drue all the min●…s of the fezzes vnto him : inmuch as muley boferes sore afflicted with his escape , but more with the newes of his preparations , dispéeded azus vnto muley sidan then in sus , with request hee would go personally to battaile against sheck and abdela his sonne : muley sidan well entertained this message , and with all conuenient spéede drawing his owne forces together , came within halfe a daies iourney of morruecos , there pitching his tents , but not determining to hazard his fortune , or trust the price of his owne head vnder his brothers hands , yet daily hee sent letters by his seruants of great credit , wherein ●…ee was willing to vndertake the charge of warre against abdela , so that he might make choyce of captains and commanders ▪ and such proportion of souldiers as he thought fit , to vndergo an action of such import . this proposition was neither liked of boferes or his counsell , yet making faire weather to mus sidan , letters passed from him daiof great loue farced with many complements , much mi●…iking his brothers mistrust , not daring to ieopard his person within moruecos . muley sidan meaning to prooue what correspondency his brother bof●…res heart caryed with his hand , fra●…ed a letter which was sent as from the chie●…est man in those mountaine countries of atlas , to muley boferes , full of dutie and seruices , offering withall to send him sidans head , who was encamped within his countrey at the foote of the hilles . answere to this letter was re●…urned with great thankes , and a large rewarde of gold promised , if a 〈◊〉 of that high and important ser●…ice would bee performed . when sidan by this had construed his brothers meaning , he raysed campe ▪ went to tafilet , and remained in the country of dara , gathering in of money and men , after twoo monethes spent with his brother to no effect at all ▪ boferes seeing sidan departe●… , and de●…tute of his helpe for fes , committed his campe to abdelm●…lech his owne sonne , who was to be aduised by the counsels of basha iudar , alkeyd ha●…et monsore , s●…dy gowy , and alkeyd bokerse ( thorow whose hands passed all busines of christian marchants , so well ●…ispatched and so good regard thereof taken , that hee was well liked of euerie man for his good dealing . ) this campe being come within a dayes iourney of fes , which is twentie dayes march from morruecos , ther●… the souldiers ●…ell to a mutenie , and three thousand of them reuolted vnto sheck , ●…rying openly , long line muley sheck . herevpon abdelmelech called a counsell of warre , wherein it was concluded , though their number were twise as many , to returne without blow giu●…n backe to morruecos , perceyuing indeed their soul●…iers hearts quite alienate●… from them . cap. xi . sir anthoni●… sherleys ambassage from the emperour of germanie to muley boferes , performed . anno d●… . 1605. about this time being the beginning of october , arriued at saphia sir anthonie sherley , as ambassador from th●… emperour of germanie ▪ to the king of morruecos : his attendace was better then a priuate man , though somewhat wanting of the person frō whom he was sent few of note were in his companie , being in all about thirtéene persons , of euerie christian language one , because hee would bee ●…ted for interpretation of tongues . amongst th●…se was sir edwin rich , whose behaui●…ur was good and well spoken of in e●…rie place were he came , not strayning his credite to borrow m●…ney , but well prouided to serue his own turne , answering to his birth , state , and bis●…ursments for the time . sir a●…thonie then taking the title of ambassadour , during foure moneths aboad in saphia , kept open house , inuited all christian marchants dayly , both to dinner and supper : to supplie his owne turne for money , he got credite of iewes to take vp money , and pay them in morruecos , but at excessiue rate , almost ●…ftie for a ●…undred . he bought likewise of an english marchants factor being at dinner with him , at two or three words , a ship of a hundred ●…xtie t●…nne , with all her lading beeing wheat , paying him in hand two thousand oun●…es , and if he were not payed the rest of his money , within tenne dayes after his arriuall in morruecos ▪ then the buier to l●…se his earnest . but before hee went vp , abdelmelech returning from fes ▪ by reason of his soldiers treason , the ●…ing o●… ●…es marched towardes morruecos some foure dayes iourney , and there gaue s●…ege vnto a port towne called sally , and tooke it , but the castle he could not wi●… . so the alkeyd of the castle wrote to muley boferes , that though the towne were lost , the castle hee woulde keepe for him , if he sent three hundred quarters of corne to vitta●…le his men , and a fresh supplie of fiftie souldiers . boferes loath to loose the place , and hearing sir anthonie had bought a ship of corne , writ to saphie , and willed him to send his shippe to sallie , and there to vnla●…e her corne for the reliefe of the castellan , and his soldiers . sir anthonie , willing to doe the king a fauo●…r , sent for the captaine and marchant of the shippe , willed them to goe for sally , and paying them for three hundred quarters , delt so that thither they went , but the castell being yeelded before they came , the captaine and marchant landed neither men , nor corne , but returned t●… saphie . by this time were sent for the conduct of the embassador fiue hundred men , vnder the commaund of two alkeyds : vnto euery souldier sir anthonie gaue a turbith as a liuery of his loue , which made them respect & honour him exceedingly , insomuch as one of the two alkeyds , not hastning to conduct the embassador vp to morruecos , but to prouide himselfe of corne , it being exceeding deare at morruecos , sir anthonie destrous to set forward , and the souldiers willing to pleasure him , fell to mutenie , in regard of the alkeyds slacknesse , killing twoo of his men to hasten their maister forwarde . after his foure moneths abode in saphie , wherein his bountie was extraordinarie , not to his country men onely , but to flemish , french and spanish , admired of his souldiers , hee was receiued into morruecos with great state , hauing by the way , as also during his abode in saphie , diuerse letters from the king , extolling his honourable endeuours , and approued valiantnesse in his farr●… aduentures both by sea and land , not omitting any courtship to winne his loue , or make him doubt his welcome . after two dayes stay in the citie , the king mad●… preparation for his entertainment at court , whither h●… went , suting his follower●… as well as the shortnesse of time could suffer , and his credite with the christian marchants could affoord , which was good , for two spaniards were so rapt with admiration of his worth , and by his speeches allured with so strange hope , that they fell in emulation , whether should doe him more seruices , or helpe him to more money : reasonably attended , he r●…de to court , not lighting from his horse , where the kings sonnes vsually doe , but rode thorow the mushward , ( which is the kings great hall , wherein most of his lords , gentlemen , and chiefe sort of people doe attend , when they come to court ) which none but the king himselfe doth . being come into the kings presence , his letters of credite were receyued , with great shewe of kindnesse , and himselfe entertained with all gracious respect , not onely at the kings hands , but of the principallest men in office or fauour about the court , and so for that time was dismissed , the chiefest men attending him backe to the place where he tooke horse . some fiue dayes after , sir anthonie sherley comming to audience , and thinking to haue ridden in as he did before a chaine was hung crosse the entrance of the mushward , which he perceyuing onely done to hinder his passage , would not alight from his horse , but returned backe verie discontented . this being certified to boferes , presently three of his chiefest alkeyds were sent to qualifie the matter . but sir anthonie tooke the disgrace not as his owne , but his whose person he represented , telling the alkeyds , his maister the emperour , was able & would requite the iniury , neither did he feare , though now within the power of boferes , knowing the greatnesse of him in whose seruice hee was imployed , so farre surpassing the king of morruecos , as maugre the proudest he would be fetched from thence , and bee fully renenged of the least iniurie done vnto him . the three alkeyds layde the blame vpon the kings porter , offering sir anthonie the porters head if he would haue it , so spending an houre to pacifie his choller , and bring him backe , the porter before his face was sore beaten and imprisoned , neither euer after was he hindered of riding thorow the mushward . during his abode in morruecos , which was fiue moneths , boferes and he had diuerse priuate conferences , as it was generally thought , which way to keepe him in the kingdome against his two brethren , sheck and sidan ; as also to giue the great l●…ke a blow to driue him out of argiers and tunes . from moruecos sir anthonie departed with great content to himselfe , and good liking of boferes , of whom he bought two portingall gentlemen for a hundred and fiftie thousand ounces , which amounteth to some ten thousand pound sterling . these two had beene captines in morruecos almost 16. yeares , the one , sonne to the uiceroy of the east indies , the other of a noble house in portingal . the first had his resgat thrise sent for to ransom him out of the east indies , but twise it was taken by the english , once by flemings during our late watres with them : the other , his brethren driue him of for his res●…at , either to saue so much money , or not able to pay so great a fine . to accompanie him from the court to saphie was sent one of the kings gentlemen ushers , to whom at his parting he threw him his hat which hee wore , from his head , with a iewell of great value , rewarding largely all the ushers followers . for his guard ( the wayes being then very daungerous ) was sent downe with him , foure hundred shot , vnder the commaund of alkeyd abdela sinko , a portingall re negado , ( which is a christian turned moore . ) this man , whether by perswasion , or voluntarily , desiring to see his nati●…e countrey , in the night gat aboard of the ship sir edwin rich was in , not sir anthonies , the ship presently weying anchor made saile for spaine , but the other remaining with sir anthonie in the harbour . this dealing was taken in ill part , insomuch that ●…ue of his men being sent to shore for certaine prouision which they lacked , were cla●…yed vp in prison , and sent in chaines to morruecos , but afterward released . sir anthonie writing to the king , both to cleare himselfe of the fact , and desiring remedie for these his new sustained grieuances , set a good shew vpon the matter , stayd foure dayes after the other ship which had carried away the alkeyd , and would haue carried vntill hee had his 〈◊〉 men againe , but that he was written vnto to bee gon●… from an especiall friend a shore , aduising him he did not well to ride so long in the port , diuers flemish-men of warre being abroad , and if any should chaunce to come in there , as seldome it is without , they finding these two gentlemen as prize would sease vppon them , and then was there lost thirtie fiue thousand ounces , which a marchants factor had lent sir anthonie sherley to cleare him out of the country , for which the factor had the two portugales bound to pay this debt at their arriuall in lisbon . upon this aduertisement hee departed , and the next day boferes sent him a letter , to cleare his men . and so i returne to the ●…le of my continued history . cap. xii . muley abdela goeth in person against muley boferes ; driueth him out of moruecos ; putteth to death basha iudar , and other noble men . mvley sheck , putting his sonne abdela forward to the whole commaund of the armie , himselfe meaning to sa●… one , kept in allarocha thrée italian ships , purposing if matters prospered not well , with treasure sufficient to go to florence : but the battaile not fought , his determination altered , ●…or he e presently seized all stranger●… ships which came either to laratch , salie , or other parts , as also some marchants ships of ●…es , robbing them of their goods , making the marriners land their pieces , and all the men either to serue him , or else to haue the yron giuen them . hereb●…●…e ●…tted himself●… of captaine●… and souldiers being en●…sh , french , and dutch , with 27. p●…eces of ordinan●…e and shot therevnto sufficient . and so ●…red the minde of his sonne abdela , with hope of winning moruecos ( being of himselfe drunken with the ambitions desire of a kingdome ) that abdela about the latter ●…nde of nouember 1606. marched to moruecos with his troupes being some ten thousand horse and foote , besides his christian marriners , whose helpe wonne him the field , fought some sixe myles southeast from moruecos , on the eight of december 1606. sheck bore his sonne company no farther then salie , from whence three houres riding is a riuer called mamora , into which bay the italian shippes put in : sheck went thither , and hard by the shippes vppon the shoare pitched his tent wherein he lay , part of his treasure béeing shipped , himselfe determining there to stay , and expect the euent of his sonne , if it passed well with him , then affricke should hold him , otherwise to visite the great duke of thuscane , on whose courtesie he much rested . but the christian gunners so well obserued their times of shooting and placing their ordinance , as they gotte abdela the field , hoping thereby to haue obtained both libertie , and pillage , of which most of them poore men fayled ▪ as afterward you shall read . when sheck heard abdela had gotte moruecos , hee grew careles to send prouision or supplie the wants of his thrée italian shippes , wherefore they set saile from mamora homewards , taking such treasure for their pay as were in their custodies . boferes lost in this battaile about sir hundred men , fled into the citie to saue his treasure and his women , but for feare of being surprised , durst not tarry to take his treasure away with him , but in all hast poasted toward the mountaines , willing the alkeids and chiefest men of his court to bring it after him , with the rich swo●…rd , the like whereof is not in the world : committing also to their conduct his daughter , and the ch●…isest of his women , amongst whome was the wise of ben wash the kings marchant . at the entrie of the hilles a kindred of the larbies being fiue hundred horsemen , seized vppon these people , pillaged their cariages , rifled and dishonoured the women , not sparing boferes daughter , ( whome abdela determined to haue married , but hearing diuers mores to haue lyen with her , & also y● shée was suspected to haue liued in incest with her father ; after his enterance into moruecos , he neuer enquired farther after her . the alkeids being well mounted by the swiftnesse of their horses , returned backe to moruecos , and there tooke sanctuarye . abdela vppon their submission promised them pardon , on whose princelie word ( they relying ) came foorth , the foker of the place presenting them : but muley abdela , whether incited by enuious counsell , or on his owne bloody minde , putteth them so secretly to death , that sending all their heads in one sacke to fes , for a present to his father , their deaths was not fullie known in the citie of mo●…uccos , before their heads were set vppon fcs gates . here was the end of basha iudar a great souldier in olde hamets time , a faithfull commaunder during his life to boferes , accompanyed with sedy gowie , alkeid a●… his sonne , alkeid moden the cassemie , and some foure great men more . cap. xiii . muley sidan commeth against muley abdela ; getteth moruecos from him ; killeth eight thousand of his men ; and vpon colde blood causeth 3000. thousand f●…zees to bee slaine , yeelding vppon good composition . this tyranny of abdela shewed vppon these valiant and woorthy men ; and the spoyle which the fezees had made aswell in robbing the alkeids houses , as in ry●…ing the citizens goods , and committing aloutrages which follow war , caused many flie to muley sidan , and the rest which remained in moruecos grew●… discontented , so that the sunne-●…hine of abdelas happines scarse lasted two moneths : for sidan resting in the halfe way between moruecos and fes , taking oportunity of this vproare of the townsemen , marched toward moruecos on the north side of the towne , determining to giue present battaile , hearing by the scow●…s , that muley abdela his campe was looged in the great garden or orchard called the almowetto , being some two english myles about . the first night of sidans approach , the prisoners were released and prisons broken open , so that these men getting liberty , ran halfe mad vp and downe the cittie , crying long liue sidan , which troubled the citizens not a little : and in this vproare , sidans faction let into the citi●… ( at a secret gate ) many of his souldiers , which made a sally vpon the regiment of zal●… , meaning to haue surprised abdelas campe , but himselfe comming to the rescue with two thousand men , continued a hotte skirmish against the sidanians , in which the christians fought valiantly to recouer their péeces of artillery which were lost , vntill the sidanians were forced to retyre . the next day being the 25 of aprill stilo nouo , abdela remooued towards muley sidan who was encamped on the north side of the citie , not daring to come on the south-side , for feare of the shot which galled his men from the battlements of the kings house . therefore he hearing of abdelas remoue and intending to venture his fortune vpon a present battaile , set forward to méete him with a regiment of his best horse : abdela perceauing this caused his canoni●… to march formost ▪ which could but place fiue pieces of their artillery in a ●…rest ▪ because the orchards and gardens made the passages ●…ery narowe and straight where as the armies should m●…te ▪ sidan●… horsemen gaue 〈◊〉 very gallant charge , but the canonier●… made them retyre : which abde●… hors●… ▪ men perceiuing , being encouraged , and too eager of the chase , some thousand horse galloped before their own ordinance , and followed their enemie close to sidans campe , their péeces of artillary being drawne after them . muley sidan well knowing the aduantage of the place , séeing his enemies depriued of the benefit of their great ordinance , which he most feared , encouraged his men to kéepe their ground , and bringing with his owne person fresh supplies to second them , gaue his aduersaries the abdelians so hotte a charge , that they were faine to retire in great disorder , vpon the mouths of their owne artillary . this dis array perceiued by the christian gunners , it put them in minde to discharge vppon their owne men the abdelians , holding it better to kill fiue or sixe hundred of their owne side , then to loose the battaile . but the more , who was captaine ouer the canoniers and other commaunders , would not suffer it : wherefore the sidanians following in good order , and very close , fell to the execution with their swords , surprised the artillery , and flew the men . the slaughter continued some foure houres , betwixt seauen or eight thousand killed , and fewe to speake on left aliue , for what the souldiers spared , the citizens in reuenge of their disorders , pillages , and villanies done to their women , bereaued them of their liues , who being dead were not suffered to bée buried , but lay aboue the ground as a prey to the dagges and sowles of the ayre . heauie likewise was the conquerors hand vppon the christians which tooke abdelas part , most of them for their fiue moneths seruice to abdela , were either slaine in the fury of battaile , or after had his throat cut . and this was the ende of them , who had liued in the streights of gibraltar and the mediterranean sea , not as marchants by honest trading , but hauing committed spoyle vpon diuers seafaring men , felt the bloody hande of a barbarous nation , ( as a deserued punishment sent from god ) to execute iustice for their manifold committed wrongs and outrages . this battaile ▪ being lost with the greatest bloodshed that any hath béen since these warres beganne , muley abdela fledde to fes , a hundred persons of his whole armie not left aliue to beare him company : and sidan maister of the field , entered the citie of mor●…uecos , hauing another taske to take in hand ere hée could settle himselfe quietly in his owne nest . for the kings house being castle wise builded , and seuered from the citty with a defencible and a stronge wall , lacking no kind of munition for the defence thereof , had within it , besides souldeirs of morruecos , three thousand fezees who were not at the last battaile , but left there to guard the place for abdela . these presuming on their owne valour and strength of the place , denyed to render it vppon any tearmes to sidan , though they were sollicited , during the space of twoo dayes , by all faire meanes therevnto : sidan bringing his artillary to the walles , yet delayed as loath to deface a building so strong , costly , and beautifull ; so that in the meane time a captaine whose house ioyned to the wall , by stealth with fiue hundred men , scaled and wonne the top of the wall , crying , victory 〈◊〉 muley sidan , which so amazed the souldiers within , thinking the forces which were entered farre greater then they were , without more adoe or offering to resist , they tooke sanctnary in the great church belonging to the kings house , euery man with his piece and furniture about him . muley sidan vpon this , sent basha seleman , willing them to deliuer vp their armes , with promise they shuld be pardoned , which presently they did , yéelding and deliuering both swords and peeces . thus disarmed , they séely soules came forth , when presently after , message came from the king to butcher and cut the throates of them'all , which was executed . a pittifull matter in my iudgement , so many men yeelding vpon good composition , after furie of battaile , vpon cold blood to be made so pittifull a spectacle : it was bootlosse for them to alledge either law or reason in defence of their liues , such is the miserie & slauerie of that people , whose goods and liues lieth alwayes in the will of the king , either to saue , or destroy at his pleasure . some colour sidan had for his tyrannie , thinking these fezees would neuer be woonne wholy to be his , but vpon fit time , and euerie little occasion reuolt from him : secondly , he ment to requite abdela lege talionis , for putting so many commaunders to death , prizing euerie one of their liues , worth thrée hundred common souldiers . cap. xiiii . sidan sendeth great preparationsagainst abdela : who af-after composition , murdereth vorie neare three thousand sidanians . sidans bloodie decree against the shraceis for their offence . now is sidan setled in morruecos but scarce secure , for the chiefest men in the citie wished an alteration , because their king to get their money and wealth to maintaine his owne estate , began to picke quarrels with them , making some who began to speake and repine at his doings , lose their heads , quoniam ganis mortuus non latrat . the common people whose naturall condition is alwayes to desire nouelties , wished for a newe king , feeling his oppression , and the famine whereof many dyed , grewe carelesse of peace , thinking euerie change would bring a remedie , when indeed it was like the incision of an vnskilful surgion , not ouring the maladie , but making the wound wider , gangrend , and incurable . sidan purposing to purge this malecontented humour of the comminaltie , rat●…ed an armie of twelue thousand foote , and sixe thousand horse , determining to take fes . the chiefe men of commaund ouer thi●… armie , were these , basha mus●…efa , alkeyd hamet benbreham , alkeyd ally tahila , alkeyd gago , and alkeyd hadoe tobib , with diuers others : muley ▪ sidan not going in person with this armie , least in his absence morruecos the seate of the empire should reuolt . muley sheck hearing these newes , went to allarocha , there tooke a great flemish ship from the marchant , with all the goods in her , therein shipping his tre asure , determining to run away , ichis sonns abdela should lose fes . abdela omitted no time to gather new forces , so that in small time hee thought himselfe sufficient to méete the sidanians in open field , and so hee did neare to mickanes , where the people on sidans part , missing their king in the field , or any one of the bloo●… royall refused to fight , and in stead of striking , fell to parl●…y ; that if abdola would pardon them , they would yeeld , and so they did , yet most of them ranne away , except three thousand morruekyns , who presuming vpon abdelas gentle nature , stayd with him , hoping kind entertainment into his pay , in stead wherof , muley abdela commaunded all their throats to bee cut , graunting them onely this fauour : first to bee stripped for fowling their cloathes . thus we may see , mercilesse sidan butcher poore soules at morruecos ▪ pittilesse abdela murder these vnfortunate slaues at mickanes , both verefying the old prouerbe , quicquid delirant rog●…s , plectu●…tur achiui . in this battaile were taken betwixt thirtie and fortie english men , who serued muley sidan as canoniers , yet not any of that companie which serued abdela at morruecos when he lost the citie and field , but other voluntaries , part of these fledde with the bodie of the armie backe is morruecos , part were taken , whome abdela spared , as well in regarde of former seruices the nation had done him , as also for the presen●… vse her was to employ them in this expedition of sidans comming to so vnlooked a disaster , made him send forth his commanders with diuers companies , to the alarbies , for fresh supplie of men and treasure : amongst which as chiefe was dispéeded basha seleman maister of the old kings horse for tastlet , there to gouerne the countrey , carrying with him some fifteene hundred shot , of which sixe hundred were shracies , people of the king of chaus , or coucoes country , who hath alwayes warrs with algers or argiers . these shraceis were borne in the mountaines of atlas , being of a fierce and bloodie nature , not respecting the turkes might or gouernment , no more then the montaniers of mo●…ecos , will acknowledge the soueraintie of the barbarian . some twelue hundred of these had sidan in his pay , halfe part whereof he kept at monuecos , the other was sent with s●…leman . these amongst themselues sell into a mutenie , neither for want of pay or ill vsage , but in desire to doe a mischiefe , by force cut off the bashas head , carrying it with them as a trophie of their victorie , and a fit present to winne abd●…las sauour , who was then at fes , whither they went for intertainment . s dan here with moued made proclamation , that for three moneths what shracee soeuer , souldier , or any other , were to bee found in mor●…uecos , or else where in his d●…minions , should be put to the sworde , and to haue it better and more fully executed it was proclaimed that the man●…eller should haue the goodes of the shrac●… so killed . many rich men of this nation or kindred res●…ant in mor●…uecos , felt the furie of the sworde , for the follie and foule fault of their tribe : such as coul●… get packing , ran away , others of the better sort , their friends hid them in their houses , vntill sidan scared with 〈◊〉 of abdelas comming towards him proclaimed generall pardon for the remainder left aliue , and free passage of trading or commerce for any shracee which would venture to moruecos , yet few durst come vpon these goodly termes ; or those who lay hid in morruecos , if they were worth any thing ▪ shew themselues in publique , for feare this were a pretence to bring the residue vnto the halter . those shracees who were sole causers of this massacre , beeing with abdela at fes , dayly moued him to goe towardes morruecos , vowing euery man to die in his cause , and for reuenge of their wiues children and friends , who had smarted for their sakes . abdela something animated with their offers , yet delayed , knowing his forces farre inferior vnto sidans , vntill still vrged by the shracies which had brought from the mountaines some store of their kindred , verie able and resolute men to his ayde , he set forwards about the latter end of august towards morruecos , determining to giue battaile once more to muley sidan . of what strength abdelas armie consisted , the certaintie is not knowne , but ghessed to be very near fifteene thousand horse and foote . cap. xv. sidan flieth : the death of the valiant captaine iohn giffard , and diuers english men . abdela regaineth morruecos . mmuley sidan was verie strong , for beside his owne souldiers , the morruecans ayded him with eight thousand men , and diuers tribes sent supplies to augment his forces . hee had twoo hundred english , the most of them voluntaries , sixtie field peeces , with sufficient shot and powder . ouer the english and all the christians was generall captaine iohn giffard a gentleman of a worthy spirit , and discended from the auncient and honourable stemme of the giffards in buckinghamshire . upon his first entertainment and welcome into the countrey ; sidan bestowed vpon him a rich sword , valued at a thousand marks , and a scarlet cloake , richly imbrodered with pearle , sent as a present to muley hamet , the kings father , from our late soueraigne of famous memorie quéene elizabeth , besides manie other extraordinarie fauours of good value , and often conuersing familiarly , yea , sometimes visiting captaine giffard at his owne tent. his entertainment was twentie fiue shillings per diom , besides many supplies proceeding from the kings bountie . with him as secondarie men in charge , was one maister philip giffard , his neare and verie deare kinsman , captaine iaques a verie valiant souldier , captaine smith one of the most exquisite enginers in europe , captaine baker an ancient brytaine souldier , captaine tailer , captaine faukes , captaine chambers , captaine isack , men euerie way able to vndergoe their seuerall commaunds . these were dayly stipendaries at twelue shillings a man , except the two sea captaines , isack , and chambers , who had foure shillings a day , and euerie common souldier twelue pence truly payed them . these preparations considered , muley sidan had small reason to leaue the field , or feare abdelas forces , being nothing in respect of his . ●…ut certaine it is , the muley sending for his wisards , soothsayers , willing them to foretell that hee might foreknow the successe of his embattailed armie : their answere was , he should loose the battaile , be driuen into sus : within fiue moneths : should regaine morruecos , and there during life enioy the kingdom . upon this answere , the muley giuing great credit thervnto , as the nature of a barbarian is verie suspicious , commanded basha mus●…a with 3000. souldiers to conuey away his mother , wiues , and children . to alkeyd hamet benbreham and hado 〈◊〉 , he commended the charge of his treasure , who laded sixtie m●…les with gold , garding them and the muleters , with two thousand of his 〈◊〉 shot . these 〈◊〉 ●…ded , it may appeare sidan but honered , and would follow , yet the battailes met the 26. of no●… . 1607. some sisteene miles from the city of moruecos , the canoniers of muley sidan , part hauing in the forefront discharged , there enemies being somewhat farre off , but before they could charge again , the enemie was with them . the shrac●…es did not once discharge a peece , great nor small , but ioyning themselues close to the abdelians , charged the sidanians verie fiercely with their sables , reuenge of sidans tyrannie shewed vppon their kindred , enraging their minds and courages , or their faithfull promise ( which they sought to make good ) to abdela , made them put the sidanians to flight : or els it was sidans feare that hee shoulde not make good his southsayers prophecie , which made his men to runne away . for at the first encounter , his moores fell into a di●…-arraay , & presently into a dishonorable flight , whervpon muley sidan fled , sent th the english captaines to be gone , and to captaine giffard a good horse to saue him selfe . the english returned word , that they came not thither to r●… , but rather die an honourable death . captaine giffard encouraged his men , telling them there was no hope of victorie , but to 〈◊〉 and die like men , like english men , and then asking for his iaq ues whom he loued dearely , and taking a 〈◊〉 in his hand , thought to haue rode vnto him , being told he was not sixscore frō him , and to haue died together , but in the way captaine giffard being charged by eight abdelians , one behinde him shot him thorow , and so was he there ●…aine . few of al the english nation were left aliue , the number not exceeding thirtie , and none of the commaunders escaped except captaine isack & captaine faukes , of the mores were not slaine in all fortie persons . sidan being gone , as loath to tarry , spend bloud , and winne a field , abdela got the ground his enemyes marched vppon , but no great victory , entered morruecos without applause or reioyce of the citizens , some yet feeling his late done iniuryes , sory for the losse of sidan , who had prooued a tyrant , nor welcomming abdela vpon hope of amendment , but with policy and patience fitted themselues to the misery of the time : abdela once againe maister of moruecos , got the kings house , but found no treasure to reléeue his wants , great were his promises to rewarde the shraceis with bounty , and enrich his followers . when the citty was recouered , now hée hauing it , there fayled of his expectation , and his souldiers lacking both meat and money : yet to kéepe them still in hope , and so in gouernment , it was bruited the yong king had found a well full of treasure within the house which muley hamet xarif had layed vp for a deare yeare , but this good newes quicklye vanished , the well not yéelding water to refresh their fainting stomacks . therefore the shraceis hauing released their kindred , recouered their wiues and children , which had escaped the fury and bloody decrée of sidan the last king , they tooke good words and kind vsages of abdela in lieu of payment , séeing moruecos neither afforded them meat nor abdelas fortune further maintenance , and so thrée thousand of them departed at one time . muley abdela with the restdue of his forces kept moruecos , labouring by all possible meanes to giue his souldiers content , and kéepe them together , so with much a●… he liued in moruecos some two moneths , during which time muley sidan was gathering a fresh army in sus. cap. xvi . muley hamet bosonne commeth against abdela , and causeth him flie to his father . boferes like to bee taken , flyeth to salie . muley sidan commeth against muley hamet bosonne : who flieth , and is poysonned by old azus . but whilest abdela and sidan were contriuing their owne ends , there arised a storme in the mountaines which fell in the plainēs of moruecos , the tempest driuer was one muley hamet bosonne , cosine to the thrée brethren which haue striuen for the kingdome . this man gathering treasure , and temporising with them all thrée , so played their game , that finding their weaknes which these quarrels had brought them vnto , vppon a suddaine séeing his time went into the mountaines to his mothers kindred , mustered very neare 20. thousand able men , the muley being well prouided of treasure , gaue them due pay and large , winning them to his respect & seruice , so that in lesse then two moneths space , hée gotte all thinges in readines , descended from the tessevon mountaines towards moruecos . this news brought to abdela was very vnwelcome , yet ( calling his wittes and councell together ) it was concluded considering the shraceis were gone , his remnant of souldiers féeble and out of heart , and the moruecans daily fled to hamet bosonne , whose vprising like a blazing starre drew their eyes vppon him , that abdela should trauell to fes , which he might well doe without a guide , hauing heretofore vppon like necessities , often measured the myles : and though he was determined so to doe , yet a small occasion hastened his iourney , for some myle from abdelas campe , vpon a hill on the backside of morruecos , a man being séen with a speare in his hand , and a white linnen vppon it as a flagge . abdela thought hamet bosonne to be with his whole forces behinde the hill , when hee was a full daies march from moruecos : therfore in all hast he tooke vp some of his tens , but the greater part left standing in a manner , being feared , ranne away . and afterward when this matter was discouered , which abdela held a token of his surprise , it was nothing else but a poore more washing his napery , and for the spéedier drying vsed this meanes which terrifyed abdela from the seate of his empire , to fes the safest place for his abode . lylla isha sidans mother hearing of hamet bosonnes approach , was perswaded his mouements were onely to defend her sonnes right , knowing bosonne of late fauoured sidans title , comming into his pay , and in person seruing the muley at the last battaile when sidan fled into sus. herevppon shée sent diuers captaines , part of her owne guard , others of her freinds and kindred to his ayde , thinking he would haue taken moruecos for sidan . but bosonne hauing entered the citie peaceably , proclaymed himselfe king , dismissed all sidans fauourers , which were not willing to bee his seruants , who returned to their lady mistresse , certifying her error and their successe : his treasure he imparted largely to his followers , by strong hand desired no mans seruice , but those who were willing ▪ some thirtie english men remayning , wearie of their sustained misery , and the state of the country , he gaue them licence to imbarke , and writte to the gouernour of saphia to giue them their passe , notice whereof being giuen to the factor marine , for the english he disparted them into diuers shippes with all conueniency , though to his cost and charges charity to helpe the distressed soules , and loue to his natiue country , moouing him there vnto . this muley hamet bosonne during the time of his gouernment was a very good and iust man , offered no discourteste , or tooke away any mans goods , but payed the marchants trulie for the same , who liked well his currant and true dealing . bosonnes mother hearing her sonne was setled in morruecos , brought what strength shée could from the mountaines , and in her way knowing boferes lodged in a fortresse , whervnto he was fled , not to be well guarded , shée beset the house , meaning to take the muley prisoner , who being doyde of meanes to resist in the night , made a hole through the wall and so escaped priuately to salie , a porte towne within the iurisdiction of his brother sheck , where at this day he remaineth . on the morrow betimes , bosonnes mother with her men entered the fort , mi●…ing boferes , cut off the head of vmsed benbela one of his chiefest seruants , and commanders : then went shée forward to congratulate her sonnes comming to the kingdome , béeing then in moruecos . but an empyre ill got , is seldome séene of long continuance , for within lesse than two moneths , muley sidan came out of sus with a great army , for whose ayde lylla isha sould her iewels , and plate , to furnish her sonne with swords , pykes , horsemen , staues , and other war-like munition . on the other side hamet bosonne prepared to welcome his cousine the muley sidan ; so about the beginning of aprill 1608. both their forces met hard by morruecos where a chiefe of a kindred one grufe which came out of sus , a great wyne drinker , alwaies a fauourer of muley sidan ( though little valuing any of the thrée kings ) presuming vppon his owne strength and valour , desired the honour that hée might giue charge vppon the enemy with fiue hundred horse which was his owne regiment , and of his owne kindred : sidan refused to graunt him his request , therefore the casima tooke his owne leaue and gaue the enemy a full charge vppon the body of his army , which receauing him very brauely , the casima and his company were in great danger to bée ouerthrowen : but sidan to reléeue him , sent fiue hundred horsemen of his owne : so with these thousand , the casima broke the ran●… of bosonnes battalions , then with their sables fell to execution , vntil the whole campe séeing the field lost , fled towards the mountaines : thus sidan without further resistance entering morruecos , resting there in quiet thrée moneths , vntill hamet boson recouering now forces in iuly following , presented himselfe before the citie , trusting as well vppon his owne strength , as the loue of the citizens : hoping his good and gentle vsage when hee was amongst them , would haue bred a liking in them , of his milde and gentle gouernment : but either the seruile minde of the multitude little respected his fore-passed kindnesse , or the feare of sidan made them loath to shewe any signe of good will , for at his approach no man in the citie was knowen to drawe a swoord in his defence . so on the eight of iuly bosonne was discomfited with the losse of some thousand men , fledde to the mountaines , where within foure dayes after alkeid azus got him poysoned , hoping thereby to winne the fauour of muley sidan . this azus is aged and subtill , by his long experience best knoweth the secrets of that state , was brought vp vnder abdela , muley hamet xarifs brother , and for his counsell to abdela , willing him 〈◊〉 or to put out the eyes of hamet xarif , or cut his throate , was in daunger to haue lost his life when hamet xarif came to be king , but the wisedome of the man wonne such respect with hamet , that of a prisoner , he made him his chiefest councellor , and master of his treasury , during whose life time his behauiour was such , as he wonne great loue among the commons , nobility , and many of the blood royall . when old hamet dyed , he was in his campe neare fes , and after his death rested all his loue vpon muley sidan ( holding him the prime man and fittest of the thrée brethren , to rule the kingdome , ) vntill both he and sidy imbark could not counsell and rule muley sidan , for his owne good and benefit of the common weale , being headstronge , and would take no mans counsell but to his owne liking and hurt , therefore sedy abdela imbark went to his contemplation at aca : and azus to a castle in the mountaines , which hée had stored with treasure against a storme , or to refresh the winter of his age , from whence he will not come downe , vntill he sée some hope of peace , hauing at this instant more treasure in his coffers , then all the three brethren besides , and hopeth to kéepe it beeing in the middest of his friends and kindered , and in a place as well fortified as any in barbarie . cap. xvii . muley sheck sendeth iohn elyna into spaine 〈◊〉 the mores are against their landing . mvley sheck séeing his sonne abdela returned to 〈◊〉 , his souldiers part lost , the residue wearied with trauels and out of heart , his treasure all spent , nothing left : sidan chasing bosonne to the mountaines , who was there dispatched of his life , recouering the citie , and likely to keepe it against them all : fearefull lest sidans ne●…t enterprise would bée to rowze him out of fes , fell in conference with an italian marchant named iohn etina making him his agent , to go into spaine ▪ there to conclude , that if the catholique king would ayde him with men and money to recouer his right , there should be deliuered vp into his hand●…s , allaroche , saly , alcasar , and other townes lying fit for his mouth : this negotiation was well entertained . and iohn etina was promised for his labour in this businesse , and bringing it to effect , vppon the deliuery of the porte townes , to haue yearely paied him twoo thousand duckets during his life . in iune last past , this matter was first mooued , since which time in the latter end of august , as my author telleth mée , seauen gallions , and the gallies of naples , in all a hundred sayle , well manned with store of pyoners to raise forts , went to allaroche , thinking to bee receaued , but thirtie thousand alarbees came downe to the shore , not allowing any such neighborhoode , though they holde the andelusian halfe their bloud . it is reported the gouernour offered them the keyes of allaroche , if they would land : but tolde them they came somewhat to soone before matters were ripe , or could bee effected as sheck did desire for the king of spaines benefite . thus are they returned missing of their designes , and for this yeare likely to fayle of making their maister the onely commander of both sides the streights of gybraltar . whether sir anthonie sherley was ymployed in this seruice , it is not certainely knowen ▪ some are of opinion that he was induced therevnto , because they haue formerly hearde the king of spaine hath royally rewarded him for his trauailes with boferes , by giuing him the places and pay of two captaines in the indies , made him admirall of the leuant seas , and next in place to the uizeroy of naples , hauing for his entertaynment fiue hundred duckets a moneth : without question hee knoweth well the state of that vnciuill and barbarous nation , hauing an apprehending and admirable witte to conceaue the disposition of any people with whom he shall conuerse , whilest he was amongst them , he behaued himselfe very well toward the better sort , winning credit with them , & gayning y● loue of the poorer sort excéedingly , by his larges ( for if a more or slaue gaue him but a dish of dates , hée should receiue a reward as from an emperour ) & howsoeuer some may holde this a vice , counting him a lauisher : yet by this meanes he came to the knowledge of that which otherwise hee neuer should haue attained vnto . the more credible fame is , sir anthonie was not with this fléete , therefore they sped neuer the better , for had hee béene in company , and had commaund , hee would either haue taken footing , or ventured all , scorning to returne with doing nothing , and so bee laughed at . this may bee a caueat for great men , not to vndertake great matters & exployts , but vppon certaine ground and weighty reason , for else the enuious eye of the world looking vppon them , and marking their actions , will deride , if they sée them faile in their enterprizes . now gentle reader , must i with these galleys returne to the safe and calme harbour of your fauour and gentlenes : séeing the sunne declyneth towardes the winter tropike , the 〈◊〉 will beginne to runne high and rough ; if they should ●…anshe further into the maine , perchance they might bee weather beaten . euen so for me to write without aduise , is to saile at randome , which would quickely be found in your wisedome , how i ventured without my sea-card , and might without more directions , easily make shippe-wracke of my smale burden , not valuable i confesse , yet will be better prised , if it passe your friendly censure . therefore here will i strike sayle , leauing sheck with his sonne abdela in fes : boferes either at salie , or vppon the sea coaste , redier to flye , then to fight . sidan holding the sterne at morruecos , hoping to guide his tossed barke during the prophecy . spaine a great monarch , desiring to take better hold in affrique then tituan , hauing at this instant muley sheck ( commonly called prince de morruecos , the right heyre in discent from the stemme of hamet sheck xarif ) in his safe kéeping , who was the first man which gotte the empire from the marines , and translated it into his owne family . the damnable religion of the incredulous more or barbarian . the false prophet mahomet , calling to counsell a iew and a fryer to make his lawe , extracted out of the olde lawe what he found for his liking : and likewise , preuerted places in the newe testament , which by a wrong and sinfull wresting , might séeme fit for his purpose . out of these two and the fancies of his own braine , the deuill being register , mahomet compiled his alcaron : to please the iew hee tolde him moses was cillim vlla , that is , the word of god , because hee spake to the israelites as god commanded him . to winne fauour with the fryer , hee confessed our sauiour christ was of great off éeme , calling him sedy nysa , and with all sayd he was rohala , that is , the breath of god , borne of the uirgine marie after a strange fashion , whome he called lylla mariam , but not incarnate : confessed that of her was borne a prophet to saue the world , to whome all should haue giuen eare , and haue belieued . but the iewes ( before he had finished the woorke of our saluation ) would not heare . but sought to crucifie him . wherevpon christ seeing the iewes so obstinate , ascended vp into heauen , putting another man in his place to bee crucified , whom they did torment , for which cause the iewes are at this day slaues amongst them : that christ shall come againe , and at his comming all shall be one , and gathered into one shéepfold . their false prophet mahomet , whom they call rosulla , that is the messenger of god , was but a larbee as they were , but god gaue vnto him power and vnderstanding , to make an end of the law , which the iewes would not suffer christ to doe : and most blasphemously alledge , that place in the sixteenth of saint iohns gospel , to be meant of mahomet , expedit vobis vt ego vadam , si enim non abiero , paracletus non veniet advos ; si autem abiero , mittam ●…um advos . images they disallow , either in churches or priuate oratories , holding this principle , none can forgiue sinnes , but god onely . other booke of religion then their alcoran none may vse , neither anie explains by writing the meaning of any place therein , be he neuer so learned . therefore if any doubt , he must goe to the priest called talby , and of him be resolued . smal learning maketh a talby , which is onely to learne the alcoran without booke , and it is thus learned : first , he bath written him a lesson vpon a boord like vnto a horn-booke , when he hath learned that memoriter , then is it wiped out , and a new written , which beeing learned without booke●… , is againe wiped out , so a third , so a fourth , vntill he hath learned it all , and then hee may be made a talby . circumcision they vse , and a kinde of baptisme , but at their owne houses , not in the churches , because women vsed about the lauature , may not enter the sinagogue : first , because of their often vncleannesse , secondly , for their offence , because eue incited adam to 〈◊〉 ▪ ( the like custom for their women is amongst the iewes ) therefore the moore when a sonne or daughter is borne , the eight vay after their birth , the parents send for a talby , and some old men and women , where after a fewe prayers said , the women wash the childe all ouer with water , and so giue the name , making a banket according to the mans abilitie , but it may be , the child shall not bee circumcised of two , three , or eight yeares after , according as the father doth thinke good , for then he maketh great bankets : and vsually to saue cost , hath a child marryed , or some of his kindred vpon that day . they haue foure principall feasts . the easter which is calld rumedan , preceding this feast is their lent , about the constitution of which , their prophet finding it hard to fast fortie dayes together , abated them tenne , so they fast but thirtie , yet is it verie hard , for after day breaketh , they take no manerof suste●…ance in the world , not so much as a sup of water before night that the stars doe appeare , so strict are they when their lent falleth high in the yeare , ( which it must needes doe , because their yeare is shorter than ours by ten dayes , reckoning by the moone , not by the moneth , ) as many grow faint with fasting , and my authour saith , he hath seene diuers layd before the church doore , readie to giue vp the ghost for drought , and some haue died , holding it ( no question ) something meritorious to die in seeking to fulfill their law. and once the same gentleman trauailing to morruecos with certaine moores in his companie in their time of lent , one of the moores being thirstie with heate and trauaile , went to a conduit in the streetes of moruecos to drink a little water : but the people so wondered at him , and reuiled the poore slaue , crying out hee knew not god , for breaking in publique their lawe , ( though it doth admit one may breake the fast for great necessitie a day or two in his trauaile , so hee take vpon his conscience to fast as many dayes as hee hath missed , before the next rumedan come againe ) that the poore slaue seeing himselfe condemned of his owne people , and dishonoured before the christian trauailers , in a desperate minde ( which may be counted zeale ) killed himselfe with his owne dagger . the iewes in that countrey obserue a lent , in remembrance of their fortie yeares iourney in the wildernesse , but diuide the forty dayes of this their lent equally , into euery moneth some . their second feast called lidlaber , celebrated about our whitsontide , is kept in remembrance of abrahams obedience , in sacrificing his sonne isaac , therefore the moore be he poore or rich , for himselfe , and for euerie sonne he hath , will buy a shéepe against the day , when euery one must kill his shéepe with his owne hands . and the king both the like , slaying one with his owne hand , turning the head into the east . the iewes in their church or synagogue , thrée or foure times when they are at praiers , ●…o blow a shéepes horne , in remembrance of this feast , but not euery one bloweth it , only the greatest raby , or high priest for solémnitie sake doth it . their third feast is like to our michaelmasse , called lashour , which the iewes kéepe as the feast of tabernacles . the moore celebrateth it after his inning of corne and fruits . the king maketh vse of this positiue law , strengthning it with his authoritie , as also with the habite and cloake of religion and conscience , thereby to make his subiect , pay the tenths ( due to bee payed at that time ) of all his corne and cattle , both young and old , with greater alacritie : all which commeth vnto the kings coffers . like wise at this time the common people should pay the tenth of their money to the poore and church : something indéed they giue , but if the king bée payed , y● oftentimes is winked at , their church hauing no command to compell y● laitie to pay their due : for the temporall sword since augustines time , who ( as many 〈◊〉 report hath preached in morruecos , and not ●…arre from thence lieth buried ) hath beaten downe the key of the prelacie , the beautie of which being taken from them , no doubt is the greatest cause of their barbarisme and slauerie . there fourth ●…east is their candlemasse day , called lidshemaw , when euery one must haue a candle for him selfe , and for euery sonne in his house . the king that day hath candles carried to him thorow the citie , some like maypoles , other like castles , sixe or eight men carrying one of them , they are so great and heauie , made so ●…ne with deuises , as some are in making sixe moneths . that night the king doth heare all his law read , and the like is done in all other churches : likewise , vpon their good fryday in lent , the law is re●… ouer , and the talby which can not read it ouer in one night , is held as insufficient for his place and function . many of their learned men sit vp all that night , because many of the denotest moores will watch the ●…ight thorow to heare their law , not in remembrance of our sauiour christ is this méeting , but rather to supp●…e the sparkes of christianitie in the mindes of their owne people , and darken the remembrance of his most bitter death and passion . the manner of going to prayer . they go to seruice ●…xe times in twentie foure hours , washing themselues quiteouer before prayer , either post concubitum ●…reum , or going to stoole or vrine , so much respecting the saying , wash and be cleane : as by washing they are perswaded to bee cleansed from their sinne . their first time of prayer is two houres before day , which is called salie , when the sexton or mouden cryeth from the top of the steeple , helo caber helo , helelow hula , which is , o thou great god , and none but one god : then euery man awaketh , washeth himselfe , and destreth god to send them the day . after this crie , no man may touch his wife , but prepare himselfe to serue god , which he may doe by his bed side if he will not goe to the church , but first to wash , or his deuotion is no way acceptable . those which come to the church , either at the entrance must leaue their shooes behind them , or carrie them in their handes . during their prayers , either they stand all arow , one row before another , or ●…t so : but they are held most denote , who prostrating themselues , how their foreheads to the verie ground . after their praier , it may bee some desire to confer about some poynt of religion . then doth the talby sit downe , and his auditours about him in a ring or circle , to whom he declareth what they desire to be resolued vpon , & within halfe an houre dis●…th them : this beeing all then haue in stead of preaching . 2 ▪ some two houres after when it is day , they goe to church againe , thanking god he hath sent them the day , after which eueryone goeth to his labour : and this time of prayer is cati●… subelhadl . 3 ▪ the third-time of prayer is at noone-tyde , giuing thankes the halfe day is well passed , which they call dehour . 4 presently after foure of the clocke is church-time againe , desiring the sunne may well set vpon them , and this is called ●…our . 5 ▪ being twilight , they giue god thanks after their dayly labors , desiring his blessing may prosper them : this they terme mogrube . 6 ▪ and two houres after this , is their time of prayer called lasha ell hara , when some go to church , but most say prayers at home , desiring god to send thē g●…d night and quiet rest prouided alwayes-before saying of prayers they wash themselues , though not starke naked , yet their hands , head , feete , and nether parts betweene their legges : for which cause they hold it vnseemly to eat any meate with their left hand , or touch any thing therwith , but all with their right hand , the other accounted as vncleane . as we celebrate the sabbath vpon sunday , in remembrance of christs resurrection , the iewes vppon saturday , so the moores vpon fryday , who will doe any worke vpon their sabbath , onely that day they goe more duely to the church , then on other dayes . their churches are not so goodly builded as ours in christendome , neither haue seates to sit in or decked vp with any ornaments , but all the floore is matted , and keept verie cleane , because no man may enter with shooes or any thing to de●…e them . bels they haue none in their steeples , but the mouden or sexton being a big voyced knue , chosen for the purpose , standeth in the top of the steeple , and calleth them to their sallies or prayers . their church-men are verie poore , and contented with a little , may haue as many wiues as the lay-man , neither is there any church of great foundation , or rich in treasure , except the chiefe church in fe●… , which is thought to haue in treasure a million of crownes , which may not bee spent except the christians should come to inuade . their church seruice or lethargie is nothing at all in respect , nor in any set forme not so long as the lords prayer and the beléefe , therefore euerie one prayeth according to his owne deuotion . so i thinke our men of the newe learning , which would ouerthrowe church seruice , haue the minister liue vpon almes , and mens good willes forsaking their tenths , pray according to the spirit , preach vt-dabitur in illa ●…ora , hold ringing of belles vnnecessarie , wishing them turned into morters and great pée●…es , haue the selfe same chimeras in their heads , which the deuill forged in mahomets . concerning marriages . the more may haue by his law foure wiues , concubines as many as he will kéepe , either captiues , or slaues , bought with mony : for being his owne proper peculium , they are to be at his disposing ; but with these hee may not lye withall in the night , which the wiues clayme as their interest , vnlesse by stealth : if the husband haue many wiues , none-will loose their turne , so nightly the husband by course must lye with one , then with another . if in this case any be defrauded of her night , and the husband pleasure one more than another with his company . the wife iniured , complaineth to the magistrate that shée is despised and neglected , whervnto the husband must answere , if the iudge rest not satisfied , the husband shall bee forced to pay the woman her dower , and send her home to her father . if he be aliue , ( marrying againe if shée will ) if not , to the next of her fathers kindred , and this ●…ill of diuorce they call a ●…ill of shyed . though this liberty of poligamie be granted , yet not one amongst a hundred hath 〈◊〉 , the reason is , the wiues friends will neuer suffer any to marry their kinswomen , without first they haue a bill of dowry sufficient , for the maintainance of her , therefore the great and rich men haue thrée or foure wiues , but the poore most but one ●…ew two , because of their disability to maintaine : also this ●…ill of dower kéepeth their husbands in great awe , and maketh the women haue the better life , which otherwise would liue in great slauery . first , because the womans friends will bee sure to sée shée haue a stay of maintenance , for feare of after charge to themselues : secondly , the iusties of the country is so strict , if a man turne away his wife without reason , he shall pay her tower , though he sell the cloathes of his backe , otherwise euery day for change of pleasure , and yonger game , men would turne away their wiues faster then horscosers tainted ●…ades . their fashion of wooing or marrying is thus , the man neuer séeth the woman hee shall marry , till shée commeth to his bed , but hearing her to be a proper maide , beautifull , and commendable , sendeth his mother , sister , or kinsewoman to sée her : vppon this report the mans liking and affection resteth , if he procéedeth , then must he go to the father of the woman to demaund his daughter , they two agréeing , presently twoo of their talbies or learned men are sent for to write downe her portion , his endowment . so some halfe yeare after is the wedding day , which is onely a day of feasting , when the friendes of the bride bring her home to the bridegome , riding vppon a mule , inclosed ( like a blacke-bird ) within a cage made for the purpose , couered ouer with ●…ke , and great store of mu●…ke going before her : yet in such sort riding thorough the stréets , as shée is séene of no body , no not of her husband vntill he bed her , for then were shee held of small accompt , and the iest spoyled . if that night the bridegroome finde her a virgine , then is there great ioy of her friends , if not , the next day he turneth her home and by law may kéepe her portion . concerning buriall . their manner of buriall is in this sort , when one is dead presently hee is washed , and with all spéede preparation is made to put him into the ground , for the countrey being h●…t , it is not possible to keepe the corse aboue ground , therefore with the kindred accompanied to the graue , ( which is without their citie , for within their citie or synagoges , no person may be buried ) he is there againe washed , and if hee be a man of ability , is put into a c●…ne , if not , buryed without one , the talbie saying a short prayer . besides , the people haue a custome , the women of euery kindred to méete by themselues at certaine conuenient times , and there make memoriall of such of their kindred as be dead , making great lamentations in remembring the vertues and good dispositions of thē who are deceased , being perswaded this maketh the liuing haue especiall care of leauing a good name and fame behinde them . the policie of barbarie . euery kingdome consisteth of men , not of buildings , therefore the kingdome of barbary consisteth of bond and free men the naturall bond men are such as are descended either from christians or negroes ; the frée m●…n are larbies or brebers , which may be termed the valle●… and mountaine men . ouer all , as absolute monarch is the king , who maintaineth his seate by the swoord , and power of iustice : the sword men according to their degrées are thus placed . 1 the muleys , are the kings children , and all other who are of the bloud royall , are tearmed by this name . 2 bashas , are captaine generalles ouer armyes . 3 alkeyds , be the lords , set aswell ouer garrison townes ▪ as countries , to rule and kéepe the people in subiection . 4 ferres , gentlemen who carrie armes , yet lesse commanders than alkeids . 5 bahaia , lieutenant to an alkeyd . 6 brakbashi , a sergeant at armes . 7 debushi , a captaine ouer thirtie . 8 romie , the common souldier of these men of war , there were kept in daily paye in the olde kings time , to y● number of 50000. horsemen : part seruing with the launce , others with the speare called spahaias , and some , especially the horsemen of fes , serue with the crose-bowe on horse backe , bending it as they ryde , shooting a strong shot and sure : and 16000. footemen , the alarbies beeing fitter for horsemen , but the brebers the stronger footemen , most of them shot . the chiefest men of commaund in the latter times , were these . 1 alkeyd azus , chiefe counsellor of estate . 2 hamet ben breham sefiani , maister of the horse , and ruler ouer the alkeids . 3 sedi hamet ben bouker . these two were treasurers . 4 sedi abdela wahad anoune . 5 alkyd hamet , a capatho or enuche , gouernor ouer the women and enuches . 6 alkeyd mustefa file maister of the or●… . 7 rishauan , admirall ouer the gallies at saly . note though these bée enobled , taking priority or precedency before others , yet is not this noblenes hereditary , for the children of these men must clayme no honour by birth-right , but what they get by their seruice and honour of their sword , liue vnrespected vnlesse they bée valiant , and so proouing , the king will take them into his seruice , whervpon by desert , the son may obtaine his fathers fortune and honour . there is another title of dignitie termed sheck , attributed to the chiefe man of euerie familie or cast , neither doth the kings eldest sonne scorne the title , signifying that be is the prime or best blood of his royall kinddred . these shecks are much respected , because it is the nature of the people , the whole kindred to followe their head : insomuch as one of these shecks can bring into the field ten thousan●… ▪ ●…orsemen of their owne cast ▪ or kindred , and some mo●…e . so that it is a matter of great consequence , the king to haue an eye ouer such a man , and know how his effection resteth towards him , either in loue or hatred . officers of iustice. the king once in a moueth , on frydaies in the afternoone after prayers , either in his house or church sitteth to doe iustice , hearing complaints or appeales from subalterne ministers , from whom the grieued persons do appeale to his royall person : when the king sitteth the stranger shal hauer frée accesse to plead his cause before the king , then his own borne subiect . all inferiour iudges and ministers are their churchmen or talbies , and those are soonest chosen into offices which are of stricktest life , being frée from auarice , and such other sinnes as may preuert and hinder the course of equitie and iustice . the chiefest man for iudgement vnder the king is the muftie , to whome the partie gréeued may appeal●… from any other ordinary iudge . there be thrée of these men , one in moruecos , another in fes , the third at taradant in sus. the muftie of moruecos , fitteth with the king in iudgement , and euerye frydaye in the afternoons by himselfe , to heare and determine causes of the subiect and stranger , though he be in eminent place , he is a poore man , in respect what he might bée , if hee would sell iustice and take bribes . the ordinary iudge sitteth all the yeare long two●… houres before noone , and two houres after noone : in euery great towne throughout the thrée kingdomes is placed one of these iudges , to whome not onely the inhabitants of euerytowne and citie do repaire , but the countrey people or larb●…es vppon differénces come thither to haue their causes decided : euery one must tell his owne tale , and plead his owne matter . when both parties haue spoken , then giueth the iudge sentence ; so that in one day the cause is brought into court , and the same day ended . if either part haue witnes to produce , then the iudge giueth thrée dayes respite to bring them in , which being brought , the aduerse partie shall haue other thrée daies respite to disprooue them . and it he can prooue the witnesses either infamous in manners , or giuen to detestable sinne , as drunkennesse , adultery , or such like : and can prooue the witnes saith not his prayers sixe times 〈◊〉 in foure and twenty houres , then shall he be vtterly disabled to beare witnes , and thus in seauen baies the longest sute shall be ended . if an obligation or rather bill of debt bee brought into court , the obligée must either pay the debt , goe to prison , or to pawne the value of the debt , or better : which pawne may be kept in deposito nine daies vppon great reason , to sée if the debtor can red●…me it at the nine daies end , if he doth it not , then is it solde , and the partie who should pay the money , must sustaine the losse . as coadiutors to these iudges , and next in place to them bee the scriuanos , who vppon death or other remooue , are commonly made iudges . these are talbies which make writings betwéen partie and partie , short and plaine , without multiplication of words , and they are of opinion , abundans cautela nocet : in their obligato●…ie bils they put neither forfeit nor condition , hauing for the making thereof twoo pence english , and no more . they vse no long draughts in matters of purchase , or these tripartite indentures , with such large and long implicite and explicite couenants , but thus the people deale in matters of contracts and bargaines . i buye of you a vyneyard , house , marchandize , at such a prize , to be payed at such a time , calling two honest men , wherof one shall be a talbie if i can get him , to witnes this our bargaine . we foure go to the scriuener , who likewise is a talbie , and haue this set downe in writing , and if our bargaine be for twenty thousand pounds , it is set downe in ten lines , and the iustice of the country will allow me my bargaine with as great reason , as if i had a great ingrossed booke of conueiance , as bigge as the map of the whole world in the newest edition . next in this nature to these , be the steryes , which haue small fée●… to sée the execution of lawe and sentence of the iudge fulfilled ; these likewise fetch men to answere their aduersary , which would delay , and not come before the iudge , either vpon peruersenes , or ●…adnes of their 〈◊〉 , or any other cause whatsoeuer . wherefore to be alwaies readie , these are continually attendant in the house of the iudge , and waighting vppon him whethersoeuer he goeth . muttiseb , is an officer to sée true weights , and measures ; if any bee faultie , all the wares in such a mans shop he giueth to the poore , the party proclaimed an vniust man , and sore whipped . the 〈◊〉 is the 〈◊〉 m●…rshall in euery citie , who iudgeth ●…ppon life and death , assoone as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delinquent is taken , and his offence prooued , presentlie his throate is cut : murder there is death , so is manifest theft , adultery likewise prooued by very good witnes : and some times it is death for any man to weare a sword who is not an officer , yea though hee be a souldier . other offences according to the necessity of the time and pleasure of the king , by proclamation are made death , which the hackam must sée executed vpon losse of his owne head . muckadens , be substitutes to the hackam , séeing his iudgement fulfilled , and in his absence hath his authoritie . fokers or saints dwell in the best places of the country , kéepe great hospitalitie for all trauellers , whither any man may come for a night , and begone in the morning : much good these doe in the country by their example of morrall liuing , and bestowing their owne goods in their life time to helpe the néedie and distressed , comprimising differences betwixt parties , and repressing all disorders , winning great loue and respect , for their houses are held sanctuaries , whose priuiledges the king will not violate , but vpon great and weighty reason . the manner of fight . the king , nobility , and souldiers desire to serue ●…n horsebacke , which most commonly they doe , for in any army there be thrée horse for one foote : y● king will feildome venture to fight out a battaile , but as you may perceiue by the precedent , it was & is the vsage amongst the thrée brethren , when they méete in a field , whoseeuer getteth at the first onset the aduantage , maketh the other presently leaue the field , and flie vnto some place of strength : they fight with no armor except a buffe ierkin , for the better sort , and a leather hide tanned for the meaner , and some coates of male , their armes is a horsemans staffe , target , and swoord , or a horsemans piece and sword. the alarbies serue all vppon horse , will fight sorer battails to mantaine their deadly fewde , than in seruice of their king : insomuch that vpon losse of any great lord or cheefe man of their bloud , cruell battailes haue ensued , wherein ten thousand men haue béene slaine at one time , and it is their fashion , the fairest virgin to ride vpon a camel , with a flag in her hand , decked in all pōpe to sollicite her kindred to reuenge , & goeth formost in the field , encouraging them to follow ; vpon which incitement much blood is spilt , her kindred as loath to loose their virgin , and not reuenge their iniuries : the other side striuing to win h●…r and the field , holding that a continuing glory to the seauenth generation . when a man is killed , his tribe séeketh not reuenge only vppon the man which killed the party , but the first man of that tribe hée méeteth withall , him will hée ●…ill if hée can , and so thinketh hée hath satisfied his kinsmans death . the brebers or montaniers likewise maintaine this fewde , who are most shot and swoord men , vppon the day of battaile their women follow hard behinde them , with a colour in their hands called hanna : and if they sée any of their side offer to run away , or retyre , presently they will throwe some of this hanna vppon their clothes , which will stayne , and the party euer after is held for a coward and a dishonoured iew. for feare of this infamy few forsake the field , but either conquer their enemyes , or dye like men , who are presently stripped and buried by these women which follow them . the single combatte is performed with the short sword , lapping about the left a●…e his vppermost garment , which is worne lose . seldome the field is appointed , but either the men fight vpon their falling out , or at their next meeting by chance . if a man bee set vpon by more persons then one , hee fighteth winking , laying about him with all his might , not charging his aduersarie , punctum , or after the rapier fight , but cesim edgewise either in battell , or single quarrell . the trading of the moores into guinee and gago for gold ore , or sandie gold . mvley hamet being at peace with his neighbours , at quiet with his subiects , determined to warre vpon the negroes , knowing the conquest easie , because the people are vndisciplined in warre , and the profite would be exceeding great by bringing their gold into his countrey , exchanging for it s●…lt , and other baser commodities . and howsoeuer certaine miners had found rich mynes of golde in the hilles of atlas , yet he held it better policie to fetch his gold farder of , then to digge that which was found in the centre of his owne kingdome , fearing if the mines prou●… rich , the ●…olden ore would draw thither christian arm●… , therefore hee cutte the throats of all such as were the authours , and gaue the maisters of the workes death for their hire . but to perfect his other designe , he chose iuda●… bash●… , sent him with great store of souldiers , who entred farre into the neg●… countrey , depriuing them of a great citie called gago , which standeth vpon y● riuer of synega , three hundred leagues within the firme land , builded there an alpandeca for barbarian marchants , and a custom house for the ●…ing . the marchants make it six moneths iourney from morrueros thither , of which , two moneths they passe thorow the sandie deserts , where no people dwell , neither any road way , but directed by pylots , as shipe at sea obserue the courses of sunn , moone and stars , for feare of missing their way : if they lose themselues , they meete with famine , & die for lacke of water , whose dead carkasses consume not , but maketh munna , or otema flesh , euery way as phisicall or medicinable , as that which commeth from alexandria . they neuer trauc●… vnder two or three h●…red in a companie : it may bee not meeting with water in twelue or fifteene dayee space , but carrie water by camels , both for them and their beasts to drinke , which failing , to saue their own liues , they kill their camels , and drinke the blood . if th●… wind blow at north-east , they cannot vnlade their cai●… 〈◊〉 the sand●… should couer them . the mar●…dise ●…rried from morruecos to the negroes , is mu●… cloath , amber beades , corall , but the chiefest commoditi●… is ●…alt , which is bought at tegazza , and other places for foure shilling●… a ca●…els lading , which is sixe hundred weight , 〈◊〉 payeth at gago fiue pound●… for custome to the king of barbarie , afterward sould ●…arre within the countrey to a kinde of deformed negroes , who will neuer bee seene in the commerce of trading with the barbarian , or any stranger : wherefore they l●…y their ●…lt in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leaueth it , then commeth the deformed 〈◊〉 , and ●…ieth against euery mans prizell of salt , as much of his gold as he thinketh the salt is worth , and goeth his way , leauing his gold with the salt : then returneth the moore , , if he like the gold , taketh it away ▪ if not , ●…etracteth so much from his h●…ape , as he will sell the to negro for his gold . the negro returning , if he like the quantitie putteth to more gold , or else wil not barter , but dep●…eth . yet they seldome mislike , for the moore maketh a ●…h returne , and his king a full treasure . wherefor●… the ●…formed negro is praysed for the ●…uest dealin●… man in the world : the golde which they haue is not coy●…ed , but like small grauell or sand gathered after glut●… of raine , in the drie bankes of mountaines and riuers . of the grashoppers which come into barbarie from guinee : the grashoppers come seauen yeares together , and other seauen yeares they come not . their comming is about the end of februarie , ( from the parts of benie , or genie , as the countrey people imagine ) in such abundance , that where they light for fiue or sixe myles compasse , all grasse and corne newe sowed is eaten vp . and if they light vpon a trée , they eate vp all the leaues , buds and barke of the smaller twig●… , which is tender or greene ; thus remaine they in barbary vntill the end of march , when they spawne their young , then flie away ( as is thought ) further into turkie . before spawning they are good meate , the poor●… of the countrey being relieued with them , yea , the people will come a dayes iourney , to fetch two or three horse , bull , or mules laden of them . all the night they lie on the ground , vntill nine or ten a clocke in the morning , because before their wing●… be drie , which are m●…ystened with the euenings dew they cannot flie , so that one 〈◊〉 wil gather of them fou●… 〈◊〉 fiue bushels 〈◊〉 a morning . when they rise they 〈◊〉 vntill foure of the clocke in the after noone , so thicke , that like to a cloude they hinder the light of the sunne from you , carried they are with the wind out of the countrey , none but god knoweth ce●…nly whither , leauing behind them their yong which they haue spawned , fiue times more in number thē the●… ar●… 〈◊〉 at their first 〈◊〉 and doe more hurt then they han●… done for though the old haue eaten the corn at : their first comming , when it was g●…ne , 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 not vtterly destroyed , for much of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t●… and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the young a●…ter twentie dayes that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , and corne then growing ripe , are more perilous to destroy it , and so famish the country . wherefore thousands of people all the day long do nothing but kill these young ones , putting them into sacks , but cannot destroy them all being innumerable . the iuyce of these young grashoppers is poyson , therfore the country people take great ●…are least the iuyce touch man or beast , for if it should , all the skinne would presently go off . these yong ones flye away foorth of the country in the end of iune , no creature knoweth whither : sometimes if a strong gale of a south ▪ east winde take them , they ar●… carryed ouer y● straits into spaine , making dea●…th by destroying their ●…rne . the 7 yeres they come into barbary , ●…orne is 〈◊〉 , the other seauen yeres most commonly corne is plentifull : in my authors remembranc●… wheat hath béen sold for foure pence a bushell , and barly for twoo pence . insomuch the country man would not bestow the labor of reaping his corne to haue it , but let his cattle eat it standing vpon the ground , such ple●…ty god doth send , and the fertilenes of the soyle doth yéeld them , being blacke in colour as any garden earth , much manured : and though the ground is not so often ploughed as here in england , but once turned ouer or ploughed when they 〈◊〉 it , yet it giueth as great increase either in corne , hearbes , or r●…tes for mans sustenance , as the 〈◊〉 of any countrey in europe whatso●…uer . recreations of pleasure . hawking with the long winged hawke ▪ of which they haue greater store and better then we haue in these parts of y● world : their game is the ●…awde , a land ●…owle like vnto a drak●… , and so ryseth the curwan , tigernut●… , which we haue not in england , the bustard , 〈◊〉 h●… , pl●…sant , partridge , ducke , and mallar●… . hunting of the stagge , antilop , koe-bucke , hare , fox , debe , halfe a dog halfe a for , wilde bore , tiger , wilde cat , leopard . in the sandie countries , where the best horses are bred , which ordinarily will drinke milke , and can fast from water 4 daies , there they hunt the estridges , marking when they come to water , which they doe at set times in flocks or companies , then the horsmen disperse themselues , and first one troope of horse let vpon that heard of estridges ▪ which the birds perceiuing , betake them to the wing , not flying aloft from the ground , but making a running flight so fast as it tryeth their horses in their full spéede , and most commonly tyreth thrée companies of horses , one after another , ere they bee taken . the birds haue at the end of their wings a horne growing , which , in running and mouing of their wingges , in manner of a spurre pr●…cketh them , as it were to make spéede , and therewith are sore ●…led , as may be perceaued at their taking . these birds , some hunt for plesure , others for profite of their feathers , their carkasses not any wise good to be eaten . of the lyon. the fairest for shape or noblest for courage is bred in the monntaine and woddy country of barbarie , toward the atlantike sea . the lionesse hath seldome aboue two whelpes at a time , which are in great perill of death when they put forth their great téeth , wherof many die vppon very paine of tooth-ach . the young ones may be brought vp very tame as a mastife , and will continue so , if you kéepe him from bloud , but if he haue once tasted thereof , he wa●…eth angry and cruell . the country people where the lyons most bréed , when they méet with one , looketh sternly and angerly in the lyons face miscalling and rating him , in so doing the lyon wil run away like a dog . but vpon the sight of the lyon , let a man as affraid run away , he will make after and worry the party if he once catch him . the country man killeth the lyon with his piece , by making a pit néere to the place where he thinketh the lyon will resort to his prey , the man standing in the same , hauing nothing open but a little hole to put forth the end of his péece , & to take his marke to shoote at him . others , who go vpon pleasure to hunt him with their horse-péeces , being wel mounted , giue promise , one not to forsake another in extreamities , for our own country man hath sh●…t a lyon & killed him , when 4 men haue béene slaine out right , made a buffe ierkin of his out side , not desiring hercules fame for wearing the néemeian mantle , but to let y● world know an english traueller taketh as great content and pleasure to weare the trophie of his owne manhoode , as a milke-soppe gallant the fauour of his amorous mistres . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a17485-e270 any one vvhich is not of the tribe of mahemet is so tearmed . or dravve . a company of marchants going together for trading , with a great number of horses , camels , and mules , laden with commodities . sugar gardens . the place where his women are kept . the king●… house . treasurie . fokers , are men of good life , which are onely giuen to peace . almohalla , is a campe. dwar , is a towne of tents . rumm●…dan , is lens . sahara , the countrey or desert of sands . notes for div a17485-e12810 iudas is the man vvho they say was crucified in sted of christ : vvhich error might grovv of this , that s●… sireneus caried his crosse . sabbath ▪ churches & their seruice . the present state of the empire of morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by monsieur de st. olon. pidou de saint-olon, monsieur (françois), 1646-1720. 1695 approx. 209 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 136 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70800 wing p2159 estc r24510 08227879 ocm 08227879 41112 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70800) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41112) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1239:4 or 1554:1) the present state of the empire of morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by monsieur de st. olon. pidou de saint-olon, monsieur (françois), 1646-1720. motteux, peter anthony, 1660-1718. [20], 216, [12] p., [10] leaves of plates : ill. printed for r. bently, w. freeman, and s. manship, london : 1695. "epistle dedicatory" signed: peter motteux. item at reel 1239:4 identified as wing s347 (number cancelled). reproduction of original in the bodleian and harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng morocco -description and travel. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the empire of morocco . with a faithful account of the manners , religion , and government of that people . by monsieur de st. olon , ambassador there in the year 1693. adorn'd with figures . london : printed for r. bently , at the post-office in russel-street in covent-garden ; w. freeman , at the bible against the middle-temple in fleet-street ; and s. manship , at the ship in cornhill , 1695. the audience given by the emperour of morocco to the french ambassador printed for r. bentley w. freeman and s. manship to the right honourable sir william trumball , one of the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury . sir , tho' i have long been ambitious of giving some publick instance of the veneration i have for you , i would not have presum'd to have done it now , had not the book , of which what follows is a translation , been written by an embassador , and dedicated to a king. the character which you have so honourably maintain'd , not only at the court of that prince , but with an emperor greater than that of morocco , entitles you to the protection of more finish'd works than this ; the author of which , tho' a person of great skill in business , perhaps not unjustly , thinks himself not altogether vers'd in the nice way of writing : yet his book contains so many pleasant and useful remarks , and may discover so many mysteries to the piercing eyes of a sound politician , that you are master of too much goodness not to allow it a place , on that score , among that admirable collection which you possess no less in your mind than in your library . fear , not , sir , i should , like many dedicators , attempt a panegyrick instead of an epistle ; i know you are so far from being the least indulgent to such a practice , that you more carefully avoid addresses of this nature , than some , who deserve them less , industriously encourage them . for still your modesty seeks as much to keep your other vertues veil'd , as most of us writers do to discover them ; and it has brib'd some of them into a concealment of your real merit , in a more liberal manner than the vanity of many has recompens'd a publication of their imaginary worth. i dare not then pretend to mention those qualifications that endear you to your country ; nor am i so partial to my self as to desire you to protect the original or the translation of this book from the censures of the reader , to whom i freely abandon it . my whole design is merely the acknowledgment of favors receiv'd ; tho' at the same time you cannot pardon this without conferring a new one ; since i know you would have bestow'd on me fresh marks of your generosity , had i consented to spare you the blush which the sight of this will raise . but , sir , even those who are not able to return obligations , if of a grateful principle , do not love to be too much indebted ; and 't is some ease at least to acknowledge when we cannot requite . i only beg then , to let all those who will read this know , that i have the deepest sense imaginable of your obliging goodness , that singular humanity , or rather charity , which , as it extends to many of our unhappy refugiés , has made me a sharer in the effects of your bounty , doubtless much more than the most tolerable of my attempts as a writer . you pitied a man , who , having the real love of a loyal english subject for the great prince under whom we live , endeavours to appear as much an englishman as he can , even in his writings , since he is driven on the barren coast of parnassus , that idle business poetry , for want of better . may heaven still preserve you for the good of mankind , and more particularly of your country , to whom you so wholly devote your self ; and may you believe me with the greatest zeal and respect , sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , peter motteux . the author's epistle dedicatory to the king . sir ; i doubt not but that your majesty has , from time to time , been faithfully inform'd of what relates to the state , forces , customs , and religion of the moors ; and indeed , what i have seen in print on that subject , generally agrees with what i have observ'd while i was in the emperor of morocco's dominions : yet , sir , your majesty's orders , and what i was enjoyn'd in my instructions , having oblig'd me to make there some newer and less common observations , i hope your majesty will not dislike , that , without affecting to swell the memoirs , which i now have the honour to lay before you , with superfluous repetitions of what some authors have said , i only should give , as a kind of supplement , such observations as seem to have been omitted by them , either in what concerns the nature and particulars of the trade of that empire , the character , manners and genius of those who have the greatest share in the government of it , or , as to what the conquests of the prince , who rules there at this time , may have contributed to the enlarging of his dominions , the encreasing of his forces , and the heightning of that vanity that does not reign less in him than the other qualifications by which he is so particular . when your majesty did me the honour to make choice of me to go in your name to conclude with that emperor the treaty of peace , of which for some years he had shew'd himself so desirous that he even seem'd to have remov'd before hand all the difficulties that might obstruct it , in the letter which he had written about it , and sent to your majesty by the consul of sally , you were already convinc'd by frequent trials , how little his proposals and promises are to be rely'd upon . accordingly one of the most essential and most inforc'd articles in my instructions was , that i should take care not to be deceiv'd by them ; and therefore 't is what i chiefly apply'd my self to prevent , by all the means and expedients that seem'd to me most proper , to conciliate the artifice of his council and ministers , with the fervency and fidelity of my zeal for your majesty's service and glory . even what i said to that prince at my first audience , which i insert at the end of this short treatise , may also convince your majesty that i have not been sparing of such encomiums and insinuations as i judg'd most capable of flattering his ambition , and of inclining him to concurr with your majesty's pious and solid designs for the freedom of your captive subjects , and for the security of your merchants . if the memoirs or journal which i sent to you of my negotiation in that prince's country , and at his court , have been read to your majesty , you have not only seen , that you had entertain'd very just thoughts on that subject , but that , far from my being able to remove that punic faith so general here at this time , or root out its scions , grown stronger than their ancient stock , it has not been in my power with all my care and endeavours to shake them in the least . here , sir , i might have an opportunity to repeat the substance of many things which i have mention'd at length in that journal , did not i fear this wou'd be too foreign to the design of the following sheets , which , according to your majesty's orders , are only to relate to the extent , government , strength , and trade of the empire of morocco . however , i think my self oblig'd before i begin , to acquaint your majesty , that by what the subtle ways and discourses of the king of morocco's ministers have betray'd to me of his designs and resolutions , as to the offers he makes from time to time to treat with your majesty , it plainly appears , whatever his demonstrations of sincerity may seem , that all his aim and utmost intent have always been , and will ever be only to procure himself some presents , honours , and supplies for the regaining of the towns which the spaniards still hold in his country . besides , as this prince and his ministers know very well , that your goodness and compassion for your poor captive subjects , are the only motives that incline you to hearken to his proposals , there is no doubt but that he is not likely to part with those slaves as long as he hopes they may be a means to procure him the advantages i have mention'd ; so that 't is not to be expected he will ever treat but upon terms of this nature , and his ministers will always endeavour by all imaginable means , that the effect , which they think they ought to expect in that case , may precede the performance of what they shall promise on their side . there remains now nothing for me to represent to your majesty , but that i have taken such care in examining what ever is the subject of these memoirs , that i may well assure you they contain nothing but what is most conformable to the truth . i also make bold to promise my self , from your majesties goodness , that you will the rather excuse omissions and defects , seeing that , by the journal which i had the honour to give you of my stay and negotiation in that kingdom , where i was almost always detain'd and narrowly observ'd and where 't is not allow'd to take informations of the state of the country , you may perceive how little i could converse with those who might have enabled me to have given a more perfect account of it , and such a one as might better evince the fidelity of the respectful and inviolable zeal with which i am , sir , your majesty's most humble , most obedient , and most faithful subject and servant , pidou de st. olon . advertisement . newly published , the present state of persia : with a faithful account of the manners , religion , and government of that people . by monsieur sanson , a missionary from the french king. adorn'd with figures . done into english. now in the press , and will be speedily published , the life of the famous cardinal duke of richlieu , principal minister of state to lewis xiii . in two volumes , 8 o. a new voyage into italy : with necessary instructions for those who undertake the same . by maximilian mission . done out of french , and illustrated with sculptures . the present state of the empire of morocco . as i do not design to trace the original of every part of the empire of morocco , but to give an exact account of its extent , bounds , strength , trade , and government , so it will be sufficient to begin with as short a relation as possible , of the methods taken by the famous muley archyd , king of tafilet , and muley ismaël his brother and immediate successor to re-unite the kingdoms of morocco , fess , tafilet , and sus , with the vast province of dara , under the same power ; and form that mighty state which the latter rules at this time in so arbitrary a manner . muley xerif , king of tafilet , and father to muley archyd , who by their genealogy give themselves out for the offspring of mahomet and his daughter fatima , was succeeded by muley hamet , the eldest of 84 sons and 124 daughters that surviv'd him . but muley archyd , one of his brothers , whose haughty and ambitious spirit disdain'd to obey him , did not suffer him to wear the crown long undisturb'd , but with the assistance of some of the chief alcaydes , whom he had engag'd to side with him , orm'd some designs , whose beginnings , however , did not meet with a success answerable to his ambitious ends ; for , the king having prevented them , caus'd the alcaydes to be seiz'd and put to death , and shut him up in a prison . yet that prince having found means to escape , was rather exasperated than won by this moderate usage ; and , getting some forces together , made some new attempts , whose success was no better than that of the former ; since he was taken and confin'd a second time . this restraint , tho' longer and closer than the first , did not produce a better effect ; for , the black to whose keeping the king had intrusted him , as to the most faithful of his servants , was not proof against the wheedling caresses and large promises with which muley archyd ply'd him , to get his liberty ; and the prisoner having plotted with his keeper about the manner of his escape , got out at last : but , persuaded it was not safe to trust one that was thus false to his master , lest he should happen to be serv'd so himself , the only return he made to the black 's kind office was to dispatch him out of the world , in his flight , with a stroke of his scimiter . he took shelter at zaovias , where the morabite benbucar govern'd , whom the inhabitants of the province of that name had chosen to be their prince , for the sake of his vertue . those who are call'd morabites in africa are like our hermits : they seem wholly apply'd to learning and holiness , and retire to desarts , whither the people , who have a very great veneration for them , sometimes come to seek them out , and take them out of their solitude to set the crown on their heads , as they had done to benbucar . muley archyd , concealing his name and quality , offer'd him his service as a common soldier ; and that good old man receiv'd him kindly ; employing him afterwards in divers capacities , upon the encouragement which his merit that exerted it self had given him ; in all which employments he behav'd himself so well , that in a little time he gain'd benbucar's esteem and friendship . at last he was discover'd by some arabs of tafilet , who had brought some dates to sell , and immediately saluted him as their king's brother . upon which benbucar's sons suspected he was not come thus disguis'd into their country without some design , and resolv'd to have him put to death . accordingly they contriv'd to make him fall into an ambuscade , out of which , however , he escap'd , and fled to quivan , where , having also offer'd his service to the prince of the country , as he had done to benbucar , he so effectually discover'd his extraordinary worth , that he became his master's chief minister of state and favorite . but the authority his eminent post gave him , the trust repos'd in him by that kind prince , and the love of his subjects , which he had industriously purchas'd , prov'd only so many new spurs to his ambition . he persuaded himself it would not be less easie to him to conquer that state where he was already so absolute , than to emerge and rise as he had done . the master 's very treasures serv'd the ungrateful favorite to bait those on whom he cou'd not otherwise so well depend ; and having thus successfully drawn them in , he in a short time with ease made himself master of the prince of quivian , as also of his treasures and country ; and conceiving that his death was the surest means to secure these unjust possessions to himself , he caus'd him to be made away , and then rais'd an army with which he dispos'd himself to pursue his resentment and former designs against his brother . muley mehemet , who had notice given him of this , did his part to prevent him ; and to that end having taken the field , several battels were fought between them , in which muley archyd having almost always worsted his brother , reduc'd him to shut himself up within the walls of the city of tafilet , where his grief for his misfortunes , and his fear of his victorious brother's cruelty hasten'd his death . muley archyd , thus rid of his chief competitor , and in a fair way of enlarging his conquests , pursu'd his victories with so much courage , conduct , and good fortune , that he soon made himself master also of sally , which was a free town , and of the kingdom of fess , morocco and sus , some of which yielded to the power of his arms , and the rest to the terror which they spread over the country . he did not enjoy them so long a time as his age and fortune seem'd to promise ; for , in his own palace , and in his fortieth year , he cou'd not avoid the stroke of death , which he had so often defi'd in the field . having invited the nobility on a certain festival , and drank wine to excess with his most intimate friends , which he used to do often enough , he took a fancy in this condition to curvet in his gardens on a fiery horse , that ran away with him with such a fury , as he wheel'd about under a walk of orange trees , that one of their largest branches broke his scull , and , in three days , put an end to his life . good order and peace , which that conqueror began to establish in his dominions , were soon banish'd by that unexpected death , which happen'd in the year 1672. for , those of his family whom he had entrusted with the government of his kingdoms , endeavour'd to secure to themselves the respective countries where they govern'd ; but muley ismael , who prov'd the bravest , the most forward and esteem'd , was also the most successful . he first caus'd himself to be proclaim'd king of tafilet , took possession of his brother's treasures , then march'd into the field with as many men as he could get together ; and , having won some by promises or presents , overcame others by force of arms , and made himself master of all . of all his competitors , muly hamet , his nephew , was reduced with most difficulty ; for , having likewise caus'd himself to be proclaim'd king of morocco and sus , and oppos'd him with numerous forces , this occasion'd several sieges and engagements , which , however , were generally so much to his disadvantage , that at last he was forc'd to submit as well as the rest , all his attempts having only serv'd to give a greater lustre to the conduct and undaunted valour of this prince , who owes only to these two qualifications the sovereign possession he now enjoys of all this empire , whose extent is no less considerable than its situation . it spreads it self about 250 leagues in length from north to south , and 140 in breadth , from east to west . its limits on the east are the kingdom of algier , by which 't is bounded at tremesen ; on the west , the atlantic ocean ; the river dara on the south ; and the mediterranean on the north , if you except three fortified places which the christian princes still hold on its coasts , ma●agan possess'd by the portuguese on the ocean , and ceuta and melilla by by the spaniards on the mediterranean , the one at the streights-mouth , the other further up . the spaniards had , not long since , two other very strong holds on the ocean , larache and mamora , which they have suffered to be taken from them by muley ismael ; the first in the year 1681. the other in 1689. the english also had tangier there , near the streights , but left it some years ago , having first ruin'd its port and fortifications . so that the most considerable sea-port towns the emperour of morocco has on the ocean , are santa cruz , safy , sally , mamora , larache , arzilla , and tangier ; and on the mediterranean , zaffarina , and tetuan , if we may reckon the latter among the rest , it being seated two leagues within land , and an open town without any fortifications ; yet pretty well built , and very populous . the inhabitants of tetuan , who are said to be upwards of fifteen thousand , report themselves to be andalusians , and most of them speak spanish ; for every one knows , that the moors were possess'd of spain six or seven hundred years , and that after many vain endeavours , which the natives us'd to drive them out , ferdinand , more fortunate than the rest , wholly subdued them , and forc'd them seemingly to profess the roman belief , while they secretly plotted the ruine of the state : but philip iii. having found out their designs , expell'd them in 1610. accordingly above one hundred thousand of both sexes , young and old , left spain , and the greatest part of them having shelter'd themselves in africa , settled at sally and tetuan . they are white-men , pretty well civiliz'd , and very kind to strangers and christians . the french consul , and all the merchants who have a settlement there , tho' of different nations and religions , besides the duty of three crowns levied on every ship , tartane or bark that touch there , towards the maintaining of a little hospital , and two spanish recollet monks , equally contribute towards the further charges about it . there is another at sally , where the same method is taken . of all these sea-ports , not one can be esteem'd a good haven ; tangier , mamora , and sally might be thought the best ; but there is no coming thither but over a bar or sand that absolutely hinders all great ships from going in ; for which reason , neither the king nor his privateers can fit out any other vessels than brigantines or light frigats that go a cruising , and rove on the sea in hopes of taking some merchant-men . there never is any fix'd number of these ships , 't is greater or less as there are old ones lost , or new ones built . it consists now in twelve or thirteen , of which six belong to the king , and the rest to private persons ; they are generally of eighteen or twenty guns , the biggest not exceeding twenty four ; but they have often two hundred men on board , yet are generally in very ill plight , by reason of the want of stores , sails , cables , and other rigging in those parts ; so that if the moors did not now and then get some from the english and dutch , they would very soon and easily be reduc'd to a much smaller number . it costs the king of morocco nothing to maintain his ships ; the alcayde or governour of the port where they lye , pays the officers and the men ; if they take any prizes , one half is the king 's , the other is divided between the alcayde and the officers , who bestow also a small part of it on the ships company ; but as for the slaves , the king takes them all ; paying fifty crowns for every one of those who do not belong to his moiety . such ships as are fitted out by private persons , are kept wholly at the charge of their owners , who reimburse themselves out of the product of the prizes , of which the king has a fifth , and all the slaves , paying also fifty crowns for every one . the kingdom of morocco , and that of fess , are the largest and most considerable of the four already mentioned , and the head cities of both have the same names with them . the city of morocco was formerly very populous and most famous for its wealth and beauty , but is now much fallen from its ancient state , and does not contain above 25000 inhabitants ; its streets seem almost unfrequented , and none takes care to repair the decay'd buildings , or prevent the ruines , the number of whose heaps encreases every day , which altogether disgraces it . it s palace and that mosque so celebrated for its largeness and ornaments , as well as for its brazen gates , and three golden balls , which were said to be enchanted , are now dwindled to nothing . muley ismael has not been afraid of the vain prognostications of malediction , with which those who should dare to take them away were curs'd ; his extream greediness of gold , stronger in that juncture than the superstition so common to the moors , prevail'd with him to cause them to be remov'd and buried among his invisible and useless treasure : i shall take an opportunity , before i have done to explain why i call it so . 't is pretended that these golden balls were set on the top of that mosque by the wife of that great almanzor , so famous in history for having conquer'd spain ; and that this queen , to leave a monument of her grandeur to after ages , laid out the greatest part of her jewels and dowry in the building of that mosque ; that these balls had been plac'd on its top during such a constellation of the heavens as did not admit of their being remov'd ; the architect , by the means of certain spells and conjurings , having also oblig'd some spirits to guard them . they even affirm , that several kings who had attempted to take them away were always hinder'd by some accident ; and the moors , who are very credulous in point of magick , had all along believ'd , that , according to the import of this spell , the devil should break the necks of those who should dare to take them away . but this king , less credulous and scrupulous , has undeceiv'd them at last . safy and mazagan , both on the ocean , the latter a fine large city , in the hands of the portuguese , who keep in it a good garison , are the only places in all the kingdom , which , besides the chief city , deserve to be mention'd ; for though its extent , which is very large , be divided into seven provinces , it is not very populous , because its sandy soil , dry and barren in most places , neither admits of plenty of corn , nor of cattle ; and abounds in nothing but camels , which are cheap there , besides copper , wax , and almonds , of which great quantities are vended in europe . 't is thought there may be in its plains about thirty thousand huts of aduars , which contain near one hundred thousand men , paying garam , that is , who yearly pay the king a tribute of the tenth part of all they have , to which they are liable as soon as they are fifteen years of age. an aduar is a kind of a rambling or flying village ( there being very few of another kind in all africa ) that consists of some families of arabs , who incamp in tents , which they pitch , now in one place , and then in another , according as the goodness of the soil invites them to stay , and the subsistance of their cattle , in which their wealth wholly consists , requires it . each aduar has its marabot , and submits to the conduct of a chief , whom they chuse among themselves ; every family has its tent or hut , in which they all lie pell-mell with their oxen , sheep , camels , poultry , dogs , &c. their misery and nastiness are greater than can be imagin'd ; yet from them the king draws his most settled and certain revenues : a black of his guard is commonly sent to collect their tributes , and , tho' alone , bestows plentiful bastonado's as he pleases on the least delinquent , non daring either resist or complain . when the arabs remove their aduars , they set their wives and children on camels in some wicker conveniencies cover'd with linen-cloth , and contriv'd like niches or arches , but quite round , which wholly secure them from the heat of the sun , yet at the same time afford them means to take the air on which side they please . if they have not camels enough to carry all their lumber , they load with it their bulls and cows that wear pack-saddles ; which i don't remember to have seen any where else . the kingdom of fess , known of old by the name of mauritania tingitana , is of no less extent than that of morocco , and , like it , divided into seven provinces ; but much more fruitful , better peopled , and affords a much greater plenty of all sorts of corn , cattle , pulse , kitchen-herbs , fruits , and wax ; its fertility might yet be increas'd , were there more care taken to cultivate it , but the goodness of the soil , that produces almost of its self , the slothful negligence of the natives , who content themselves with what just serves for their subsistance , and their scrupulous obstinacy , in refusing an exportation of corn , cause above half the lands to lie fallow . they have some mines of iron , but do not know how to refine that metal , and can put it to no other use but making nails , and other course iron-work . this kingdom is bounded on one side by that of morocco , and by that of algier on the other . the river sebou , whose stream is very rapid , runs through it , and flowing about half a league from its metropolis , afterwards loses it self in the ocean at mamora . that river is the finest in all the empire of morocco ; and on its banks , above mamora , stands a large forest , that might yield materials for the building many ships . 't is also said , that not far from its spring there is a very fine bridge , made of brick and stone , and one hundred and fifty fathom long ; which would be a remarkable and extraordinary thing were it not ancient ; for , they are so far from raising publick buildings at this time in that country , that not the least care is taken even to repair the high-ways , for the easier carriage of goods ; tho' indeed it must be own'd , that as there is no travelling in those parts , but on horse-back , or with camels , 't is not so absolutely necessary to repair the ways , as in some other countries . there are neither publick waggons , carriers , nor posts settled in those kingdoms ; so that all correspondencies , which indeed are not frequent there , are only kept by the means of expresses on foot or on horse-back , who , however , go and come with speed , and cost but little ; first , because the men and the horses are hardy and inur'd to toil ; and then by reason of the cheapness of the provisions , of which a small pittance satisfies them . upon urgent and important emergencies they make use of dromedaries , a sort of camels only differing from the rest by their swiftness and leanness , which are natural and altogether peculiar to this kind of them ; for 't is observ'd , as the natives report , that a dromedary can carry a man as many times ten leagues a day as it has been days asleep , and blind immediately after its birth : so that if it slept six days as soon as it was born , it performs sixty leagues a day , and proportionably more or less . i saw one of this kind at mickeness , with which some endeavour'd to make me believe , the king's uncle travell'd one hundred leagues in a day ; but this seems to me to be stretch'd somewhat beyond truth ; those who assur'd me of this , add , that the fatigue which attends this way of travelling is equal to its speed , and that it would be impossible to hold out , or bear the dromedary's most precipitate ambling , did not he that rides him cause himself to be ty'd fast to the saddle , and cover his mouth for fear of being stifled ; and indeed , if this be true , there is no doubt but that a traveller must needs find himself intolerably tir'd , at the end of such a journey . the aduars of arabs , in the kingdom of fess , are judg'd to consist of about three hundred thousand men paying garams . it s metropolis , that gives it its name , is absolutely the finest , richest , and most trading city in all the empire of morocco : 't is divided into two , one call'd the old , and the other the new town , both fairly built , and stock'd with above three hundred thousand inhabitants ; the old town is peopled with whitesmen , and the new with blacks ; and both have so many gates , bridges , fountains , and piazza's ; so many gemmes or mosques , colleges , and stately structures , that the large description which dapper gives of it , in his history of africa , no less deserves the studious reader 's perusal , than all these things themselves are worthy the curiosity of such travellers as go thither . as for my part , not having been permitted to come to it , tho' it lies but a day 's journey from mickeness , i am oblig'd to trust to what others tell us of it . the other places of note in this kingdom , are theza , mickeness , mamora , arzilla , larache , sally , tangier , ceuta , alcasar , and tetuan . mickeness is the place where the king resides , and lies pretty high up in the land : 't is but a little town , but so crouded with inhabitants , the number of which is said to exceed sixty thousand , that there is no passing through its streets , which besides are very narrow , without justling one another ; i shall speak of it more at large before i have done . theza is a little fortifi'd place between fess and morocco . the other towns lie on the sea-coast , and are all populous enough , and places of great trade : they might have a greater trafick yet , were their havens better ; but , as i have said , the barr that lies all along the coast does not permit any such . tetuan and sally are the ports where ships most easily and frequently arrive : for which reason many merchants of divers nations have settled there , and the king of france has establish'd a consul in each place , for the conveniency and safety of trade ; at least they are appointed with that intent , which yet i may say is render'd ineffectual by the barbarous and mean-interested ways of those enemies of civility and all sense of honour , who , as i have seen , have a greater consideration for the least factor , with regard to the gain they hope to reap by him , than for a consul , whose character , as being unprofitable to them , is every day expos'd to the insults of their capricious ill humours , and contempt . sally is more known and celebrated than the rest , on the account of its privateers and haven , which , however , is only fit to harbour shipping of small bulk and draught . 't is also considerable for its forts , for its two towns divided , as at fess , into old and new , and for its great trafick : its inhabitants , who are not above twenty thousand , take upon themselves the name of andalusians , like those of tetuan ; it had formerly some beautiful buildings , which the wars and its rebellions have almost all ruin'd . it has put the kings of morocco to some trouble for some time , when it strove to cast off their yoke ; but muley archyd reduc'd it in 1666 , by the great victory he obtain'd over the famous gayland lord of tetutuan , arzilla , and alcasar , under whose protection it had put itself . it s two towns are parted by the river guerou , that on the south-side has two castles on the top of a little hill by the sea ; these have a communication by the means of a great wall , and contain about thirty pieces of canon in no very good order ; above the old castle , at the mouth of the river , there is a small fort with three iron and three brass-guns in it , from twelve to fifteen pounds shot , to facilitate the retreat of those pyrats when the are chas'd in . alcasar is also become famous by the bloody battle , which sebastian king of portugal lost near it , with his life , in the year 1578 , in the plain between that town and the river mukazem : it is little , thinly peopled , and very ill built , but stands most pleasantly by that river , with fine gardens all round it . gayland most commonly chose to reside there in a large palace , which is now altogether ruin'd . i cannot forbear to mention , by the way , that this town may be said to be the nest of all the storks in that part of barbary , and their number exceeds that of its inhabitants ; i never saw so many together in one place ; which yet is less strange if we consider that they are safe and secure there ; for , the moors account it a sin to kill any of them , and most strictly forbid it ; because they believe that god , at mahomet's request , transform'd into those birds a company of arabians , who robb'd those that went on pilgrimage to mecca . ceuta , as i have said , belongs to the spaniards , who , besides that considerable port , hold another call'd melilla in the same kingdom , and on the sea-side towards algier , or also pennon de los velez , a little fortress built on the point of a rock that 's surrounded by the sea , and almost impregnable by its situation . the kingdom of sus is contiguous to that of morocco , about its south-west part ; 't is but small , very indifferently peopled , and even , in a good part of it , almost uninhabited . there may be some fifteen thousand aduars of arabs in its plains , all brave , daring souls , and impatient of the yoke : it has cost this king a great deal of time to subdue them ; neither has he yet been able to effect that wholly ; the inhabitants of two mountains still remaining free and disclaiming his tyranny , at the same time that they are govern'd by a chief , whom they chuse among themselves . the most considerable towns in that kingdom are illec and tarudante , both large and very populous , with respect to the rest of the country , each having about fifty thousand inhabitants . the king sends no alcaydes thither , as he does to the towns of his other dominions , and only sends a captain , to whom they give the title of baschar , who has some officers under him , to put his orders in execution through the whole kingdom ; but this with moderation . the moors are treated here much more gently , or rather much less cruelly than at morocco , or at fess , and only pay the yearly tribute , without being liable or constrain'd to pay any extraordinary tax or garams . this milder usage is an effect of the king 's politicks , lest a severe treatment should awake their inclination to rise against him , which the situation of the country does very much encourage . that part of the kingdom which is inhabited yields a reasonable quantity of corn , pulse , kitchen-herbs , fruit , and olives : its mountains abound in copper-mines , and are also said to have some gold. santa cruz lies on the ocean , within the extent of this kingdom , and is a town of pretty good trade , either for such goods as are sent thither from morocco , or such as are the product of the country , which are also copper , bees-wax , and almonds ; and , besides these , very fine ostridge feathers . the kingdom of tafilet is of no great extent , having no town of note besides one of its name , which is fenc'd only with a wall , but has a pretty good castle . this kingdom , that lies beyond mount atlas , and was formerly known by the name of numidia , is all of it in an ungrateful sandy tract of land , between the desarts of zahara and the province of dara ; it has on the east the kingdom of morocco , from which 't is parted by mount atlas ; and tho' it yields no wheat or other corn , abounds in dates ; all those that are imported through every part of europe come thence ; for , the king of morocco will not suffer any to be exported out of other places . that fruit is their daily food , instead of bread , with camel's flesh ; for , the driness of the country affords no sustenance to other cattle , unless it be a kind of sheep that wears neither horns nor wool , which yet is said to be always very fat and well-tasted there : the horses are fine , and in great number ; and wholly feed upon dates . it s small extent does not hinder the king from esteeming and treating it is the most noble of all these kingdoms , because among the moors it passes for the first that follow'd their prophet and his alcoran ; so that its inhabitants , that are not very numerous , would think it a dishonour to themselves and their law , were they govern'd by any but the progeny of that prophet ; which obliges the king to have always one of his sons there as their governor . he who commands there at present is call'd muley bensar , and is no less greedy and absolute in point of exactions and garams than his father's alcaydes are in other parts ; this pretended nobility no excusing the people from it . that country produces some indico , the trade of which is joyn'd by the inhabitants to that of their dates ; they also have a manufactory of certain linnen-cloth , strip'd with silk moresco-fashion , call'd hayiks , which being much worn through all barbary , are of a quick sale , and a gainful commodity , to their no small relief towards the payment of their garams . the ancient kings of tafilet styl'd themselves also lords of dara , a large province adjoyning and belonging to the kingdom , and also much the same with it as to the soil , product , inhabitants , and way of living . this is what , in few words , may be said , relating to the extent , situation , and quality of these kingdoms : if any is not satisfied with this compendious information , he may , if he pleases , consult dapper and marmol in their historical and geographical descriptions of africa . as for me , whose intent is only to give an idea of their present state and government , i thought it would be sufficient for my purpose , to draw this extract from the whole , that i might afterwards apply it as the performance of my orders and subject requir'd it . the moors are generally but indifferent soldiers , and not very brave ; yet can manage a horse and use a lance with dexterity , and are strong and indefatigable ; they have wit but not politeness , and are jealous , lustful , lyars , superstitious , hypocrites , cheats , cruel and faithless . those that live along the coast of mauritania tingitana , and in the kingdom of fess , are the least unciviliz'd ; and of all the christians , whose irreconcilable enemies they are , being prejudic'd with this inveterate hatred by their law , the french are those they esteem and fear the most . i cannot but observe , that were these countries in any other hands than those of these infidels , who , by reason of their native rustical temper , and wilful ignorance ( that makes them confine their studies to that of the alcoran ) neglect them , and are incapable of knowing their value , they might be made a state equally delicious and flourishing , as well for its situation , and the pleasantness and salubrity of its climate , temperate enough every where on this side mount atlas ; as , for the fruitfulness , and other qualifications of its hale and hardy inhabitants , for the quantity , coolness and wholsomness of its waters , for the plenty and goodness of the food it affords for cattle , horses , &c. for the generousness of its soil , that yields its fruits almost without help , and would be wonderful fertile were care taken to cultivate it ; for the pleasing and profitable variety of its woods , plains , mounds , small hills and vallies ; for the good taste of its pulse , kitchen-herbs , fruits , and wine ; and for its convenient situation for trade , and the transportation of all its wares . so that i cannot but grieve , when i think , that so rich a treasure is , as it were , buried in the very centre of sloth , ignorance , and inhumanity . i ought now to give a particular account of the manners , inclinations and qualifications of the prince who is master of that empire . his name is muley ismael , and he takes the title of grand xeriffe , that is , the first and most powerful of mahomet ' s successors ; for , as i have said , he pretends to be descended from that prophet , by aly and fatima , his son-in-law and daughter ; and is prouder of this parentage than of the long train of kings of his family : which sufficiently shows , that his predecessors , who us'd also to style themselves miramoulins , which signifies emperors of the faithful , made use of a religious pretence for their own establishment . and now , since i have mention'd this , it may not be amiss to say something of their religion . the alcoran is its foundation , and the moors and arabs , who explain that book after a particular way , follow the ridiculous expositions , which their doctor melish , one of the four chiefs of mahomet's sect has left them of it , grounding their faith on certain fundamental points , without which , they give out , 't is impossible to be sav'd . they hold that there is but one god , without any trinity of persons ; that jesus christ was a great prophet , born of a virgin whose name was mary ; that his incarnation was such as we believe it , and even foretold her by the arch-angel gabriel , god's embassador ; that he was the holiest of men , and wrought many miracles ; but that he did not die , as we believe , having been assum'd into heaven ; where he is in body and soul , and that when judas would have betray'd him to the jews , one of his disciples , whom god caus'd to appear in his likeness , was crucified in his stead , and that 't is this disciple we adore . they also believe that the same jesus christ is to return to live forty years on earth , to re-unite all nations under one belief ; that he will be laid in the tomb which mahomet caus'd to be plac'd on the right-hand of his ; that those who profess'd the doctrine of christ till mahomet's coming , shall be sav'd ; but that what we now believe , differs from what he taught ( which also the persecuting jews kept him from bringing to perfection ) and that therefore those who will not follow the precepts of their prophet , whom they call god's great favorite , and the explainer of his will , and who was sent by god only to finish what the other had but begun , are to be damn'd eternally . they admit the books of moses , the psalms of david , the gospel ( as sergius has expounded it to them ) and the alcoran as holy writ . they believe a heaven and a hell , the resurrection and predestination ; placing the eternal blessings , that are to be the reward of the faithful , in a sight of the sovereign being , of his angels , and of mahomet ; and , besides , in the enjoyment of seventy virgins , with whom they are continually to be wrapt in extasies of delight without impairing , or rather annihilating , their virginity ; they are also fondly possess'd with the hopes of indulging their appetites with all sorts of most delicious food , and of bathing themselves in rivers of milk , honey , and rose-water ; nay , they even believe that the very excrements of the body shall evaporate in most grateful sweats , and that they are to take up their lodging in banquetting-houses and stately palaces , built with pearl and precious stone . they have a lent or ramadan , which lasts thirty days , and keep it so strictly , that they do not only religiously abstain from eating or drinking the least thing , from the very dawn to the first appearance of the stars on the evening , but also forbear smoaking tobacco , and smelling any perfumes ; indeed i must needs own that they make themselves large amends for this abstinence at night , passing it generally at that time in all manner of luxury and licentiousness . on the eve of that ramadan , they prepare themselves for its observation by publick rejoycings , that are attended with discharges of fusils and muskets , and with repeated acclamations of allah ! more like howlings than joyful shouts ; every one of them watches that he may be the first who discovers the moon , and they fire their muskets at that planet as soon as they perceive it ; which done , they meet to say their prayers , with their marabot at the head of them , and kneel , rise , and prostrate themselves on the ground several times , still turn'd towards the east . they have three easters which they keep holy for seven days together ; however , without abstaining from buying or selling , as they do on fridays , that are their lord's days . the first easter is kept on the first day of the moon that comes after their ramadan , and if it happens to fall on a saturday , which is the sabbath of the jews , those of that nation in this empire are oblig'd to present the king with a hen and ten chickens of gold , or with the value of them in money . on the first day of that easter , the king commonly causes all the prisoners in the town where he then is , to be brought before him , and either absolves them , or puts them to death , according to their crimes and the humour he is in . he put twenty criminals to death after this manner on the third day of this easter , which happen'd to be the fourth after my arrival at mickeness . the second easter , which they call the great , is twenty days after that of ramadan : they use then to sacrifice to mahomet as many sheep as there are male children in each family , and this in memory of the sacrifice which was offer'd by abraham , the father of ismael the patriarch of the arabian sarazens , from whom they believe their prophet's mother deriv'd her original . the king makes a publick ceremony of it at a chappel , or as they term it , at a saint about a quarter of a league from mickeness , but with the addition of this superstitious circumstance : as soon as the sheep's throat has been cut , ( for they take great care not to kill otherwise all the animals they are to eat , believing they wou'd not bleed enough another way , which wou'd make them impure and forbidden flesh ) as soon , i say , as the sheep's throat has been cut , a moor on horse-back takes it , wraps it up in a cloth , and gallops away with it full speed to the alcassave , which is the king's palace : now if when he is got thither , the sheep is still alive , they draw a good omen from it , and there is great rejoycing : but if it die by the way , then every one goes home very doleful , and there is an end of the festival . the third easter , which falls always three moons and two days after the second , is kept in honour of mahomet's birth ; and on its first day the moors eat hasty-pudding in remembrance of that which was eaten by that prophet . they light great numbers of lamps and wax tapers in the mosques on the night before that easter , and all their talbes or priests sing his praise without ceasing till morning . they solemnize st. john baptist's day by bonefires , which they make in their gardens , where they burn a great deal of incense round their fruit-trees , to entitle them to the blessing of heaven . they admit of circumcision , but neither fix the age of those that are to be circumcis'd , nor the time when . they all say the sala , or prayer ( which they also call the masse ) four times a day , and once a night , at certain set hours , which are denoted to them by the cries , or to speak more properly , by the howlings , which those who are appointed to do that office , make from the top of those gemmes , or mosques ; for , the use of bells is neither known nor allow'd in their religion . they very often wash their heads , hands and feet , and pretend to cleanse and purge themselves from all sins by that means . when-ever a man has had private converse with his wife , or been guilty of some sin , he is enjoyn'd to wash every part of his body , none being excepted , or repeat these words , which are the most sacred in their religion ; la illa illenla mahamet dara zoulla ; which signifie , there is but one god , and mahomet is his messenger ; for they pretend that these words have the same efficacy as the bath . they never go into their mosques otherwise than bare-foot , and observe the same formality when they pay visits to one another , always leaving their baboushes or shoes , at the door of the mosque or house where they go in . they believe that all the children that die before they are fifteen , whether they be christians , jews , or pagans , go to heaven ; but that if they live longer without owning mahomet as god's favourite , they are eternally undone ; however , they except the maids , who , having preserv'd their virginity , are reserv'd , as they pretend , to fill up the number of seventy , that are to be at the disposal of every muslulman in paradise , it being impossible that so great a number of their religion shou'd be found in proportion to the men. they say that the alcoran enjoyns them to compel those , by severe usage , to profess its doctrine , who do not voluntarily submit to do so . they have such a hatred for the name of a christian , which in their tongue also signifies a dog , that they use it as the most common and most reproachful term among them , never speaking it without adding , god confound him , or god burn his father and mother : such imprecations against the christians are the first words their children are taught to utter ; and when any christians are seen at mickeness , they are sure to be expos'd to the curses and hootings of the whole town , and particularly of the young fry , some of which follow them merely to bellow out a volley of abusive words , or to throw stones at them . they also firmly believe , that those who are kill'd fighting with christians , go straight to heaven ; and that they deserve no less than an infinite reward for destroying those enemies to the alcoran ; nay , that the very horses which are kill'd in such engagements , are to go to heaven with them . they have a very odd maxim concerning the truth and performance of their words ; for , lying and breaking their promises , are things of so establish'd a practice among them , that they rather pass there for vertues than for vices : insomuch , that one of their talbs , to whom i once express'd my surprize at this ill practise , made no scruple to own to me , that this made one of the chief distinctions between their religion and ours ; persuaded , they would soon , like us , be slaves to a false belief and idolatry , were they , like us also , slaves to their words and promises . tho' they admit a plurality of wives , they are allow'd to marry but four , and on them too they are to settle a dowry ; however , they may make themselves amends with as many concubines as they can afford to keep , and may put them all away when ever they will , paying the former their dowry , and selling the latter , who are their slaves , or turning 'em out of doors , yet keeping their children . they esteem all ideots and natural fools to be saints , and believe the same of those who have any knack at conjuring , whom they think to have the spirit of their prophet ; after the death of these they build chappels over their graves , go thither in pilgrimage , and upon occasion take sanctuary there , no places of refuge being more sacred and inviolable to secure them from the punishment of their crimes , or the anger of their kings . they are wholly given up to a thousand other superstitions no less odd and ridiculous ; as when they except against the testimony of those among themselves , whom they can prove addicted to make water standing , their way being to do it stooping like women ; but , because an account of all these whimsical customs wou'd take up too much time , and perhaps be thought foreign to my subject , i will say no more on that head at this time . however , i must observe , that their women do not enter into the mosques , because they esteem them uncapable of being receiv'd into heaven , as having been created , they tell you , only for the sake of propagating mankind ; yet they say their prayers at home ; and , on fridays , resort to the burying-places , to pray and weep over the graves of their dead relations ; at which time they are cloath'd in blue , which is the badge of mourning in their country , as black is in ours . and here i think i ought not to forget the grief they shew at the death of their friends and relations ; it is generally very great , and , when the person was of note , they commonly hire some women , who weep plentifully , and make a very sad moan , beating their heads and scratching their faces . before the corps is buried , 't is wash'd and wrap'd in a new shroud , then carried in a bier , follow'd by a great number of people , who walk very fast , invoking god and mahomet aloud . the dead are buried out of town in a grave which is narrow at the top and wide at bottom , that it may be more easily fill'd up , and that the corps lying there more at large , as they think , may be in greater readiness at the day of judgment , and lose no time in seeking its bones ; for which reason also they forbear burying two persons in one grave . meat is also laid on those graves ; and money and jewels are buried with the dead , that they may not want in the next world the conveniencies they had in this . the jews and christians are so strictly forbidden going into the mosques , that when any of them are seen there , they must absolutely abjure their religion , or be burnt without mercy ; and the same method is observ'd if they are found to have too close and particular a converse with the mahometan women . this circumstance is also to be remembred , that the jews are not allowed at any time to pass by a mosque without taking off their shoes , and are even obliged to go bare-foot in royal cities , as fess , morocco , mickeness , &c. on pain of the bastonado or imprisonment ; from which they are not freed till they have paid a great fine . i must also abserve , before i have done with the religion of the moors , that their alcoran forbids 'em to play at any hazardous games for money , and that those who dare break this law are punishable with the bastonado , a fine , or imprisonment ; so they only play at chess , draughts , and a kind of tictack , quite different from others ; neither do they make any great use of all these , and i did not perceive by those i frequented , that they are much given to gaming . they are not much more addicted to reading , and it may very justly be said , that sleeping , eating , drinking , women , horses , and prayers share and almost wholly engross their time , the remainder of which is generally linger'd out in a tedious and unuseful sloth ; and accordingly they are often seen sitting on their heels along the walls , with long strings of beads , which tumble through their fingers with a nimbleness equal to the shortness of the prayers they say at the dropping of each bead ; for , that prayer barely consists in mentioning one of the different attributes of god ; as in saying on one bead , god is great ; on another , god is good ; on a third , god is infinite ; on a fourth , god is merciful , &c. i ought not to forget the particular veneration they have for those who have been in pilgrimage to mecca ; they call them hadgys , or saints , and are so supersitious on their account , that they also esteem their horses to be holy as their masters . they wrap the animals in shrowds , and bury them when they die as they would their greatest friends and relations , thinking it a pleasure and duty to visit them often and see them feed . the king of morocco had one of these horses : the first time i was admitted into his presence it was led in state just before him ; and , besides the particular distinction which appear'd by the richness of his saddle and harness , his tail was held up by a christian slave , who carried a pot and a cloth to receive his excrements and wipe him . i was told that the king from time to time went to kiss that horse's tail and feet . all the horses who are thus sanctified , are usually freed from all manner of service ; and , if the masters cannot afford to keep 'em , some pensions are settled on them for their subsistance out of the neighbouring mosques . they are distinguish'd by the beads or relicks about their necks , the latter of which are nothing but some writings wrapt up in silks or cloth of gold , containing the names of their prophet and some pretended saints of their law. they also are as so many sanctuaries for criminals , like the towns and chappels of the saints already mention'd . these places , which are to be seen in many parts of the country , are , according to their bigness , the dwelling of one or more morabots or talbs , the priests of the moors , who may marry , and are very much esteem'd there , chiefly by the arabs ; they are maintain'd according to the ability or devotion of the founders , and lead a lazy and luxurious life , at the expence of those deluded creatures , who esteem themselves happy in being able to bestow large donations on them while they live , or bequeath to them when they die . methinks these places , and their foundations , may justly enough be compar'd to our abbeys , priories , and chappels . bur resuming the idea of the king of morocco's picture , which i had begun , i shall observe that he is between forty nine and fifty years of age , of a tawny complexion , and lean ; his hair is black , but begins to turn grey ; he 's of a middle size ; his face oval ; his cheeks hollow , as well as his eyes , which are black and sparkling ; his nose is little and hook'd ; his chin sharp ; his lips thick , and his mouth pretty well proportion'd : he 's extream covetous and cruel ; interest and an excessive love of money can almost make him do any thing , and he 's so much delighted in spilling blood with his own hands , that 't is generally believ'd he must have put above twenty thousand persons to death himself , during the twenty years that he has fill'd the throne . i am the rather inclin'd to believe or confirm this , having my self reckon'd up no less than forty seven whom he killed during my one and twenty days stay at his court : and , besides , he was not asham'd to appear before me at the last audience he gave me by the gate of his stables , himself being on horse-back , with his cloths and right-arm all imbru'd with the blood of two of his chief blacks , whom he had just butcher'd with a knife . every nation is amaz'd to find his subjects so submissive and patient under so excessive and cruel a tyranny ; but they must know , that not to speak of the general and particular want of power to oppose it , they so fondly believe that dying thus by the hands of a king who is a xerif , and descended from their prophet , they immediately go to heaven , that the greatest part among them esteem that a happiness which a smaller and more judicious number abominate , but cannot hinder ; and indeed the latter keep at a distance from him as much as they can , and think themselves as happy in not seeing him , as the mad herd in being kill'd by him . notwithstanding this , 't is said this prince is of a pretty good temper when his passion is over ; but he 's subject to violent capricio's , that are the more dangerous ; for being always cover'd with the cloak of religion , of which he affects to appear an exact observer ; and he is so firmly persuaded that his subjects think him such , that for that reason , and being full of that prevention , he assumes a license of doing whatever he pleases . he only studies to be fear'd by his subjects , and cares very little whether they love him or no ; and therefore they generally tremble when they come near him , and tho' they approach him out of duty , never do it out of good-will ; the rather , because none ought to come into his presence but by his order or permission , and not without presents . he has a great deal of wit and courage , is active , indefatigable and very dexterous at all martial sports , as running with the lance and horse-exercises ; in which pastimes i must observe , by the way , that all the moors are wonderfully expert , and in this do not seem to have in the least degenerated from what history so much celebrates the ancient people of granada for in their turnaments . he drinks no wine because his religion forbids it ; but when he takes opium , or drinks a certain hypocras that he makes himself with brandy , cloves ▪ anniseed , cinnamon and nutmegs , which happens pretty often , woe to him that comes in his way when the fumes are got up into his head. 't is also not very safe to meet him when he 's cloath'd in a yellow habit ; for it has been long observ'd that this colour is a dangerous omen when he wears it , and almost generally fatal to some of those who come near him at that time : he had a vest on of that colour when he gave me the audience of leave all bloody ; as i have observ'd . he 's very much given to women , and has near four hundred in his alcassave for his own use , besides about five hundred others to wait upon these : he has one hundred and eighteen male children now living , besides daughters , who are not reckon'd , and may be about two hundred : he only takes the sons from his concubines , whom he often changes , and leaves them the daughters , without allowing them so much as will keep ' em . he 's married only to four of all these women ; his law not allowing him to have more wives : the rest are his concubines and slaves . he 's wholly govern'd by one of these creatures , who is a black , and has no manner of beauty : she 's the mother of that son whom he seems to design for his successor ; and whom he causes to be called muley zeydan . he affects to appear modest and humble , and always makes god the author of the good and evil which he does ; yet he is very vain and fond of ostentation . he is absolute in his dominions , and often compares himself to the emperor of france , who , he says , is the only prince that knows how to reign like him , and make his will a law. he often mentions a letter which he pretends was written by his prophet to heraclius , and adds , that all the prosperities of the kings of france wholly proceed from the religious care they have always taken to preserve it . as for the rest of the christian princes , he looks upon them as depending on their subjects , and never speaks of 'em but with contempt . 't was in this sense , that to heighten the great encomiums he bestowed on the king , in the first audience he gave me by the gate of his alcassave or palace , in a very mean habit , his face muffled up in a snuff-handkerchief , of a dirty hue , his arms and legs bare , sitting without matt or carpet on a threshold by two wooden posts which supported the porch , some alcaydes sitting by him bare-foot on the ground : it was probably in that sense , i say , that , to make me sensible of the just difference he puts between the king and the other princes of europe , he told me , that the emperor of germany was only the companion of his electors ; that the king of spain was less master of his dominions than his ministers ; that the king of england depends on his parliament ; and that he look'd upon all the rest as having more the appearance of authority than the thing it self . however , notwithstanding this absolute and personal empire , with the enjoyment of which he flatters himself , there are few princes whose minds are more easily to be prejudic'd and seduc'd than his : insomuch that such of his alcaydes as are nearest his person , know how to byass and lead him as they please ; principally , when the pretence of religion , interest , or vanity can be brought in , to make him pliable to what suits with their designs . this vanity is never better gratified than when some christian prince sends him ambassadors ; then his joy cannot be express'd , and he always kisses the ground when he first spies them , and even in their presence , in token of his thanks to heaven for the mighty blessing . 't was thus he behaved himself as soon as he discover'd me on a pretty high wall not yet finish'd , where i had been plac'd without seats , cover or foot-cloth , that i might be a spectator by his order , of a review of 10000 horse and 2000 foot , which he made on purpose for me hard by the town ; who after they had moved some time without order , and with great shouts , filed off by that wall , all of them discharging their arms in my face , to do me , as they said , the greater honour : 't is true , this is their way of shewing their respects to each other , and they do the same to their princes and generals . the king of morocco makes no distinction between ambassadors , but according to their qualities and their station near their masters . but above all , when they bring him rich presents . his predecessors and himself have so well establish'd the custom , or , to speak more properly , the duty of bringing those presents , that they have , as it were , made it a law to bring them , which their subjects and all foreigners who come to their court must observe , it being not lawful to appear there without them . 't is even an essential article of their ceremonies relating to ambassadors , always to begin the reception that is made them by the following questions , yet softned with some preliminary excuse and civility : who are ye ? whence come ye ? what 's your business ? what do you bring ? and 't is according as they answer to the last of these questions , that the manner of their reception and usage are regulated . 't is also with a prospect and desire of procuring such presents , that this prince uses all imaginable means to get ambassadors sent him , or to engage other states to receive them ; yet , when he either desires or promises ambassadors of an eminent quality , 't is to be believ'd he does it much less out of a desire of paying or receiving a particular respect , than to get large presents , always esteeming they ought to be proportionable to their quality . nevertheless , he imagines that his greatness never appears or evinces it self better than by lessening them ; and for that reason there is no manner of difficulty that can be raised , or tricks and subtilties that can be devis'd , but what are improv'd by his ministers to succeed in this . they also try'd with all imaginable cunning and stiffness , to make me submit to the rules which they think they have establish'd by their violent proceedings with the late ambassadors of some other crowns . but that the king might not be expos'd to resent such an usage , i omitted nothing in that juncture to make 'em sensible of the difference between his majesty and all other princes , and withstood these assuming endeavours with so many reasons , and with so much firmness and patience , that i had the satisfaction to see , by the success which even his majesty has honour'd with his approbation , that i had inspir'd into them the just idea they were to have of whatever relates to the merit , the power and the glory of his majesty . 't is said , that this prince has taken a solemn oath never to set free the christian slaves that are under his power , till , at least , as many of his own subjects be exchanged for 'em ; and the last treaties which the spaniards made with him of ten , and since that lately , of four moors for one spaniard , have so puff'd him up with pride and presumption on that account , that they have almost made it impossible for other nations to treat with him . mickeness is the place where he usually resides ; 't is a little inland town about 40 leagues from sally , 60 from tetuan , and 12 from fess. 't is very populous , having above 60000 inhabitants , but so ill built and unpleasant in it self , that it might well pass for a pittiful country town , were it not for the great number of its inhabitants , its prince's presence and his alcassave that graces it , and which is almost as large as the town , and of a structure far above what i could have thought it to have been , compared to all the other edifices i had seen before in that country . that palace shews it self above the town , and has many walls about it that are very high , very thick , and very white ; and consists of a great number of pavillions , or small distinct buildings , besides its two mosques , whose minarets are of a considerable height . as that building is the first thing that strikes the eye when we come near the town , it gives a very great idea of it self ; but it is much lessen'd by a nearer view ; for , the whole is built with so little art and regularity , that it would puzzle the most skilfull architect to find out its true disposition and design ; and i am even persuaded by what i could inferr from its outside , ( for i was not permitted to see it within ) that the king himself , who is the author and manager of that fabrick , cannot give an account of it , and that he has no other design in pulling down and building up , as he does every day , than to bring under , by hard labour and servitude , a great number of his subjects whom he employs in that work ; which is also the usual employment and punishment of the christian slaves , who are forc'd to work there at all times , and without ceasing , becoming labourers and masons thro' bastonadoes and misery , under the load of which they sink the sooner , their daily food barely consisting in a very small pittance of very brown , or rather black barley bread , with water , and lodging only in matamorres or subterraneous places , in which the bare ground is their only bed , and they breath a very bad air , infected with noisome smells . however , amongst this sort of slavery , which is so cruel and intolerable , there appears a kind of humanity , that one wou'd not in the least expect from that prince's barbarity : for , neither women nor married men are oblig'd to work ; the former on account of their native weakness , and the latter because they say , the charge of a wife , and the use they ought to make of her , are sufficient to excuse 'em from being incumbred with additional drudgeries : but this kind of compassion is very much disfigured by his avarice , which inclines him to give 'em nothing to subsist . those who become renegades , are also exempted from working , but they are no less slaves ; for the king makes 'em keep guard at his gates , or sends them to his alcaydes in the provinces , and these employ 'em in things suitable to their strength and capacity . he takes 'em with him into the field , and , in engagements , always places 'em in the front , where , if they betray but the least design of giving way , he cuts 'em in pieces . the alcassave has about 45 appartments , each of which has a fountain in its yard : it s chief gate is very stately , and has some pillars whence 't is called the marble gate . the only regular buildings in that palace , are the two mosques and a mishuart , or large yard , adorn'd within with pillars and bas-reliefs of marble , without any figures of animals , but with cyphers and arabick characters , in which the most considerable of the king 's military exploits are related . the stables , which they call rooes , are also very fine , and consist of two long galleries all arch'd to the right and left , there being from space to space , in the middle of a kind of pav'd way which parts 'em , some little pavillions or summer-houses , that are very neat , in each of which is a fountain and a watering-place for horses , that , as every one knows , are extreamly fine in that country , but none of which the moors will suffer to be exported on any account whatsoever for any christian country , out of an erroneous maxim , which makes 'em esteem it a wrong done to their religion to supply us with any , or with corn : they have the same bigotry about books , which are there the more curious and scarce , there being now few or no printing-houses in those parts . the king's gardens are in the middle of a vast grove of olive-trees , and may be said to be fine ; flowers , fruits , kitchen-herbs , and trees of all sorts are to be seen there in every season of the year , but , as they lie somewhat far from the alcassave , this distance , which makes 'em less convenient , causes 'em also to seem less pleasant . the walks are very narrow ; there are no water-works , but some rivulets glide through the place and serve to water it . a spanish slave whose name is antonio lopes has the care of it . this man seems to be of a good extraction , and is kindly us'd by the king ; but the useful and profitable service he does him , keeps that prince from suffering or even promising him ever to return to his own country . there are some goodly palaces near the king 's , which are built by some of the alcaydes , to ingratiate themselves with him , tho' they can hardly expect to enjoy 'em securely , being made but too sensible by an experience fatal to some of their rank , that they shall not be masters of 'em any longer than till that prince takes a fansie to make 'em his own . there is an hospital at mickeness , which the king of spain has lately founded there , for the comforting and relieving of slaves , and which is indeed a very great help to 'em : 't is capable of receiving a hundred sick persons . four recollet-monks and a physician are constantly kept there , for whose subsistance his catholick majesty , who caused it to be built , has settled a fund of two thousand crowns yearly . neither the hospital nor the religious men who belong to it are suffer'd in the town , but on account of some tribute , no more than are those of fess , sally , and tetuan . there are in this town , as in all the rest of africa , several schools where children are taught to read , write , cypher , and nothing else . when they are corrected , 't is with a very flat wooden rod , with which they are struck on the soles of their feet . all their study consists in reading the alcoran from the beginning to the end , and when a boy has gone through his book , he 's finely set out , and his school-fellows lead him a horse-back through the town , as it were in triumph , and proclaim his praise . the jews inhabit a particular and pretty large part of the town ; the place where they live is no neater than those where some of their nation dwell in other cities . there may be about sixteen thousand of 'em in the whole kingdom , and their head chiefly resides at mickeness ; it being his business to assess 'em , and collect the ordinary and extraordinary garams they are to pay . he who is in that station at present is one abraham maymaran , who has lost one of his eyes , and does not seem over-stock'd with sense , but is in favour with the king on account of the frequent presents he makes him , and of the services he does him on any occasion . 't is also by his management that this prince keeps a correspondence , both pecuniary and political , with other nations , whether friends or foes . that jew and his family live in a very fine house , but all the rest have very mean habitations . tho' they are so numerous in these parts , and so beneficial to the state , they are not more respected there than in other places ; for they are always pitch'd upon for the meanest employments ; nothing but their food is allow'd 'em for the work and drudgeries they are often commanded to do . and they are so often tax'd , revil'd , curs'd , and bastonado'd , that they may be look'd upon as the common mark and perpetual sport of the avarice and injustice of the great , and the aversion of all others . 't is not lawful for 'em to defend themselves against the least child who gives 'em ill words , or throws stones at 'em ; and they are to be known from the moors , who always wear red caps , by the black caps and bernous they are oblig'd to wear . every where they live apart from the moors , and the entrance into the place where they dwell is guarded by some men whom the king appoints for that purpose , that they may not be disturb'd in their business and religious worship ; but they dare not travel through the country alone , or without some moors to protect them ; for , the arabs and barbarians would certainly cut their throats without mercy . however , notwithstanding , all these outward marks of misery and scorn , in the main , they are richer and in a better condition than the moors themselves ; the reason of which is , that they work and trade , but the moors do not ; and indeed the jews wives wear most of 'em good clothes ; and , as they do not hide their faces like the moorish women , they take more care of their head-dress and other attire . for my part , having seen none but jewish women there , i must own that i have found several of 'em so agreeable and beautiful , that i don't doubt but the same idea may reasonably be form'd of the other african women , whom the jealousie of the men , and the custom of the country , oblige to hide themselves much more than their own inclination ; for , 't is certain , that the reservedness and restraint , in which the moors keep their wives , serve rather to quicken the desire , which they have naturally to run astray , than to stifle it ; and that , as these women have more wit and vivacity than those of europe , these qualifications inable 'em to out-do 'em in all the arts and tricks by which they may gratifie their inclinations . they are particularly fond of christians because they are not circumcis'd , and there are no stratagems but what are us'd by some of 'em , to intice the slaves that live with them , or who are allow'd to come where they dwell . but a certain ceremony which is perform'd at their weddings , does not a little contribute to the keeping of them in , till that time , unless they act with a great deal of caution ; for , when the friends on both sides are agreed , the bride , quite cover'd with a veil , is carried in publick , trumpets sounding , and hautboys playing , to the bridegrooms dwelling , and he is not allow'd to uncover her face , nor look on any part of her body , till he has found her to be a maid ; which done , he pulls off her veil , and takes off his drawers , dy'd in the action , and throws 'em in the yard ; whereupon the women , who had brought her thither , take 'em up singing and dancing for joy that she is receiv'd to be his wife : but if he does not find her to be a virgin , he has her stripp'd of her wedding clothes , turns her out of doors without seeing her face , and sends her back to her father , whom the law permits to strangle her , if he has a mind to proceed to that severity . when the moors marry , they send for a cady and a publick notary ; the latter draws up an instrument , in which he sets down the dowry which the husband settles on the wife ; for , parents give nothing to their daughters ; and when a husband puts away his wife he 's oblig'd to give her the promis'd dowry , and cannot marry till four months after ; but when 't is the wife that leaves the husband , the law does not give her any thing . the fattest and biggest women are the most admir'd in those parts ; for which reason that sex never put on any stiff-body'd gowns , or other streight and close dresses that they may become such . but this also makes their breasts lank and flabby to an odious excess : they all wear scarves , which they tye about their waste , and generally keep their body very neat , tho' they always go bare-leg'd : they use a great deal of vermilion about their cheeks and lips , blackning their eye-brows with the smoke of galls : they colour the soles of their feet and the inside of their hands with yellow , and their nails with red , and set out their necks , ears , arms and legs with neck-laces , pendents , bracelets , and a world of trifling gugaws , never thinking themselves handsom if they want any of these borrow'd ornaments . when they go abroad , they cover themselves with a large white and very thin veil , and muffle up the middle of their faces , that they may not be seen , their eyes only uncover'd , that they may see their way : they never speak to any man they meet , tho' 't were their own husband , who could not then know his own wife ; for they are all cover'd alike ; but they take off all this when they come into the chamber of any of their she-friends , and are very careful to leave their shooes at the chamber-door , that the master of the house may not come in there ; for if he did , the husband of the visitant would take it very ill . tho' they have but one husband amongst many , and most of 'em live together , they are not jealous of one another . no man but their husband is admitted to see 'em in their houses ; and when some friends are invited to a treat , which seldom happens there , the man's wives go to the top of the house , which is like a terrass , or into some upper room , and stay there till the guests are gone ; which always makes the entertainment very short ; neither do they stay to talk and divert themselves together , as we do in europe . the manner of eating amongst the moors , is to sit on the ground without shooes , master and servants together , round a large piece of leather , which is always very greasie , and serves both for table and table-cloth . their standing dish is some cooscoosoos , a paste made with fine flower , which looks much like our sugar'd anniseed , and has been boil'd with some young pidgeons , fowls , or mutton : they cram down this cooscoosoos by handfuls , and make a kind of little pellets of it , which they fling into their mouths ; and throw back into the dish ( which is narrow at bottom and broad at top , not altogether unlike a stool-pan ) what stuck to their beard or greasie fists . as for flesh , when they would take up a bit , and part it from the whole , as they never put but their right-hand in the dish , every one pulls his piece , as a pack of hounds does carrion , till they tear it asunder ; and all this without speaking a word during the whole meal . those who live a little better , after that dish , which is generally attended with a salad , have a brass-bason or earthen-platter of meat fricaseed with honey and almonds , or broil'd on the flames , or fry'd in oil , and some other sweet-meats , after their way , without any desert ; and after they have done eating , they wipe their fingers on the edge of the dish , or lick 'em with their tongue . they drink nothing but water , because their alcoran forbids 'em wine , tho' not brandy , with which they often get drunk , using all the same vessel : they love also very much our provence ros-solis , ratafia , cette , and cinnamon-water , &c. but sherbet and coffee , so used in the levant , are not known to ' em . the stable is the place which they most commonly chuse to eat in ; and they have no other pleasure , after they have fill'd their bellies , than to visit their wives or their horses . now that i have spoke of the moors manner of eating , i think i may add a word of their dress . the men wear a shirt that is pretty short , with broad sleeves , that sometimes hang down , but more frequently are turn'd up to their shoulders , chiefly in summer ; in which season they go with bare arms. under that shirt they wear linnen-drawers , that reach only to their knees , and leave their legs naked to their feet : they have shooes , or rather slippers , without heel's , call'd baboushes ; the marabouts or talbs wear certain pieces cut on the edges like a flower-de-luce , and 't is only by that mark that they are to be known and distinguish'd from the rest . they all wear a cafetan or cloth-vest without sleeves , of any colour which they fansie most , and about this vest a silk scarf , in the fore-part of which they put a sheath with two or three knives , the handles of which , as also the tip of the sheath , they always covet to have of some costly metal , or of some extraordinary workmanship : over this cafetan , which is only button'd to the girdle , they wear a hayick , which is a piece of very fine white woollen-stuff , about five ells long , and one and a half broad , and cover their head and whole body with it , wrapping themselves up in it above and below the arms , not much unlike what is to be seen in the draperies of antique figures of the apostles and israelites . they wear over all this , principally in winter , a bernooe , or kind of stuff or cloath cloak , edg'd with a fringe , whence there hangs a kind of a cowle behind with a tuft at the end on 't . when they go into the country they wear a straw hat , but every where else they have on their heads , which they always keep shav'd , only a red woollen cap , about which sometimes they put some muslin to make a turbant , provided it be not in their king's presence ; for , before him none of 'em , of what quality soever , dare appear otherwise than with a plain cap on . none but the xeriffs , or mahomet's posterity , have leave to wear a green cap ; and as for the jews , they are oblig'd to wear none but black ; the younger sort wear none at all , and must go bare till they are twenty , unless they be married , or either they or their father have been at mecca , in which cases they are allow'd to wear a cap when they are fourteen . this is the dress which all the moors wear , there being no distinction between 'em but what consists in the richness of their cafetans , or the fineness of their hayicks : the alcaydes alone are to be known from the rest by some leathern belts , embroider'd with gold , which they wear over the shoulder , and in 'em a scimeter ; and over this they have a bernoo of scarlet , or black cloth , without a cowle ; even the king himself does not go otherwise dress'd , but indeed he always has a coat of mail under his shirt , to secure himself from such secret attempts as he knows his cruelty cannot but inspire . the king's blacks , who are design'd for his guard , are also dress'd in the like manner , and very decently , and are seldom seen to wear bernoos , but generally silk stockins , which they very much fancy ; they wear scimeters , and when they are a horse-back , have always lances or fusils . the womens dress is somewhat like the mens , from which it differs only in the sleeves of their smocks that cover their arms , and are close to the wrist , and in the length of their drawers that come down to the calves of their legs : the neck-bands of their smocks are plaited , and commonly embroider'd ; their vest is open before to the waste ; they fasten some large pieces of muslin to the sleeves of these vests , which would be much like our womens engage 〈◊〉 , but that they hang much lower : at home they wear a very short petticoat , and when they go abroad they wrap themselves up in a hayick , which wholly covers 'em from the neck to the feet ; they also hide their faces , so that nothing is seen but their eyes . as for their head-dress , it does not much differ from that of the spanish women ; for they wear some roses of ribbon and two tresses of hair , which they toss back , having nothing on their heads but a single veil or binder . they wear neither shoes nor baboushes , but only some shaussons of red or yellow spanish leather , without either soles or heels . before i have done with this article , i must observe a circumstance which seems to me pleasant enough : when the moors happen to be caught by a shower of rain in the fields , having not their bernoos , then to save their cloaths from being wet , they strip themselves stark-naked , making a bundle of their hayick , vest and shirt , on which they sit till the rain be over , and then they put on their cloaths , which they have kept dry , and proceed on their journeys . when i gave an account of the number of the king's children , who are so many and so ill educated , that 't is to be presum'd several of 'em will hardly be so happy as ever to have an estate or employment , i said , that this monarch seem'd to have pitch'd upon one of 'em for his successor , whose mother he fondly dotes on : his name is muley zeydan , and he may be about one or two and twenty years of age : he is a mullatto , pretty well shap'd , and seems not so covetous as his father , tho' not less inclin'd to spill humane blood : he is much given to debauchery , and loves wine and brandy extreamly , often drinking both to excess ; at which time 't is not very safe to keep him company , or be in his way . he does not lodge in the alcassave , but dwells in a sately palace adjoyning , which the alcayde ali ben abdalla , whom i shall have occasion to mention hereafter , had built there for himself , but of which the king has made himself master , as he commonly does of whatsoever his subjects have that he likes , or thinks to be convenient for him . this young prince has already three wives , and a daughter of the alcayde ali is intended to be his fourth . a moorish woman walking in the town a black of the king of moroccos guard a marabout or talbe most of the king 's other children are brought up with so much neglect , and so much unlike the sons of a great prince , that there are but few mean actions of which they are not capable ; above all , in what relates to debauchery and getting money : they often go to visit the jews , to find some strong drink , or to pilfer something ; for they are as thievish and ravenous as kites , and don 't in the least come short of the most dexterous lacedaemonians of old in that art ; if they meet a slave they search him , and take whatever he has from him ; for which reason they and their visits are not less shun'd in private houses , than those of gypsies in a country market . i had a trial of this in a visit i was plagu'd with by one of 'em , only some twelve or thirteen years old : his only salute and complement was to lay his hands on whatever seem'd worth his temptation : neither can i better compare his coming in and his going out , than to that of a monkey , who would skip you at once on some basket of fruit he had spy'd in a room , and , having laid hold on what he could catch , would run out as nimbly as he came ; however , i came off with the loss of a pair of pistols and some boxes of sweet-meats : but this serv'd to teach me to beware of the no less dexterous hands of his brothers , whom i always took care to receive no where but in the yard , or at the gate of the palace where i was lodg'd . as these children grow in years the king makes 'em alcaydes , or governors of several parts of his dominions : and , after the death of the father , he who is the most in favour , and has the strongest party , overcomes and kills the rest , to secure the empire to himself , then puts his favorites or his own children into their places . that son who is with the king at his death , is generally in a capacity of enslaving the rest , because he is master of the arms , and sometimes of the treasure when he can discover it . the present emperour highly approves of this maxim , as the means whereby their children become warriors , in hopes of obtaining the empire over their brothers ; but this daily occasions war betwixt 'em , and divides their dominions with as much ease as the conquerors re-united 'em with difficulty . these children , at nine or ten years of age , will mount the highest mettl'd horses , ride them full speed without saddles , boots , or spurs , and sit 'em all the while with the greatest security . 't is the custom among the moors to ride their horses very young thus without a saddle , as well for the sake of the horses as of the riders ; for there the horses are back'd and wrought after the first grass . i endeavour'd in vain to inform my self exactly of the emperour of morocco's revenues ; i found it was altogether as impossible to reckon 'em up , as to fix the caprice of his humour in raising the taxes , and his insatiable greediness of gold and silver : the tenth of all his subjects goods is the most common assessment , as well as the yearly tax upon all the jews of six crowns for every male , form fifteen years old and upwards ; but he lays such frequent impositions upon them and the rest of his subjects , or , to use their expression , such extraordinary garams , assessing sometimes one town and sometimes another , without any pretence or reason but his mere will , that it is very difficult to know or fix the whole product ; which , however , is very considerable ; tho' he has not any crown-lands . 't is certain he causes all the gold and silver he receives by it , to be melted down and buried , ( for the taxes are seldom paid but in quintals or hundred weights of gold and silver ) that he kills all those whom he employs about the laying up of those treasures , that by these means he may become as much master of his own secret as of his wealth ; for which reason he often causes it to be melted himself , and hides it without making any one privy to it ; and this made me call this treasure invisible and unprofitable , when i spoke of it in the article of the town of morocco . it is computed he may have thus by him to the value of fifty millions of livres ; which were a fine treasure , and a rich mine for an invader to search , if he cou'd discover and approach it . he get's a great deal out of his alcaydes , to whom he allows the revenues of their governments ; but in return , he obliges 'em to make him yearly presents at the great easter , which is that when they sacrifice the lamb ; and these often amount to more than their revenue : whence it happens that they are as absolute there as the king himself , and exercise their authority with perfect tyranny . it may be said , that these alcaydes govern all the kingdom under the emperor's authority ; for there is no parliament , no court of justice , no particular council , nor minister : he himself is alone the author , expounder , and sovereign judge of his laws , which , except those of his prophet , have no other foundation or limits than his will. nor have they any weight or effect but through the extreme cruelty which he himself is impower'd to exercise right or wrong , against those who may be more properly call'd the victims of his fury or cruelty , than of his justice ; which does not deserve that name , but in respect of robbers and murtherers , whom he has undertaken to punish , executing them himself : and indeed he has proceeded against them with such care and success , that he has clear'd the high-ways , which were all pester'd with 'em before : this ought to be accounted as one of the most remarkable and most advantageous things he has done during his reign ; the care which he has taken being so great , and his orders so exactly observ'd , in causing those who live near the places where the crime is committed to be punish'd with death or a fine , that at this time a man may travel through all his territories with as much boldness and security , as formerly he did with fear and danger . his authority which appears , and is indeed so despotic , has nevertheless one superior to it , to which it is subordinate , which is the mufty's and his officers , whom the king has not the power of deposing , tho' he has that of making 'em : he as well as others submits to the decrees of this jurisdiction , and neither can disclaim it , nor withdraw himself from it , if the least of his subjects has a mind to cite him before it ; but , at the same time , it must be acknowledg'd , that a fatal revenge , which surely wou'd follow , sufficiently restrains 'em from it ; therefore generally that jurisdiction does not affect him unless when he consults it , or it thinks fit to make him some remonstrances necessary to his service , and the good of his empire . this mufty is the proper and supreme judge of adulterers , whom commonly he sentences to death ; he is so absolute in what concerns all particular differences that come before him , that his sentence admits of no appeal nor delay : a bastonado is always the primum mobile that hurries on the execution of his decree , and woe to him that summons a richer man than himself to appear at his tribunal , or who is cited thither by such a one ; for , the cadies , who are in the nature of sub-delegates to the mufty in all the towns and villages , always sell their suffrages to them who give most ; and false witnesses , who are never punish'd there , are so numerous and so cheap in that country , that no man dares trust there to his own innocency , nor to the justice of his cause . the alcaydes substitute one cady in every town or village within their government , but all under the authority of the grand mufty ; and place there besides two other officers , who are fix'd as the former , but such as they may depose at pleasure ; in which , these differ from the cadies , over whom the alcaydes have not the same authority . the first of these officers is the calif , or deputy-governour , who takes care of all that relates to the particulars and authority of the government , and takes cognizance of all the faults and complaints of the moors and of the jews , determining their differences ; which ever redounds to the profit of the alcayde , because the guilty or wrangling parties are always either punish'd or redress'd by the expence of their own money . the calif is accountable for this fine to his governour , but neither of 'em have power to condemn any one to death , at least without an order from the king. this officer likewise assesses the people within the extent of his province , fixing the ordinary and extraordinary taxes or garams , which are never levied or got in , but by some black , whom the king sends on the places for that purpose . the other officer is the amokadem , a sort of judge , whose business 't is to set a tax and price upon victuals and fuel , ( which are all sold by weight ) and to see that due order be kept in these matters . the duties and fees which he claims and receives for every one of these wares , wou'd make this post very gainful , if he alone were to receive the benefit of it ; but if the yearly presents he is oblig'd to make to his alcayde , and sometimes to the king himself , do not sweep away all his profit , at least they diminish the the greatest part of it . thus much may be observ'd of the government of this great kingdom , whose strength by sea and land , and commerce , now remains to be examin'd , that we may perfectly know the state of it . i have already made it appear , that its strength at sea is inconsiderable ; what may be said of its land-forces , is , that they might be formidable , if this prince knew how to discipline his subjects , and had a sufficient quantity of good arms for them ; but you may judge of them by their real wants in these two points , as well as by the king 's not keeping any forces in constant pay. whenever some expedition is intended , he commands his alcaydes to raise him the number of men he designs shall serve in it ; upon which it is agreed amongst them , what each ought to furnish proportionably to the extent of his government , where the division is made according to the rolls of those that pay taxes : then they impress and force such marry'd men to march , as do not voluntarily list themselves into the service , or at least they are oblig'd to send others in their room : two brothers may be taken out of three , but they must be marry'd , for the younger and unsettl'd can't be compell'd to go . these men so rais'd , be they officers , foot , or horse-men , are oblig'd to mount , arm , equip , and maintain themselves at their own cost during all the campaign ; and , as for the most part , they have neither fire arms nor powder , they march only with swords , lances , or staves . however , in every town or village , a certain number proportionable to the largeness of the place , is continually to be in arms , and ready to march at the first command : those only who are design'd for horse men , have horses given 'em , which they must keep ▪ and all of this number , be they either foot-soldiers or horse-men , are free from all taxes : thus they may be said to be kept , not at the king's charge , but at that of the place to which they belong . when they are ready to give battle , they range their armies after this manner : they divide their horse into two bodies , and place one on each wing ; the foot is in the middle , so that the whole is in the form of a crescent : they put but two ranks of soldiers when they fight on a plain ; but when they fight between the mountains , where they can't spread themselves , they put more . before the ingagement begins they make a great shout , which is follow'd with some short prayers , to beg of god to give 'em the victory . such of the horse as always keep near the king's person , are all blacks , and wear fusils and scimeters , with pistols at their girdles : those that are more distant , have partly lances and partly musquets ; as for the foot , one part is arm'd with fusils , and t'other with cross-bows , slings , clubs , half-pikes , long darts , and cutlasses . when they are at war among themselves , they go but unwillingly into the field ; but when with christians , then every one is eager and proud to go , that they may gain indulgencies for the expiation of their sins ; and then their armies are very numerous . all the arabs and barbarians , by whose dwellings the army passes , are oblig'd to provide gratis where-ever it encamps , wheat , meal , butter , oil , honey , and cattle , for its subsistance , and this upon pain of being plunder'd of all that they have , and cut in pieces themselves . 't is said , that upon any pressing occasion that concerns religion , the king might raise an army of an hundred thousand men , half of which shou'd consist of horse , but not above five and twenty thousand of 'em , at most , wou'd be well arm'd : 't is thought the king has for that purpose ten thousand musquets in his armory , which he keeps , as likewise his treasure , for that son , whom he designs for his successor , that he may leave him in a capacity of maintaining his crown against any of his brothers or others , that shou'd dispute it with him ; for it is certain , as i have observ'd before , that he who is master of the arms and money , soon becomes so of all the kingdom , which is neither hereditary nor elective , but always his among the xerifs who is then most in favour . there are in the armory , besides these musquets , a hundred and fifty pieces of brass cannon , one part of which came out of the ship the captain of spain , which was lost ten years since before ceúta , and the other from the town of larache , which was retaken from the spaniards . tho' this prince has no regular forces , he has nevertheless a standing guard of three or four hundred blacks , arm'd with very heavy musquets : they are always very young , and he chuses 'em such , because he will not trust the guard of his person to those of a riper age , for fear of some attempt against him : they are for the most part children of the seraglio , and he only provides food and cloaths for 'em , but they are better and more neatly apparell'd than the greatest lords in that kingdom . besides this guard , the king has seven or eight alcaydes , who never approach him otherwise than bare-footed , and without turbants , but they are allow'd to wear a red woollen cap on their heads ; and in these consists all his court. there are three sorts of alcaydes , the chief are the governours of provinces , where they are effectually like so many vice-roys ; the other are either particular governours of great towns , or general officers of his armies : they are all of 'em oblig'd to reside where their imployments require their attendance , and the king keeps near him only such of 'em as are more particularly useful to him , and gives their children leave to act for them . there is no considerable officer , either for his house or for the general or particular administration of his state , besides the grand mufti for affairs of religion and justice , the chief eunuch for his wives and seraglio , and one chief treasurer for his revenues , and the latter's office too is passive and burthensom at best , for he never makes any distribution of the money he receives , and is immediately oblig'd to return it to the king , who lays it up among his unprofitable and subterraneous hoard , as i have already observ'd : and as for what concerns the ordinary expence of his house and his wives , or the occasion of some extraordinary charges in time of war , this alcayde must raise the fund out of the revenues of his government ; this prince never giving any salary , pension , nor gratuity in money , to any one whatsoever . he who at present executes the office of high treasurer , is the alcayde abdalla mussy , governour of all the kingdom of fess ; the administration of which government he commits to one of his sons , while he himself continually keeps at mickeness . he is near six and fifty years old , little and lean ; his eyes are even with his forehead ; he is of a good aspect enough , and is counted an honest man , and one who keeps his word , which is very rare among the moors : he is but meanly descended , for his father was a mule-driver : he is well enough beloved , because he is an honest man , and one who does good ; but for this very reason he is no great favourite . there is besides another officer , who is in the nature of superintendant of the buildings , whose name is aly ben jehon : he has the inspection and takes care of all those that are built by the king at mickeness , and is so wholly employ'd in it , that sometimes he is whole weeks without seeing his master ; and he had need be very rich , to defray the costs of all the materials , both for the inside and outside of those buildings , which he is oblig'd to provide . 't is true indeed that his government , which contains the whole country that lies between mickeness and tremecen , is of a great extent , and a very fruitful soil ; however , i am persuaded , considering the unlimitted expences to which this office obliges him , that notwitstanding all the good management imaginable , his bare subsistence is all the advantage he makes of it at the years end . he is about eight and forty years old , of a large and comely presence , tho' a mulatto : he has a quick eye , a ready wit , and is of a pretty kind disposition : the slaves that attend him daily , give him the character of a good humour'd man , and praise him very much ; but as he is altogether taken up by his business , he does not at all concern himself with affairs of state. he that seems to have the greatest share in that , and on whom alone the king seems to rely in those matters , is the alcayde , mahomet addo ben ottar , who is to this prince as his chief minister , and has there the same access and the same trust as a favorite ; and indeed , of all them that approach him , he best knows how to flatter his passions and humour him in whatever may please him . twelve years since he was embassador in england , and what-ever his treatment may have been there , he might be thought a great enemy to that nation , if his mischievous inclination did not make him known for such to all others . as he has no government , having quitted that of sally to his brother , thus to exempt himself from the obligation of making presents to his emperour , so he is the less wealthy ; but has the greatest interest of all the alcaydes ; he is about five and fifty years of age ; he has a quick eye and an ingenious look ; his ways and discourse discover a great deal of cunning ; he is deceitful and wicked to the highest degree ; and pretends to be a friend to the french , frequently saying that his mother was born at marseilles , when at the same time he loves nothing but money , and is pleas'd with nothing but mischief ; he is fear'd but not at all belov'd by the moors , who universally hate his ministery , and in private give him all the curses imaginable ; he is likewise very great with muley zeydan the king's son , and the partner of all his pleasures . the alcayde aly ben abdalla and he are rivals , and jealous of each other's interest with the king , which causes the management of affairs to be difficult there : the alcayde aly being always absent , keeps up his interest only by his rich presents , but mahomet addo's seems to be better establish'd by his continual residence at court , and his artifices and method in managing the king's temper , to reduce him to a necessity of never parting with him . this alcayde aly ben abdalla , of all those who are at distance from court , lives with most grandeur and authority ; he is vice-roy of the algarbs , and governor of the provence of riffe , and of all the maritime places from zaffarine to sally , that has its particular governors ; for which reason the king wholly depends on him for what relates to sea-affairs ; and , as he is very vain , he calls himself among strangers admiral of the coasts of africa . formerly he resided altogether at tetuan , but at present his residence is commonly at tangier ; he is about fifty years of age , and of mean birth ; being a fisherman's son , yet is one of the richest in all this empire , and the king receives the greatest presents every year from him , the least exceeding the value of 400000 livres . that which adds to the profits of his government , is traffick and the neighbourhood of the sea , which renders it one of the best , and give him a great reputation with his master : he is very illiterate , and can't so much as read , yet has a great deal of sense , and great experience in affairs , which makes up for all ; he is fierce , haughty , full of himself , and much puff'd up with his fortune and advancement ; he is violent , humorous and subject to passion , in which he spares not his best friends ; nevertheless , when he is come to himself , he is gentle , humane , tractable , and of a deportment altogether noble and honourable ; he does not hate the christians , and wou'd seem as much a friend to the french as an enemy to the spaniards ; but it may be imagin'd that policy and interest have a greater share in his publick sentiments than truth : for it is certain , that the king continually presses him most earnestly to get ceuta out of the hands of the spaniards , the performance of which he imposes on him at the price of his head ; and the more commerce there is in the towns of his government , the more considerable are his revenues and the presents he is oblig'd to make : this consequently makes him heartily wish that his master were at peace with those christian princes , whom he judges most powerful at sea , and from time to time he attempts effecting it with the king ; but his interest with that prince , which he always takes so great a care to magnifie , must needs be too weak to prevail in spight of the continual opposition of his competitor ; or perhaps he presumes a little too far on his artifices for the engagement and success of his designs ; since the king my master has lately been inform'd by the report i made him of it , that this alcayde discover'd no less surprise and displeasure for having miscarried in such an affair , than resolution and desire to renew his attempts to succeed better in it . his great favourite , whose advice he takes , and on whom he relies for the execution of all his affairs , is mahomet hadgy lucas , made by him his lieutenant-general of the marine . this man , whose abode is altogether at tetuan , accompany'd mahomet addo in his embassy to england , which has a little more civiliz'd him , or at least makes him less barbarous than the rest ; he has a great deal of sense , and is well skill'd in the management of business , speaks good spanish , is quick , cunning , laborious , violent , a dissembler , a cheat , and always inclin'd to do mischief , which makes him abhorr'd , not only by the christians and the jews , but by all the moors in general : and , in short , to draw his picture more exactly and in fewer stroaks , there is no more to be said than this truth , that his temper , his manners , his words , and his actions , do not at all belye the common observations on the judas-colour of his beard and hair : he is not above fifty years old , but so full of diseases , the cause of which he attributes to poyson , which he pretends was given him in some melons by the governor of ceuta , above a year since , that 't is to be hop'd he will not long hold out against the effect of those deadly imprecations which are universally bestow'd on him . since this discourse hath insensibly engag'd me to give the character and personal qualities of such persons as make any distinct figure in this state , i think i ought not to forget a man whom the honour of having been embassador to france has made known there , and of whose quality it is convenient to be inform'd , that hereafter this may serve as a rule to those of his own character . 't is mahomet themin , who came thither in the quality of embassador in 1681 , and makes no other figure in his own country than that of an amokadem at tetuan , that is to say a sort of puny judge ; one of his brothers is a broker there , and the other a rope-seller ; besides , themin obtain'd this office there but after his return , that he might have the means , after a sort , to maintain an honour to which , in truth , he was never design'd ; for he shou'd have been only secretary to hadgy manino governor of sally , the true embassador ; but his name was inserted without the king's knowledge in the credential letter , which the alcayde omar addo his protector and patron gave 'em ; for which reason he took care at his return neither to boast of the honours nor the presents he had receiv'd in france ; the last of which he sold at marseilles , that none might know of 'em in his country , and he might keep the profits of 'em to himself . no more durst hadgy manino complain , for fear of incurring the displeasure of the alcayde omar , who at that time rul'd every thing , and of whom the king of morocco has rid himself these five years since for this reason . but to pass by these particular subjects of the emperor of morocco , and speak of all those that compose his state , 't is to be observ'd that there are two sorts of 'em ; for some are blacks , and the rest white-men . the first , tho' they are his slaves , are those he trusts most , and the usual executors of his orders , which they fulfil in such an imperious and absolute a manner , that the most powerful of the alcaydes themselves tremble at the sight of the least of ' em . when he goes to battel , he has in his army always seven or eight thousand of 'em , as well of foot as of horse : these are his best soldiers , and fight always near his person with fire-arms , and he gives the government of places , or the chief posts in his army , to those whom he likes best among ' em . the king of morocco from time to time gets a number of these blacks , whom he either buys or procures by force or cunning out of their country , and having caus'd 'em to marry , sends 'em , with some cattle of which he gives them the care and profit , into several uninhabited places , where he uses 'em like a nursery to serve him upon occasion . the white-men , tho' they are free-born and very numerous , being originally natives of the country , yet are not the more regarded or happy for it ; and as a token of the little affection and esteem the king has for them , he commits the guard of his person to the blacks , to whom he gives so great an authority over the white-men , that they exact upon 'em and abuse 'em without controul , as they please , and when they think fit ; which has driven the latter to such a despair that they are ready to attempt any thing if they had an opportunity and power answerable to their intentions . indeed most of them are so naturally inclin'd to revolt , that the knowledge which this prince has of it , is none of the least motive that induces him always to keep 'em in fear and subjection ; and his only interest and care , for the preserving his government in peace and splendor , is to prevent and hinder their motions within ; the situation of his kingdoms being such , that he has hardly any thing , or at least very little , to fear of any attempt from abroad . this will plainly appear to be true , if we consider that his territories wou'd be inaccessible on the side next the sea , unless in the places , which , as i have already observ'd , are in the possession of the spaniards and portuguese ; but if the spaniards don't take more care of ceuta than they did lately of larache , the strong situation and fortifications of which , here delineated , sufficiently evince that the loss of it ought much less to be attributed to the want of courage and bravery of the officers and soldiers that garrison'd it , than to the want of provisions and ammunition , 't is much to be fear'd , they will suffer it to be taken from 'em in the same manner ; which will cause the greater surprise , since the moors have neither the instruments , nor industry , nor engineers , nor experience necessary for such expeditions : we cannot say as much of the town of magazan , where the king of portugal continually takes care to keep a strong and good garrison . a draught of the town and fortress of larache , 1688. a. st. james's fort. b. st. anthony's castle . c. the castle of our lady of europe . d. the jews tower. e. st. john's cover'd way . f. nostro senor's cover'd way . g. the bulwork of diego de vera. h. the camp-gate . y. the mole-gate . i. the marine-gate . k. st. anthony's false gate . l. st. francis's false gates . m. st. francis's covent . n. the town-gate . o. nostro senor della cabeza . p. st. anthony . q. the hospital . s. the old huts . t. the new huts . v. the old magazines de vera for corn. x. the new magazines de vera for corn. z. the magazines for powder . 1. the governor's house and garden . 2. the commissary's office. 3. the serjeant-major's lodgings . 4. the new fountain . 5. st. michael's well . 6. the great fountain . the river lucorio or licus . the king of morocco's only neighbours on the land-side , are the negro's on one hand , and the algerines on the other ; from the first of which he has nothing to fear , as well because of the great river and the mountains that separate them , which wou'd render their attempts if not ineffectual , at least very difficult , as for the mutual advantages which he and they receive from their union , the moors having a considerable commerce in guinea , from whence , for salt , iron-ware , little looking-glasses , and other pedling toys that come from venice , they bring back good quantities of gold-dust , elephants-teeth , and a great number of blacks , whose affection the king gains besides by his kind treatment , and the value he sets upon 'em in his own country , as i have already observed ; so that he looks upon 'em as his own real subjects . he is not altogether so easie on the side of the algerines , the fear of whose valour , and the facility of entring his country , keeps him daily upon his guard ; but he has the policy and good fortune often to keep 'em off by the pretext of religion , making his talbes and marabots insinuate to 'em , that both states shou'd give god and their prophet an account one day of the blood which wou'd be spilt by wars between 'em , contrary to their laws . in the mean time nothing but his own weakness , and some fatal experiments he has made of their valour , as also the dread he has of the grand signior , from whom he might apprehend some revengeful invasion on that side , causes him to keep in this seeming friendship with them : for 't is certain he hates 'em at least as much as he hates the christians , to whom also he always compares 'em , by reason of the difference there is in their faith ; upon which likewise he treats all the turks as hereticks , and if he had the least prospect of getting their territories , either by treachery or by force , he wou'd not lose the opportunity of doing it . the commerce in his kingdoms is , as it is elsewhere , generally advantageous to the dealers , as well abroad as at home ; and this prince , more mindful of his profit than of his people , so well knows how beneficial trading is to him in particular , by the duties which are levied for the importation and exportation of goods , that whatever his antipathy and the prepossession of this religion be against the christians , and whatsoever war he has with 'em , it does not hinder him from tolerating their trafick , and putting all means in practise that may conduce to his gain : insomuch that there are in his sea-port-towns people of most nations at all times , and his alcaydes know so well by the large summs they borrow , and never wholly pay , how to cause those traders to stay there , whom hope of gain has invited thither , and whom the first endearments and a shew of kind usage induce to settle in those parts , that what repentance soever the wrongs , displeasures , and frequent avarices they are forc'd to satisfie there , may bring upon 'em , it is seldom possible for them to get clear , unless they lose their debts and leave their effects , or forego the natural love of their country and of their liberty for the sake of their estate . i have been told , that those who live at sally are treated more kindly ; of which i very much doubt ; but what i have seen practis'd during my stay in regard of those of tetuan and tangier , both on the captains and owners of ships who arrive there , has so strangely furpris'd me , that all the inference i can draw thence , is , that both the one and the other must needs have been misinform'd , or they make very great profits , since they can resolve to expose themselves there to such an usage . the tenth of all the merchandizes that are imported and exported , is what the king claims for his customs , which brings him in a very great revenue . that which is collected at sally does not belong to the alcaydes , as doth what is levied in the other governments , which is part of their subsistance , and for the re-imbursement of their charges and the presents they are oblig'd to make to the prince : and this , perhaps , is the reason which causes the merchants to be better used at sally , as i have observ'd , because the governors there do not make it so much their business to deal with them so strictly ; thus forbearing a severe usage , of which they can reap no benefit , since they are oblig'd to give a particular account to the king of this product , and pay it in specie at the year's end , deducting what they may have disburs'd according to order . the advantage which the french find by this commerce is , that there they put off such goods as are of the growth of their country , and also their manufactures turn to a good account ; besides the merchants carry no money thither , and they ever bring back merchandizes of a greater value than what they carry'd over . the traffick of provence consists in tartar and paper , the consumption of which is great in barbary , as well as of red woollen caps , fine and course languedoc woollen cloth ; serges de nismes , fustians and dimities of montpelier , and other places ; combs , silks , linnen of lyons ; gold-threads , brocades , damask , damask-works , velvet , cottons , wadds , and other commodities from the levant , of little value , but of good sale in these countries , and of a better return . the traffick which those of roan , saint malo's , and other cities of the western ocean , have in this empire , is almost wholly in linnen-cloth , of which , 't is reckon'd , that what is carry'd over and sold yearly in that part of africa , amounts to above two hundred thousand livres : the barter that is made there of all these merchandizes , is in wax , hides , wooll , ostrich's feathers , copper , dates , almonds , archifoo ( a stone that is us'd to make earthen ware ) and ducats of gold , which are beneficial to those of provence , in their trade to the levant . the christians and the jews , as i have already observ'd , have all the trade of the country , and chiefly that abroad , which the moors do not in the least care to manage . sally and tetuan are the most trading ports ; goods being most easily ship'd off there ; saffy and santa cruz drive also a trade for what comes from morocco , tafilet and suz , but it is not so considerable . the city of fez is , as it were , the general store-house of all barbary , the best traders , and the greatest number of jews , who are there above five thousand ; are settled at that place : these dealers buy all that comes from europe and the levant , and retail it in the provinces , from whence likewise they take what they afford to trade with in the sea-port towns. the red morocco leather , known here by the name of spanish leather , is drest in that city , and is the finest in all barbary . the trade of england is in broad cloath and in cowries or negro's teeth , which are a kind of small white shells that go currant in guinea instead of money . holland sends thither woollen and linnen cloth , all sorts of spices , iron and brass wire , steel , benjamin , storax , cinaber , little looking-glasses , muslins for the turbants , and arms from time to time , with other ammunition for war. italy furnishes 'em with alum , gun-powder , and great store of earthen toys made at venice . there comes from the levant , silks , cotton , orpiment , or auripigmentum , quick-silver , reagal and opium . the returns which are sent to those parts for all these kinds of merchandizes and drugs , is nothing more than what i have set down in the article of france , in proportion to the quantities that are vended there . cadiz is the interpost to all the traffick of england and holland ; for , being near to both , it facilitates of course a commodious and sure transportation , by the means of portugueze ships that go thither to take up the cargo's . the king of morocco is so persuaded of the utility of his commerce , and so jealous of it , that surely one of the best ways of bringing down his pride , and of forcing him to reasonable terms , were to hinder that of other nations , or to disturb it in such a manner as to give 'em a dislike of it : and it is my opinion besides , that the trade in the mediterranean need not absolutely be continu'd in that empire , since the same things might be return'd , and put off , by the way of algier , which are at tetuan and sally ; all that can be objected , is , that those goods wou'd not turn to so good an account . foreign money is not currant in this country , except the spanish pieces of eight , the value and price of which are rated according to their weight , which is always between sixty and seventy sols or pence . the pistoles of spain and italy , and the louis d' or 's of france , pass there for no more than ten livres , or ten livres and ten sols ; and besides , they are not taken but in a lump as bullion , and by weight , to be melted down : the jews only take commonly the french silver crowns there for sixty five sols ; a great many of these crowns were carried out of france to that country , before the alteration that was made about those pieces , there being much to be got by them . the coin that goes currant in this empire is only of three sorts , that of gold , call'd a ducat , that of silver a blanquille , and that of copper , a felouze ; the figure of the prince is not upon 'em , their law forbidding it , so that nothing is stamp'd upon them but some arabick characters . the ducat is worth from six livres to seven livres ten sols of our money , and its price , which is never fix'd , rises and falls , according to the several occurrences , that is to say , according to the affluence or want of commerce , or as the ships come in more or less frequently . the blanquille is the most common money , and of the most fix'd and standing price : 't is worth two sols , and six deniers , and it is in this kind that generally all payments are made . the feloux is as one of the french deniers , but worth a little more ; four and twenty of 'em make a blanquille . their way of reckoning is by ounces or by meticalles ( which is the same thing in arabic with a ducat in french ) the ounce consists of four blanquilles , or ten pence of our money . the meticalle or ducat for the generality is nothing real , but such a manner of counting as by francs or livres in france ; its value is fix'd at forty blanquilles , or a hundred pence french ; so that when 't is barely said , that a thing worth so many meticalles , or so many ducats ; nay , even so many meticalles or ducats of silver , 't is always understood for so many hundred sols . it is not the same thing in meticalles or ducats of gold , for their species is real , but their value uncertain , as i have already observ'd . audiences given to monsieur de st. olon , at mickeness , by muley ismael , emperour of morocco , in the year 1693. the first audience . i was admitted to my first audience the 11 th . of june , 1693. at 9 in the morning , having six days before seen the king of morocco in the open field , at the head of 10 or 12000 horse . i was nine days at mickeness , before i had this audience , and during that time was not suffer'd to make or receive any visits ; nor even to stir out of my palace : the consul and all my retinue were also denied the same liberty , and all this time i had notice sent me early every morning to be ready to be conducted to the king , but was put off every evening to the next day . the custom of the country , which , they told me , was , not to let the embassadors see any one till they have had their first audience , was the pretence they us'd to justifie that kind of restraint . the alcayde hamet addo riffy , governour of larache and alcassar , was sent me to be my introducer , attended with some considerable moors , and some blacks of the king's guard , who secur'd us against the throng of the people , but not against the hootings , curses , and other abusive language with which they revile all christians : the character of embassador not being able to free a man from them . this alcayde had a brother call'd omar addo , who was once the king of morocco's chief minister and favourite , but his merit , authority , and credit , gave that prince so much jealousie , that he caus'd that alcayde to be kill'd five or six years since . we all went a foot to the audience , tho' the king's palace was at a considerable distance from the place where i liv'd , and the weather was very hot ; but an vmbrella was carry'd over me , which in some manner defended me from the heat of the sun's rays that is excessive in those parts . twelve french slaves came after my whole retinue , and carry'd the presents i was to make to the king of morocco in my own name , consisting of very fine arms , several watches of great value , divers pieces of red and blue cloth , very rich gold and silver brocades , and two carpets of la savonnerie , extraordinary large , and singularly beautiful . in this manner we came to the alcassave , the king's palace , and went in at a large and stately gate , which , from two pillars that adorn it , is , as i have said , call'd the marble-gate . we went thro' a long passage , where many blacks of the king's guard stood on the right and left , and made a lane for us . on both sides of that passage are only some white walls of a considerable height , built like all the rest of this palace , wholly with lime , plaister , and cement with water , which beaten together by strength of hand , make a kind of a very white matter , as hard as marble . at last we came to an open pavillion not yet finish'd , that form'd four large portico's , the front of every face looking towards a walk , like that thro' which we came , and leading to different appartments of this alcassave . they made me tarry at the entrance of that pavillion , till , as they said , they had acquainted the king with my being there . it was a full quarter of an hour before we saw him coming thro' one of these walks , which was also lin'd on each side with about two hundred little blacks , arm'd with very large musquets , who bow'd to the very ground as he pass'd by ' em . he had a very thin attendance and rid a white horse , very different as to his fineness and the richness of his harness , from that he rid on when i saw him at the review . he had a launce or long pike in his hand , and was as plainly dress'd as the meanest of his subjects . he was muffl'd up to the eyes in a coffee-colour'd handkerchief , that seem'd pretty foul , and was no very pleasant sight . he alighted as soon as he came to the portico , and having given his launce to one of his blacks , came and sate down , without any matt , carpet , or foot-cloth , on the edge of a large wooden post that prop'd it up . his arms and legs were bare , and a black held a large fan behind him , as much to cool him , as to keep off the flies that swarm in that country , and are very troublesome . some alcaydes sate on the ground on his left , without shoes or turbant , and with nothing on their heads but a bare red cap : one of 'em , however , stood on his right , but , like the rest , had no shoes on , and his head was only cover'd like the rest . this alcayde was mehemet ben addo otar , who may be said to be his chief minister and favourite . as soon as the king was set down , as i have said , and i had saluted him , he began the first to speak to me , and said twice or thrice tay buon , which signifies , you are welcome , an expression he always uses to denote a kind reception to those who come near him : after this he said to me in arabick , that i was a good christian , that he was glad to see me , and would joyfully grant me whatever i should ask him : to which , after i had put on my hat , i answer'd him in french , with a complement i prepar'd , which he patiently heard from the beginning to the end , tho' 't was somewhat long , and 't is not his custom to give ear to discourses of such a length , without interrupting those who make 'em , and asking them several questions . monsieur de st. olon's complement to the emperour of morocco . most high , most excellent , most potent , and most invincible prince , muley ismael , emperour of morocco , king of fess , tafilet , and suss. sir , the amazement and veneration which your majesty's royal aspect commands from those that approach you , would confine me to a silent admiration , like all those who are permitted that happiness , had i not the honour of appearing before your majesty , shelter'd with the patronage of the sacred name of the most high , most excellent , most potent , most magnificent , most invincible , and ever victorious lewis the great , the most christian emperour of france and navarre , the eldest son of the church , the defender of the faith , the sanctuary and protector of kings , the umpire and great conqueror of europe . 't is this also that gives me a right of assuring your majesty , that while the emperour , my master , did me the honour to make choice of me for his embassador at your court , he rais'd my wishes and my joy to the highest pitch ; since this would procure me the glory and happiness of seeing there a prince , whom all the wonders i have read and heard related of him , made me as ambitious of seeing , as they fill'd my mind with veneration for his person . and indeed , sir , there is none who does not perfectly know that muley ismael is the most famous and warlike prince that ever grac'd the throne of africa , and that 't is your incomparable exploits which , combining with all the qualifications of your royal birth , made way for your more speedy ascent to that seat , and entitl'd you to fill it with more authority and lustre . but tho' fame , that has taken care to proclaim 'em , has omitted nothing which may cause every place to resound with your applause , i still find a new subject of praise , in what is the occasion of my embassy here ; and that fresh cause of extolling your majesty , seems to me so worthy your greatness of soul , and the attention of your subjects , that i with pleasure think my self oblig'd to let 'em know what it is , and congratulate 'em about it ; that this excellent action of your majesty may not want its due encomiums . what else indeed could they have wish'd for , after so many battles and victories which confirm'd your friends , and subdued your enemies under your conquering government , than to see its quietness and mildness fully settl'd by the marks of tenderness and fatherly bounty , which you show 'em in seeking all means possible , that none of 'em , may remain in chains or slavery abroad ? 't is doubtless only to convince 'em that you are no less fond of being justly thought their father , than their king , that you have lately shown a desire , and made some steps to get free such of 'em as are slaves in france , and procure to your subjects a peace , that is so necessary to 'em , with those of the emperour my master ; by this means to re-establish all security , plenty , and tranquility in their commerce : to which his imperial majesty being also willing to contribute , he has commanded me to come hither , and assure you in his name , that he has always entertain'd so much friendship , and so high an esteem for your majesty , that nothing can be added either to his earnestness to give you further testimonies of it , or to the sincerity of his intentions . at the same time i presume to promise my self that such uniform dispositions will meet with all the success i can desire , and that the treaty which i am order'd to make , to renew the alliance and peace , being once concluded , as firm and solid as is consistent with the common good and wishes of both empires , a good correspondence will then be so perfectly re-establish'd that nothing will ever be able to shake or destroy it . these , sir , are the intentions and resolutions of the emperour my master , of whose almost incredible victories and conquests in his last campaigns , i do not doubt but fame , that is always employ'd to speak his majesty's wonderful atchievements , has sufficiently inform'd you , and how in spight of the prodigious numbers of enemies , since so long a time , combin'd against the power , the wisdom , the valour and the fortune of lewis the great , he has always been so happy as to triumph over them : this is a visible effect of the protection of the god of hosts , and of the reward he bestows on his piety : may heaven grant , that the union which i come to renew between your imperial majesties , may be always favour'd and upheld by such a protection , and that you may both prove for ever the love , the delight , and the safety of your subjects , the prop of your allies , the terror of your enemies , and the absolute masters of the vast parts of the world in which you both reign with so much glory . after these so just and zealous wishes , there remains nothing , sir , for me to do , but most humbly to beseech your majesty to be pleas'd to accept of these presents , how disproportionable soever they may be to my deep respect , as a testimony of my sincere desire to please your majesty . my interpreter afterwards read this complement to the king in the moorish tongue ; and this prince having answer'd it in such a manner as made us know he had heard it with pleasure , added some excuses for not having been able to see me before , being then taken up by the ceremonies of his easter , and said , that all the christian slaves could witness this . after this , he proceeded to speak in the king's praise , and enlarg'd very much on his power , valour , and wise conduct , as also on the great difference which he puts between the emperour of france , and all the other potentates of europe ; saying , that he knew not one amongst 'em all , besides him , that truly deserv'd the name of sovereign , and that none but the king knew , like him ( for he always affects to compare himself to his most christian majesty ) how to reign by himself , and make himself the absolute master of the fate and will of his people . then repeating what he had already said to me at the first interview , concerning the advantages which the grand-signior found in the alliance , which he had so long maintain'd with his majesty , he added , that all these motives , joyn'd to the esteem which he had for the rare and great worth of that first monarch of christendom , had so much excited him to seek also his friendship , and made him so impatiently desire it , that besides the assurances which he had caus'd to be given his majesty of it by consul estelle , he had design'd to have sent embassadors to desire his friendship , if my coming had not prevented him . i answer'd , that the emperour , my master , well inform'd of his sentiments , had dispatch'd me , with all possible speed , to assure him of his readiness to comply with his majesty's desires , and to renew with him , by a firm and lasting peace , the bonds of a friendship that would be the more durable , for being altogether grounded on the esteem which two such great princes could not but have for each other , and that , for my part , i esteem'd my self most honour'd and most happy in being chosen for the effecting so agreeable a project . he told me that his intent was also to make a firm peace , that he charg'd the alcayde mehemet ben addo otar , there present , to settle the conditions of it ; that he was his near relation , whom he look'd upon as his second self ; and that he being the son of a french woman , ( 't is true indeed , that this alcayde's mother was of marseilles ) i had no reason to doubt but that i should find him altogether well-dispos'd to make a speedy and wish'd for end of the business . i reply'd , that i thank'd his majesty for giving me a minister to treat with , whose merit and praise were sufficiently display'd by the choice which so wise and knowing a prince made of his person , and that provided the effects were answerable to these fair appearances , i did not doubt but all things would be ended to the satisfaction of both parties . he answer'd , that nothing could contribute more to this , than a speedy and reciprocal joyning of the arms of the emperour of france , with his against the spaniards , our common enemies , and that he imagin'd a conquest that way to be not only very easie and very advantagious to the king , but also the surest means to raise his majesty's power and glory to the highest pitch . after this , he enlarg'd with a great deal of warmth , and for near a quarter of an hour , upon whatever he thought might flatter his passion and his designs on that subject , and finally concluded , that he did not believe , on the account of the alliance he had a mind to contract with his majesty , that he ever could deny him the assistance he wanted for the retaking the towns which they still hold in his country ; and that he was sorry he was not more his neighbour , in a juncture that was so pleasing , and might become so useful to him . to this i said , that when the treaty which i brought should be concluded and ratified on both sides , 't would then be time to make some overtures to each other , and explain our selves on the necessities and supplies that might then unanimously be the result of it ; that this was all the answer i could give to this article at present ; and that i could well assure him , that the emperour my master , alike powerful by land and sea , had such formidable and numerous fleets in the mediterranean , and in the ocean , that they would always make him very sensible of his neighbourhood , when occasion should require it . this equivocal answer not having given him an opportunity to make a reply , he order'd the alcayde mehemet addo , who had stood all the while , to take the king's letter which i held in my hands ; but , as i had no mind to deliver it , but into his master's , i immediately stepp'd forwards , and ving presented it to him in a cloth of gold letter-case , he took it , drew it out , kiss'd it , laid it on his head , to show how much he honour'd it , and then gave it to this alcayde . this done , i presented the gentlemen who came with me to him , and he receiv'd 'em very kindly : then i desir'd him that he would be pleas'd to accept of some of my country rarities , which i made bold to present him with . he look'd a long time on every particular , and was very much pleas'd with them , but above all which the two carpets which he thought came from india , and which he said he esteem'd the more , when i had answer'd to what he ask'd me about 'em , that they had been made at paris . when he had examin'd every thing one after another , he caus'd it to be taken away by his blacks , and return'd me thanks for 'em ; protesting , however , that he only accepted of 'em , because the law of his prophet permitted him not to refuse what was offer'd him in token of respect or friendship ; and , having said to me that i was a good christian , and that he was very well pleas'd with me , he added , smiling , that the best proof he could give me of his satisfaction and the esteem he had for me , was by praying god to convert me , and exhorting me to become a mahometan ; to which i answer'd , also smiling , that tho' i perfectly and most certainly knew what to stick to , i nevertheless receiv'd this testimony of his good-will with a great deal of thankfulness . upon this he beckon'd to the french-slaves to come near , which they all did , casting themselves at his feet with their bellies on the ground ; then he chose out four of the youngest , and making signs to them to rise and step aside , told me he gave 'em me for my dinner ; to which i answer'd , he could never treat me with a more acceptable dish , but that i pray'd him to consider that this would but whet my appetite . after this he arose , mounted again , and order'd i should be conducted home . the alcayde mehemet ben addo otar waited on me back as far as the marble-gate , and came to pay me a visit from the king immediately after i had din'd . towards the evening i went to see muley zeydan , the king's son , who , after some complements on both sides , told me also , presenting me with a french slave who was by him , that as a token of his gratitude for what i brought him ( for i did not come there empty handed ) he gave him me for my supper ; to which i answer'd , returning him my thanks , that having already been made sensible by the fame of his exploits , how well he imitated the king his father in valour , i was much delighted to see and experience , that he could also so well imitate him in generosity . the following days having been spent in examining our treaty with the king of morocco's minister , and that prince being determin'd to go on an expedition which he had design'd against some moors in the neighbourhood of oran who had revolted , i was sent for with precipitation at seven a clock in the evening , without any notice given me before , to take my audience of leave ; that prince having taken a resolution to dismiss me but the day before his departure . the audience of leave . i had my audience of leave the nineteenth of june : the ceremonies at my going to it were like those of the first , but the humour and designs of the king of morocco and his ministers made it quite different , as to the pleasingness of the conversation , and its conclusion . i had notice given me as i went that the king was in a very ill humour , and almost besides himself , having just then dispatch'd two of his chief blacks with a knife . this having given me some opportunity to prepare my self accordingly , in some manner prevented the horror and surprize which the condition i found him in might otherwise have rais'd ; and that had doubtless been much greater had not this warning prevented it . i was had further into the palace than the first time , and went as far as the out-side of the stables , which seem'd to me very fine and neatly kept . that building consists of several large arches to the right and left , of which each horse has his own apart , and is only fasten'd to a stake and fetlocks . here are neither racks nor mangers ; for the horses eat on the ground ; which custom takes place , as i was told , because the moors themselves eat thus , and therefore would not allow more privilege and conveniency to those animals than they enjoy themselves . after i had spent some time in viewing that place , i saw the king at some distance , coming to me mounted on a very fine white horse , in very rich harness , having a gold-saddle on , and all its trappings of the same ; and the poitral set with precious stones in some places . he held a lance in his hand , of the shape and length of our pikes , on which he lean'd between whiles . his face was uncover'd , and he was finely dress'd ; but , besides a yellow vest that he had on , ( which colour i have already said has been observ'd by his subjects , to have been almost ever fatal to some of 'em , when worn by him ) his right arm and his clothes were still all stain'd with the blood of those wretches whom he had just kill'd ; and indeed his face and looks betray'd a wild and furious air that represented to the life the character of that action . he was only attended with a few slaves and blacks , all quaking for fear ; for his rage had quite scar'd away every one of his alcaydes : however , some of 'em came nearer by degrees during the audience , which that prince began himself with his ordinary complement of taybuon ; upon which i made him that which follows . the compliment at the audience of leave . sir , i understand that your majesty is going on some glorious expedition ; i come to wish you a happy success in it , and , according to your custom , a victorious return . here the king interrupted me , saying twice or thrice with his eyes lifted up to heaven , exhallah , exhallah , which signifies god grant it ! god grant it ! after which i went on thus — i can assure your majesty i shall carry the news of it with pleasure to the emperor my master , if i can at the same time give him an account , as i hope i shall , of the performance of what you writ and caus'd to be signifi'd to him concerning the peace , by the consul of sally . for , as the words and writings of kings ought not to be alter'd , i should wrong your majesty's glory could i harbour the least suspicion of the fidelity of your offers on this behalf . your majesty knows how nearly it concerns your honour and interest , to persuade as well your subjects as the different nations that are at your court of this truth . and 't is also on these grounds that i am willing to believe i ought to attribute your minister's silence , ( since by your order we discours'd together about the treaty , which i show'd him and put into his hand ) only to the pleasure which your majesty was pleas'd to reserve to your self , of signifying to me the happy and wish'd-for conclusion of it , and principally , concerning the article about setting free on both sides the slaves of the two nations ; about which your minister would not treat . however , sir , i think it my duty to represent to your majesty , that a thing which you have so publickly desir'd , and which you can so easily accomplish , ought to have been sooner decided , and not be put off till so short a time as seems remaining till your departure : you have shown a desire of having a peace ; you have offer'd or demanded an embassador to conclude it , and have appear'd so forward , that you did me the honour to tell me when i came near you , that you were ready to have sent one to france on that account , had not i come as i did . however , i have been in your dominions these two months , and these three weeks at your court ; you have receiv'd me with marks of satisfaction and singular kindness : i have presented you my orders , and tho' the commissioner , whom you appointed to examine 'em , made some very unexpected objections on things already settled by your majesty , i nevertheless , show'd him , in three articles , which most certainly deserv'd not to have such difficulties started , that i had a mind to conciliate things with all imaginable moderation , that the said treaty might be concluded with mutual satisfaction . yet since that time he seems to have had a mind to obstruct this business , and make it impossible , by a new and unheard-of difficulty , which might cause the world to doubt of your majesty's having a real desire for a peace , and altogether make it impossible it should last , did your majesty persist in it . i have convinc'd him of it by strong reasons , which i would again repeat to your majesty were i not persuaded you have been inform'd of it . thus , sir , i have now nothing else to do , but to desire , that before you go you will be pleas'd to approve and sign this treaty which i offer you ; and i assure you that i shall leave this country with content , if when i hear of the continuation and progress of your wonted conquests , i can at the same time acquaint my master of the effect and performance of your royal word , which hath procur'd me the honour and pleasure of satisfying the great idea i had conceiv'd of your majesty . the king of morocco's answers to this complement , and all the discourse that pass'd in this audience ran upon some proposals , so extraordinary , so little consonant to the motives he had discover'd to procure this negotiation , and so contrary to the letter he had writ to the king about it , which he solemnly disown'd , that i thought that decency oblig'd me to consult the reputation of that prince , so much as to bury 'em in silence , rather than expose him too much to the publick blame by relating them . observations to be made on the cause of monsieur de st. olon's embassy to morocco . the king of morocco having disown'd the letter he had sent to his majesty , which i have mention'd in several parts of this relation , that denial was the occasion he took not to perform what it contains : now as this letter was the motive and grounds of the resolution the king took to send me to morocco , i believe it will not be amiss to insert here a copy of this letter , that the reader may have a clearer insight into the undertaking and its event : i also imagine it will not be improper to add those letters which that prince caus'd to be transmitted to me at my departure , both for the king my master and my self , and my answers , that by comparing them together , the world may still better judge of his character and intentions : as also what measures ought to be taken concerning his proposals , words , and writings . the king of morocco's letter . to the king . to the greatest of the christian kings and princes of europe , the monarch of the french nations , the master of his kingdom and climates , and the sovereign arbiter of the wills and actions of his subjects , lewis the fourteenth : the salutation of peace to those that walk in the ways of truth . in the name of god , who is good , and merciful , whom we beseech to help us , there being no trust nor power but in his supreme greatness . from the servant of god , who is most high and victorious by god's appointment , and puts his trust in him in all his vndertakings , the miralmumunin or prince of the true believers , who fights in the way of the lord of this world and of the other , the prince of the high tribe of hachem , ismael the son of al xerif of the house of hassan . this is to let your majesty know , that a christian merchant , son to your consul estelle , came to our high court , where he said that he had in his hands an order and credentials from your majesty ; then produc'd a letter , which , as he pretends , came from you ; by which , authority is given him to conferr with us , as he shall think most convenient , concerning your affairs and intentions , and even to act in your behalf at the court of our high majesty , whom god preserve . we made no doubt but that the letter and credentials came from you , but would have nothing to do with the said estelle , not thinking it proper to treat with him about those affairs ; because he is a merchant , and not one of the great lords of your court , or one of your chief officers ; for it does not belong to merchants to treat with kings , or manage affairs in which princes are concern'd : a merchant may speak about what relates to his trade ; he may also use his endeavours to carry news on both sides , and transmit a paper , or be the bearer of a letter , and do this for both parties . this he may do , but that 's all a merchant's word can be good for , and no more . therefore , if your majesty have really a design to enter upon a treaty , to the purpose and with sincerity , you may send us one of the great lords of your court , on whose words we may depend and rely , and with whom we may treat upon his coming to us with that design and to that purpose : or , if you rather desire we should send you one of our best servants and greatest lords of our high court , you may send one of your ships to convey him from our country to yours , and we will send such a one without delay with good powers and credentials . the chief affairs about which we are to treat with you , is concerning the slaves of your nation who are with us , that an exchange may be made of one christian for one moor , man for man. we only desire of you , those of sally , and of the town adjoyning call'd the rabat , as also those of tetuan , of fess , of alcassar , and of mickeness , who have been taken within these ten years , some about six years , some four years , and some since that time ; for , as to those of other towns than such as i have mention'd , or who have been taken above ten years since , we do not care to treat about them ; therefore , if you think it fit , send one of your officers , for whom you have an esteem , and order him to bring all the above-mention'd slaves that are in france , and come with them at the mouth of one of our ports , and we shall treat with him in the most convenient manner possible . we will give him your salves , and receive our own of him , man for man ; so that , god willing , he shall not go back without doing his business . as for your sending a person of quality , or one of your ships to transport our embassador , you may use your discretion in doing either of the two , which you shall think most convenient . 't is god that gives success to our undertakings , and in whom we ought to put our trust : to him alone praise and glory are due ; and may peace be given to those who walk in the ways of truth . written at the end of rabia , in the year of the haegira 1103. that is in the month of december 1691. the king of morocco's letter to monsieur de st. olon. to the embassador of the great king of the french , greeting : and to all that follow the inspirations of truth . this is to let you know , that we are troubled that you should leave us without having done any thing : when you arriv'd , we were just ready to take the field to reduce the nation call'd benjamer , that unjustly us'd to maintain a commerce with the christians , contrary to our order . we caus'd ten thousand horse to march towards them , and cut in pieces all that made any resistance , took part of 'em prisoners and releas'd the rest . you arriv'd while were in the midst of our preparations for that expedition ; and when you came into our presence , we thought it was to propose to us something of moment , and to acquaint us that you were ready to joyn with us against the spaniards , and take measures together how to attack and overcome 'em : in which case we would have done whatever you could reasonably have desir'd : we did even let you know that we would conclude such a treaty with you as there is between you and the grand signior , who is our brother in the law of the faithful : and in this expectation we rejoyc'd for your coming , and signified as much as soon as you came before our high throne , which god protect . but , as you only came to speak of the french slaves , and for nothing else , and that you did not fulfil the commission which we had given to the son of estelle , the christian merchant , which was to chuse and bring us some coats of armour , some rich and rare scimiter , some precious jewel out of your emperor's treasure , and other magnificent curiosities , such as might be acceptable to us , we have not thought fit to give you any further hearing . we wonder you would repose a confidence in a christian merchant , such as estelle , who is not to be trusted ; and that you should even bring him hither with you ; for , could about two hundred slaves we have of yours be worth your coming ? we have not thought fit to grant 'em you , because we are not like the algerines , and others of their stamp , with whom you use to treat of such matters ; but had you brought some rich presents , or propos'd some business of moment , as is that we just mention'd , then we would have hearken'd to you indeed , and even have left our army to comply with you , and have exchang'd the french slaves which we have , for such of our subjects as are in your kingdom . however , our faithful aly the son of abdalla , perceiving that you were come back from mickeness without effecting what you intended , has made you stay a while ; and as he is perfectly acquainted with all the affairs that relate to the marine and the ports committed to his charge , as also whatever is convenient for each of them , we have given him our orders , and whatever he shall do shall be approv'd by us ; for we were not willing to let you go back till you had some reason to be satisfi'd ; and 't is to give you an account of this that we have now sent you this letter . we salute those that walk in the ways of truth . written the tenth day of ziladgeel haran , 1104. which is the thirteenth of august , 1693. monsieur de st. olon's answer to the king of morocco . sir , i receiv'd yesterday , by the hand of the alcayde aly ben abdalla , the letter which your majesty did me the honour to send me , and i have not in the least been surpriz'd at the confirmation which it brings of the news which fame has already taken care to publish here , of the progress of your majesty's arms ; for still your valour must be attended with victory . as for what that letter mentions of the motives of my embassie to your court , i will do my self the honour to acquaint your majesty in few words , that none can ever believe there could have been an occasion for it , more important and more suitable to the state of grandeur and glory in which your majesty is at present , than an alliance , and firm peace with the emperor my master , whose power and vertues , your majesty so well knows , are at this time become the envy , the terror , and the admiration of all europe . besides , sir , you cannot have forgot , that you let the emperor my master know , and writ to him your self by the consul estelle , whom you twice caus'd to go into france on that subject , that there was nothing which you desir'd more earnestly , than a sincere and solid agreement about that peace . you have even show'd your self so forward in this , that you were pleas'd to tell me publickly at my first audience , that , had my arrival been delay'd but some days , you would have sent some embassadors to his imperial majesty , to give him all imaginable assurances about it . had your majesty , when you sent the consul , had those desires that seem to have been suggested to you since , 't is to be imagin'd you would have charg'd the said consul to make some overtures about them to the emperor my master ; and according to the measures and resolutions which his imperial majesty might have taken about 'em , i should then have had the same orders and powers to treat of 'em with your majesty 's own person as i have been honour'd with , by the emperor my master , concerning those things about which you writ to him . but there is some reason to believe , that your majesty at that time had been pleas'd to follow the no less judicious than zealous advice of the alcayde aly , who perfectly knows what may be most for your majesty's interest , who truly loves your person and your glory , and whom i ought to assure you i have found here to be the most faithful and most loving of your subjects . had your majesty consulted no other , you would doubtless have follow'd , and brought to a happy end your first designs , which , besides the profit and safety they would have procur'd to the commerce of your subjects , would also have made you formidable to your enemies . i hope , sir , that when you shall seriously have weigh'd those counsels , and imparted your sentiments to that faithful alcayde , you will again pursue such resolutions as are most consistent with your interest , and that you will approve what the esteem and respect i have for you oblige me to represent to your majesty ; assuring you that if i were so happy as to be able to contribute towards the obtaining for you , of the emperor my master , what i know to be so necessary and advantageous to you , i would endeavour it with all the zeal you can desire of him , who is entirely , sir , your majesty 's most humble , &c. the letter which the king of morocco wrote and sent to the king , by monsieur de st. olon. to the greatest prince of the christistians , the monarch of the kingdom of france , lewis the fourteenth . god grant his peace to those who follow the inspirations of truth . this is to let your majesty know , that as soon as your servant , the embassador , arriv'd on the blessed lands under our dominion , we had information given us of it by our faithful counsellor and servant the alcayde aly , the son of abdalla , who desir'd us to give him leave and the necessary orders to cause him to be conducted to our court : this we willingly granted , believing that he only came to treat of affairs of the greatest consequence , such as wou'd be a means for us to obtain whatever we should desire of you , and for your majesty all that you could desire of us . but after he was come to our high throne , and we had spoken to him , and ask'd him many questions about this , we found that he had only some proposals to make relating to the slaves , and we did not find that he had the power which is requisite to treat with us of other affairs ; so that what he came about , having not seem'd to be of consequence enough , we did not think fit to treat with him about it ; for 't is certain that what was the subject of his embassie , might as well have been done even by the management of a merchant , whose degree were very much inferior to his . as soon as he withdrew out of our royal presence , we left the dispatch of his business to our faithful servant the alcayde aly , the son of abdalla , on the score of the general command and authority with which he is intrusted by our sovereign order in all our ports , cities , towns , and tribes of our sea-coasts : we have given him leave to negotiate with your embassador , and he has sufficient power and authority to treat and transact with him about affairs of the greatest consequence , in case this embassador have also some full power that may be thought as unquestionable and unalterable as is that which we sent to our servant , who will treat with him as he shall think best , both now and hereafter . the salutation of peace be given to those who follow the inspirations of truth . written the tenth day of the month zil hadge , the last of the year 1104. that is the eighteenth of june , 1693. the letter which the alcayde aly ben abdalla , the king of morocco's minister for the marine , wrote and sent to the king by monsieur de st. olon. in the name of god the merciful , there being no authority nor power but from him , who is the most high and most mighty . to him whom his dignity and power have rais'd above all the princes of his religion , whom his valour and desire of glory have made dreadful through all the nations of christendom , the majestic emperor of france , lewis the great , the fourteenth of the name . god give peace to those who follow the inspirations of truth . i must acquaint your majesty , that as soon as your faithful embassador de st. olon came to us with his attendants , we had several conferences with him , and ask'd leave of our victorious monarch , that he might come from this place to his court ; and having obtain'd it , we procur'd him the means to arrive at this glorious throne . after his return from the court of our master , as we then resided in the city of tangier , ( which god protect ) your embassador writ to us , and let us know , that he had not ended what he desir'd of the court of our emperor ; for which reason we speedily sent again to his majesty several letters with reiterated instances , to desire him that he would explain his will in that affair : this we did two or three times , and he as often return'd answer , letting us know that 't was his intent to negotiate a treaty of true peace in plain and sincere terms , concerning some affairs of the greatest consequence , that it might remain sirm and lasting ; by the means of which treaty most important and considerable undertakings might be compass'd : and , in short , such a treaty as is between your majesty and the people of constantinople . but , it seems , this embassador is only come about the slaves ; now 't is certain their number is so inconsiderable , and of so small a consequence , that if he had demanded 'em gratis of our mullana ( whom god cause to triumph ) he would not have refus'd 'em on your majesty's account . the emperor my master did also let me know , that he had not the least thing to object against the treaty that relates to the marine ; yet that he does not much value that affair , and that there is no need to make a treaty for a concern of so small a consequence . this is the summ of what the emperor my master ( to whom god grant victory ! ) answer'd to the instances i made on this account : as for our part , god is our witness , that we have acted for your embassador , in whatever he desir'd , as we would have done for our selves , and perhaps more . and finally , i have made it my business to conferr with him seriously and privately , and we have discours'd together a long while about several points which he has perfectly understood , and very deeply imprinted in his mind ; he will give your majesty an account of it , as we have done to him . the salutation of peace be given to those who follow the inspirations of truth . written the fifteenth of zil hadge , in the year 1104. that is the eighteenth of august , 1693. by the servant to the throne , who was rais'd by the grace of god , aly the son of abdalla hamamo , whom god protect ! the letter which the alcayde aly ben abdalla , writ to monsieur de pontchartrain . god grant that this letter may come to the hands of the grand visier pontchartrain , chief minister of state to the greatest monarch of christendom ! the salutation of peace be given to him who follows the ways of truth ! in the name of god the merciful , there being no power nor strength but from him , who is the most high , and the most mighty . we received your letter , and understood the contents of what you writ to us . you desired us to take care of the embassador de st. olon ; you must know , that as soon as he came to us , and landed at the place where we were , we gave an account of it to the king our ever victorious master , and having ask'd his leave for him , he permitted us to let him come to him , imagining he was come with a large and full power from you ; but when he was arriv'd at the royal court , and his majesty had enquir'd of him , he found that he had no power to enter into a negotiation , but concerning the slaves ; for which reason he could not have a further conference with his said majesty , for want of sufficient power for that purpose . since he came back from court , i writ two or three letters to our emperour concerning that affair , and he return'd me this answer ; that he had already told me he gave me full power to make what agreement i should think fit with the embassador ; provided i did find he had full power to treat of some affairs of great moment , that would be a means to fulfil whatever can be desir'd of you ; but not to come to any terms if he had not such a power . now the emperour , our ever victorious master , has writ to yours , and fully inform'd him of this affair . we our selves also have had some private conferences with your embassador de st. olon ; in which we have open'd our mind to him , letting him know what we desir'd , and fully acquainted him with every thing . when he arrives at your court , and shall have given you an account of these things , be pleas'd to write to us , to let us know your thoughts about it , and we will return you an answer to whatever you shall desire , continuing to hold a correspondence by letters about whatever may redound to the common good of both empires : and may salvation be given to him who keeps in the ways of truth . written the fifteenth of zil hadge , in the year 1104. that is the eighteenth of august , 1693. by the servant to the royal throne , aly the son of abdalla hamamo , whom god protect ! other observations to be made . a colonel of spanish horse , who was a slave at mickeness , treated with the king of morocco about his freedom , which he was to have for a very rich sword which had been formerly taken from a king of the moors , and which muley ismael had a great desire to get out of spain where 't was kept : this officer did not only cause it to be got and presented to this king , not doubting but he might rely on his word , but gave him also with it a valuable rarity ; hoping by this means to be the sooner and more genteely redeem'd . at first he thought he had not been mistaken in his measures ; for the king of morocco took the sword and present with such testimonies of joy and satisfaction , as besides his freedom that had been promis'd him , got him that of his servant , about which they had not agreed ; he also gave him a letter , by which he gave orders to the alcayde aly ben abdalla , governour of tetuan , to let him go out without the least molestation ; but a private order to detain them having been sent away before the letter , the poor officer soon found himself depriv'd of his hopes , and of the return he had reason to expect for his present . his complaints and petitions were as unsuccessful as his bargain with the king , and procur'd him no other answer from the alcayde , but that the king his master had forgot , when he releas'd him , that he had had taken a solemn oath never to set free any men of his county , but by an exchange of ten moors for one spaniard ; so that he was not to expect his freedom but on those terms . in vain he pleaded , that he had made an agreement with the king ; that he had given him a sword accordingly , with a present besides , and show'd the letter for his pasport . all these expostulations were as ineffectual as they were just ; so that after many contestations and delays , this officer , who was also a man of quality , could not get away 'till he had got eleven moors , whom he had still the power to procure out of spain , and of whom he gave ten for himself , and one for his man ; nay , they reckon'd it a special favour that they let his servant come off so cheap . this is a late and very remarkable example , that shows us how far we may depend on the words and promises of this princes and his alcaydes . here is another of the same kind . a moor , whose name is hadge achmet , of the kingdom of morocco , having been taken and carry'd into france , after he had been a slave eight and twenty years in the gallies , found means to redeem himself by an exchange that was to be made of him for one venelle of provence , who was also a slave at mickeness : this , according to an agreement with the king of morocco , who gave his word of it to venelle ; which he confirm'd in writing to achmet , promising , that as soon as this moor should arrive in barbary , the french man should be immediately sent back into his own country . the agreement being thus concluded and perform'd , on the part of venelle's relations , hadgy achmet is set free , gets to mickeness , casts himself at his king's feet , gives him thanks for his liberty , and begs of him that of the french slave , which was to be the exchange and the price of it . the prince tells him he is a dog , that he cheated him , that he can get ten thousand crowns for venelle , that he does not intend to release him , and that for his part , since he is free , he has no more to ask or to do , but to go home about his business . the moor wondring at this refusal , and being mov'd with a sentiment of honour ( so-much the more to be esteem'd in him , as 't is uncommon amongst those of his nation ) complains of this infidelity , tells the king of his royal word and writing , and intreats and presses him , either to perform it , or give him leave to go back to marseilles . the king denies his writing , and refuses to grant achmet's request , commands him to hold his tongue , and be gone home , not without threats of severe usage , and even of death it self , if he persists to trouble him . however , things have remain'd thus 5 years , yet this honest moor has not stir'd from mickeness , where yet he has not means to subsist , and complains aloud of the wrong the king has done him ; neither does he lose any opportunity to present him self to the king , and make his complaints , protesting to all his alcaydes , with a roman firmness and courage , that he will rather suffer himself to be cut to pieces , than leave the court without obtaining either venelle's liberty , or leave to surrender himself to venelle's relations at marseilles , and fall again into the slavery from which he was only freed with that proviso . this achmet is a man of good sence , and was every day with me at mickeness , to press me to speak on his behalf , that the king might consent to this , or release venelle ; assuring me that he would rather dye a thousand times , than suffer such an injustice : he follow'd me where-ever i went , and even when i had an audience ; so that he has often given me no less occasion to admire his constancy and honesty , than to wonder at the king of morocco's patience towards him ; the more , since that prince's humour inclines him to kill his subjects with so little reason . so unjust a proceeding hath yet more fully convinc'd me , that there is little or no reason to rely on that king's promises whether verbal or in writing . finis . an alphabetical table of the chief matters contain'd in this book . a. aduars , flying villages of arabs , page 19 adulterers punished with death , 105 alcasar , a city , 29 alcassave , the emperor's palace , describ'd , 72 alcaydes , or governours , rule all under the emperor , 103 aly ben abdalla , chief for the marine , 120 amokadem , a puny judge , who rates the wares , 107 arabs in sus , still a free people , 31 arms kept in the emperor's armory , 113 audiences given to monsieur de st. olon , 146 b. battels of the moors , and their way of coming to an engagement , 111 black of the emperor's guard , tho alone , collects the tributes , and punishes delinquents , 20 blacks of the guard extream young , and neatly drest , 113 blacks , tho' slaves , better us'd than the white-men , 128 bounds of the empire of morocco , 10 buildings , the chief overseer of them , 116 burial of the moors , 53 c. cadies , judges easily brib'd , 97 califs , or deputy governours , 107 ceuta a spanish garison on the mediterranean , 11 children of the emperor above 300 still living , 97 very ill brought up , and thievish , ib. complement made by monsieur de st. olon to the emperor , 153 concubines of the emperor 400 , 63 consul at tetuan and sally insulted by the moors , 27 corn , books , and horses not to be exported for christendom 76 d. dara , a large river , 10 dara , a great province , 35 dress of the moors , 89 dromedaries that travel above sixty leagues a day , 24 dutch trade with morocco , 141 e. easters , three of them kept by the moors , 44 eating of the moors , 87 embassadors , how receiv'd , 67 england's trade with morocco , 140 eunuch , the chief of them has the care of the seraglio , 115 f. fess , a kingdom , what goods it affords , 21 its bounds , ibid. it s chief towns , 26 fess , a very large and populous city , 25 fools and conjurers thought saints , 51 foot-post in morocco cheap and quick , 23 g. games of hazard forbidden , 55 gardens of the emperor , 77 gayland his wars with muley-zeydan , &c , 28 golden balls on the chief mosque at morocco , said to be enchanted , taken away by that emperor , 16 by whom they were set up , 17 h. hasty-pudding eaten as a ceremony , 46 high-ways left unrepair'd , 22 clear'd from robbers by the emperor ; and those near whom a robbery is committed , fin'd , or punish'd with death , 103 horses kill'd in fight by christians are to go to heaven , 50 horses sanctified , and buried in state , 57 horses back'd after the first grass , 100 hospitals at tetuan and sally , 13 i. jewels buried with the dead , 54 jews , when to give a hen and ten chickens of gold to the emperor , 44 must go barefoot by mosques and in royal cities , 55 assess'd by abraham maymaran their chief , 79 live apart from the moors , 81 tax'd high and frequently , 101 italy's trade with morocco , 141 l. land-forces , 108 larache , a town taken from the spaniards , 111 and 131 lent of the moors , 43 letter sent to the french king by muley ismael , by the hands of consul estelle , 182 letter sent to him by the hands of monsieur de st. olon , 197 letter kiss'd and laid over the head as a mark of respect , 167 letter sent to the embassador by that emperor , 187 letter sent in answer to that , 192 letter writ by ali ben adalla to the french king , 201 another to monsieur de pontcharrain , 206 m. mahomet ben addo ottar , formerly embassador in england , now the emperor's chief minister and favourite , 118 mahomet ben hadgy lucas , deputy to aly ben abdalla , 121 mahomet themin formerly embassador in france , 125 mamora , a town taken from the spaniards in barbary , 11 married men forc'd to go to the wars at their own charge , 109 married slaves of either sex excus'd from working , 74 mazagan , a portuguesse garrison in barbary , 18 meat and mony lay'd over graves 54 melila , a spanish garrison in fess , 11 mickeness or mackeness , the emperor's seat , a little ill built populous town , 26 and 72 money that is current in morocco , 143 moors driven out of spain , 12 moors shooting at the moon , 43 moors purg'd from all sins by washing , 48 moors , their character , 36 if kill'd by their emperor , go to heaven immediately , 61 moors dextrous at martial sports , 62 moors riding full speed without sadle , &c. and at nine years old , 100 moors subject to revolt , 129 morabites a sort of hermits , 4 morocco , a kingdom , its chief towns , 18 what commodities it yields , ib. morocco , a large decaying city , 15 mufty , his authority superior to the emperors , 104 muly archid , king of tafilet , how become emperor of morocco , 2 muley hamet his nephew , subdud by his vnkle the present emperor 9 muley ismael , now reigning , his character and power 59 compares himself to lewis xiv . 65 govern'd by an ugly black wife of his , 64 muley zeydan , one of his sons , his character , 95 n. naval forces of morocco , 4 how maintain'd , ibid neighbours bordering on the empire of morocco , 133 o. observations on the subject of this embassy , 179 observations about the emperors breach of promise , 210 omen rediculously taken by the death of a sheep , 45 p. paradice of the moors , 42 pavilions of the palace , 72 penon de los velez , a spanish garrison in fess , 30 pot and cloth , carried by a christian slave , to receive and wipe off the dung of a sanctify'd horse , 57 prayers of the moors , 56 presents made by monsieur de st. olon to the emperor , 149 and 165 priests of the moors , talbs and morabots , 58 prisoners acquitted or punish'd by the emperor himself at easter , 44 r. rain , what the moors do to save their clothes from it . 95 revenue of the emperor , 100 buried by him privately , 101 religion of the moors , 40 renegados very indisserently us'd , 75 s. saffy , a sea-port-town in morocco , 18 sally describ'd , 28 santa cruz , a town of good trade in suss , 32 school-boys led in triumph when they have read their book throughout , 79 schools , ibid sebou , a large river , and its fine bridge , 22 slaves , their bad fare , food , drink , lodging , hard labour , and worse vsage , 73 stable , the place where the moors commonly chuse to eat , 88 storks , great numbers of them about alcasar , 30 suss , a kingdom , its bounds , towns , and product , 31 t. tafilet , a kingdom , its bounds and product , 33 tangier , left by the english , 31 tetuan , a good open town of great trade , 11 its inhabitants originally andalusians , 12 theza , a fortify'd town , 26 trade in the empire of morocco , 133 , 135 , &c. travelling of the arabs with their wives and children in wicker conveniencies , 20 testimony of those who make water standing , excepted against , 52 treasurer of the emperor , 45 and 116 v. virgins , each moor to enjoy 70 in heaven , 40 and 48 w. weddings , and ceremony to try the bride's virginity , 83 weepers hir'd at funerals , 53 witnesses , false ones cheap in morocco , 106 women not to go to heaven , 53 those of affrica handsome , 82 fond of christians , because they are not circumcis'd , 83 and 93 their dress , 85 most admir'd when biggest and fattest , ibid never seen by the guests , 87 x. xeriffs , mahomet's offspring , 39 west barbary, or, a short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of fez and morocco with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestick / by lancelot addison ... addison, lancelot, 1632-1703. 1671 approx. 272 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26378 wing a532 estc r10903 12093269 ocm 12093269 53922 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26378) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53922) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 754:14) west barbary, or, a short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of fez and morocco with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestick / by lancelot addison ... addison, lancelot, 1632-1703. [24], 226, [7] p. printed at the theater in oxford, and are to be sold by john wilmot, [oxford, oxfordshire] : 1671. "an index of the moorish words": p. [1]-[7] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng morocco -history. morocco -description and travel. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-02 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion west barbary , or , a short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of fez and morocco . with an account of the present customs , sacred , civil , and domestick . by lancelot addison , chaplain to his majesty in ordinary . printed at the theater in oxford , and are to be sold by john wilmot , 1671. to the most worthy and truly honored joseph williamson esq . sir , the liberty of dedications , being the undoubted priviledge of every scribler , may save me harmless in prefixing your name to the ensuing remarks . in which i do not so much design your patronage , because i cannot fansie that these papers will be so much taken notice of as to be question'd for their faults . but my whole design on this occasion is to tell the world , how much i love your person , and honour your worth. i will not be so vain as to endeavour to represent you to the world , or to your self , for you are sufficiently known to both ; and your excellent parts & integrity have not attracted you more honor at home , then they have acquired you abroad . for i know your reputation is as happy in foreign countries for the even menage of affairs , as in your own . but to attempt any thing of your panegyrick , were to doe , what is done by all who know you : & therefore i may justly divert my pen to express my resentments , that i can make no present agreeable to your merit or my affection . for which , i have no other apology , but either my unhappiness , or that this is not the age , when temples , altars , and statues , are erected to worth and virtue . nevertheless , i cannot be so fashionably modest , as altogether to vilifie my offering , or so far wrong you , as to imagine it will be despised as utterly vnprofitable ; for it must be a present extreamly mean , which so great an ingenuity as yours , will despise ; and a subject strangely dry , from whence so great a discernment can gather nothing . i know , that little worthy a polite judgement can be gather'd from a discourse of people famous only for being barbarous ; yet if publick affairs can spare you minutes enough to read over these remarks , you may perhaps in them meet with so much order , civility , and ( according to their way ) religion , as may somewhat refine that name . however , if what i tender may be by you received , as it is sincerely intended , for an unfeigned testimony of my respect and affection , i have accomplish'd my design , which is without all artifice , to declare my self , your humble , faithful , and devoted servant , lancelot addison . the preface to the reader . it being the manner of those who write , to acquaint the reader with the design of the book ; if i had any in publishing this besides your divertisement , it was chiefly to make the justice and religiousness of a people esteemed barbarous , rude , and savage , to reflect upon their enormities , who would be reckon'd for the only illuminati of both . and to shew that this unlick'd , uncultivated people agree with the wisest nati●●s , in making the care of religion and justice to suppress vice and encourage virtue , as the only method to make a state happy . it was one of the pedantick vanities of the grecians to repute all barbarous but themselves ; and albeit there are some who have the same opinion of every thing that is diverse from the manners and customs of their own country , yet those who acknowledge humanity in all its habits , may in perusing the remarks made upon these barbarians , meet with something that may civilize the title , and induce them to think , that what is commonly call'd barbarous , is but a different mode of civility . as for the truth of what is written , i have us'd an industry as probable to ensure me thereof , as the nature of the subject would give me leave . having first travel'd the country , and remark'd as much as such an occasion would afford , and then retain'd a conversation with such persons , both moors and jews , as i found best able to encrease and amend my first remarks . so that they are not barely the occasionals of a journey , nor scrap'd up from casual discourses , but the result of some years inspection into the people of whom i write ; and that i might not dis-ingeniously impose upon your belief , i have not contented my self with a single test , but have rejected several passages which have not had a sufficient confirmation . it being not my intent to be known for writing things strange and romantick , but to be very civil to the world , in putting nothing upon them but what is firm and solid . as for the dress wherein they appear ( though perhaps suitable enough for the matter ) i have been therein so negligent as not greatly to regard it , except in the narrative to preserve coherence . for i conceived , i was not to present you with the customs of a nation as i made them , but as they were in themselves , which could scarcely be done , but by exposing them ( thus ) naked . the narrative of the late revolutions , &c. is that for which to some i may seem the less accountable , because i insinuate a want of publick records among the moors , out of which it was to have been collected . but there was no such great need of those assistances in penning the annals of our age ; and the narrative ascends no higher then the period of the xeriffian family , and the division of kiram's vsurpation of the crown of morocco , which are very fresh in the minds of the moors . and yet for the clearer certainty herein , i have had the assistance of some ancient observing moors , who were actors in the late revolves . but my best help i had , was from an aged , inquisitive , noting person , an hebrew sabio , one joseph messias , who for many years had been secretary of tituan , and with great diligence had observed memoirs of what a long time had happened in that part of barbary . in what concerns the war between gaylan and taffilet , i confess i am not very particular , because much thereof related to tanger ; but what is here wanting , may be supplyed in the modern story of that ancient city . how far i have been from transcribing leo afer , which some may suspect , will easily appear by comparing what is contain'd in the remarks of west barbary , with his description of africa . that i have not spoken more largely of their colleges , needs no other excuse , than that they now use none ; and the like may be answer'd for my silence of their libraries . and how famous soever mauritania tingitana hath been in former ages for a race of literati , yet now there is little hope to see a restauration of their studies , if it be considered what small regard the present moors bear to learning : which i understood from cidi abdella , gaylan's secretary , a spanish renegado of a bold capacity ; to whom , when i was praising the ancient learning of fez , &c. he told me , that now the moors were not very fond of bookish inclinations , being generally addicted either to military or mechanick employments : and when i read to him out of don diego savedra taxardo ( in the 66th of his empressas politicas ) how that a learned age might have as little valour as devotion : that all knowledge was superfluous which taught the people more than to obey , endure travel , and conquer : that great discursists were apt to intrigue affairs , dispute the princes resolutions , and stir up the people : that it was the best obedience , which was rather credulous then inquisitive : that the ottoman empire , so much enrich'd with the spoils , and elevated with the trophies of many nations , reckon it among their happinesses , not to have their consultations lime-twigg'd with quirks and sophisms of philosophical persons , and make illiterature one of their chief engines of empire : that the city may be taken , while the mathematician is delinea●●●g the fortification : that nations , provinces , colonies , have grown great by industrious , and not poring arts , &c. while i was thus reading to the attentive discerning renegado , he broke out into a sort of exultation , and call'd muley mahumed to witness , that he thought savedra ( the author i read ) was a moor , or otherwise he could never have so punctually described the humour , and sentiments of the moors concerning learning : adding withal , that if they who in their present illiterature were so prone to sedition , that they would be much more so , if they were heated with bookish speculations , and had their black humour chaf'd and quicken'd with subtilizing studies . the next thing which may seem herein omitted , is , that which would have best pleased the virtuosi , an account of their libraries , for which i was once sollicited by a letter from a stranger , in the year 1664. who design'd an vniversal catalogue of ancient and modern writers , and their books : and though he possess'd me with great hopes of finding great store of books in barbary for his purpose ; yet upon enquiry , i met with nothing but disappointment , and that the moors are so far from having excellent libraries , that they wonder to see any book of age or volume in their own language . this i understood from cidi hamet cogez ( formerly alcayd of alcazàr ) who when in tanger coming to see the publick library that we had founded there , where i shewed him a ms. in his own character concerning their religion , he kiss'd , hugg'd , laid it to his brow , upon the crown of his head , lifted it up to heaven , and in every circumstance appear'd therewith so much transported , that i could scarce rescue it out of his embraces . the same ms. i shewed to a talib ( who was one of tafilets emhérkin , or messengers of state , sent to compliment his excellency the lord ambassador , the illustrious lord h. howard at tanger ) who esteem'd it so great a rarity , that he sollicited the ambassador to beg or buy it for him at any rate . this manuscript is now in the possession of the arch-bishop of canterbury his grace . it is the first part of the mustadarif ( or , as the talib expounded it ) the clean book . it was compos'd by alfachì mahumed ebn ahmed alchab , and copyed into that fair letter , wherein it is now extant , by ali ebn abd'aliráhman ebn mahumed , a native of suz , who finished it in the second moneth giamadi , anno hegirae , 1005. but these stories have betray'd me to an unintended length , for which i hope to make some amends in what follows ; in which i have endeavour'd , like a merciful executioner , not to protract your pain . a brief narration of the late revolutions in the kingdomes of fez and morocco . this narrative of the revolutions of barbary , shall not be derived beyond the annals of our own memory . for whose clearer introduction , the contexture of affaires invites us to step back to the notorious change , which hapned about the year 1508. near which time the marine familie approaching to it s design'd period and determination , it fortun'd that a certain alfachi , or morish priest , in the province of dara , began to grow into great reputation with the people , by reason of his high pretentions to piety and fervent zeal for their law , illustrated by a stubborn rigidity of conversation and outward sanctity of life . his first name was mahumet ben amet ; but pretending to be descended from their prophet , he caused himself to be called zeriffe : a title which the kindred of that impostor have appropriated to themselves , and made the character of that whole family . the credit of his pretended pedegree , was another engine wherewith he insinuated himself into the peoples likeing , which together with his seeming severity , made him of no vulgar esteem with a generation , who from time to time have been fooled with such mountebanks in religion . the great applause and approbation his person met with from the moores , kindled in him no less an ambition then of making himself lord of mauritania tingitana ; which must needs have proved a very hypocondriacal designe , had it not been assisted with a favourable conjuncture of affaires . for the mauritanian princes had a long time weakned themselves with civil discords ; and the portugals taking that advantageous occasion , had farr advanced their armes , and arrived at a considerable puissance in barbary , and were still under a daylie success of new atchievements : besides , the moors desirous of novelties , and sensible of oppressions , both from their own and forreign powers , were sufficiently inclinable to adhere to any , who appeared with probability to deliver them from their present yoke . this now zeriffe , who wanted neither witt nor ambition to conduct or enterprise an innovation , found by the starrs , in whose science his legend makes him very skilful , that the time was not yet suitable for so great an undertaking . religion was his pretence , and nothing could have been so fit beside to advance him in the estimation of the many . to facilitate his designs , he sent his three sons , abdel , abnet , and mahumet in pilgrimage to mecha and medina , to visit and worship the sepulchre of their great prophet . much was the reverence and reputation of holiness , which they thereby ●●●●uired among the superstitious people , who could hardly be kept from kissing their garments , and adoreing them as saints . his admired sons failed not in their parts , but acted as much devotion , as high contemplative looks , deep sighes , tragical gestures , and other passionate interjections of holiness could express ; alà , alà was their doleful note , their sustenance the peoples almes . their father received them with content and joy , and perceiving the favour and opinion of the people toward him , to continue the same as at the first , he resolved to make use thereof , and thereupon sent abnet and mahumet to the court of fez , where they were kindly received by the too credulous king , who made the elder , president of the famous colledge amadorac , and the younger , tutor of his own sons . advanced thus in favour at court , and grace with the people , by the councel of their father , they desired leave of the king to display a banner against the christians ; induceing him to believe , that they would easily draw the portugal moors to their party ; and by that means secure the provinces of morocco . muley nazer the kings brother , resisted the p●●●tion , warning the king not to arme this name of sanctity , which being once victorious , might grow insolent , and forgetful of duty in minding a kingdome . he told him likewise that war makes men awless , and that through popularity , many became ambitious and studious of innovation . but the king intoxicated with the opinion of these pilgrims sanctity , rejected his brothers necessary cautions , and gave them a banner and drum , with letters of credence to the princes and cities of barbary , with twenty horsemen to attend them . many wonderful successes awaited upon their actions , and all things thrived so well under their conduct , that at last the king of fez , who all along applauded his own victories in theirs , began to distast them . and seeing they had poysoned the king of morocco , and made amet zeriff to be proclaimed king in his stead , he mistrusted his own safety , and began but too late to repent his approveing of an armed hypocrisie . puft up with their successes they forgot their obedience , and these saints deny the king the fifth part of their spoyles , and only sent him six horses and six camels , and those lean and ill shapen . the king demands his dues , but they answered , that seeing they were lawful successors to mahumet , they ought to pay no man tribute , and that they had more right in affrica then himself ; but if he would respect them as his friends and allies , they were not froward to embrace him under that quality ; but if he expected any more at their hands , they doubted not , but as they had had power to offend the christians , they should not be destitute in defending of themselves ; by which it appeared , that they took up armes , not out of love to their country and zeale for their religion , but out of a desire of rule . the sword by both sides was chosen to umpire the contest , which awarded for the zeriffs . for upon the encounter of both the armies , the fessan forces after a long and doubtful battle were defeated ; and the zeriffs so well improved the victory , that in few moons they became the uncontrouled lords of the kingdoms of fez and morocco , in whose government their family continued a considerable summe of years . but not with out destructive hostilities among themselves ; the descendents pulling down each other by the like treacheries , that advanced their ancestors : the greater thief stil leading the less to the gallows . their rebellions appeared under the specious pretences of mending some faults in government , and one cozin deposed another , under the pleasing disguise of setting up a gentler and more orderly dominion ; forgetting that it is safer to permit some inconveniences in the outer buildings , then to pull the whole structure down ; there being corruptions which may safelier be continued then removed . but notwithstanding these civil wars , the power still remained in the same familie , and the dissention of the branches proceeded not so farr as to cut down the tree . and yet about the year 1607. the zeriffian house seem'd neer an extirpation by reason of boféres and sidans opposing muley sheck their elder brother in his succession . but muley sheck and boféres dying in the warrs , morocco was left to abdalla son of muley sheck , who scarce warm'd the throne , till he was violently pull'd thence by his uncle sidan , and by an unintended kindness freed from the troubles of a crown . this muley sidan once more joyned fez with morocco , and in himself made the zeriffian family to reigne over both . but he was much infested both by land and sea. for abdela a religious hermit , and hean , one of like hypocrisie and zeal , two opposite factions distressed him at land , and the pyrates of salla and algier by sea. but his great valour maintain'd him against both . for by his own arms he pacifyed the tumults at land , and by the assistance of the english shipping , he destroyed the pyrats of salla , which so much disquieted the ocean . and this being done he sent to have the like aid against those of algier the pest of the mediterranean . the tenor of his heroick letter sent to king charles of great britain on this occasion , i have here annexed , with no other designe then to manifest the great esteem , which that mahumedan prince worthily retained of charles the first , our victorious martyr . the letter of the king of morocco to the king of england . when these our letters shall be so happy as to come to your majesties sight , i wish the spirit of the righteous god may so direct your mind , that you may joyfully embrace the message i send ; presenting to you the means of exalting the majesty of god , and your own reward amongst men . the regal power allotted to us makes us common servants to our creator ; then of those people whom we govern : so that observing the duties we owe to god , we deliver blessings to the world ; in providing for the publicke good of our states , we magnifie the honour of god ; like the celestial bodies , which though they have much veneration , yet serve only to the benefit of the world . it is the excellencie of our office , to be instruments whereby happiness is delivered to the nations . pardon me sir , this is not to instruct , for i know i speake to one of a more cleer and quick sight then my self ; but i speak this , because god hath pleased to grant me a happy victory over some part of those rebellious pyrates , that have so long molested the peaceful trade of europe ; and hath presented further occasion to root out the generation of those , who have been so pernitious to the good of our nations : i mean , since it hath pleased god to be so auspicious to our beginnings in the conquest of salla , that we might joyne and proceed in hope of like success in the war against tunis , algier , and other places ( dens and receptacles for the inhumane villanies of those who abhor rule and government . ) herein whilest we interrupt the corruption of malignant spirits of the world , we shal glorifie the great god , and performe a duty that will shine as glorious as the sun and moon , which all the earth may see and reverence : a work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the precious odours , in the nostrils of the lord. a work grateful and happy unto men : a worke whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there be any that delight to heare the actions of heroick and magnanimous spirits ; that shall last as long as there be any remaining amongst men , that love and honour the piety and vertue of noble minds . this action i here willingly present to you , whose piety and virtues equall the greatness of your power : that we who are servants of the great and mighty god , may hand in hand triumph in the glory which this action presents unto us . now because the islands which you govern , have been ever famous for the vnconquered strength of their shipping , i have sent this my trusty servant and ambassador to know , whether in your princely wisdome you shall think fit to assist me with such forces by sea , as shall be answerable to those i provide by land : which if you please to grant , i doubt not but the lord of hosts will protect and assist those that fight in so glorious a cause . nor ought you to think this strange , that i , who much reverence the peace and accord of nations , should exhort to a warr. your great prophet christ jesus was the lyon of the tribe of judah , as well as the lord and giver of peace : which may signifie unto you , that he which is a lover and maintainer of peace , must alwaies appear with the terror of his sword , and wading through seas of blood , must arrive at tranquillity . this made james your father of glorious memory , so happily renowned amongst all nations . it was the noble fame of your princely vertues , which resounds to the utmost corners of the earth , that perswadeth me to invite you to partake of that blessing wherein i boast my selfe most happy . i wish god may heap the riches of his blessings on you , increase your happiness with your days , and hereafter perpetuate the greatness of your name in all ages . the traders into the levant have reason to bewail , that the condition of his majesties affaires would not give him leave to entertain this motion : which in all probability can never be revived with such promising circumstances , as it might then have been enterprized ; for those pyrats were then inconsiderable to what they are now ; for by the computation of their encrease in shipping and skill in navigation , if not timely subdued , they in short time may bid defiance to the christian in the mid-land seas . and albeit the proposal was not embraced , yet it loudly spoke sidan a prince of generous designs , and noble ambitions ; and one who aimed at the advance and security of trade , the common interest of the world. muley sidan having reduced the affairs of state to a great degree of quiet , he finish'd both life and reign at once , contrary to the example of the most of his predecessors , whereof few either reigned to the natural length of their life , or were suffered to live beyond the violent shortness of their reigne . upon his death , muley abdelmeleck his eldest son , enter'd upon the fruition of his fathers atchievements . he was a person of much flegm and indifferency , naturally fitted for a tame and peaceable empire , into which he was happily inaugurated , but not long continued , for in the second year of his reigne he was unnaturally assasined by his second brother luellud , whose ambition broke all bonds of nature and politie to ascend a throne . but the infamous fratricide was presently thrown from his usurped greatness : for having by a powerful example taught the nearest method to weare a crown , he was clandestinely murder'd by his youngest brother muley hamet sheck , before he had accomplish'd the period of twenty months in his kingdome . and it is remarkable that muley shek pretended to no vengeance of his eldest brothers death in that of his second ; but that he acted it only cut of an itch to obtain the government , seconded with a suspition of his own safety ; which could not be great , while his brother might justly fear him as a rival for the kingdome . muley sheck being the last of the brothers , and thereby without any to competition him , he studied to make both his government and person gratious to the people . in which artifice he was so prosperous , that no sultan in barbary had equal'd him in a confluence of happiness . the skie of his reigne was for nineteen years serene : and there were no prognosticks of alteration in his condition , till laella , one of his wives , began to be exorbitant in her appetites , and to meditate disloyalty to her husband's bed. she is reported to have been a woman of a refined subtilty , and learned in the most artful methods of stealeing her pleasures . but at length she fell excessively enamour'd of her own kinsman , one cidi kirum , whom the king had adopted into his grace and conversation . this kirum was of a popular inclination , and skilful in feeding the humours of the people . he had been at mecha in devotion , and of course received for that visitation the title of hadge , granted to all that have performed the hage , or pilgrimage to their prophets tomb. by this , and a great shew of exterior religion , he had with men of all capacities purchased a significant reputation . and albeit he was a wel-wisher to an innovation , the common designe of their pretended piety , yet the present face of affaires look'd very disagreeable upon such an enterprise . for the king so rul'd , that all had cause to love , and none to feare him , and the courteousness of his personal behaviour , had secured him a large share in the worst of his subjects bosoms ; his custom being to punish and spare none , who were convict offendors against their law , the known rule both of their religion and politie . and for the greater discouragement of all commotions , the zeriffian name was grown sacred with the moors , through its long continuance : and they concluded its prosperity a divine approbation of its right . kirum no doubt was still as coveteous to enjoy the crown , as laella his bed ; whose amours at last grew to that height of impatience , that nothing could quiet them , but the embraces of her paramour in a regal state ; which she plotted with a feminine invention . the death of the king her husband was the only secure recipe for her distemper , but altogether of an unsafe accomplishment , if enterprised by open violence . wherefore she is reported to have essayed his death by sorcery's ; in which wickedness ( story tels us ) that the mahumetan women have alwaies been dexterous . but not precisely to determine , by what way muley hamet sheck came to his grave , it is certain that his end was suddain and unexpected , and that he shut up his life before he had seen the twentieth yeare of his reign . his decease was much lamented , and the more because it came unsuspected . the government lineally descended upon his son muley labèsh , a child of three years old , whom his dying father bequeath'd to the protection of kirum el hadge , and other grandees of the kingdome , appointing them to administer the affaires of state in labèsh's name , till he was come to the age of eleven years . in which time kirum was so balanc'd with his fellow regents , that he durst not attempt the least alteration . but such was the crafty conduct of his demeanor , that he had made many of the almocadens among the alàrbs to be his creatures and ready at his devotion , and of whose assistance he might rely , when he saw it convenient to time a revolution : which he deferr'd to the entrance of the second yeare of labèsh's reigne , being the thirteenth of his age . at which time kirum secretly retired from court , and was not heard of , till he appear'd in the head of a numerous army of alàrbs , whom he had allured into rebellion with the promises of large incoms , the baite disloyalty still leaps at . labèsh quickly took the alarm , and with considerable forces marcht toward kirum , if possible to end the warr in the place where it was begun . the moors highly extol the valour and conduct of this young king , who forgetting the delights and toys of that age , devoted himself to the severities of military discipline , constantly watching in the camp , or courageously fighting in the battel . for four years his fortunes and kirum's had their vicissitudes , for so long they fought with dubious presages of the event ; till treachery at last is said to have given kirum that conquest which courage could not ; for labèsh being invited by kirum to receive his recantation , met with a barbarous death , where he hoped to receive a loyal subjection . others report that kirum slew him with his own hands in that fatal battel , which proved the finishing overthrow . after the death of labèsh , kirum became too powerful for the resistance of his scattered forces , haveing none left under whose conduct they might venture their last efforts ; so that now all oppositions being removed with the king , kirum made a quiet march to morocco , where the citizens received him with all the significations of subjection , in whose imitation the adjoyning cavílas brought in the pledges of their allegiance to kirum : which they did not intermit , till by a natural death he resign'd the kingdom to his son muley boucar , who after the short reigne of three months was dethron'd by taffalete , of which revolution more will be said in the story of that prevailing zeriff . the moors having for a long season been torn and distracted with the unnatural murders of sidans sons , and wearied out with following those wars , which had no juster causes then private interests and envious annimosities , began at last to provide for their own peace and safety . the adored zeriffian family was extinct in labèsh , whereby they were quitted from obedience to that race . kirum by several of the great ones living distant from the court , was looked upon as one , both by unjustness of title , and meanness of pedegree , unfit to receive their allegiance . in this shaken and doubtful state of affairs , some stood neuter in their judgements , but outwardly complyed with the present government ; others resolved to stand upon their guard , chooseing rather to run the hazards of war , then to enjoy the safety of a dishonourable peace . cidi hamet-ali-haiáshi , cidi mahumet ben-el hadge-ben-boucar , and the zeriff of benzaruel were the chiefs in these new commotions , but all opposite factions , and all alarbs , and all great saints : the last of the three contented himself with the protection of ben zaruel , a large cavíla almost impregnable by nature , in whose government his ancestors for many years had lived in peace . but after two months of stout resistance was subdued by tafilete ; who took with him the aged zeriff , and dispersed his family , of which there perhaps will be an opportunity of speaking more in another paragraph . haiáshi and ben-boucar , gifted with greater ambitions , laboured to enlarge the curtains of their territories , and each seem'd to aime at no less then the empire of mauritania tingitana . their outward sanctimony equald them in the peoples affection and esteem , and if they could have reconciled their interests , and joyned in the same designe , they had shared that state , which both lost , while each would have all or none : of whose rise and fall these succeeding periods will give you information . cidi hamet ali haiáshi was an alarb , ( or one of that sort of moors , who live under tents and in mountains , without any fixed habitations , as i shall shew in my notices upon this country , ) who had the learning of a talib , and sanctity of a marabout ; by which he was esteemed as an oracle among his countrymen , who upon all emergent occasions repaired unto him for advice and instruction ; which they received as infallible , and obey'd as a law. his parentage according to the moresco heraldry was not obscure ; for the government of abenimálec was hereditary to his family , and legally descended to his possession . which abenimálec being a very large cavíla , upon the river of mamora , was by haiashi governed with that politick carriage , which made him reverenced of his own people , and fear'd of his neighbours , as appear'd in their ready abetting his enterprises . the late suspected death of muley sheck , together with the violent murther , and dethroning of his son , both haiashi's beloved soveraigns , made kirum , whom he supposed to have been as well the secret contriver of the first , as he saw him the open acter of the second villany , to be odious to his thoughts , and unfit for his obedience . revenge , whose lawfulness is an article in the moors creed , put haiashi into arms , with intent , if not to depose kirum from being king , yet at least keep himself from becoming his subject . his first musters consisted ownly of the levies of his own cavíla , to which were daily accessions of the neighboring almócadens , which helpt to adjust his insurrection . his forces being soon increased above his hopes , he order'd his march toward fez , the metropolis of the kingdom of that name . this ancient city was now govern'd by vbahà , kirums creature ; who upon the advance of haiáshi's forces , secretly stole away to morocco , as not daring to trust himself to his own valour , or the fidelity of the citizens . by the flight of vbahà , fez being left governorless , it became the easie atchievement of haiáshi ; under whose command it continued seven years , and was a fair addition to his greatness and safety , being ( as was said ) the metropolis of the kingdom . haiáshi by his successes began to be the envy of ben-boucar , who for some years after his revolt from morocco , contented himself with the solitary dominion of záwia , where he lived in a house of that name , which for its religious foundation , was become a sanctuary , or refuge for offenders . the inhabitants of záwia are reported to be very numerous and warlike , yet by reason of remoteness , they created haiáshi very small disturbances ; besides , ben-boucar was unwilling to refer himself to the uncertain decision of the sword , which , in all probability , must have given the victory to haiáshi , by whose forces he was far exceeded . he therefore betook himself to stratagem , and consults with ali ben hamet , almocaden of saphían , one whom haiáshi had not yet entirely subdued , by what method their common enemy might be removed . now the moors , in removal of those they hate , seem to know no other policies , besides an armed violence , and secret massacre . the two conspirators saw their inability to undertake the former , and therefore resolved to put the latter in execution . ali ben hamet greedy of that sweet bit revenge , and to express it upon haiáshi , who had dispoiled him of his right , uudertook to be his assasinate : which he thus effected . haiáshi being lodged in his tent near azount , a fountain he greatly esteemed in the cavíla of atcleik , about six leagues north of alcazàr , was in the night visited by ali , accompanyed with about 70 horse , who came not with any shew of hostility , but with a pretence of friendship , declaring , that his errand was design'd to render himself haiáshies subject , and to receive the continuance of his cavíla from his hand . under this cloak haiáshi received him into his tent , and thereby gave him the opportunity of murthering him , which he effected with one stab . the murtherer had his accomplices ready to make his escape , which was the less difficult , because haiáshi had no guards , which he had declined either to save charges , or dissemble his confidence in the moors , who are best made faithful by being trusted ; but very vindictive , when they find themselves suspected . ben-boucar being ascertain'd by ali of haiáshies treacherous slaughter , in the twelfth year of his revolt , he incèssantly marcht to take possession of his country , which he found ready at his devotion ; either because the people were unprovided for opposition ; or , that they thought ben-boucar's superiority was less obnoxious to exception , then any other they could elect . the almócadens , mindful of their accustomed method to preserve their commands , secretly one after another subscribed to ben-boucar's regiment ; onely fez and alcazàr cost him some time and blood in their reduction . but at last they yielded upon articles , arzila having first shown them the way . ben-boucar's next march was to tituan , govern'd by the ancient and worthy family of the narsis , out of which he had received a wife , and by that relation was welcome to the supremacie of that city . ben-boucar having brought this part of barbary to his subjection , resolved to return to záwia : but before he left the country , he took from the grandees thereof , the best assurances he was able for their obedience and fidelity . next , he disposed the towns of greatest importance , to the government of his sons and favorites . to his eldest son abdalla he entrusted the rule of salla , which he had observed proner to sedition then the rest , and yet much addicted to persons famed for piety , for which abdalla was arrived at a saintship . to his second son mahumed , he committed the care of fez , to whom he saw the people thereof have a peculiar inclination . to his third son hamet zéer , or hamet the less , he gave the command of shehàll , a mountain of rude inhabitants , yet much addicted to obey a fierce nature , wherewith hamet zéer was furnished . arzila he left to benzèir , a thing of his own framing : and alcazar to cidi benzían . after this partition , he returned to his religious záwia , where in great peace he enjoyed the fruits of his war , making the easiness of his yoak an argument with the people to bear it . but the memory of haiáshi's treacherous death ( compassed by ben-boucar ) was still fresh in the brests of those sons , whose fathers had their fortunes thereby depress'd ; which ben-boucar , as he could not but know , so he could not but conclude , that the vindictive spirit of a moor would take the first occasion of avenging . in prevention whereof , he took with him to záwia such sons as he saw were likeliest to inherit their fathers hatred against him ; not as hostages of peace , but as pledges of his care , whom being as yet in their non-age , he loved to print with the characters of a peaceable acquiescence in his authority . among these youths , young gaylan was most considerable , and indeed the only person that he detained : whose story now succeeds , in which will be supplyed what is here wanting of ben-boucar . in beniworfut , near to arzila , lived the family of the gaylans , which was of that sort of moors stiled barabàrs , and to which through flux of time , the government of that cavíla was become hereditary . this house ( though never low or obscure ) began to be signally advanced in ali gaylan the father , which proved but a prophesie of its downfall in el hader the son ; whose ambitio● lost what the others humility had obtained . ali was in great favor with haiáshi , and a chief engine of his advancement , in which he was observed not much to endeavor his own . but his greatest renown sprang from his zeal for the mahumetan law , an artifice which seldom failes , & a knack with which whosoever is gifted , cannot want reverence among the moors . arzila being much moved with his sanctity , invited him to a residence among them , which they rewarded with considerable rents , and great testimonies of respect . this ali gaylan spent the last scene of his life with great satisfaction to haiáshi's prosperity , whom at his death he left without any threatning prognosticks of an alteration in his state : but when he grew sensible of the near approaches of his end , he called for his beloved el hader , to whom he recommended the care of his family , government of his cavlla , imitation of his conversation and faith to haiáshi . el hader was too young for the undertaking all this when his father dyed , which caused the provident parent to leave him to the careful tuition of hamet benzían , almocadèn of beni-haròs , with whom he remained , till removed thence by ben-boucar , after the reducement of haiáshi . about the xxiii of his age , this el hader ben ali gaylan , was married to the daughter of one akadim , a principal man in beniworfut , upon which marriage he had license to return home ; a concession that proved very fatal to ben-boucar . for el hader being got to his own territories , where he received an affectionate wellcome ; there happened a commotion in the populous cavíla's of saphean , sháwia , and homàr , ( all alarbes ) which denyed to pay ben-boucar the accustomed rights , & were so far from an obedient tender thereof , that they inhumanely murthered his two brethren , abdelhálac and missínievi , whom he sent to demand them . the news of this insurrection quickly arrived el hader , who thereupon , with some of the best horse of his cavíla , instantly posted to alcazar , where according to intelligence he met with haiáshi's murtherer , whom with his own hand he killed , in revenge of the murther he had committed upon his fathers friend : in whose death , he pull'd down one of ben-boucars best supporters in this canton of his dominion . next he speeded to arzíla , forsaken by ben-boucars alcáyde , who upon the tydings of hamets death , and the alárbes revolt , durst not trust himself among a people whom he saw zealously to favor his masters enemy . upon this gaylan appeared at arzíla , which was very acceptable to his fathers old admirers , who readily yielded him their utmost assistances , and were seconded with several of the adjacent cavíla's . ben-boucar coming to chastize the seditious alárbes , and to avenge his brothers blood , which he speedily dispatc'd ; his next care was to render gaylan sensible of his deportment , who , upon his advance , took sanctuary in arzíla , where he lay immured , till such time as necessity forced ben-boucar to withdraw his levies . upon every such retreat , gaylan was still at his wonted disturbances , and yet upon every return of the enemy , he betook himself to the protection of arzila ; out of which nothing could fetch him , but a close , tedious , and expensive siege , a thing ill agreeing with the moors custom and provision . ben-boucar , weary of that fatigue , in which for some years he had been exercised , and whereof he saw no end , proferr'd gaylan this accommodation : that if he would pay him the accustomary tributes , and an acknowledgement of superiority , he should peaceably possess the government of arzila , and his own cavíla . gaylan was not backward to accept an accommodation so favorable to his present condition and future designs ; being at that time shut up in arzila , and yet entertaining an ambition of making himself lord of the countrey . this accommodation being ratifyed , ben-boucar returned home , and gaylan was set at liberty to take his divertisements in the countrey , where his plausible fortune and personage , zeal for their law , and reservation of carriage , made the grandees of the countrey greatly affected with his society . gaylan finding himself under so favorable an aspect , thought of strengthning his intentions by contracting alliances with the best casts : whereupon he took him a second wife , a daughter of cassian shot almocadèm of the cavila called angera , a warlike family , and descended of the andalusian moors banished spain . his third wife was the daughter of cogèr alcáyde of alcazar , and a leading person in that part of the countrey . his fourth was a virgin daughter of múfadal , governor of tituan , which made up the legal number of four , so many being allowed by their prophet : upon the death of his second wife , to keep up the account , he marryed the daughter of one messimd , a popular person in tituàn , and descended of a saint . by these alliances he got an interest both in the persons and places of greatest moment in this part of the countrey , by which he was animated to break with ben-boucar : a design of such nature , that gaylan durst not venture thereon in any open declaration , but advisedly disguised it under a pretended enterprise against the christians , garrison'd in several towns on the barbary coast , maintained by the crowns of portugal and spain . which to effect the better , he first shewed the moors how their prophet , both by his example and doctrine , had taught them to exercise their revenge against all opposers of his law ; and that whoever should dye in its defense or propagation , were assured of paradise ; and then concluded , how much it would redound to the honor of that generation , if they should drive the christians out of their countrey , to which and their religion they were the common enemy . this proposal was strangely moving with people of all capacities , and the report of gaylans intentions against the christians , induced many to be his followers , who otherwise would have eschewed his company : but having drawn in some by his affinity , others with fair promises , and the generality with religious pretences , he began a little to pull aside the vail , and shew the naked face of his design . having given some testimonies of his zeal and valour against the christians , and enraged them to an activity above what they had of late expressed : he likewise laid before them their necessity of union , and that they should combine under one leader , the better to carry on what they had begun . he also set before them their unhappiness to be governed by one whom age and distance render'd so unfit to relieve them , in case of sudden necessity ; and withall magnifyed his title to the government of the country , equal to ben-boucars . the people found no reason to dispute any part of gaylans harangue , in which they could perceive he aimed at nothing but their safety . whereupon the alcáyde of alcasar , el hàders father-in-law , was the first that declared for his government , who was seconded with several other grandees of the countrey , so that in short time all the cavíla's which ben-boucar had taken from haiáshi , left him as they had done their former master , and adhered to gaylan . but sálla and tituàn utterly dissented from the rest , and instead of yielding a tame submission to gaylans empire , they altogether resisted him . this moved el hader to advance his forces first against tituàn , which he found very stubborn : for abdel crim nacsis ( the chief governor thereof ) would be inclined to no thoughts of pacification or surrender , while he could cherish any hopes of being relieved by his near relative ben-boucar . but at length , despairing of any succors , and seeing the great spoils gaylan was like to make of their vineyards , gardens , and houses of pleasure about the town , which the inhabitants highly valued for their profit and delight , he sought to prevent him in that desolation , by a mature and timely address for peace : which was welcome news to gaylan , being very covetous to be master of a place so considerable for strength , riches , and traffick . the articles were soon concluded , gaylan demanding no more then their subjection , a constant levy of soldiers to serve him on occasions of greater moment ; and that one of his own election should be equal in the government with nacsis . upon this pacification with tituan , gaylan march'd against sálla , which was under the rule of that great saint , abdala ben-boucar , who upon weak temptations retired to the castle , leaving gaylan the signory of the town , wherein he placed some forces of his own , to secure the inhabitants from apostacy . but not long after , abdala being sore pressed for want of provisions , and hopeless of being succored by his father , privily quitted the castle , having first of all sent away in an english frigat , his wives to phedálla . the gaining of this castle made gaylan sole master of this north west canton of barbary , beyond which he was never able to enlarge his territories ; albeit he was strugling for more room , as foreseeing that endeavors after more , was the means to be secure of what he had got already . he often tryed his valor upon the xerif , hamet bocálla , chief of benzaruel , and beni-hálet , but his attempts still proved successless , for those cavila's are almost inaccessible by reason of their mountainousness . erif , botoía , beniuphràsh , benimisgíldah , and benijaacòb , being all large cavíla's which for generations had been govern'd by the house of arras , under the title of alcayde , never receiv'd any attempt of gaylan's reducing them . and albeit he wanted neither courage nor ambition to have made himself sultan of barbary , yet his stars denyed him that grandeur , and he was never able to stretch his arm beyond the command of 22 cavíla's , whose names are hereunto annexed , with the number of their usual levies of men for the wars . the list of the names of the cavíla's , with the number of their forces , which were under gaylans government in the year , 1666. 1. angerá under the command of cassian shot , gaylans father-in-law , is a large cavíla , inhabited with barabàrs , and is able to raise 500 foot , and an equal number of horse . 2. wadròss , the nearest neighbor to tanger , yields upon any urgent occasion 800 for the wars , in equal number of horse and foot. 3. benidèr , about ten leagues from tanger , can bring 500 foot and a thousand horse to the field . 4. minkél , a small cavíla , not able to leavy above 500 in all . 5. hammihárshen is well peopled , and able to advance 1000 in all ; the greatest part foot. 6. hamnizóuer commonly raiseth as many . 7. alkaróbe , being a large and well-inhabited cavíla , is able , upon a small warning , to arm out 1500 horse and foot in equal numbers ; it is govern'd by mahumet akadim , and lassin akadim his brother , who revolted from gaylan and sided with tafilete . 8. benióbras , of horse and foot can raise a thousand ; it is governed by ali azús , who revolted from gaylan to the xeriff . 9. beniharòs is next adjoyning to the former , and able to send 1200 to the field : this cavíla is govern'd by lasin el phut , who was the first that invited tafilete to advance against gaylan , promising him his assistance . 10. beni josèph is a cavíla of two days journey , able to raise 3000 in all , but very few horse : it is very mountainous , and so fortified by nature , that it has often attempted to stand upon its own defence . it is govern'd by lazid ali mahumed , who left gaylan upou the approach of tafilete . 11. sumátta is a small cavíla , whose usual levy is 500 of all sorts : it is govern'd by talib ali elfiluz , who joyned with tafilete . 12. beniworfùt , which advanc'd 600 horse , and as many foot : the government hereof belongs to the house of gaylan , but since tafilets empire , the almocaden thereof is one mahumed dengith . 13. arzila and salli make one cavila , and when but easily charged , raise 500 foot , and as many horse ; they are governed by an alcayde . 14. halixérif raiseth with alcazar 1200 foot in all : it belongs to the alcayde of alcazar who in gaylans time was mahumet cozhez , but now ali. 15. kit●n , which being very small , its forces exceed not 200. 16. benimadar yields about the same number . 17. beni záid , which if the same with that in leo afer , must yield more soldiers then 500 , though that was the ordinary levy exacted by gaylan . 18. al couff is a small cavila , lying between alcazar ezzaguer , and ceuta , which usually sent in 200. these are all , or the most of them barabars , who have fixed habitations , living in neighborhood and a setled conversation ; and of these consisted gaylans chief forces : yet he had besides these four cavíla's of alárbes , namely , delholòt , sháwia , beni-guedàr , and saphián , which are reported to be very numerous and warlike , lying west of salla and alcazar : but by reason of their untractable nature , and floating manner of living , they are not so certain in their musters , nor ready upon emergencies . these gaylan could never bring under a perfect subjection , but was content they should pay some small tribute in acknowledgement to his superiority . the above mentioned cavíla's were the total of gaylans dominions , beyond which he could never make any enlargement . he was for the space of twelve years prosperous in his government , and the general success of his enterprises , raised him highly in the estimate of his followers : it being the genius of this people , to make the prosperity of the action , an undoubted argument of its justice , and the voice of heaven to approve it . gaylan from his youth was trained up in arms : and for the adventures he had made upon tanger , when portugúes , was called the almocaden of those fields . but not to mention any thing of his proceedings against the christian ( that being no design of this paper ) we find him constantly in war with the moor. ben-boucar was still master of fez , and ready upon every frail temptation to enter gaylans frontiers , which kept them both in continual hostility . the people at length wearied out with the incessant troubles occasioned by these rivals for the supremacy , were ready to adhere to some third party , able to settle the government in such a single person , as both by title and strength should be above an ordinary competitor : which unexpectedly came to pass in the sixteen hundred and sixty fifth of the crucifixion ; for about the entrance of that year , muley reshid first appeared with the prognosticks of a revolution , of whom i here set down this short account . in the province of dara , in numedia , the countrey of mahumed ben amet , founder of the xeriffian empire , there arose a mulátto ( one whose father was white , and mother black ) one reshid ben mahumed , a native of the town of taffilete , the place whether mahumed ( the second son of mahumed ben amet ) the second of that family ( who was emperor of morocco ) had confined his eldest brother amet , whom he had taken prisoner . this reshid ripening in years and discretion , began to make himself known to the world by the name of the xeriff of tafilete : by which title he made himself descended of the xeriffian house , which so long had enjoyed the empire of barbary , and of the prophet mahumet . [ xeriff ] ( as was said ) being a name peculiar to that deceiver . and because a research into moresco geneologies shall have labour for the pains , i shall enquire no further after reshids pedigree , then to observe that his father was one muley mahumed , a prince of great authority in numedia , who besides his four legal wives , had several concubines ; of one of which , being a negra , he begot this reshid . his father dying while he was a minor , he was committed to the tuition of his elder brother muley hamet ben-mahumed . this reshid having accomplisht his pupillage , began to look into his condition , and to enquire what was left him by his deceased father : for by the moresco institutes , the sons of concubines are equal sharers in the patrimony with those of the lawful wives . while reshid made himself the comparative of his brother , he was lost into an emulation , that spurr'd him into the endeavours of promoting his fortunes . he saw his own condition , and that of publick affairs , qualified for no other proposal to effect his desired advancement , but what was to be obtained by the sword : whereupon he consulted with his own genius , by what artifice he might soonest imbroil barbary in a new war , and communicated the design with some few moors of his own complexion . at the first opening of his adventure , his retinue exceeded not the number of thirty , and those of an inferior quality , who yet , by reason of the contractedness of their lots , were disposed to execute any proposition that was probable to enlarge them . with this paucity of adherents , reshid secretly withdrew from tafilete to tessa , a place abounding with inhabitants , but as poor as numerous . here reshid received the royal title of muley , and was proclaimed king of tafilete . and in acknowledgement and token of his royal power , the people brought him presents , as the known pledges of their loyal subjection . this new sultan manifested a great disdain of that avaritious humour , which had possessed the minds of the barbarian princes , much inveighing against the sordid devotion of sacrificing the wealth of their subjects to themselves . he therefore by a subtil contrariety refused to shrine up more money in his coffers , then might decently defray expences , leaving at the first that pleasing bait to be devoured by his proselytes , whereby he purchased a great reinforcement of his retinue . tessa , which he elected for his first place of arms , swarm'd ( as was said ) with poor inhabitants , whose labors were too little for their sustenance , which might render them the readier to take the impression of any counsil that was likely to better their condition . and muley reshid is conceived to have repaired to this beggerly colony , to meet with an easier advance of followers . by rowling up and down , he had in short time gathered so great a bulk , as threatned an inundation wheresoever it should spread it self . attended with this numerous rabble , he addressed himself to his elder brother muley hamet , in a posture compounded of hostility and friendship , of whom he demanded the estate left him by his father , that he might be the better enabled to perform something worthy of their house . the two brothers began to wax hot in the conference ; and it is said , that the language on both sides was so exasperating , that they had like to have forgot the distance of their condition , and to have closed up their discourse with an unmannerly combate . both were so far transported with anger , that without the least overture of reconcilement , they fell into declared hostility , and left their private quarrel to the publick determination of a war. in which muley reshid was so fortunate as to slay his brother , and thereby was left without any to justle him in the government of dara . this success did so swell reshid's bosome , that less room could not circumscribe him then a kingdom . the present affairs of barbary were auspicious to his enterprises : the countries being rent into petty monarchies , every almocaden that was able , having put himself into a defensive posture , aiming to live independent in his government . this division much facilitated reshid's designs : yet nothing was more conducing to his success , then his careful execution of justice , the want whereof had been a general pretended grievance ; every detected criminal had condign punishment according to demerit , whereby he became both beloved and feared . together with his care for publick justice , he continued his seeming neglect of riches ; stil dividing among his partizans the estates of those whom their own obstinacy made his spoils . but those , who gently yeilded to his mercy , he generously protected both in their goods and persons . this obliging carryage gave wings to his fame , and made him where ever he came to be received with acclamations ; the common voice was illah enzur muley reshid , i.e. god bless prince reshid & the vulgar esteem'd him sent on purpose to chastize oppressors . having made himself master of his brothers territories , he advanced towards erìf govern'd by the alcayd arras , who was his brothers confederate , and his father-in-law , and who in confidence of this relation ( if we may credit report ) granted muley reshid a peaceable admission into his dominions ; wherein for some moons he deported himself as a son. but being ascertained of the alcayds intention to contract a friendship with tanger , and that he had dispatch'd an envoy to the same purpose he concluded that he now wanted no reason to declare himself an enemy to the alcayd's proceedings , and under this pretext arm'd against him . the alcayd seeing the xériff attempting to dispoil him of his territories ; and that contrary to all ingenuity and laws of hospitality ; he began to usurp the country of his entertainer , he thought it high time to provide for his defence . therefore with some extemporary forces he repaired to the maritim bos●mma where he reinforc'd a small fort ; not out of any hopes to maintain it against the xériff , but thereby to have the advantage of surrendring it and himself upon gentler articles . muley reshid advised of the alcaids flight , addressed himself to the pursuit , and overtook him at the mentioned fortress . which in few daies the alcayd delivered up to be demolish'd by the xeriff , and himself his prisoner . this victory , or rather surprisal of the alcayd was a fair accession to reshids power , having now subjected the only potentate , whom the rest of the neighbouring grandees had so often courted for a confederate . having thus obtained the command of erìf and the rest of his fatherinlaws country , it raised in him no less aspireing hopes then to become sultan of mauritania tingitana , at that time rent into parties . to the accomplishing of which design he saw the gaining of fez would contribute much to his esteem , and give him admission into the heart of the kingdome . upon this consideration he resolutely march'd to trye his fortunes with that ancient and famous metropolis . this city was lately in the government and possession of cidi mahumed , second son to ben boucar , who was despoiled thereof , together with his life , by the cruelty of bensállah , soheìr , and doríedi , said all to be andaluzian moors , and who had the government thereof divided among them , when reshid came against it . the news of whose approach no sooner reach'd fez. but the governors , whom guilt had made cowardly , betook themselves to the strongest holds of the city , depositing the keys into such hands , as they thought fittest to be entrusted with the protection of the gates . reshid seeing that fez was likely to cost him dear , if he stayed to take it by a formal siege , thought of having recourse to stratagem ; knowing that he who aspires after nothing but conquest , ought not to binde himself to the laws of a fair gamester . reshid had so long pressed the city by impeding their markets , that he might reasonably imagine there was a want of provision of cattel ; whereupon he resolved to lodge some of his forces near the city walls , and that himself , with about sixteen more , would drive some cattel to the gates of fez , under the disguise of friends come to bring them provision . this he put in execution in the night , and coming with the cattel to the gates , with a voice counterfeiting haste and fear , they called to the guards for entrance , and desired that they would take into their protection them and the booty brought for their succour . two were admitted to enter , whereof the xeriff is said to have been one , who instantly slew the centinel , and thereby made way for the rest ; who having seised the keys , straight ascended a small turret over the gate , and thence gave the signal to his forces , lodged near for the purpose to advance : and the small gun that was placed in the gate , he caused to be turned upon the city . the citizens being miserably confused and affrighted at the suddenness of the action , were not recovered of their distractions till reshid poured in his army amongst them ; against whom being unable to make any considerable opposition , their last and only succour was a timely submission , which they performed with such humility , that reshid had no temptation to reject it . after they were received into protection , the fezans were not penurious in complaints against their governors , imputing it to their wilfull pride , that the xerif was not received with such evidences of honor , as they had always born to that title . but not staying at such useless complements , reshid in the first place took into his possession the ancient treasures of the kings of fez. next , he caused the three governors to be brought before him , and having told them of their great oppressions of the people , he commanded one of them to be burnt immediately , another to be dragg'd about the streets till he was dead ; but the third he committed to custody , and afterward is said to have kill'd him with his own hand : and then declared , that this was the just recompence of all those who deal unjustly with the people . and having thus subjected the famous fez , his next trophies he design'd upon ben-boucar , whom without much resistance he took prisoner , and brought to fez , and there granted him a liberal confinement , in token of that respect which he bore his piety and age. after this , he went against the xerif of benzaruèl , who proved a very resolute enemy , for with the strength of his own cavíla he found a months work for all reshids army , but at length was forced to render himself prisoner , and still remains in that condition . reshid had now so far advanced his dominion in the kingdom of fez , that he had none therein to oppose him but el hader ben ali gaylan ; who for his military skill , personal valour , and many years of success and settlement in his government , rendred tafilete dubious in his councils how to proceed against him . tafraught , a prodigious ridge of mountains , so secured gaylans frontiers , that no part was left passable , but what might easily be guarded . and therefore to enter gaylan's dominions by open violence , tafilete foresaw would cost him the expense of more time then his affairs could spare : upon which reflection , he fell to his successful art of making a false party in his enemies camp , that he might obtain by intestine treachery , what in this case he could not by his own force . to this end he secretly enter'd into correspondence with cidi lasin el phut , governor of benittaròs , ( gaylans chief frontier cavíla ) who was entrusted with the avenue that let into gaylans country . lasin was not much indisposed to a revolt from gaylan , being one of those whom he had highly displeased in not calling them to the adjousting of the last peace with tanger , nor to partake of its benefits ( which was very fatal to that juncture of gaylan's affairs ) and because he saw the growing power of tafilete , and that albeit for a while they might resist him , yet in time he would eat through their alps. upon these temptations , or what other , we may imagine operative upon the wary , covetous , aspiring and revengeful nature of a moor , lasin contracted with tafilete , reshid , or the xeriff ( which in this narrative do all express the same person ) to advise him , when he should attach the passage , who to that end had always a select band in readiness . and when by his own example lasin had taught the guards to be remiss , and had got the advantage of gaylans absence , he gave tafilete the signal , who gain'd the passage , and with such suddenness set upon the reserves , that they were not able to make any considerable resistance . the news of this disaster soon reacht alcazar , where gaylan was entertaining himself with his relation cogez , who with some of his best troops march'd to the succour of his other forces , which otherwise had been totally destroyed . gaylan in this encounter gave great testimonies of his valour , and had , no doubt , given the enemy a brave repulse , if his infantry had not been wholly discomfited ere he could come to their relief . at last , finding himself oppressed with number , he was forced to order the party that stuck to him to seek for their safety , and himself , with about six more , retreated to arzila ; from whence , as one not well recover'd of the fright , he acquainted that excellent person , colonel h. norwood , the lieutenant governor of tanger ( with whom he was then in league ) with his disgrace , in this following letter , translated out of spanish . the superscription . al exmo senòr don enrique norwood . ex t. sir , all places are over-spread with the disasters and events of our war. the ill success at this time befaln me , hath been by the design of my enemy , a xerif of tafilete , who falling in with his army , surprised my careless out-guards , and broke and rooted the whole body . upon notice whereof , i got on horse-back at alcazar , but found my people running away in so great disorder , that it exceeded my power to rally them till i came at arzila . whence i am now necessitated to crave your excellencies assistance , upon the account of that peace and friendship so solemnly contracted betwixt us . i therefore desire , that you would send me a boat of good bigness , that if i should be put to any strait , i might send to you for succour , which i doubt not but your excellency will please to send me upon honorable terms . also i desire your excellency , that in case any of my guards , of what quality soever , do retire to your city with cattle , or otherwise , that you would vouchsafe to favour them with your protection , and supply their necessities . i crave your excellencies commands , which i am ready to perform with great willingness . the bearers , your mariners , promise to return , by whom i intreat you to send a larger imbarcation . may god keep your excellency . arzila , june 29. s. v. 1666. assoon as the lieutenant governor had perused the letter , he resolved to gratifie gaylan's desires , as being glad of an opportunity to vindicate the honour of the english nation from some imputations , which gaylan objected to the lieutenant governor ( when he was with him at arzila ) and which was chiefly occasioned through some mistake between the great tiveot and gaylan , concerning the time when the war should commence in the year 1663. for albeit the earl of tiveot had sufficiently cleared the honor and justice of that action , yet gaylan seeming not so to apprehend it , the lieutenant governor was glad of an occasion to let him know , that it was the mind of his master , the king of great brittain , that all his ministers should be punctual in the observation of what they stipulated in his name . to which end , in a generous and well-composed letter , the lieuteuant governor condoled gaylan's mis-fortune , assuring him of his friendship , and that he would exactly comply with every article of the peace concluded betwixt tanger and his excellency ; and that if any of his vassals , allies , or domestiques , should in any exigence make tanger their sanctuary , they should find it no otherwise , and that they should be treated according to their quality and condition . this letter was sent by a kinsman of the lieutenant governors , who according to directions , confirm'd gaylan in the belief of meeting with all the succors that he could reasonably expect from the lately contracted friendship . this message , whose kindness was doubled by its seasonableness and speed , put new spirits into gaylan's drooping concerns , and gave him courage to sound the temper of his revolted cavíla's , which he found well disposed to his service , albeit they were forced to dissemble their intentions till their harvest was secured , least otherwise they should second the war with a dearth ▪ for so little is the provision of the moors , that the loss or miscarriage of one crop , brings a famine . but while gaylan was laboring to retard , tafilete was improving his last victory : and having possess'd himself of the passage into his enemies territories , he quickly became master of alcazàr , the chiefest of gaylan's inland towns , which was deserted by cidi hamet cogèz , who for many years had govern'd there by the title of alcayde . the tydings of the xerifs successes no sooner reach'd tituan , but that town declared for him , and with their best solemnity proclaimed him king. at the same time the shat of angera , a principal person in those parts , nearly related to gaylan by blood and marriage , retired to the woods in the bay of that alcazàr , which stands upon the midland sea ; where he resolved to conceal himself , whil'st he sent his domestiques to ceuta , a spanish garrison , and tanger , to procure seguròs for himself and family , in case the xerif should prove implacable , and refuse to receive him unto fair quarters . but the shat of angera tired with his retreat , and cherishing some dull hopes of gaylan's recovery , sent in a bille● to the lieutenant governor of tanger in moresco , in which he seemed to insinuate , that he intended no submission to the xerif , which was translated thus . the letter of almócadem casum shat , and his sons almócadem , abdelcrìm , and almócadem ali , to the captain of tanger , whom we honor much . desiring that he would do them the favour to send them four kintals of powder , four hundred balls , and a kintal of lead , with fifty or more muskets : and that if the captain have any need of wood or barley , they will repay him in that commodity : this they sollicit as gaylan's faithful friends . i have inserted this letter for the sake of its stile , being the first and only address made in this manner to any of the english governors in tanger . but how hopeful soever the shats affairs might appear at the date of this letter , yet very shortly after they seem'd to be in a very languishing state , as was easily to be collected by a large account thereof given to cidi hamet algílo , who was then in tanger , and which is here translated out of arabique thus . the letter of taliffo hamet el shat , which is bid to salute hamet algílo , and to give him an account of the troubles that have happened here ; how that the same night that taliffo hamet el shat left angera , he came into the fields of tanger , where he killed two men , and took away their goods ; and returning to the aldéa ( or village ) he found not one person at his house , neither man nor woman , except ali el hag in the house of our vncle abdelcrim : all our kinred were fled to ceuta . but coming to speak with the people of angera , they desired us for the love of god to leave them , whereupon they also fled to ceuta : he that did this was ben-halóo . i thereupon writ a letter to the king , to desire to have pity upon us . i writ also to almocadem hamet ben-léefi , and now write again for the kings answer , and according to it i shall advise both them and thee . have thou patience , and within two or three days the answer will be come . moreover , i let thee know , that we are guarding our houses from fire and mischief , having every night twenty upon the guard. i endeavour to keep up my peoples courage . know moreover , that the king hath given to abdelháder alfiftoah , the government of angera , but the people will not receive him , but have writ to the king about it , though as yet they have no answer . lastly , i give thee to understand , that the king hath burned the village of benigerfut , and taken away their goods . so various was gaylan's fortunes , that while at one place he seem'd desperate , in another he was victorious , and notwithstanding that at angera taffilete was a conquerour , as his letter intimates , at arzila he was subdued ; for from thence gaylan assured his confederates that all his cavílas were return'd to their obedience , that they had massacred those tafilete had left to keep them in awe , and shut him in between two rocky mountains ; and that himself was hastening thither to see his enemy and act his catastrophe , and to put a period to the war. at the same time he gave out that tituàn was penitent for their revolt , and weary of the xerifs exactions , and were ready to joyn with him to effect the utter overthrow of that imperious invader . yet what face soever gaylan put upon his condition , it was certain that taffilete dayly advanced his conquest , and at the same time when his enemy thus confidently reported his distress ; he was in a flourishing condition , for the xerif had then routed all gaylan's fresh recruits , and in detestation of him had taken up the bones of his father and burn'd them , saying , that he deserved no better , who was the root of that bramble , which had so long tyrannically rent and torn the poor . he had also taken prisoners some of gaylan's nearest relations , and sent them to fez , and committed great spoiles upon their goods , whom he found absent from their habitations , and had brought a considerable wing within a league of arzila , where if he had stay'd to streighten it , want of bread within a few moons would have constrain'd them to surrender . the town of tituàn was at this time likewise so far from resuming gaylan's interest , that all things there seem'd setled under the authority and obedience of taffilete the notice of wich truth was the subject of a letter sent to colonel norwood ( lieutenant governor of tanger ) whose honorable proceedings had render'd him so esteemed among the moors , that taffilete thought him a fit person to be complemented ; and to that end order'd his alcáyd of tituàn to make his address . the alcáydes letter from tituán to colonel norwood translated out of spanish . excellent sir , his majestie the k. muley xerif my master ( whom god preserve many years ) hath sent me to this city with express order to take care of all vessels of trade and commerce , which shall come to this place , & that they receive all security & royal dealing here , as is used in all places under the rule and government of the king my master . to this purpose he hath granted me his royal order to give seguros in his royal name . therefore all who have any occasion to trafique here , may come in safety , & be assured of good usage , both in goods and persons , above all that hath bin here formerly . this his majestie hath commanded me to advise your honour , that you might not be ignorant of the king's pleasure and kindness . and if you send any to trade hither , they shall finde no imposts , but such as are every where usual . and if your honour please , we may with our mutual seguros ( or letters of safe conduct ) send men or goods , as occasion shall require . to this i desire your speedy answer . the alcáyd from whom this came , was a french man , cidi hadracháman ben-réshed , one who had succeeded his father in the consulship of tituàn , who hoping to raise himself with the xerif , renounced his christian religion and liberty for the mahumedan imposture and servitude ; and changed the gentle name of antonie cheysan , for this stubborn one hadracháman , and to encourage his conversion , the king made him alcayd de la mar , or receiver of his customes in the port of tituàn , and also adopted him for his son , by the name of ben-reshed . the lieutenant governour delai'd not to answer the alcáydes letter , as importing trade , the chief thing which most concern'd the welfare of tanger , to whose advancement the lieutenant governour alwayes declared a singular propensity . about the same time hamèt ben-isa nacsis , & hamèt ben-abdelcrìm , governours of tituàn , with other grandees of the country and chief ministers of the king sought unto him in matters of moment . betwixt whom and gaylan he guided himself so steddily , that the continuance of his friendship could not be suspected by the one , nor want of disposition to contract a new one by the other . tafilete could not so much esteem him his enemy as gaylan's freind ; and his fidelity to a distressed confederate removed all suspicion of being otherwise to a prosperous . and by this wise management he clear'd up those scruples , which through some mishapprehensions of former proceedings ( of the earle of tiveot above mentioned ) had render'd the moors jealous of the english fidelity . but a litle to return to gaylan , who had by this so long contemned the condition of his affaires in a doubtful style , that at length an ambiguous intimation of his enemies disgrace was taken for a clear assertion of his own . and however he labour'd to beget or preserve his freinds hopes of his restauration , yet it could not take with those who saw taffilete master of the whole country , and all places of importance replenisht with his creatures ; and gaylan shut up in arzila , from whence he could create no more disturbances than amounted to a few plundering sallies , which served only to exasperate the adjoyning cavilsas , and totally to aliene and estrange them from his relief . and yet was this a mischief which surpassed the xerifs skill and power to remedie , for gaylan might still have kept arzila from him , as he had done from ben-bowcar , if his accomplicies had bin now as trusty as they were then ; but he found the scene so far changed , that he had reason to suspect those in whom he once confided . he saw that the people of arzila were weary of their confinement , and the more , because they could not foresee any hope to be enlarged . and that they could not but conclude , that their sturdy resistance of tafilete , contrary to the example of all their neighbours , would , if protracted , render him implacable . all this gaylan was able to read in their carriage , wherein there appeared so great an alteration , that he clearly perceived some mischief intended against him , and fearing that they might appease tafilete with the sacrifice of gaylan : he resolved upon a suddain removal , & having before dealt with the pyrats of alger for his protection , when nither press'd by the enemy , nor want of provision , he unexpectedly shipt himself , goods and the dearest friends , upon two of the algerine corsaires , that were crusing before arzila ; and presently sail'd to algèr , where i leave him to be plagu'd by that medly of the worst of men , for his ingratitude toward the honorable colonel norwood , which would brand him to man-kind , if that judicious and vigilent governour would give an account of his last deportment , and oblige the world with his exact history of tanger , since it came into the possession of our dread soveraigne charles the second whom god preserve . of west barbary . vve finde a common-wealth compared to a ship , and the western part of barbary hath fulfilled the allegory , not only in respect of the intestine broyles , wherewith it has bin so long toss'd ; nor yet in regard that the government thereof hath bin continually floating from one faction to another . but in this especially , that there remaines no track , or impression , no registers to acquaint us with what hath pass'd , except ruines and devastations , the genuine memories of a desolating war. for to demand of a talib ( one of the most learned sort among the moors ) the annals of remote vicissitudes , or an account of the traverses that bear a fresher date , were to baffle his observation , and thereby affront his adored literature . now the likeliest reason , that can be render'd of this ignorance , is the neglect of preserving records of their transactions , for the moores trust all to an illiterate tradition ; insomuch that the best chronique can be now compiled of their late changes , must for the most part be collected from some aged grandsires memory ; a frail foundation to support an historical credit . as for the ancient model of the moresco politie , it is so miserably convuls'd & shaken through manifold alterations caused by prevailing interests , that not many of its first maxims , nor much of its old constitution , are visible in the present state ; and this superseded my curiosity in making reserches into the moors politiques , further than to be inform'd of the methods us'd to ascend to government by the aspiring factions of the last age , of which i have given an account in the foregoing narrative . and therefore without the solemnity of any larger introduction ; i shall give a faithful narration of the present customs of barbary in the succeeding chapters . chap. i. the soile , productions , commodities , and husbandry of the countrey . leo afer delivers two etymologies , which are so agreable both to the nature of the language , and glebe of the country , that they may seem to have bin imposed by adam , the primitive nomenclator . for if we listen to the moors language , barbary seems to be descended from barbar , which signifies an inarticulate murmur and grumbling noise without accent or harmony , for their speech is harsh , being very guttural : which is esteemed an argument of its antiquity . and indeed it hath gain'd the vogue of no less antient a pedigree , than to be bred of the old punic and arabian . another reason why this country bears the name of barbary , may be taken from the frame and disposition of the earth , which being full of wild and unkindly tumours , well challengeth the name of bar ( a word not known to the present inhabitants ) signifying a desart , and the duplicate of the monosyllable bar-bar implyeth that of old , barbary was nothing but a great solitude . and for this derivation , leo afer tells this story : king iphycus being driven out of aethiopia , fled into aegypt , where finding himself much pressed by his enemies , and dubious what course to run for his safety , he asked his adherents what they thought was the most probable way to secure themselves ; whereupon they all , with an unexpected consent answered barbar , meaning thereby that the hopefullest method of protection was to pass over nilus into the desarts of africa . and finding this etymologie to bear so fair a proportion with the complexion and surface of the land , i shall not scruple the occasion of its imposition . but when we look from the outward shape , to the productions of the countrey , we see the uncomeliness thereof recompensed in the fertility , which forbids us to judge of internal dowries by the outward model : providence usually supplying the defects of the body with the abilities of the mind , it being the fate of many excellent parts , like galba's , to be ill lodged . the ancients accounted wood and grain , the more natural and useful issues of a countrey , as having a more immediate tendency to supply mankind with the greater necessities of lodging and diet. but in this canton of barbary , the woods are scarce and mean , and fitter to warm the house then build it . for ranging their groves , i found them consist chiefly of cork-trees , which seem'd to differ but little from the scarlet-oak , excepting the indenture of their leaves . their fruit is a smaller kind of acorn , woody within : at the root of these trees is usually found the lentisco , which is generally but a shrub , and of little other service to the moors then to feed their goats . the juice whereof , mingled with other ingredients , is used by the potters to give a faint colour to their earthen-ware , which they find to enhaunse the price , and advance the sale . the next remarkable sort of wood is the alcaróbe , a tree of great curiosity , and meriting a larger note . the alcaróbe bears a cod , in quantity ▪ and likeness much resembling the english bean ; the inner substance thereof is sweet , and lodgeth hard small kernels . this fruit is eat by the moors of inferior condition , and by all at the feast ashoràh : but it is chiefly preserved for their horses , to whom it is both physick and repast . for as a moor , well skill'd in that animal , told me , the fruit of the alcaróbe hath two excellent properties , to drench , and make their horses fat. some have called the fruit locusta , and supposed that it was the baptists food in the wilderness : but others conjecture that st. matthew's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were only the tops and extremities of herbs and plants . and there are also some judicious criticks , who interpret the baptist's locusts to be a kind of fly or grashopper , which in warmer climates are very large and many , and were formerly dryed and eaten by the inhabitants . but they were observed to yield but small nutriment , and ever thought fitter for medicine than alimony . i was told ( but by a travailer ) that in aegypt these flyes come in such clouds , that they darken the sky where they appear , and that in a short space they consume the fruits of the earth where they are permitted to fall . to prevent which mischief ( he told me that ) the people observing the season of their coming , prepare against them , and keeping them from setling by discharging gunns into the aire where they are discover'd . that these locusts and grashoppers were eaten by the barbarous nations , may be concluded from the law that made them forbidden meat to the jews , levit. 11. 22. but to leave the moor to this sort of flys , whereof he hath no scarcity , there is a greater probability that the fruit of the alcaròbe is the same with the prodigal's ceratia , or husks ; for it doth excellently accord with their description set down by that great intelligence of divinity in his note . b. s. luke . xi . in some parts of this countrey there is great plenty of white mulberry trees , nourished on purpose to feed the silk-worm , a creature that doth afford the curious many delightful speculations ; but the moor regards it only for its emolument . the season of the worm being passed , they feed their cattel with the residue of the mulberry leaves . the towns of commerce , and conversation , have pleasant orchards of orange , lemons and limes , with gardens yielding plenty and variety of sallad . and that which maketh their gardens both profitable and delightful is , that they are always fruitful and retain a refreshing verdure . and this they effect by keeping the soyle constantly in a temperate moisture : for the water-courses are so providently contriv'd that every garden receiv's it in due proportion , and at a certain hour ; which running among the little trenches , affords a very equal and fertile irrigation . besides the sallad ordinary in other countreys , they have one sort rarely to be met with in europe , which they call by a word , sounding spanish tomátos . this growes in the common fields , and when ripe is pluckt and eaten with oyle ▪ it is pleasant but apt to cloy . barengénas , as in spain , grow creeping like cucumers upon the ground ; these are boyled with beef and mutton , and of no vulgar estimation among the moors . some cavílas ( a division in the countrey that much resembles that of counties in england ) have large and fruitful vineyards , and the bloud of the grape , though it be utterly prohibited them by mahumed their prophet , yet of late through the licentiousness of the times , it is liberally quaff'd by many of the moors . but that they might not herein give offence to the weaker musul-men , nor betray any contempt of the law , they are generally cautious in this liberty , and use it , as we say , vnder the rose . the plants of this country are very observable for their variety and strangeness , for many are to be found in barbary , which cannot be met with in colder climes . and some , which are usual in other countreys , are in this found to differ much from their descriptions in common herbals . this i learned from a worthy friend ( well read in this part of nature ) who had enterprised , and would doubtless have finish'd , a collection of barbary simples , if his too early immortality , and immature death had not depriv'd the world of that profitable endeavour . the grain in this , differs not from that in other countreys , excepting that here are two sorts of grain , scarce well known in other parts of the world , the one they call pharoùk , which is of a lesser size , hungry and course , much resembling , if not altogether the same , with the spanish panizo , and it is only the more beggarly moors that use this for bread . the other is known among them by the name of tourkiá , which is a larger body than the former , and yields good flower , whereof bread is made for the nobles of the land. and as the barley and beans are reapt in april , the wheat in may and june , so is september the usual season for gathering the other kinds of bread-corn . the rains are to the moors , what the nilescope is said to be to the aegyptians , for according to their plenty or scarceness , they are able to foretell the dearth and plenty of the year . but there is a sort of religionists among them , who measure the products of the earth by the sins of its inhabitants , and who divine of the successe of their tillage from the observation of their ramadan ( or lent ) and the due celebrating of their [ easter ] hìd seguèr , or the little feast that concludes it . if the clouds are sparing in showers at seed-time , and earing , the crop is little lean ; and in their best harvests , they seldom reap more than will bring about the year , so that the failure of one crop brings an inevitable dearth upon the land . the moors are very observing of the trade-rains , ( for so they may not improperly be termed , as never falling but at such a time ) the former rain is call'd by a word importing blessing , and the latter [ nas●n ] or holy-water , of which names i could meet with no other rationale but tradition . there appeares but little industry in the moors husbandry , for their tillage is so mean , that he that sees it may justly wonder , that the land under such small improvement should be so fruitful . in most parts they plough but with two oxen , carelesly tyed by the horns , and in some cavílas with a like number of asses , mules , camels , and a baser breed of horses . the plough turns up no more mold , than sufficeth to bury the seed : for ( say they ) if the furrows should be deep , and the drought begin , er'e that the corn hath broken the earth , it would not be able to force a passage through the stifned clods . they use no labour to assist the arbale by manuring it , except that the ordure of their towns is cast out , not so much to enrich the glebe , as to keep themselves cleanly . but this painful part of husbandry is supplyed by the anniversary burning of the withered grass and stuble , which servs to help the soyle , and destroy the vermin , which otherwise , especially the scorpion , would render the countrey very dangerous for habitation . when the moors have reapt their corn , they tread it out with oxen , camels , &c , & winnow it upon the place where it grows , and then set the chaff on fire ; in which particulars they are an excellent comment upon the like , reflected upon in sacred writ . instead of granaries , they have caves brick'd or wrought with stone , call'd matamóras , in which they reposite their corn , where it is preserv'd from the worm , and other enemies . the straw they chop and keep for their h●rses , for although there be abundance of herbage , yet no part thereof is cured and preserved for a winter store of hay , which i impute to the moors sloth , rather than the needlesness of such a provision . after i had taken this survey of what appeared upon the earth by nature , or its improver , husbandry , i found sufficient instigations , both by curiosity and reason , to dive into its entrals , which i have been told are in many places as rich as the best oars can make them . and of this truth there have appeared large specimens , about tituan , alcazàr , ghebèr , &c. and the reason why the moors pursue not so advantageous a temptation , may be charg'd upon their ignorance , idleness , or fear ; as in another place i may have occasion to demonstrate . the commodities of this countrey bearing the name of mercántil , are chiefly honey , wax , hides , marokins or córdavans , dates , almonds ; course twine , mats of a curious straw and workmanship , mantles , alheìcks , and in some places great store of salt-peter . as for the fabulous abundance of gold reported to be found in barbary , i leave its legend to the poets . chap. ii. of the beasts in barbary , tame and wild . the survey now passeth one stair higher , from vegetable to sensible creatures , whereof barbary has no less plenty , than of grass to maintain them , but looking into their flocks and herds , i found the latter more numerous , yet not to that quantity as report inform'd me . and enquiring why the moors were more for the stall , than the fold ; they replyed , that cows yielded them more constant relief than sheep , and were more ready to furnish out both their tables and purses . their horses are both few and mean , and for the most part much inferiour to those of other nations , which at first created my wonder , because of the great repute the barbary horses had obtain'd in most european countries . but they have a peculiar cast of barbs able to maintain this renown , which the moors carefully preserve , never imploying them in low and base offices , but keep them only for the saddle and military service . and to the great ease of their horses , the moors have store of camels for their sorest drudgeries . now the camel is a creature of strange bulk and humour , whose diet is mean and incredibly little , for they will travel great journeys under heavy loads , without further allowance than the tops of thistles , or any mean herbage . nor are they less abstemious in their bevarage , than meat ; being so patient of thirst , that they will travel four days without touching water , and then at one drinking take in as much as will serve them as many days more . the moor from observation hath this general rule concerning camels ; viz. that those which when young drink much and often , are of a degenerate linage , and will never prove serviceable . there is a presumption , that the camels engender backward , but ali mulùd , an ancient and inquisitive moor , would often swear by the hairs of his chin ( an oath that he had learn'd in the time of his being a slave in spain ) that he had much enquired after the manner of the camels copulation , but could meet with no certain information therein ; for ( said he ) these creatures are strangely bashful in their embraces , which makes them very secret in the time of their amours ; and to retire , if possible , even from their keepers eye . at the season of their coition , both sexes are very furious , and like their moresco masters , they never forget to revenge the injuries done them at that time . i was told by an alarb , who had no temptation to abuse my credulity in such an unconcerning story , that the mácho , or male camel , generated with the female when she is asleep , and that the female brings forth in a kind of negligent slumber . but i leave the curious inquisitors of nature to discover the frailties of this story , and pass on to remark the docile gentleness of the camel , which is evident in their submission , kneeling to be loaden and unloaden at their drivers pleasure . and we find it reported in the history of beasts , jonson . hist. quadrup . that camels have been taught to dance exact measures , which is no more strange , than the ballétto di caválli , that not long since graced the nuptials of a duke of florence . but intending no zoography , i pass from this and other tame quadrupeds , to observe that barbary hath all sorts of beasts that are called wild : lions , leopards , wolves , foxes , &c with great plenty of jackals , so much famed for catoring for the lyon : they usually hunt in packs , opening with a shril yelping noise , and are described to be mungrel creatures , of an equivocal generation , deriving rapaciousness from the wolf their sire , and cunning from the fox their dam ; they are very ravenous , eating carrion , digging up dead bodies , and will feed upon that which a genuine fox will not daign to tast . wild boars are no rarity in this diocess , which the moors hunt and kill in a manly pastime , they being no way subservient to the trencher , because all sorts of swines flesh is forbidden meat by their law. but their slaves , that are christians , have permission to dress and eat them , and know from experience that they are very wholesom and strong food . but i shall surcease to travel further among these inhospitable salvages , with whose descriptions natural histories are so largely replenished , and therefore i will shut up this chapter with this general remark , that barbary hath variety of all sorts of beasts , birds and serpents ; the land affording habitations most suitable to such unsociable beings . chap. iii. the division of the inhabitants , different manner of living , their genius , their entertainment of foreign ministers . the family of noah ( saith the jewish antiquary flav. joseph . ) being jealous of a second deluge , durst not descend to cultivate the plains , but dwelt upon the tallest mountains : till at length , sem ventured to inhabit the valleys ; where they lived in a cluster , and seemed suspicious of the divine command , bidding them disperse and over-spread the earth : fearing that this might be a design to scatter them that they might the more easily be destroyed , for which reason they long time kept together in a close neighborhood . out of which story nothing is needful here to be collected , but that mountains have ever proved the refuges of the distressed , and the people that inhabited them valued for their antiquity above the rest of the land. of which truth , barbary yields a pregnant instance in the division of her inhabitants , of which there are two sorts known among them , by the usual names of alárbes and barabárs . the alárbes are usually by the europeans stil'd mountaineers , from the place of their greatest residence . and these think themselves the elder natives , and therefore of the better house . they are not altogether so civiliz'd as the other , but live more rudely and rovingly , shifting from mountain to mountain according to their exigences , never confining their rambling humors to any setled mansion . they live in haimas or tents , made of a course brownish cloth , which the women work and weave of the bark of palmito's mingled with goats hair ; and these itinerary habitations they remove from one place to another , in obedience to their fickle humors and cogent necessities . robbery is their master-piece and best livelyhood ; and in this estate they much glory , as coming so near the condition of muley mahuméds first votaries . about an age past they were very numerous , but the late civil wars have made great abatements of their musters . the other sort of moors are vulgarly called barabàrs , but by a dialect brébers : these have fixed dwellings , and live in neighborhood ; and finding conversation to be useful and safe , affording comfort and profit , they are combin'd into aldéa's , or villages , where their cottages are so disposed , that there is not any considerable disproportion among them in respect of their distance from the giemma , or church . over these barabàrs are subordinate governors or almocadens , to whom they pay a dutiful observance . their vocation is tillage and grazing ; and live much after the condition of the labaradóres in spain , the paisants in france , and the boors in flanders . the barabàrs of late are grown more numerous than the alárbes , and for several years have inhabited both the mountains and campaigns . but albeit they have taken the hills from the alárbes , yet they have left them the reproach of robbery , though they themselves are no novices in that mystery . but notwithstanding their different mode of living , they unite in the general character of body and humour : for they are all of a large stature , strong constitution , stately carriage , and differing in complexion according to their conversing with the sun and air. those whom for distinction i must call the gentry , are according to their rules of chivalry well skill'd in managing of the horse , and dextrous at the lance , for they scorn all toyl that is not military , and account no employment so noble as that of a souldier . they agree likewise in humour , for both are jealous and revengeful . their jealousie is palpable in their carriage towards their wives , whom they keep in great subjection and retirement , which makes adultery a stranger to their beds : nor can it reasonably be otherwise , seeing that the wife is fully assur'd that the very attempt to pilfer a pleasure , if discover'd , will cost her her life . they are likewise implacable in their hatred , and impatient till they have avenged an injury ; for they are taught by their prophet , that revenge is a virtue . but leaving these passions to the justification of the moresco law and customs , the moors are guilty of a censorious suspicion towards strangers , which hath no colour to be excused . this i first observed in their carriage toward don diego de palma , a cavalier of the habit of st. james , who being sent to complement gaylan from his catholick majesty , and chanceing to smile at the moors deportment , as not answering the starch'dness of his own nation ; the moors , who were very circumspect in observing every tittle of the don's deportment , were so sagacious as to find in this casual smile a derision of their courtship , which they left not unrevenged in intrigueing his errand . now it is observable , that the moors are very morose and abstemious in point of laughter , esteeming those who are much thereunto addicted , to be scornful and foolish . and now having promised to give an account of the moresco manner of receiving publick ministers , and finding that they have no solemn & fixed rites ; i conceive the description of their entertaining the spanish envoy , may serve for a specimen of their carriage toward all persons of the like character : which take as follows . the envoy don diego felippe de palma , having from ceuta ( a spanish garison on the barbary-coast ) advised cidi el hader ben ali gaylan , that he was come from the crown of spain on a message to his excellency ( that was gaylans title ) and desired to know when and where he should have permission and security to deliver it : gaylan returned him answer , concerning the set day and place for the don's reception , which was according to our stile , the tenth of september , in the one thousand six hundred sixty third year of grace , and at a place equally distant from ceuta and tituan : where , to grace the entrata , gaylan appointed a parade of the best horse of his own cavíla , and committed them to the conduct of his brother cidi tobib ebn ali , who march'd with them from arzíla to tituàn , whither according to appointment , gaylans father-in-law , almocadèm of the cavíla of angerà , had sent his sons with about sixty of their cousens , to joyn with tobib , who with many more went to receive the envoy at the prefixed time and place : where the moors , having paid him their greetings , they all march'd in this order . in the first troop came the two sons of the almocadèm of angerà , with about sixty of their kindred , all bravely mounted , and according to their gallantry , richly accoutred : these in several rings exercis'd the lance with laudable agility , the musick of tituàn still playing before them . in the next rank came cidi tobit , attended with about fifty horse , maintaining a very slow march , as if they intended to revie or deride the spanish gravity . next to them rode the envoy , don diego felippe de palma del habito de sanjago , with a single trumpet sounding before him : next came led six stately horses trapt in blew cloth : after them fourteen mules loaden with trunks ; and in the last place rode the governor of tituàn , with the alárbes musick tinkling before him , and attended with a large & well ordered train . vast multitudes were flockt thither , having no other business but to gaze , being strangers to such a procession . in this order was don diego conducted to his lodgings in tituàn , where he courteously received the christians that came to give him the parabien to barbary , and declar'd a great readiness to serve my camrade and my self , whom he knew had no other concern in those parts , but securely to travel and view the countrey . after two days refreshment at the moors charge , the don began his march toward arzíla , but first caused the horses to be richly trapt , and led in state through the streets of tituàn ; which being done , they came into a plain a little out of the town , where the people made a spacious circle , in which the moresco cavalleres shewed their active horsemanship , and dexterous darting of the lance ; after which , about fifty negros and alárbes began a dance , which they performed with pleasant variety of gesture , and strange agility . these desports being finished , the envoy advanceth his journey , and found the ways crowded with spectators , invited thither by gaylan's politick friends , who designed that the people might take notice of the honor done to cidi el hader , and that his friendship was sought by one of the greatest of christian monarchs . but there were many that came not so much to be spectators , as to reap the fruit of a common report , that the don would cast great store of realito's among the poorer moors . but their hopes were deceived in the rumour of the spaniards bounty , who did not herein degenerate from the nature of his nation , which has ever been noted for a backwardness to such insignificant profusions . the envoy being safely arrived at arzíla , he was lodged in an apartment of gaylan's place ( pardon the word ) where i leave him to lodge , and eat , if possible , worse then he did at home . the business and design of this embassy , met with diversity of conjectures : by some it was supposed that don diego was sent to sollicit larger priviledges for the spanish garrisons on the barbarian coast . others concluded that the duke of medina celi , envious at the earl of tiveot's successes against the moors , and his truce concluded with gaylan , caused this messenger ( a creature of his own ) to be sent with instructions , to interrupt and disturb the new correspondence and amity betwixt tanger and el hader . but to find out the riddle , i ploughed with one of their own heifers , having employed a moor versed in publick affairs , ( and recommended to me by that great lover of the english , cidi abdelerim nacsis , then chief governor of tituan ) who from the spaniard's inquisitiveness after the state and condition of tanger , the number of the souldiers , the quantity of the constant guards , the heighth and strength of the walls , the situation and number of the guns ready mounted , &c. with his design in a moresco habit to take a narrow view of the whole place ( which in gaylan's company within few days after he performed ) filled us with jealousies that some mischief was purposed against tanger . and it is very certain , that the fore-mentioned duke had an evil eye upon the immortal tiveot , for the renowned victories which under the most christian king he atchieved against his nations interest in the low countries , which aged choler he found highly inflam'd by the victories gain'd by that indefatigable captain over his moresco neighbors , which instigated the dukes spleen not so much against tanger , as its restorer tiveot , who being at this time in england , took the advantage of his absence to disgrace him ( if any such thing had been possible ) with his new confederate gaylan . and acquiescing in this account of the embassy , i pursue my province in setting down the exact account of the present customs of the moors . chap. iv. the moresco compellations , reverence to superiors , complexion and conversation of the women , pious manner of salutation and stile . i have not found any nation so rude and barbarous , as to be utterly devoid of all rites of civility and respect : for some tokens of honor & kindness , some terms of distance & familiarity are used by the most uncultivated . and the moors though they are very sparing in complements , yet they use both words & gestures of respect . towards all superiours they indifferently use the compellative cidi , which is as extensive as [ sir ; ] to women of better quality they use lala , signifying as largely as madam doth now in england . and as to their outward demonstrations of respect , there is little variation ; for a grave inclination of the body , with a putting the right hand first to the heart , next to the forehead , and then kissing the two foremost fingers laid a cross the lips , is the exactest manner of saluteing the grandees ; whose hand , knee , or bottome of the vest is kissed by the vulgar . those that are familiar , and of equal rank , at their first meeting strike hands , but shake not , & then lift them up & lay them to their breasts . and their greetings are in the second person singular , useing [ thou ] to all from the slave to the king : wherein they observe the eastern custom . but in their addresses to their prince no people can testify more signal tokens of humbleness & piety , for at the entrance into the royal presence , they bow their bodies to the ground , saying , sálam allíg allá ensorúck mulèy , peace be to thee , god preserve king fuláno ; & these words & gestures are devoutly repeated at every pace they advance toward the king. and if any come with petitions they kisse , the earth when they present them to his royal perusal . the like reverences are discharged when they depart the presence . but i pass on to view the female moors , who if preserv'd from the injuries of the sun & weather , are generally well complexion'd full bodied , & of good symmetry . those that live in great towns , together with the wealthier sort in the country , are enclin'd to paleness , which may be imputed to their sedentariness , or want of motion ; for they seldom stir abroad , except it be to visit the sepulchers of their deceased friends in devotion , to pray for their felicity , and in the night time to the baths for health and cleanliness . as to their friday-meetings i shall speak of it in another chapter . they never step without the threshold but so closely vail'd , that no part is visible but an eye . in the state of matrimony their principal studie is to please their husbands , to whom they are taught by their alcoran to bear a dutiful observancy , and to omit no art that may render them delightful to their conversation . those husbands that are able , allow their wives negra's or black-women , to doe all the servile offices in the family ; but yet there is no quality that sits idle ; for the cheif of the moresco dames imploy their time in some thrifty huswifry . and this prevents that custom of expensive gossippings , with which in some nations so many wives are debauched , and husbands beggar'd . and yet the married women want not their friendly conversations , for they visit one anothers houses in token of good neighbourhood , but without the company of their husbands ; no male though he be never so much a relative , can be admitted into their society . and to prevent it , she that makes the visit first , sends to know whether the husband be at home if the answer be negative , then without further ceremony she goes straight to her gossips apartment , where she is entertain'd with a liberality that never injures her husband ; who if returning home in the interim of the visit , is careful to give no interruption , but upon notice quickly departs the house ; yet they give such signals that he has bin there , as are easily perceived by the visitant , who thereupon shortens the visit , otherwise it commonly lasts a whole day . but these being offices that are seldome in their returns , may justly be pardon'd in their length . but foreseeing that i shall in another place have occasion to speak again of the moresco women , i surcease to enlarge the paragraph that here concerns them , aud therefore proceed to view the pious forms used by the moors in their salutations and letters . and indeed there is none that has had any intimacy with the moors in this particular , but he might observe a great appearance of piety in all their customary expressions . and this i learn'd both from the discourse and practise of those with whom i journy'd , who at their setting out in the morning , would with zeal and humility look up to heaven , and in a low voice say , bismillah , that is , in the name of god ; which is also done at the beginning of any labour or travail . by which they intend that nothing ought to be enterprised , but in the power and hope of the divine favour and help . and when the work or journey is finished they say , ham der illah , thanks be unto god ; in which words they deny all ascriptions of success to themselves . when they meet one another upon the road , &c. their greetings at large is this thanksgiving , el ham dillah al salam tiqsi . i. e. god be praised that i see thee well : but in passing by one another the salutation is usually this prayer , if there be no more but one , salam alleq , if more than one , salam alleq cum , peace be with thee , or you . at the hearing of one another sneez , they say , era hanig allah , dios tenga v. m. en sumano . god be your keeper . when one moor goes to see another at his house , the first that receives him saith , mar bába , or welcom , which if repeated thrice , is an undoubted marke that they are glad to see him ; which kind reception he requites with saying , allah ellah miq i. e. god pay ▪ you . and the like air and genius of devotion and piety is observable in those letters that the moors write in their own language ; a tast whereof you have in these two ensuing , translated out of moresco . in the name of god gracious & merciful , whose blessing be upon our lord mahomed & his family . to the mighty , honourable , glorious , and most excellent lord and governour of tanger the earle tiveot . god perpetuate your excellencies honour and glory , and vouchsafe your perseverance in grandeur and felicity . happiness unto you with the odours of a glorious name , shall continually breath out their fragrancies , and let god continue and prosper both you and your estate agreable to your wishes . furthermore , to advise us of your abundant love , and especially generosity , there came to us the worthy gentlemen your servants in their ship , with the honourable commanders of it , the consul and the captain , and they behaved themselves amongst us like men , touching your command which they observed , and accomplished our desires according as we expected in the going forth of our men , they returning home to us in health and safety , so that we now reenjoy their company according to the best of our wishes . and let god in our stead largly reward and recompence you , who have so highly obliged us herein . your messengers staid with us for some days , till we had performed some of their desires , so that we sent along with them two excellent horses and of the best sort that hath been in our time , one whereof was for our own riding , and the other is of the same breed ; likewise forty good choise beasts , both bulls and cows , and a flock of about fourscore sheep , as a present to your excellency , which out of your grace ●nd favour , you would vouchsafe to accept from us . for the deserts and merits of your honour , god alone can recompence . we gave also to your legates two special horses and a few cattle as the time permitted , and they likewise bought some horses as the time served , and then departed from us well contented . but we are alwaies with you in that inviolable love and friendship , which neither distance of place , nor length of time shall ever dissolve . and as for our country barbary ( blessed be god ) all of it that is loyal and in obedience to us , whether mountaines , plaines , or citiès , you have free passage into in love and friendship , to converse and trade as you please , and to manage all your affaires . and this will be of great advantage unto us , if it please god we live , and the general take the castle of the port town , and thè rebbels return wholy to their obedience , and then you shall not apologise for us , or excuse us in any service we can doe you . but we request you to excuse us at present , as to the rest of your desires , being assured that we cease not to encounter and fight those enemies which have broken covenant with us , that so they may shortly ( if god please ) return to their allegiance . and we intreat you to graunt our servants , the inhabitants of the port , your best assistance in what ever they shall have need of your help and supply . and whatsoever of our consorts shall come to you , we beseech you not to be wanting in your care towards them . but the most earnest and important business which concerns us to mention to you is , for a great ship to lye at the port betweeen us and the enemy , on purpose to cut off all relief by shipping from the enemie , and pray let it be hastened with its fraught , provision and all other necessaries . this is our chief business which we entreat you to accomplish , according to our desires . and any of the ships that shall come to this port , shall drive away whatsoever merchant ships they find there , and seise their goods . for the only thing we are wanting in , and in need of assistance , is this business of the merchants . thus we have given you the full of our desires in what we have written . and let god accomplish all your desires . farewell , written the third day of the week being the twenty fifth of the month dulhevil the last month of the 1073. year of the hegira . the servant of god who trusteth in him abdalla ebn mahamed ebn abebeker , of blessed memory . the superscription , to the chief of the nobles lord and governour of tanger the earle tiveot whom god preserve . another letter . in the name of god the greatest of all great ones , whom we worship and serve and none other . to the most excellent count tiveot captain general of tanger , the just and valiant , greeting and desiring that he may have health and prosperity which we value much . we receiv'd the servants of your excellency in our countrey , for whom we have done what we are able , and have commanded our vassels to guard them to tanger . the present made us by your excellency we kindly receive . god augment your honour and happiness . in all that is required at our hand , let it be upon our head , that we serve you with much willingness , being that we are made friends we esteem your friendship much . my son and couzins greet your excellency , desiring god that you may have health . subscribed almocadem cassian shat. this shat , is father to one of gaylan's wives , numerous in alliances , and reported to be an andalusian , on of the race of the moors banisht spain ; he hath hereditary to his family , the command of angera , which is a large cavíla adjoyning unto tanger . and having lodged at this grandee 's house , i may from our entertainment there be able to give you an account of the moors hospitality , which differs not in the fashion , however it may vary in the stuff . chap. v. the moresco entertainment , fashion of travelling , hospitals , diet , reverence to corn , forbidden meats . in the year of salvation , 1663. sept. the sixth , at the going down of the sun , we came to an aldéa called angerà , at the utmost bounds of a mountain of that name ; where we repair'd to the house of cidi cassian shat , whom we found sitting at his door , environ'd with about twenty aged moors of the neighborhood . alighting from our horses , we deliver'd our segúra or letters of safe conduct , to the old man ; who when he had perused , return'd them with a grave nod , the testimony of his approbation , and the signal of our welcome . this done , we were called to a little upper room , which we could not enter till we had put off our shoos at the threshold ; not for religion , but cleanliness , and not to prevent our unhallowing of the floor , but defiling the carpets wherewith it was curiously spread . at the upper end of the room was laid a velvit cushion , as large as those we use in our pulpits , and it denoted the most honourable part of the room . after we had reposed about an hour , there was brought in a little oval table , about twenty inches high , which was covered with a long piece of narrow linnen ; and this served for diaper . for the moors , by their law , are forbidden such superfluous utensils as napkins , knives , spoons , &c. their religion laying down this general maxim , that meer necessaries are to be provided for : which caused a precise moor to refuse to drink out of my dish , when he could sup water enough out of the hollow of his hand . but this straitness has of late years begun to be enlarged , and the prohibition is interpreted to reach no farther then their church-men , and chief ministers of justice ; so that those who are able to provide handsome furniture for their tables , have a dispensation , which they seem not prone to make use of , if the humour of the rest may be devined by that of this grandee : at whose house the table was adorned as before , and for supper there was placed upon it an earthen pot full of mutton , beef , cabage , raisins , potato's , berengénas , &c. all boyled together , and extreamly hot with dimicuto and garlick , which is their immutable sawce . this hodge-podge was in imitation of the spanish olla podrida , excepting that it wanted bacon , an ingredient so indispensible to the spanish olla , that there can be none without it , which occasion'd this proverb , no sermon without st. austin , nor olla without bacon : ny sermòn sin agostino , ny olla sin locino . but to proceed in our bill of fare : our next course was a single pullet cloven down the belly , with the four quarters spread out at large , by a way of cookery peculiar to the moors . and these two dishes , with store of good bread , made up the feast . our drink was strong wine newly brought from the press , which stood by us in a great stone jar , with a sort of wooden ladle in it , out of which we drunk . our posture was laying round about the table , according to the custom of the countrey . our company was the second son of this family , a debonair gentile person . having supp'd , and solaced our selves with muddy beverage and moresco music , we all composed our selves to sleep : about twenty were allotted to lodge in this small chamber , whereof two were christians , three jews , and the rest moors : every one made his bed of what he wore , which made our english constitutions to wish for the morning , which no sooner appeared but we quitted our lodging , leaving our entertainer sans adieu , not tarrying to return thanks for his hospitality ; which could incur no displeasure , as conforming to the stile of the countrey . and this breviate of cassian's hospitable house-keeping , is an essay of the rest , for the moors have all one fashion of living , and their houses , diet , and apparel vary not , but in the matter . now that which makes journying in barbary so full of fatigue , is the want of houses of publick entertainment ( like the venta's and posáda's in spain ; the caborets and hostelries in france ; and inns in england ) whereby the travellers are constrain'd to carry their provisions with them . the moors usual viaticum are raisins , parch'd beans , onyons , garlick , and store of bread. they rely upon the fountains for their drink , which are kept in great decency and cleanlyness : at every fountain there being a dish made of cork , fastned with a string , out of which man and beast drink for refreshment . many of these fountains are provided with a large smooth stone , whereon the moor , after he has perform'd his preparative washing , celebrates his salla , or orisons . and the bigots that live near these fountains , every day repair thither to pay their bigotage , or superstitious devotions . they usually shut up their journey at the going down of the sun ; and if there be an aldéa or village at hand , they turn thither for house-room , and lodge commonly in a cotage , as mean as that wherein ovid's aged couple entertain'd the pilgrim gods. but if it be summer , or the weather fair , then they repair to some shady tree , under whose prote●tion they sleep and eat . if the place be suspected for bad neighbors , the travellers watch by turns , and do the like in places that are troubled with wild beasts . when i said that the moors have no houses of accommodation , it was with exception of the almamóra's , or chambers maintain'd by the revenues of the church , built on purpose to receive strangers of any perswasion . these houses afford nothing but room to lodge in ; but if it happen that travellers are in want of meat , the villagers are ready to supply them . the alfaqúi , or priest of the place , hath inspection and superintendency of these hospitals . the moors have likewise peculiar places , resembling the infirmatories or lazaretto's in other nations , for those that fall sick in their journeys , whom they treat with a laudable care , till they either recover or dye : and if the infirm dye , not leaving wherewith to bury him , there is care taken for his funeral , and a muláto , or some baser moor , is appointed to beg the alms of the place to defray the expence of the strangers interment . in these almamóra's , the stranger is permitted to stay till the weather and his health dispose him for his journey : but they repine at his abode , when it is not urged by necessity . in later years , every town of trasfick hath erected a sort of inns , called alfandách , which affords nothing but house-room for man and beast , the market yielding provision for both . those that farm these fandáchs , cannot exact above a blankil a night both for man and beast , which is in sterling money about two pence . the horses lodging costing equally with his riders . these fandáchs were at first built by the wealthier sort of moors , who dying in a pious humour , gave them to the giámma or church , to hallow , say the moresco rabbies , the filthy lucre raised by their employment . however , the giámma has its revenues greatly augmented by such donations . and whatever was the design of their institution , we find them of late under a great degeneracy , being little better then tipling shops , where the moors quaff the fruit of the vine . but that which herein most raised my admiration , was to see the incomes of these fandáchs , appropriated to the maintenance of the alfaqúi's or priests , and that that holy order , having the disposal of such houses , should not see them under a more regular administration . but to go from these publick houses to view the moors in their private roofs , i find them in their caresses frugal , without parsimoniousness , and placing no character of good house-keeping in abundance of viands . they have two dishes in singular esteem , the chief whereof ●nscussòn , which is made of water and flower , or grated bread , boyled into a consistence , into which they put butter , or any kitchin-stuff : and this they eat without spoons ; for when it is ready , every one that is admitted to taste it , dives into it with his hand , and danceing it in his fist , till it be shap'd into a ball and cool'd , then casts it into his mouth . the other dish is known by the name of pillów , vulgarly pronounced pl●w , and it is the same with that which i said has so near a resemblance with the spanish olla podrida . besides these two dishes , the moors of a better allay make their breakfasts of bonuélo's , or small loaves boyled in oyl , which they eat with sugar , or honey . the countrey moors feed much on milk , which they are by their law forbidden to taste , if it has been touch'd by a dog. they have store of cheese , but very course and homely . and as for their butter , we may suspect their cleanliness in making it ; for they churn it in a sheep or goat skin , dressed or fitted for that office , which they shake between their hands . but not much delighted with their dary-house , i leave it to observe their reverence to bread and corn , which is both great and general , for from the throne to the plough , if any see a crum of the one , or a grain of the other cast out , or scatter'd , he stoops to take it up , kisseth it , puts it to his fore-head , and looking up , saith , dill an , it is from god ; and then gives it to the first creature that will eat it . chap. vi. of the moresco giamma's , or churches : their foundation , consecration , manner of structure , subordination . all religions in their first model and constitution have had some less intelligible articles and things of a remoter signification , mingled with their easier doctrin's , and more obvious institutions . and there has ever bin found a catholique agreement , not only in the main article of the deity , but also in some solemne manner of his worship . upon which consideration there were ritual circumstances established , for the more decent celebration of religious ministers . in the number of which ritual circumstances , i esteem a dedicate place , separate time , solemne actions , prescript forms , and above all a distinct order of persons , by whom the exteriot religion is to be officiated , and to whom for the power & sacredness of their function there have ever bin decreed convenient observances and revenues . how determinate the alchoran is in these particulars , falls not within the compass of these remarkes , but it is evident to those that attentively read it , that the author thereof seems not in any thing to be definitive . but what ever the mind was of that impostor concerning the mentioned rites , we find his sectaries have in all their dominions made provision for solemnity in their worship . being guided thereunto either by the more lasting and regular principles of reason , or in imitation of some people of an other perswasion , which they esteem'd wise and deliberate . nor can mahumed be blamed for not leaving decretals in the rights of worship , because their nature is of so great an indifferency , that no religion doth acknowledge them to be determined in every particular by any law , meriting , or usurping , the title divine : neither is there any thing in themselves to make them originally necessary . and therefore without enquiring into the motives by which the moors or others have been induced to the usage of the accessories of religion , i only observe that the moors are not therein defective ; having churches , priests , times , revenues , &c. appropriate to the divine adoration . i shall begin with their giámma's , moschs or churches in which this countrey abounds , and to which the moors perform a great reverence and liberality , never suffering them to be profan'd , nor to want a competent stock to keep them in repaires . the manner observ'd in the erection of a new giámma is orderly and laudable , which is thus : when a considerable number of people have agreed and resolved to settle together in neighborhood , they seek out a piece of ground convenient for their purpose , which by mutual consent is divided , every family being allowed sufficient room , whereof to rear an habitation . this done their next care is to set apart a spot of earth for the foundation of their giámma , with great regard that it have no considerable inequality of distance from their several habitations . after they have thus fram'd their designe , the giámma is first built , to which holy work all ages , sexes , and qualities of persons contribute their labours gratis , every one valuing it for a peculiar felicity and honour to have his hands and shoulders wearied in such a sacred imployment . the fabrick or giámma being finish'd , they dedicate it to no patronage but the publique worship , nor use any other ceremony of consecration , but only choose one that is able to read the alcoran , whom they accompany to the new giámma , where some parcel of their law is read , and their sallà's , or offices perform'd , and from that time it is accounted a holy place . and the giámma being thus raised to its full stature , every family begins a cotage for it self , and when they are built , they seek for an alfaqui , or priest , to officiate in their new church , with whom they agree for a yearly pension . but we must restrain this custome of building churches to the barabárs who have fixed mansions ; for the alárbs who retain no place of constant habitation , have for their giámma a large tent standing exactly in the middle of their dwelling-tents , whither they resort at canonical hours to their orisons , in which they are comformable to the other moors . the giámma's doe all agree in the fashion of structure ; being all long and generally narrow , not running into iles , nor branching into chappels and quires . their situation is east and west , without any windows at all , nor have their giámma's doores but on the north-side . [ they are without the too easie accommodations of seats , pews , or benches : ] the floor of the giámma is handsomely matted , and so are the walls about two foot high . if the roof be large and weighty it is supported with pillars , among which hang the lamps , which are kept burning all the night . every giámma has a turret , on whose top is placed a crescent , or half moon ( a mahumedan cognizance ) from this turret the almudén , or sexton , with a loud voice invites the people to prayers , which supplies the forbidden use of bells . the moors keep their giámma's in a very reverend decency , never permitting any dilapidations . none are vouchsafed to enter them but the males of their own religion , which makes it dangerous for christians or jews to look within them ; yet if this happens they think not the holy place to be thereby any way desecrated . but this signal respect to their churches , renders not their devotions elsewhere perform'd , to be invalid ; yet if possible they never faile to be at their giámm's , attributing much to the statary prayers made in the church . in greater towns there are many giámma's : in tituàn fifteen , in alcázar more , in arzíla , five , and in fez seven hundred . among which there is a subordination , for the giámma gheber , or great giámma , being the cathedral , or mother-church , commands the rest , and is the cure of the alcalib , or chief-priest . to the giamma gheber all the other giámma's conforme in the houre of publique offices , and though all the rest are hung with lamps , yet this has one of a peculiar shape and quantity , called ettouria , or the master-lamp , in testimony of the chutche's prelacy . chap. vii . of the moresco priests , their education , orders , office , reverence of the priest , revenue , the almudén , penalties for absence from the giámma's . the moors have at this day no schools of science , like the european universities and colledges ; which may be a main reason of their growing stupidity and barbarism ; for the want either of leisure , or lack of opportunity to study arts and sciences , because their whole time is spent in gaining whereon to live , through a deficiency whereof the politest nations will soon degenerate into ignorance and rusticity . as for the colledge call'd amarodóch in fez ( whose structure cost king aba henen 480000 crowns , and which has been so amply celebrated for the concinnity of its building , delightfulness of scituation , carved roof , mosaic arches and brazen gates ) it is now wholly destitute of students . and if the moors were not carefull to keep up great store of petty schooles , they would soon decay and fall into a total illiterature . in these petty scholes the alfáqui , or priest , takes in the first rudiments of his learning , without any possibility of climbing higher than to write and read ; and if a youth be found towardly and capacious , and bearing a good affection to the priesthood , when he has arriv'd to the first forme in the school , he is removed thence , and placed with one of the best learned alfàqui's in the town , or cavíla where the school is kept . and this new tutor instructs his pupil to read the alcoran with perspicuity , and to understand the principal points it containes : the tutor likewise informes him of all the rites of the giámma , which being both few and easy , are quickly obtain'd ; and when the schollar is deem'd competent both for age and learning to be a priest , then his institutor call's two or three alfáquis more to examine the candidate , who being found deserving , they grant him testimonials of his willingness and abilities to be an alfáqui : and this is all the education and orders , which i could observe to be bestowed upon their priests . but it is very remarkable , that among the moors none are admitted to this holy dignity , but such as are of a competent age , and marryed ; for the former they render this reason , a novice ought not to be admitted to the priesthood ; but i conceive that their jealousie , with which they are notoriously gifted , is the fittest account can be given of the later . the moors suffer no giámma to be vacant , because they esteem an alfáqui to be altogether necessary to exterior religion ; and that common persons , or the laity , performing the solemn offices of religion , doth make them common . for holy rites are no more to be dispensed by all , than the secular laws ; and though all men have common interest both in religion & the laws , yet all cannot be administers of either . and upon this consideration , that in the combinations and communions of men religion cannot subsist , without some to guide , officiate , and prescribe the ministeries thereof , the moors are diligent to provide an alfáqui for every giámma , that there may be no vacancy , nor omission in the service . to the alfáqui the lay-moors pay a signal reverence , giving him the more honourable hand , and place . they plough his ground , dress his vineyard , reap his corn , &c. to the end that by no secular cares he may be interrupted in his function ; and by this i am guided to look into the office of the alfáqui , which is first , to preserve the giámma in decency , and to provide that the structure be not dilapsed , & that the lamps and matts be duely supplyed . but the priest never puts his hand to any servile work , having those under him upon whom all the drudgery is discharged . the second part of the alfáqui's office is , to inspect the institution of the children ; to which purpose he hath usually under him , one that is fit for the toyle , and reserves to himself no more but the examination of the childrens proficiency , which he doth once a week ; and those whom he finds remiss , receive his correction , but the diligent , the marks of his approbation . they have no free schools , but pay a weekly salary to those whom the alfáqui doth appoint to teach , for none can be a school-master without his licence and approof . his next care is to take notice who absent themselves from the giámma , having power at his own discretion to punish whomsoever he observes to be therein delinquent . he is very vigilant to assist the sick , whom dying he accompanies to the grave . if there happen any disagreement among the neighbours , the alfáqui mediates a reconcilement , but if the quarrel exceeds ill language , and be concerning meum and tuum , he is not permitted to intermeddle . if the alfáqui dislike his cure , he hath liberty of removall , being not confin'd to any parochial giámma above a year , and he seldome contracts for a longer space . and for that time he is the superintendent of the mosch , out of whose rents he defraies all the charges for reparations , &c. takeing the surplusage for himselfe . and now the remarke passeth to the revenues of the giámma , which chiefly arise from the donatives of the dead . in some places the incoms are very large , in all comfortable ; for the moors exercise a great benevolence to places dedicated to religion : whereby they reproach many stiled christians , who cast aside the least sheaf for the tenth , and who are so far from enlarging the churches patrimony , that they are ready to devour the pitiful remainder that she still enjoyes . muley mahumed , in his third commandment , enjoynes his musalmim liberality , and alms-deeds , which proceeding from goods honestly gotten are according to the alcoran meritorious of paradise . he likwise prefers private almes before the publick , and declares the devil to be an inplacable enemy against this expression of mercy . and indeed there are many such pious doctrines in the alcoran , but they are but as so many good eares of corn in a good field of tares , or as so many single grains lost in a heap of chaff : it having been the subtilty of the old serpent in all ages , to guild over his poysonous pills , and to blend truth with falshood , that the latter might be embrac'd for the sake of the former . besides it is an ancient mistake to think , that truth and falshood are of too great a contrariety and distance to mingle and concorporate ; which makes many when they have found some truth in doctrine , to conclude no falshood to be joyned with it . and those truths which are dispersed up and down in mahumed's law , being evident to its professors , make them credulous of the whole system . and though they are zealous for all the precepts , yet for none more than that which concernes alms-deeds ; for they have their ashoràh which is an anniversary festival , whereat they bestow a certain quantity of their substance upon the poore . but the greatest bounties are towards the giámma , to which every one at his death leaves a portion of his estate , by which method the giámma has considerable endowments , which are under a continual improvement , and made capable of no manner of alienation . to every giámma there belongs an almudèn , or a kind of sexton , whose office is to call the people to church at the houres of prayer ; which he doth from the top of the turret ( mention'd above ) crying with a voice articulate and loud , illáh ghebèr , god is the great ; and sometimes , lailláh la mahumèd resúl allá . there is but one god , and mahumed the messenger of god. and these words the almudèn pronounceth at every corner of the turret , beginning at the east , and ending at the point that looks toward mecha ; by which they signify , that all the corners of the world should look towards mecha in worshiping the deity , that is be mahumedans . the next office of the almudèn is , to open the doores of the giámma , to trim the lamps , and keep the matts in repair and cleanliness . he also informes the alfáqui , who hath an inherent power to punish those who can show no good reason of their absence . but the penalty is very tolerable , being no more than five or six pounds of cuscussòw , which the offender brings to the giámma , where it is eaten by the priest and the assembly . none are found to offend therein through contempt , or wilfulness , nor yet through the pursuance of their pleasures ; for there is so strict an observance of the church-service , that the husband will leave the society of his wife to be there , if he hears the almudèn speaking the invitatory . the last branch of the almuden's office is to dismiss the people , which he doth at the end of the salla , or orisons , in the same words that he called them together . and now before i close up this chapter , i cannot , speaking of their ecclesiastique penance , but observe that the moors have no such thing as excommunication , so that they are for no crime debarr'd the giámma ; but on the contrary the greatest mulct inflicted by the priest is for their absence , above three times in twenty four hours , from that holy place . chap. viii . of the moresco set-times of prayer . the preparation , entrance into , and deportment in the giámma . church-musick . the moor's season of prayers returns five times in twenty four hours , or a natural day ; the first is , alowilíc sbah , and comes about noone ; the second they call allahiric luli , which is about three a clock in the afternoon ; the third ateltháh asèr , at the going down of the sun ; the fourth alarbèe ashá , a little within night ; the last , alhamsáh magnib , which is in winter a little before day . at every assembling the prayers are the same , except that at the allahiríc luli they repeat the la illa ghehèr but thrice . the moors esteem the prayers made in the giámma to be of the greatest efficacy , and therefore all endeavour to performe them there , but those who cannot repair thither , doe discharge this duty , where the solemn houres find them in their addresses to these holy celebrations the moors use great tokens of reverence , being very punctual in fitting themselves for the giámma . their general preparative consists in washing ; which is such a necessary right , that without its observation it is impossible to be of their religion . and it is notorious to all acquainted with the mahumedan institutes , that washing is a great part of that law ; nor need this create any man's wonder , seeing that all the musalmim of the alcoran use washing in a mystic signification of internal purity , and that the soul receives the benefit of their corporeal lavors . none among them returne from natural evacuations , but they wash the parts liable to defilement , nor will any who is a virtuoso in the ceremomies , eat with unwasht handes : which at first i interpreted a mere civil cleanliness , because they use no knives , &c. but tear their viands in pieces with their fingers , but upon farther scrutiny i perceiv'd it to be reckon'd by the superstitiosi among the actions of religion . in places where they have hot bathes ( which are in few places wanting ) they use them after concubinate , and all improvident pollutions ; but their greatest exactness in washing , is at their going to prayer . then every part where nature disburdens her excretions , is warily cleansed , and the other parts also which are more egregiously obnoxious to pollution . if any moor after he has washt at home , in his way to the giámma chance but to belch , he dares not enter the holy r●of of untill he has us'd the lotion . and therefore in the foundation of a giámma , great care is taken that it may stand near some spring , or receptacle of water , that those who come to the church , may be provided with that element in case of any contingent defilement , without the trouble of returning home to wash . when they come to the door of the giámma , every one puts off his shooes at the threshold , and then enters with a slow pace , erect body , and eyes bashfully looking towards heaven : in this posture they advance directly to the southside of the giámma , and they always make their prayers toward that point , because in all their devotions they are commanded to make them toward mecha . while they are in the giámma none dare openly to yawne , cough , walk , discourse , spit , scratch his head or face , but if any has need but to wipe his lipps , he doth it unseen , covering his countenance with his alheìc , which is a loose garment generally worn by the moors . and by these reverences in their carriage toward holy places and performances , they are taught to upbraid the christians , whose behaviours at sacred solemnities some of the moors have observ'd to be of a far different character . and this i learned from a moor who had unluckily been in england to make the animadversion , with whome when i discours'd about this point , he told me with anger and indignation in his looks , that it was a shame to see women , dogs , and dirty shooes , brought into a place sacred to god's worship , and that men should walk and discourse in a mosch , as in a publick borsa or exchange , and that they should have chaires there to sit in with as much lascivious ease , as at home : which with other actions of the like irreverence he zealously repeated to reproach the christian . and indeed i was not furnisht with arguments to ( nor could in conscience ) excuse any considerable part of his animadversion : only i told him ; that as for the exclusion of women from the publick offices of the mosch , it was a doctrine of the alcoran , grounded upou conceits of imperfection peculiar to that sex , which are not so far to be own'd , as for them to exclude the females from the meanes of their chiefest felicity . besides this excommunion of women , was an article of interest and policy , and which mahumed adopted into his religion on purpose to complease the jew , who at this day begins his publick prayer with a thanksgiving to god , que no le hizo muger , that he did not make him a woman , a creature not allowed to serve him in the synagogue , & that seeing we wanted reasons which moved the moors to this practice , we could incurr no scandal by its rejection . as for his objecting our bringing dogs into the church , i told him it was an uncomely and irreverend permission & wholly abhorr'd by knowing . christians ; that there was a provision made against it , and that it had been his ill hap to look into a church , where the sanction in that particular met with a remiss execution . next , as to our having seates in the mosch ( for i was to speak in his own dialect ) and to sit at some parts of divine service , custom and innocent convenience were all that any one could pretend to hollow it . but as for walking in the church in time of divine service , or therein at any time to discourse of secular concernments , that it was only the practise of profane and ill disciplin'd minds , the miscarriage of the rude , contrary to the rule , and a certain argument of a relaxed discipline and negligent superintendent . pudet haec opprobria — . but i return to the giámma , whither the alfáqui comes not till a considerable number of the people are assembled ; who in the priests absence spend their time in a devout repetition of the sallah , a word that signifies the whole form of their prayers . and when the alfáqui is come , he advanceth straight to the south-side of the mosch , and the people fall orderly into ranks behind him . upon this the priest begins the prayer in a voice moderately elevated , which the people humbly repeat after him . at the pronouncing of illah el gheber , that is , god is the great , they all use an elevation both of hands and eyes to heaven : at the name of mecha , they all kiss the ground ; but when they mention muley mahumed , and the mercies he procures them , they fall prostrate , and upon the sudden , in a kind of rapture , reassume an erect . when the priest hath repeated la illah mahumed resul allah four times , the almuden dismisseth the people . and when they leave the giamma , the alfáqui goes first , as a token of his prelacy above the people . their salláh or service is very short , for if it took up any considerable time , the frequency of its return would take up most of their leisure , and thereby be a sensible impediment to their temporal vocations . in the closure of this chapter , i thought to have spoken something of the moresco musick in the mosch , but this i found to be a delightful piece of devotion , wherein they seem to be very ignorant . i have been told , that in former time they had in every giámma some lay-persons , that understood the cadences of the alcoran , and which could sing it in its original metre , which must needs be very harsh harmony , if any at all , in regard of the incapacity that is in the alcoran language to fall into syllabical measures and tuneable proportions . besides , the moors have very harsh and sawing voices , as they will have cause to observe who have had their ears grated with their amorous sonnets , in which all are wont to express their sweetest and best moving accents . chap. ix . of the moresco church government . the alcalib , or high-priest . the instruction of the vvomen . forms of prayer . charms composed by the marabitós or marabouts . sabbaoth , its institution , celebration . some have laid it down for a great reach in muley mahumed , that he reserv'd the church-government to himself and his successors : which is still visible in the grand seignior and the sophi ; for albeit the one hath a mufti , and the other a mustard-dini to inspect the ecclesiastick affairs , and to be as the oracular interpreters of the mahumedan law , yet their election is incommunicably in themselves . and albeit that these principal church-men are had in so great esteem with their princes , that their decisions are scarce ever contradicted by them , yet when their determinations are not consistent with the interest of the publick , these great oracles are dismist , and others introduc'd , who are not so scrupulous in their sentences . by which it is evident , that the mahumedan princes are in effect the heads of the church , and chief expositors of religion . but not much of this can be observed in the moors church-government , who have in every cavíla ( or county ) an alcalib , or high-priest , in whose nomination the secular power doth not at all interpose , for he is chosen out of , and by the alfaqùis , over whom he is invested with a power , whereby he is enabled to depose , or otherwise chastise the offending clergy . immediately upon this arch-priests election , he is possess'd of the giámma gheber , or great church : wherein upon every friday he expounds some text of the alchoran , unto which exercise he always goes accompanyed with the chief personages of the neighborhood . and being enter'd the church , he immediatly ascends the albambár ( which is a bench about five steps from the ground ) with a tall staff in his hand , wherewith he often beats upon the bench to express his zeal , and to awaken the people to a more signal attention to what he then delivers . this discourse , homily , exposition , or sermon , exceeds not an hour and a quarter in length , and is deliver'd exactly by heart . and when it is ended , the almuden dissolves the congregation , and the alcalib returns to his house accompanyed with the chief of the place , and in his passage he receives the customary tokens of respect from the people . and whatever some cursory review of this countrey tell us of the other priests making sermons to the people , yet having with some diligence made enquiry into this particular , i found that the office of preaching was peculiar to the alcalib , or chief-priest , and that no sermons were celebrated at any other church , but at the giámma gheber ( that which i may english the cathedral . ) this eminent church-man is seldom seen in publick , but at this exercise ; for to make himself the more reverenced he affects retirement , spending his hours in the study of the alchoran , and in resolving such cases as the layity present him , who esteem his resolutions infallible . and this , with a careful inspection into the deportment of the inferior clergy , doth constitute the office and government of the alcalib . as for his revenues , they are suitable to his condition : and as to his life , it is austere and reserv'd , he affecting a peculiar gravity in all his carriage . every alcalib has his distinct diocess , out of which he has no power , so that the alcalib of beni-arós hath nothing to do in minkél , for every one is absolute in his own cavíla . at the publick instructions of the giámma , none are present but the males , for the women , as i said , are denyed admission into the assembly , yet are not wholy destitute of the means of being taught religion : for upon every friday they repair to the house of the alfaquí , where his wife is bound to instruct them : but her lectures usually concern good houswifry , and how they should demean themselves to their husbands , in obedience and submission , and to live in peace with their fellow-wives . all the while the women are at the priests house , he is not to return home , nor stir out of the giámma , but hath his meat brought him thither . but for what reason the priest should be under this restraint , i leave any one to imagine , who has heard of the moresco jealousie . but now in case the priest has no wife , who seldom wants four ; or that by any indisposition she is not able to perform this office , then it is discharged by some aged matron of the place : and for a further supplement of the womens being debarr'd of the giámma , their husbands repeat unto them such lessons as they have heard there . and this is all that on this account i could observe of the moors women . muley mahumed styled prayer the key of paradise , and the pillar of religion , that he might the better recommend its practice to his converts , who generally maintain so careful a performance of this duty , that no secular business can detain them from , nor any thing divert them at their devotion . i once endeavor'd to collect their prayers into an order , the better to take a distinct view of this pillar of their religion , but i found them reduced to no certain form extracted out of the alcoran , but were a collection of some incoherent sentences magnifying the power and mercy of god. their first prayer , or rather their creed , is that which the almuden proclaims with a loud voice , when he calls the people to the mosch ; as there is but one god , and mahumed his messenger : and this admits of no variation . the second prayer is the first chapter of the alcoran , wherein there is some difference according to translations ( in which the alcoran hath been very unhappy ) but those which i have seen in latin , spanish , and french , agree in this traduction of the chapter . in the name of god , gracious and merciful , king of the day of judgment : thou art he whom we adore : it is from thee that we require help : guide us in the right way , in the way of those with whom thou art pleased , against whom thou art not angry , and we shall not go astray . this prayer is repeated with the former , after the same manner as the papists repeat their pater noster with the ave maria : for the moors have their tesserae precariae , or their beads , wherewith they number their prayers . and the whole corona or rosary consists of ninety eight , which the devoti , or religiously affected , carry always about them . they have a custom to repeat often together the first words of the prayer , which they conclude to be a great act of charity , as supplying by this repetition the defaults of such as are remiss in this duty . in the name of god , merciful and gracious , is the proeme of every chapter in the alcoran , and were the first words that mahumed is said to have spoken when he came out of his epileptick fits , which he made the people believe were trances . and with the same words the mahumedan doctors begin all their discourses , and the letters written in moresco language , if the pen-men are precise , are likewise introduced in the same form. there is a learned man , that tells of a prayer among the mahumedans , which is called , the prayer of jesus the son of mary , ending thus , and let not such an one bear rule over me , that will have no pity upon me , for thy mercy sake , o thou most merciful . but having diligently enquired , i could not find that the present moors have any such letany in their uses . there are few who are able to read , that want manuals of private devotions , which are composed by the morabito's or morabouts , and are indeed rather to be termed charms , then prayers . now these morabito's or morabouts , are a sort of alárbes which are skilled , or so pretend to be , in the law of mahumed , severe in their conversation , bearing a great ostentation of sanctity , pretending to prophesie , or predictions . they compose all sorts of charms , to which the moor is so addicted , that he has one for every occasion : i have seen a whole book thereof , containing some for the child-bearing women , to facilitate their travel ; some for the passenger , to guide him in the way ; some for the soldier ; and one for the horse , which is much in the service of the saddle : this they hang under the beasts neck , and believe that it keeps him from being blind , or dim-sighted . they have likewise spells to keep their cattel healthy , and make them fruitfnl , all compos'd by the morabouts and priests ; the latter , of late , being much given to this sort of composures . and now from these short notices of the giámma and its appendages , i pass to speak of the moresco sabbaoth . that the fifth day of the week , is the weekly festival of the mahumedans , to distinguish them from the jew , who keeps the sixth according to our account , and from the christian who observes the seventh , is known unto every one that knows any thing of this subject . about the institution of this sabbaoth , variety of opinions may be met with : for some derive its original from the veneration mahumed bore to the new moon , which is said to have appeared on friday , the same day he began his imposture ; and in memory of so happy an abodement , he set apart this for solemn worship . there is another conjecture which fetcheth its institution from some heathen rites paid on this day to venus , whose name friday bears . but there is little ground of this opinion , further then it may well suit with the genius of mahumedism , to have a day sacred to the goddess of carnality . but that opinion herein seems best to agree with the chronicles of mahumed , which makes his escape from the conspiracy of the nobles of mecha , to have been the occasion of this sabbaoth , from which deliverance the mahumedan hegira had its original and name . and in this mahumed undoubtedly imitated the ancient christians , who took their aera's from some notable persecutions . but whatever was the original of this sabbaoth , i observ'd that it has no great marks of reverence above other days : for on it the moors go to plough , hold their markets , open shops , and omit little of their ordinaries , so that i must retract my calling of it a sabbaoth . they indeed on this day have an exposition at the giámma gheber , and on it they put on their whitest alheics , dress their locks , and are seen in their best accoutrements . the women likewise on this day visit the sepulchres , and and strew the graves of their deceased friends with green boughes and herbs . and this is all that i have been able to remark upon this subject . chap. x. of the moresco judicatory , chief minister of justice , rule and manner of process , testimony upon oath , recovery of debts , punishment of forgers of writings . the moors have no judicatories , or publick houses where they assemble about judicial controversies ; neither have they any mercenary advocates , or profess'd lawyers , but all is decided by an alcaddée , who is appointed by the supreme ruler to be the minister of justice in the cavíla , and town where he lives . now every cavíla hath a peculiar alcaddée , from whom they cannot appeal to any other but alcaddé gheber , or the chief of these justices , who is appointed to receive such appeals , and is in constant attendance upon the king , or chief governor . but it is not permitted to use these appeals , except in causes which are supposed to be too difficult for the decision of the local alcaddées ; and when the matter is of that importance that the parties are unwilling to acquiesce in the solitary sentence of one single alcaddée . these justitiaries take no state of retirement , nor do they weary out the poor clients with tedious attendances , but to signifie the facility of access , and their readiness to relieve and succor the oppressed , these alcaddées sit in the gates of the city , or some open and publick place , to hear and determine all cases that are brought before them . and albeit that this manner of doing justice be conformable to the custom of the greatest and best antiquity , as also very significative of open & clear dealing ; yet the moor renders another reason thereof , and that it is to avoid all suspicion and jealousie of corrupt carriage in the alcaddée with the female plaintiffs that sollicit him for divorces . every one of these local alcaddées has two assessors , who in abstruser pleas assist him with their counsels : but the chief employment of these sides-men , is to copy out the sentences of the alcaddée , and to draw up all the contracts that come to be confirm'd by him ; for there is no bargain esteem'd legal and authentick , till it be certified under the hand and seal of the topical alcaddée . the moors , as all other mahumedans , acknowledge the alcoran to be the immutable rule both of civil justice and religion , and therefore according to the letter and interpretation thereof , the alcaddée frames all his definitions and judgements . here 's no intreaguing the plea with resolutions , cases , presidents , reports , moth-eaten statutes , &c. but every thing is determin'd according to the fresh circumstances of the fact , and the proof of what is alledg'd . the testimony of two men , if they are of known sobriety , is sufficient to make good the allegation ; but there must be twelve to ratifie it , if their conversation be suspected : for the moors believe , that amongst twelve men as much honesty may be met with , as will equal what can be found in any two . if any alfaquí or priest be introduced to give evidence to the depending contest ▪ his bare affirmative or negative deposition is of validity to put a period to the dispute , and the alcaddée supersedes all enquiry , when the priest hath declared the state of the cause . and in this , as in all other instances , they give a reverend estimation to their priests , whose presence secures the civil disquisitions a great veneration with the many . in taking the testimony of a moore upon oath , the servant of the alcaddée carries the deponent to the giámma or mosch , where in the presence of the alcaddée he swears by that holy place , that he will declare all what he knowes concerning the matter , to which he is to give evidence . but oaths are never administred to any in another man 's case , but such as are suspected persons , and they are usually numbred among the rogues , and faithless , who have no credit without them ; besides it is never permitted for a man to swear in his own case , but for want of witnesses , or when the accusation is of that nature , that the impeached cannot otherwise receive purgation . as for the christian , and jew , they are suffer'd to give testimony according to the rites and customs of their own religions , but the moors , are not forward to put them upon this tryal , as doubting that fear of punishment , should tempt them to perjury , and those who are thereunto accessory ( according to the moresco principle ) are involv'd in the guilt . in pleas of debt , it is required that the reality of the debt be first manifest , which being done before the alcaddée , he signifies it to the almocadèm of the cavíla where the debtor lives , who upon his signification , commandes a present payment to be made ; but if the debtor refuse or be unable , to give the creditor satisfaction , the almocadém remits him to the alháb's , or prison ( which is alwaies near the almocadéms house ) where he stayes till bayled thence by sufficient sureties , or personally payes the debt . and to secure their courts of justice from interfering , or clashing oue with another , the alcaddée of one cavíla may not intermeddle with any thing that is transacted in an other , but every one moves orderly in his own sphere , and confines his proceedings within the punctual limits of his assigned jurisdiction . and that herein there might be no collusion , covin , or imposture , every alcaddée has his privy seal , wherewith he firmes the contract , or other things that pass under his hand . and the seal is usually engraven with the name of the alcaddée , and place of his office. and yet notwithstanding this care to prevent , they have the villany of forging deeds , which is done by some skill'd in the alcaddé's office . but upon detection he that produces the forged paper is immediatly imprison'd , and remaines without hope of enlargement , till he declares the forger , and after that the alcaddée puts upon him a pecuniary mulct ; but he deall's much more severly with the principal in his forgery , who for the first conviction receives a sharp repremend from the alcaddée , and after that the almocadém is order'd to burn his house ; but if he be found to repeat his offence , the forger dyes without mercy ; which just rigor secures them from the mischiefs of counterfit writings to the prejudice of anothers right . so that this is a villany through the whole world condignly punished ; and by our own laws , a second forgery of deeds concerning anothers land after a former conviction , is felony . chap. xi . the moresco punishments of fornication , adultery , thievery , retaliation , murder , bribery , vsury , alcadée's revenue , opinion of the jews . in the moresco catalogue of crimes , adultery and fornication , are found in the first comma , whose difference in the moors opinion may be collected from their penalties . for adultery , it is allways capital , insomuch that without regard of any eminence or quality , the convict thereof is certainly ston'd to death , which is done with most notorious circumstances . for first the day of execution is published , then the criminal is brought to the calvary , where bury'd up to the navel in a mat móra , or a pit digged for that purpose , every one present casts one stone , and no more , at him , saying , this is for thy filthy transgression of the law ; but if the adulterous be persons of condition , their friends have licence to dispatch them privily , to prevent the open reproach to their family . in the punishing fornication they are less rigorous , as finding the mischief thereof not to be of so large a derivation , as that of adultery . and if the persons convict of this unchastity are in the state of coelibate , they are only chastis'd with scourges : but if either be married , or under matrimonial contract , death is the certain penance . but the moors are no less solemn in whipping the fornicator , than in stoning the adulterer . for on friday , after the arch-priest has ended his lecture , the offender , if a man , is placed at the great door of the giàmma guebèr , or cathedral church , naked down to the middle , and in the presence of the congregation receives an hundred stripes on his back from an officer appointed for that purpose , who has a certain number of blankéles ( or moresco twopences , ) for his service ; the moors as they passe by the chastised , use these deprecatory words , allah iffecni min had el ham . i. e. god deliver me from this wicked fellow . the woman who hath been partner in the filthiness , suffers her punishment in the night , when she is whipt through the streets , but with more severity than the man , because the moors suppose the female to be of a predominant allurement in such unclean commixtures . the moors who live in a roaving condition are much addicted to thievery , against which the alcaddée proceeds by these steps of punishment ; for the first theft the convict is publickly whipt in the alsóuck or market ; for the second , he looseth his hand ; for the third theft he may truly be said to dye without mercy . for the moors observe caligula's severity in making the offender exquisitely sensible of his death , which they inflict . against the day of the theif 's execution , the youth of the place are advertis'd to prepare their instruments of blood , which are little dry canes , made in the fashion of darts , accurately sharp pointed , these they hurle at the naked body of the malefactor , till his whole skin be struck therwith full of holes , and when they find him sinking under the torture , they dragg and hang him up by the heels upon a gate , or the like , where he breaths out his last in torments , and being dead he is loathsomly exposed to the birds of prey . in bodily injuries they observe the law of retaliation , as an eye for an eye , a tooth for a tooth , &c. but it is in the power of the maimed party to receive a pecuniary reparation , or without any satisfaction to remit the wrong ; but this is not permitted til the matter hath been tryed before the alcaddée , and the hurt party publickly declared , that he is willing either freely to forgive the injury , or to accept so much money in full repaire . and however the municipal laws of some countreys put a vast difference between murder and man-slaughter , as appeares in their defin'd punishments , yet in barbary all homicide , or killing of a man by a man , is capitall . and the moors have herein two concessions . the one is to licence the next kindred of the slain , to take money for his blood of him that spilt it . the other to permit the relations of the murdered to kill the murderer , without any judicial proceedure , if he be not already in safe custody ; which is no more then a pursuance of that position , revenge is no sinne . of this there happened a famous instance , not many months before i left barbary , an account whereof , as it was given me by my old freind cidi alli mulud ben ali , take as follows . a moor of targa not far from tituàn having his brother treacherously murder'd by one of the voisinage , undertook to pursue the fugitive murderer , with designe to avenge his relations blood , and coming to alcazer gheber , he was inform'd that the person he sought for had some days before been there , and that he had put on a pilgrims habit , with full resolution to pay a holy journy to mechà ; upon which the pursuer put on the like habit , and in prosecution of his design purposed to performe the same pilgrimage ; bnt being come to morocco , he overtook & lodg'd with the murderer in the pilgrims hospital , where early the next morning he slew him ; whereupon being apprehended and examin'd upon the fresh circumstances of the fact , he produced a certificate under the hand of the alcaddée of the place where he liv'd , that his brother was slain , and that he had undertaken to avenge his death , the murderer being fled , and likewise answered them , that that was the homicide whom he had killed , whereupon he was set at liberty , and the corps left to his disposal , to which giving a decent interment , he returned home to receive the praises of his gallantry . but to return to the alcaddée , whom i shall here only observe in his revenue , and office ; as to the former it is very considerable , for he signs not a paper without a fee ; and as to the latter , it is very honourable , and careful , for all civil affaires pass through his hands , and he dayly sitts attending on all qualities of persons without varying his respect to any . if he be corrupt in his charge , the alcaddée gueber , upon mature conviction turns him out of office , which is his extremest penalty . but indeed the ministers of justice have no opportunity to be collusive , as being free from the great allurement of dealing falsly , for bribery is not known amongst them . usury which ( i promised to intimate in this chapter ) is totaly forbidden by their law , for mahumed hath made it an irremissable sinne , and the userer in as bad a condition as the divell , leaving him neither will , nor hope to be saved . yet notwithstanding the severity of the law , and the supposition of this crime , the moors have a custom which much favours it ; for he that borrows mony of another wherewith to trafique and gain , gives the lender an equal share of the profits , and in case the borrower lose the whole principal , he is obliged to make it good to him that lends it , but if only part be lost , the remainder is employ'd to regain it . and it is usual with the lender to forbear the borrower , till he perceives him fraudulent , careless , or unfortunate . and because the sinne of usury is so notorious among the jews , the moors believe that for it they are oppressed of god , and live exiles from their own canaan . but it is easy to observe a sort of antipathie between these people , notwithstanding that they are conjoyned in neighbourhood , commerce , & in very many rites both civil and religious . but the contempt is reciprocal , for if the moor by way of proverb say , as deceitful as a jew , the jew repayes , as uvbelieving as a moor. and this enmity i remarked in a barabár of my acquaintance , who observing the jews very much frequent my lodging , he very roundly reprov'd that conversation , and angrily told me , that the jews were born to cheat both the moor and the christian , that he was assured that they were not descended of adam , but that they were breed of the bone of a dead beast , and when he conjectured my incredulity of his ridiculous story , by my smiling thereat , he told me in angry zeal , that he would pledge his head for the truth of his assertion ; whereupon i demanding what he conceived of those jews who turned moors , he answer'd , that there was such efficacy in their religion , that it made all those good who embraced it . chap. xii . the moresco opinion of marriage , manner of woeing , marriage-solemnity , carrying home the bride , offering wedding-feast . that marriage is honorable among all men , if it were not a truth dropt from an inspired pen , might be proved by induction , and the oecumenical consent of all nations , which pretend to any setled rites in religion or policy . as for mahumed , he had matrimony in so peculiar an estimation , that he made it the second of his eight precepts , and enjoyn'd every subject of his law to marry in the vigor of his age , making the predominant end thereof , the propagation and maintenance of his sect. he likewise told them that chast celibate was impossible , and that those who pretended to live therin , were justly to be suspected for unclean conversation . and hence perhaps it comes to pass , that the moors ( who are the puritans in mahumetism , ) are so generally observant of this commandment ; for few among them are found to live out of the state of wedlock , if they are able to purchase a wife . but many are not very prone to take all the liberty in marrying indulged them by their prophet ; for albeit he permits them plurality of wives , yet there are several families that for many ages have confin'd themselves to one : & i have met with those who abhor that filthy position father'd upon muhumed , that the more they are spiritual , the more liberty and abilities they have to be carnal . unto the persons that are to be married there is no conversation permitted till the knot be tyed , so that both parties take one the other upon trust , and the man perchance never sees the woman till they be brought to the bride-chamber ; a custom that would be very hardly disgested by the utopians , who think it very unreasonable that a man should take a wife with less scrutiny than he doth his horse , and that he should bring one to be the perpetual partner of his life , with less information than he doth a horse to his stable , which he may part with the next day . but the contriver of the new atlantis findes all these inconveniences avoidable by the custom of bensalem : where ( saith he ) neare every town there is a couple of pooles ( which they call adam and eves pooles ; ) in these it is permitted to one of the friends of the man , another of the woman , to see them severally both naked . and the moors have a custom not much differing from this of bensalem , for upon the design of marriage two of the man's female friends , who have lived long enough in wedlock to understand its perquisites , are appointed to view the intended bride , and to give the suitor an account of her bodily accomplishments , and defects , which is exactly entered in the contract , and if any infirmity be concealed for which the husband afterward disliks her , he may put her away ; and this makes them very cautious to omit nothing in the search or report ; but there is no such examination passed upon the man , because he is dayly exposed to a free censure . if this inquisition be pass'd with satisfaction , then they proceed to frame the articles of marriage , which is alwaies done by the nearest freinds or relations of the parties to be contracted . and when they have finished them , they are brought to the alcaddée to be confirm'd under his hand and seal ; for unless the bargain be thus ratified , the woman in case of her husband's death , or her own divorce , cannot recover the portion that was promised her , or rather the price that was to be pay'd for her by the man ; for i suppose that few are ignorant of the moresco custom of buying their wives ; when the paper containing the bargain has passed the alcaddée , it is carried to the alfaquì , who having perused and declared his approbation of its contents , he bids the man take home the woman when he pleaseth to be his wife ; and this is all that is done by the priest in this , according to their estimate . and after this short dispatch of wooing , contract , and marriage , the bride-grooms next consultation is with his own convenience in order to fetch home his bride : in which the warm clime suffers him not to be tedious . but herein he is obliged to observe the appointed times ; for neither all weeks in the year , nor all days in the week , nor all hours in the day , are free for this solemnity . for the taking home the bride is altogether prohibited during their ramadàn , or lent : the like , prohibition reacheth unto the tuesdays , wednesdays , and fridays of every week , and on the canonical or regular days , the afternoon and evening are the accustomary hours . at the time when marriage is celebrated , they use all possible significations of joy and hospitality ; and it is the custom for the friends of the marryed to contribute something to grace their nuptials . therefore if the marryed pair live both in the same town , then at their set time the bridegroom goes attended with his nearest kindred , who coming to the lodgings of the bride are not suffer'd to go in , but wait at the door till the negra's , which the husband hath bought or borrowed for that day , bring the bride from her chamber under a canopy of alhéicks , and place her in an almaria , or close chair ( much resembling a tub ) which they cover with scarfs and ribons . and in this manner she is born through the streets by christians that are captives , and for want of these by negra's , or by a meaner sort of whites . when they begin their march from the brides house to the bridegrooms , the musick , colours , and drums pass in the first rank ; next to them go some ancient women , who have been a long space marryed , all closely veil'd : immediate next after the almaria , or bride-chair , march those who carry the clothes and presents of the bride , which have been made her by her friends , who follow immediatly after in a regular disposition . when they are come to the bridegrooms , the chair being lighted , the negra's take out the bride , and under a canopy of alheicks conduct her to her apartment , where she is received by some aged matrons , who instruct her in the important offices of a good wife , and the rules of that relation , but they are wary of betraying any discouraging severity , and therefore intermit their documents by tasting the good cheer provided for their entertainment . while the bride is thus caressing the matrons , and receiving their maternal councels , the bridegroom entertains his comrades , feasting them with the best cuscussone , and brisk wines , if their over scrupulousness debar them not the chearfulness of that beverage . but the bridegroom is not licensed for that time to drink freely of any strong liquor , for reasons not worth the mentioning . in the interim of this entertainment , the batchellors make a kinde of offering to their wedded companion ; in which they observe this method : the bridegroom placeth himself upon a little low seat , behind him stand two negro's bending his head moderatly back ; then come the batchelors , who cover the bridegrooms fore-head and brow with metacales ( or single coins of gold ) and blankéles , according to their affection and ability : and as they lay them on , the negro's stroke them off into a basin set for that purpose in the bridegrooms lap , who all the while shuts his eyes . the negro's likewise call every one by name who offer , saying fulano ( or such an one ) lays on so much , god enlarge his life and riches . and this continues till all the batchelors have been at the corban . about eight of the clock the company breaks up , with resolution to reassemble the next morn ; and when they are gone , the bridegroom visits the bride , whom he undresses with his own hands , first taking off her ornaments , then untying her drawers , and in every point prepares her for his bed ; none being admitted to assist , or to be present at this office. and this they say he doth , in signification that she is wholly and only at his disposal . some conocido's or intimate associates of the bridegroom , stay behind the rest of the company to congratulate the first pleasures of his marriage . for about mid-night he leaves his bride to manifest unto his select companions the evidences of her virginity , by traditional arguments authentick with the moors . this good news they all celebrate with increase of jollity ; and now they venture to warm the bridegroom with his own fires , and endeavour to return him to his bride crown'd with his own vine . but if she yield not these testimonies of virginity , it is in his power to put her to death , or otherwise to dispose of her as he pleaseth . for they esteem that the most unpardonable sort of cozenage , which takes a mans self and his money for that which is impossible to be made good . and those women are accounted egregiously impudent , who conscious of their own failures dare put themselves upon this adventure . but if for this injury he returns her to her friends , she meets with that rigour at their hands , which she might easilier have undergone from her husband ; for all her cozens think themselves dishonored in the debauchery of their kins-woman , which they imagine cannot be expiated but either by death , or some more durable purgatory . and by reason of this just severity , the moresco damsels are very cautious of their behaviour , and scarce in half an age hath any one been convict of this delinquency ; however , the man is circumspect not to omit the ordeal . when the bridegroom and bride have refreshed themselves apart with their choice companions , all are dismist till the next day ; when the festival is reassumed , and lasts a considerable time ; the wedding feast of the poorest continuing a week . and for this time the new marryed man has a priviledge to be absent from the mosch without fear of mulct . some grandees are not seen abroad , from the day of their wedding till they can shew the pledge thereof in their arms. but these are bound to have a dispensation from the alfachi for their absence from the mosch , and to observe the times of prayer in their chambers . chap. xiii . of the moresco polygamy , concubinage , divorce , for what reasons , in what cases it is allowed . that the muley mahumed might the better complease the loose humors of his first sectaries , he made his religion to contain many carnal indulgences , denying nothing to believers of his doctrin , that had any sensible complyance with their brutal affections . and of this we meet with an example in his concession of polygamie and concubinage ; for first he granted to every professor of his religion the liberty of marrying four wives ; he likewise taught that they might take as many concubines as they were able to maintain , but in this also the more illuminated moors confine themselves to one of their own perswasion , esteeming concubinate with infidels ( under which name all are comprized that profess not mahumatism ) to be an unexorable uncleanness . as for polygamy it is looked upon as a divine institute , and when any object against it , the moors vindicate it by the frequent examples and universal customes thereof , in the patriarchs and worthies of the hebrew world . and i could meet with none who asserted plurality of wives upon politick considerations , as that it was coveinent for the propagation of the empire , encrease of people , and enlargement of their religion : but that it proceeded from god , was used by the holiest of his servants , and the oeconomy of the old law. when the inconvenience of these pluralitie is objected , and that their oeconomicks cannot but be much disorder'd by reason of the inquietudes , and strifes that will inevitably arise among so many female corrivals for one man's affection ; they tell you that this is a disease whose remedy is of a very easy procurement , by reason of that absolute dominion , which the husband hath over his wives , whom , if they prove disagreeing , he confines to their several apartments , without allowing them any further conversation among themselves , then that their society at meales affords them . and if this will not cure the unpeaceable humour , then divorce proves an infallible receit ; of which give me leave to give this briefe account . when the woman findes herself aggrieved by her husband , or any of her fellow-wives , her only reparation and succour is to seek a divorce . and in this case she has liberty to address her self to the alcaddee , who has the sole power of dissolving , as well as of tying , the knot of matrimony . and when the woman has declard her condition , and spread before the alcaddee the reasons upon which she grounds her desire of divorce , the alcaddee presently sends for the husband , & examines him concerning the verity of the complaint brought against him by his wife , if he deny it , then the matter is decided by the voice of the neighbours , but if the husband have a willingness to be quit of his wife , then he needs but confess that whereof he is accused , and the alcaddee teares in pieces the bill of their marriage which he had confirm'd , declares the marriage void , and certifies the divorce under his seal ; and from hence forward they are both at liberty for new nuptials . from which the woman is bound to abstain till it be apparent that she is not impregnate by her last husband , who is still obliged , to provide for the issue that she shall bring into the world five months after the divorce . but if she cannot tarry so long , then the alcabla , or midwife , has her in examination , who is bound to return a just & true report upon pain of being stoned to death . the moors call the divorce and widdows by the same word , and enjoyn them the same laws of second marriage . the chief causes of divorce on the womans part or either disquiet and froward carriage to the family , especially when she will not live in amicable society with the sharers of the same bed : or when she is unpleasing to her conjugal embraces , or when she will not indure his familiarity with his women slaves . but if she be found guilty of adultery , the injurie is too great for divorce to repair and in this case she is solely left to the pleasure of her husband , who has absolute power both to be her judge and executioner . and albeit the moors are not sparing in the revenge of their kinreds death , yet they applaud the husband who kils their kinswomen , whom he has certainly found treacherous to his bed. the occasions of divorce on the husbands side are his refusal of paying his wife marital due ; or , some other sort of unkind deportment . but after all the wives complaints , the husband is at liberty to retain or put her away ; and he may at any time divorce his wife in case he will make good the marriage contract . it is usually said , that the wives seek for divorce when their husbands deal unnaturally with them ; and albeit this is said to be done with a great deale of modesty , the crime being signified by the turning up of a shooe , yet in barbary examples of this kind are very unusual , for the moors abhorre the villany , believing that it is not in man's nature to be so preposterous ; and that it was at first the malitious invention of some vile and impudent strumpet . the children which are begot before divorce , follow not the woman , but are left to the husbands charge . and it is observable that the moresco women seldome prove unfruitful , for in a town of above twelve hundred married women , it was reckon'd for a great rarity that there was one dyed barren . but the wife , different from the jewish custom , suffers no dishonour for her sterility , and if the husband takes a second wife who proves also childless , the husband beares the imputation . mahumed in the fourth chap. of his alcoran adviseth the husband whose wife is barren , to swear by her belly , and asserts it a means to make her conceive . a devotion which as i have been told is still in use among the alárbes , but quite worne out of fashion with the other moors . in the nursing of children the mother abhors that unnatural pride of suckling them with other brests , while her own are sufficient for that affectionate service . and to shew that there is something more than common kindness in this particular , the empress her self is obliged for the first seven days to give her child suck . and now before i dismiss this remark , i cannot but acquaint you with all the material ceremonies , of the second , third , and fourth marriages . every former wife upon the introduction of another , lives seven days deprived of all manner of society with her husband , who for that time devotes himself entirely to his last bride ; whom on the seventh day after marriage he solemnly brings into the acquaintance and fellowship of his other wives , whose brows the last married is bound to kiss , and tells them that they are not to be angry that their holy law hath entitled her to a share in his affection as large as any of theirs . the husband likwise exhorts them all to reciprocal kindnesses , assuring them that without fraud , or any partiality , he intends to divide himself among them . now that which seemes most nearly to concern the wives , and proves the greatest and most incentive of their wrath is their husbands liberty of taking as many concubines as he lists ; which for the most part are blacks , the moors doting much on that spanish saying la negra tiene , turmentina en ella . but those that keep concubine slaves , are not permitted to associate with them in the night , and if any of them bear , their patrons children , she thereupon receives her liberty , and the child is coheir with those begot in wedlock . chap. xiv . of the moresco admission of renenegados , circumcision , imposition of names , sur-names . every religion have had still some rites appropriated to the admission of such as undertook its profession ; and by which they were characterized and distinguished . concerning this the author of mahumatism was much distracted , not knowing what inaugurating ceremony to ordain . his two assessors sergius the monk , and abdalla the jew , divided him with their opinions , while each pleaded for the character of his forsaken faith. but the wary impostor ( labouring to keep up the credit of his pretensions , in being sent , to be the reconciler of the jewish and christian religion , and to compose a law comprehending both ) to comply with sergius , who stood stifly for baptism , he ordain'd daily washings to all those who became mahumetans , & ascribed thereunto no less efficacy than the cleansing of the soule . and that he might not disgust abdalla the jew , he made circumcision admissive of proselytes into his law. but did not institute it under any notion of absolute necessity , and indispensibly required of all who undertook the profession of his religion , but made the want of it no impediment of future happiness . and therefore in the admittance of a renegado , or the denyer of his first religion , circumcision is not exacted of the moors , for feare that the undergoing of such a painful sacrament should deter the proselyte . but when any desires to be of their perswasion , they carry the new musulman on horseback , in a kinde of triumph through the streets , & proclaims that such an one being turn'd moor , desires the assistance of their prayers that he may not apostatise . but their male children are initiated by circumcision , and because the child may die before it can be circumcised , therefore the lack of this write in such a case is concluded to be no hindrance of its enjoyment of paradise . when the child is seven days old , the moors give it a name , and the father of it makes a feast . but the imposition of the name is done in the publick assembly ; for the father at the evening-sallah carries to the church several dishes of cuscussow , of which he sets one apart for the priest , and the rest to be eaten up by the people . and when the prayers are ended , the congregation demand of the father what he will call his child , and if the name he gives it be not satisfactory to the people , they decide it by lots what he shall be called , for every man here has a vote in the nameing of his neighbour's child . and when they have agreed the point , all pray that the child may live , prove rich and valiant , and understand the alcoran ; then they eate up the cuscussow and depart . it is observable that the priest neither at the nameing , nor circumcision of the child has any apppropriate office , of which i could finde no other reason , unless the moors estimate of these ceremonies , which they never reckon among the essentials of religion . there are some who have asserted , that there is an inevitable time of circumcision among all the mahumetans ; but if they had lived in barbary , they might have lessen'd the proposition , for the moors circumcise their children when they please , being by law not bound up to any particular day or hour . but it is generally grown into fashion , to circumcise at the animadversary feast called mulud , kept in december in memory of muley mahumed . and few or none defer the circumcision of their males at the first mulud after their nativity . now there is no person set apart for this office , but the child is circumcised by any that has a gentle and nimble hand , to whom the parent gives a bountiful reward . when the sonnes arrive to a due maturity , they are disposed of to vocations , among which the sword is reckon'd the most honourable , as a priviledge of primogeniture belongs to the first born . the rest betake themselves to such callings as best agree with their inclinations and fathers fortunes . many of the wealthier sort put their sonnes to to be talbyes , that in case they be reduced to want , they be in capacity to be received unto the priesthood and be maintain'd by the church . the moors have no surnames , which want they supply by adding to the child's name , either the name of some remarkable time when it chanced to be born , as the ramadan , mulud , ashora , and the like ; or the name of the father by prefixing ben , as hader ben abdalla : being the same with thomas fits williams , &c. and the higher they derive the pedegree by reckoning up their ancestors , it is accounted the most honourable . and in this they follow the ancient custom , for to add to a man's proper name , the proper name of his father by putting [ son ] before it , was of old in stead of that , which we now call surnames : and in some parts this is not yet worn quite out of use . whether the names now given by the moors , are significative of any virtues desired or foretold by those that impose them , to be in the children , hath not yet fal'n under my comprehension . curiosity tempting me in pursuance of this note , to enquire into their child-births ; i found that therein they observed a decency conformable to the best civilized people . for the pregnant wife perceiving the approach of her pangs , call's for the alcabla , or mother , the same with our midwife , to assist her travailes , who never leaves her till the seventh day after her delivery , for so long she keeps her bed , and tarries forty dayes before she associates with her husband . who if he be scrupulous will not embrace his wife from the time she appeares impregnate , till the last minute of the forty days after her delivery be accomplished . chap. xv. of the moresco funeral rites , testaments , mourning for the dead , esteem of interment , sepulchres , places of burial , &c. the moors are very careful that nothing be wanting or disorderly in the rites of burial , wherein the surviving relations signifie great sentiments of humanity and affection toward the deceased : whom when they understand that they are sick , they delay not to visit , on purpose to admonish them of their faults , and to exhort them to look forward to the great pleasures of paradise . the priest never omits this good office of assisting the sick ; and i have been told , that there are certain azaora's or parcels of the alcoran , appointed to be read on this occasion to the infirm , who if he die not while those azaora's are thrice read over , it is an omen of his recovery ; but if the agony be observed to increase in the time of reading , they conclude that the patient will not escape : which when the sick man observes , and sees that in all probability his distemper will terminate in death , he begins an exact disposal of his estate , whereof in the first place some part is bequeath'd to the parochial church where he lives , and some small legacies to the alfachí and almudén , and the rest he leaves to be divided by the alcaddée among his wives and children : in which distribution , a son hath twice as much as a daughter , and the wives can claim no more then is set down in their contract of marriage . in signification of their love to the dead , the near kinred of both sexes use tokens very expressive of sorrow : the men testifie their griefs by putting on their courser alheícks , and not wearing any thing that is very white about them , which at other times is a chief part of their bravery : for they account white to be no less a token of chearfulness then innocency , and therefore account the wearing thereof very improper for such sorrowful occasions . the men likewise ( that are of near alliance to the dead ) cut not their beards , but declare their pensiveness ; they suffer a great neglect in all those accoutrements , in which at other times they are very curious ; and by a peculiar fansie they have some hairs hanging over their eyes in token of a careless sorrow . but this is done chiefly for such as come to untimely ends . the women are very loud and dolorous in their lamentations of the departed , and they intermit not to howl over the corps while it is in the house , which is not long , for as foon as the breath is expired , the dead body is washt with sope and warm water , by those of the same sex with the departed . then the body is wrapt in white linnen and laid in a coffin ( though a coffin is but the lot of a few ) on the right side , with the face toward mecha , in which posture it is also buryed . when the corps is carryed out to burial , the priest goes next unto it , who coming to the grave or sepulchre , prays that the sins of the defunct may be remitted , and that he may have a portion in the promised delights . returning home from the buryal , they have a feast to comfort those of the family who are not permitted to dress any thing while the corps are in the house : and this consolatory feast is great or small , according to the condition of the dead . they account it a great unhappiness for one of their faith to want a decent interment ; and therefore if any dye without an estate sufficient to discharge his funeral expences , they supply it by a neighborly contribution . those that are more wealthy and honorable have sepulchres , which vary both in materials and fashion : for some are built of rough stone , others of course marble , but the most of brick : some in form of a half moon , others open upon pillars ; and some round and close , and to be enter'd by a door . but the vulgar lye in common graves , cover'd with green turf and boughs . at the feet and head of those that are thus buryed , they fix large stones , in which are writ the name of the interr'd , with the year of his age and hegira . as for epitaphs , they are quite worn out of request , yet they were in great estimation of old , as may be gather'd from that collection which john leo made thereof , and presented it to a brother of a king of fez. upon every friday the women repair to the graves of their deceased friends , whose deaths they bewail with a very loud and bitter lamentation , recounting the great satisfaction and pleasure which they once enjoy'd in their society . and because they believe that on every friday the soul returns to the body , they spread the graves with sweet flowers and green boughs on purpose to refresh it , and to adorn the grave . but there are some moors which hold this rite for a mystery in their religion , and therefore pretend not to give any account of its usage . they have one thing in buryal , observed no where else , which is not to bury another in the same grave where one has been interr'd before , and therefore they use certain marks to secure them from mistakes . it has been often told me , that the moresco women in their weekly lamentations of the dead , use to ask them what reason they had to dye , seeing that they enjoyed loving friends , wanting none of the comforts of this life , &c. but i found this was an idle story , and a moor assured me that they had no such custom , and that it could be the calumny of none but a deceitful jew . neither is that other story of more credit , which makes the moors reserve a vacant place in the grave , to give the dead carcass room to rise up and kneel before two pretty angels , who come to confess the departed concerning the great points of the law ; namely , paying of tythes , giving of alms , and observing of rámadon : for upon mature enquiry , i was assur'd that the moors had no such article in their creed . the places of burial that belong to great towns , are in the fields : but in the country they are generally by the high-ways , which may be to put passengers in mind of their mortality . the ground which is set apart for this imployment , is usually the donative of some devout person , or purchased with legacies bequeath'd for that purpose . and that there might be no fraud practised in this particular , both alfachí and alcáddee keep registers of all such donations , which are transmitted to posterity . when the ground is once devoted to this service , the moors call it blessed and holy , and accounted its alienation an unpardonable wickedness . neither the christians , nor any of another religion , are permitted to tread within these burial places , unless they be their slaves , whom they admit to any thing capable of service , and use as sorely as their dogs . these slaves always wait upon the women to the sepulchres , but for no other intent then to carry their flowers and boughs , and to assist them therewith to dress the graves . there is no aldéa or village that has a church , but it hath also a peculiar burying place , given or bought as hath been already mentioned . chap. xvi . of the moresco ramadàn , its institution , moveableness , manner of celebration . some have imagin'd that for twelve years after the promulgation of the mahumetan law , the sectaries thereof kept the same fasts with the jews : but mahuméd being displeas'd with that refractory people , and scorning to borrow any of their institutions , commanded his proselytes to abandon their fasts , and appointed in their room the moon ramadan , to be kept in an anniversary abstinence . but others date this lent from the second year of mahumeds prophesie , and that it fell out in the month september , at which time the alcoran is said to have been sent from heaven . but it is not likely that the fast was in memory thereof , because so great a blessing ( in the mahumedans estimation ) deserved to be kept in mind by a far different memorial , great mercies having never been celebrated with penances and corporeal humiliations , but rather with festival expressions of joy , and actions significative of exaltation . the ramadàn is moveable , and depends on the appearance of the new moon , which , if through the cloudiness of the weather they cannot discern , they tarry till it may be presumed by the course of nature that it is changed . and those who are less learned in the lunar mutations , continue the fast for thirty days , being assured that in that period the moon must fulfil her course . a winter ramadàn is very welcome to the moors , because their labors are not then so pressive , and better then to be endured , by reason of the coldness of the season : and the fast is not so afflictive , because the days are short , and the nights long to revel in . though this be the severest precept in the mahumedan law , yet it is not without all capacities of indulgence , for therein is had special regard to the wayfaring and infirm , who have licence to eat in the day time , with this caution , that at the end of their journey , and upon their recovery from sickness , they perform the full account of their lent. as for the rest , they are enjoyned no more then a diurnal abstinence , having the night at liberty for all fruitions they can procure , wine onely excepted , which by those who at other times liberally drink it , is for this moon totally renounced . the breach of this first they punish with stoning to death , and there is no necessity can priviledge any ( except travellers and ins●●● persons ) to eat or drink till the evening star witnesseth that the day is shut in . they make great provision for this ramadàn , wherewith they furnish out their necturnal festivals ; and for this end , use a great frugality before for some days . they place a great sanctity in this fast , which yet to a scrupulist scarce would seem to deserve that name , for the day is usually past away in a loytering sleepiness , and the night in junketing : the one is at best but a drowzy lent , and the other a luxurious carnival . yet there is a devouter sort of bygots , who spend the day in the church and devotion , and are very reserved in their nightly caresses , living for the whole moon seperate from women , where they supererogate , their law no where exacting this severity ▪ for such was the carnal temper of their prophet , that he thought it an impossibility to live a whole day continent . both sexes are bound to begin this fast at the twelfth year of their age , and it is placed among the articles necessarily requisite to the constitution of a perfect mahumetan . the last day of the moon , the moors spend in doleful lamentations of their deceased relations , and with their yearly commemoratives end the fast . chap. xvii . the moresco feasts . at the end of their lent , mahumed instituted a festival solemnity , as hath been imagined in imitation of the christians ester . the turks call it bairam ; the moors , el ed geer , or the little feast : little , not in respect of its duration , but expence ; for it lasts three days , which equals it in length with any of the rest . on the first day thereof they spread the floor of their giámma's with coloured leather , and then entertain each other with honey , sweet butter , and wafers . and according to the performance of this festival , they divine , as the egyptians by their nilescope , the blessings and plenty of the descending year . about two moneths after , the moors have another festival , by them called , el ed gueber , or the great feast , in respect of the expences and charges thereof . this festival still commenceth with a sermon , which the alcalib or chief priest makes concerning its institution , with amplification of its praises . returning home from the sermon , the moors fall to killing such sheep as they have made choice of for their entertainment at this solemnity , and there is not the meanest fortune , but now has his sheep which is killed , by cutting the throat thereof , with their faces towards mecha , and swearing by alquiblá . this done , every family takes the heart and appurtenances , and immediatly dress it with saffron , red and black pepper ; then , with store of bread , they bring it to their parish church ( where every quality knows his station ) and eat it in communion . returning from this ecclesiastick ordinary , they pass the second and third day in eating and drinking . this is also called the mutton feast . the next to this is their ashorah , which lasts but one day , and call'd a feast of fruits , nothing being then eaten but dates , figs , purched corn , and all such natural cates as their substances can procure . this festival is not held in giámma's , but every father of a family treats his houshold under his own roof . and the rich on this day give a portion of their estates to the poor , who on the morning of the festival go from one giámma to another , and receive the yearly alms , which are proportionably divided amongst them . none cast into this treasury who have not a certain sum of money in possession ; and he that has less then ten metacáles ( which something exceeds our five shilling pieces ) is exempt from this corban . at the receipt of these alms , the poor pray that god would increase the givers store , and enable them to bestow more the next ashoráh , telling them , that this fulfilling of the law , is the best assurance of rendring their petitions successful . anseràh is another moresco festival , which lasts but a day ; and with the andaluzian moors bears the name of saint baptist's , or the feast of the christians . on this festival , those who live within ten leagues of the sea come thither to wash themselves ; and those who cannot , by reason of distance , repair to that great monopoly of waters , take salt and throw it into the fountains at home , and bath themselves in that counterfeit ocean . this is exactly at midsummer , and held in commemoration of that great blessing of water . the viands of this feast exceed not their ordinary provisions , only they eat them with greater alacrity . mulud is the yearly feast for circumcision , and continueth three days ; on the first whereof , they make a gátcha , or hodge-podge of flower , water , butter and honey , and carry great quantities thereof to the church , whither they invite one another , saying , come , let us go to the allamdillah , or to the feast that is made to mahumed for gods sake : and when they have eaten of this homely dish in the church , they leave store thereof to be devoured by the poor , and spend the two following days in good neighborhood and plentiful collations . this is their chiefest feast , because at it their males are circumcised , and may seem to have a reference to the old whitsuntide among the christians . but i forbear to swell these remarks with such conjectural references , which if i should enterprise , i might make all mahumeds institutions yield some probable resemblances of those ancient customs & ordinances in usage among jews and christians ; and shew , that this great deceiver has confused both the testaments into his alcoran , laboring thereby to have his first pretensions made creditable , that he came to reconcile jew and christian unto the obedience of one and the same law. these moresco festivals seem not so much commemorative of received mercies , as relaxatives of corporeal labors , from which they are observed to have no other divertisements . for cards and dice are utterly abhorr'd by the better families , not only as forbidden by the law , under the infamous terms of diabolical inventions , but as observed to be occasions of many nocive passions , engendring debates , and incentives to avarice : besides , they are look'd upon as effeminate and trivial entertainments , fit onely for sea-men , and women ; the former being much vers'd in this idleness , though no such aspersion can be cast on the latter . chap. xviii . of the moresco pastimes , musick , dancing , &c. when the moresco gentry are disposed to sports , the wild boar fits them with a manly exercise , and affords them both pastime and improvement ; and when in the failure of some circumstance they are debarr'd this kind of recreation , they supply it with their lances in lusory skirmishes on horseback , wherein their dexterity cannot be too much admired . but they are naturally uninclin'd to sports , being very saturnine , and loving the extremes , either to sit still , or to be in robustious motions . they spend much of their time in a sort of drowzy conference , but the sum of their domestick entertainments , are their women and their chess-boards : all communicating in the former , but the latter is only the serious pastime of the virtuoso's . they use vocal and instrumental musick , but in both are very serious and plain , devoid of levity or flourish . their usual instruments are the rabèb and ahlùd ; the former resembles our violin , but strung only with one great cord of hair ; the other a getar . in fez they have lutes , and those who will teach them well . the alárbs have an instrument call'd zauphèn , like the bottom of a kettle , on which they tinckle with a stick . the tituanezes have a less organ , and also use a sort of tabor and pipe when they march in the field . so most towns have their peculiar sorts of musick . the singing part is perform'd by negra's , not for any peculiar excellency they are happy in , but because singing at publick dances is look'd upon as slavish . in their dances they permit no mixture of men with the marryed women , which is granted to the virgins , who upon some solemnities dance with the batchelors ; but so closely veild , that not any part about them is seen naked . they act the tune with their hands and head , and abhor as loose and lascivious , jigs , or high dancing . every town and cavíla have their own dances , which are known by several names . the fessians have a dance called estitati , which is used in sally , mekenèz , alcazàr , &c. those of the city of morocco have one named sholakebèr ; and in the cavíla's of minchèl , bemi-wadres , &c. there is a dance stiled ismmaháh . it seldom happens that those of one town know the dances of another , therefore thofe who use this divertisement , only know the name and mode of the dance where they live . their set times are their weddings and yearly festivals , the marryed dancing on the day , the single in the night . chap. xviii . a miscellaneous chapter of the temper of the air , diseases , medicine , poysons , education of children , apparel , &c. before i shut up these tumultuary remarks , i cannot but adde some miscellaneous notes , occasionally collected from discourse and observation , of whose credit i have not many arguments to render me dubious . the first notice concerns the temperature of the air in this part of barbary , wherein there is some variation according to the site of the places . at fez , the air in summer is more temperate then at morocco . the inhabitants of the latter for several hours cannot endure the heat abroad , and therefore for that time keep close within : but the people of the former are by no such excess constrain'd to intermit their labours . albeit , as i have observed in other countrys , much herein is to be imputed to humor and custom . the inland country is hotter in summer , and colder in winter then the maritine , which may easily be conceived , by considering what neighborhood the one hath with the sea , the other with the mountains , which from december to the latter end of february are covered with snow ; at the resolution of which , such rivers are caused , that in some places the channels will yield water the whole summer ensuing . the inhabitants live long , and are generally healthy ; the diseases , when they happen , are fluxes , after the season of fruits ; and calentures , when they immoderately travel in the sun. and what seems herein remarkable , the winter ( which season consist of great rains ) is most mortal amongst them . the lues venerea , or foul disease ( which the moors call bubès ) is incident to those who accompany with variety of women : and though this may seem to confine that distemper to those moors , who live after a more rude and roving manner , yet it is no stranger to those of a more refin'd and setled life , the grandees of late having herein exceeded the paisants . as to the plague , they observe no set time of its return , the tenth and fifteenth year of its coming being worn out of remarks ; and in this last century it has hapned very seldom , but in no parts it doth rage more furi usly then in barbary : and when they are visited , the inhabitants take little or no care to avoid it , holding it to be inevitable . in cure of sicknesses , they use very plain medicines , and whatever be the disease , cauterizing is first practised , which they do with no more art or curiosity , then with a knife red hot to gash and cut the place where the pain lies . to cure the head-ach , they take the root tauz argent and rosemary , burning them in an earthen pot , over which the diseased holds his head for the fume ; then binding the same in a cloth about the head , present ease is given . this tauz argent is a root , much celebrated for an excellent and lasting perfume : there is great store thereof about sally , which is white within , without duskish and streaked . the moors use it in airing and perfuming their rooms , but the scent is much less durable then has been reported . the people , when sick , cure themselves with herbs , in whose virtues the common people have a traditional knowledge . by this they supply the want of apothecaries and physitians , of which profession none are found , except a few mountebank ignorant jews . the moors have an herb called la halis , which mingled with honey , they make up into balls as big as pistol bullets , and of these they swallow five or six at a time , which they find to procure appetite , further digestion , and to make frolick , amorous and witty. opium is much used by all sorts , rather for dyet then physick ; and a moor will sooner buy a pill of opium , then a cake of bread , if his stock be too little to buy both . and in many places they are so accustomed to this stupefactive , that the want thereof proves fatal . in former times the people were so exquisite in mingling poysons , that they had some would kill by smell : of late they are acquainted only with two kinds , which they call rahásh and zehim . the former is either white or pale , and more quick in dispatching the person who takes it . but zehim ( signifying any thing that is coutrary to the palat or liking ) is cured with incessant spitting . as for that poyson which once they had the art to communicate in letters , to kill those who read them , they are thereof at present totally ignorant . muley mahumed having out of politick ends prohibited printing , made thereby writing of a more singular use and esteem ; and the moors of old were noted to be very excellent at the pen , but now in this , as in all other learning , they are much deficient of what they were formerly , for there are not many that arrive to a higher proficieney in letters , then barely to write and read : to which end they have little schools , where the children are taught after this manner . the moors having ( as i said ) no printed books , when their children are sent to school , they take with them pieces of boards , or slats , on which the school-master writes so many letters of the alphabet ; and when the child has learn'd their names and figures , the master writes them a certain number more , and so proceeds till the alphabet be ended : and then goes on to write some periods of the alcoran ( for they teach no other book ) and continue this method till the whole alcoran be wrote over , which usually lasts four years . when the child has thus spelt it over , he begins to get it by heart , which costs eight years at the least ; then the child , if his father be able , is taught a little orthography . when the child is come to certain periods of the alcoran , the father is obliged to make him a congratulatory present : and when he has learn'd the whole alcoran , he is brought home to his fathers house in procession on horse-back . as he rides along , he holds a table written with mahumeds law , whereon he continually fixeth his eye , thereby signifying , that the honor conferr'd upon him was for the careful reading of the alcoran ; and when the youth , accompanyed with the alfaqùi , school-master , and school-fellows , hath visited all the churches , they come to his fathers house , where they are entertain'd , and the master rewarded for the care shewn in the proficiency of his scholar . finis . an index of the moorish words . aba henen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138 abdalla , abdel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3 , 8 , 7. abdalla ben boucar . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38. abdalla ebn mohammed ebn abebecar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 abdel crim nacsis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37 abdel hader alfiftoah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 muley adolmelek . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16 mahumed acadim . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 alarb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 ahlud . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almocadem ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 ali ben hamet . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 ali gaylan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 cidi ali mulud ben ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 175 alla , alla. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 allah mahmique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 allah iffecni min had elham . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 amadorac , amarodoch . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138 amet zerif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 angera . leo afer . p. 161. 34. arras . leo afer . p. 229. 39 alarbe asha . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 ashorah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 b. bar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76 barabars , brebers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133 , 30. bere●genas . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 bensallah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 bismillah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 boferes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 muleh boucar . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 cidi mahumed ben el hadge ben boucar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 alcadee . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 55 almocadem casum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 alcatib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155 alcarobe . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 cavila . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 alcazar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27 alcazar ezzaguer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 ceuta . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 cidi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 cuscussow , enscusson . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130 , 145. d al dea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 dillan f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 132 dulhevil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 e era hanig allah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 erif . leo 162. 39 f al faqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 fez 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 g cidi al hader ben ali gaylan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105 giama gheber . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137 h al habs . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 196 el hader . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 cidi hadrachaman ben reshed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 hage . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 halizarif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 hamder illah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 el hamdillah al salam tiqsi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 hamet ben abdelcrim . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 hamet zeer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 hegira . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 hid seguer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 homar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 i. illah enzur muleh reshid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50 k. cidi kirum el hadge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 l. la illah la mahumed resulala . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 laella . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 lala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 m mahomet ben amet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 almamora . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128 marhaba . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 matmora . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95 , 171. muleh mahumed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 mecha . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 al mocadem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 marabout . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 162 mosch . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142 mufadal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35 mufti . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155 ali mulud . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 musalmin . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 , 143 alowilicsbah , allahiric lulli , atelthah asa , alarbe aser , alhamsa magnib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. pillow , plaw . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130 r. rabeb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ramadan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 muley reshid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 reshid ben mahumed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 s. salam aleq , salam aleq cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 salam alig alla ensorick muley fulano 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 salla . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128 sala . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28 muley sheck . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 sidan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 al souk . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 t. talib . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23 tanger . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 turkia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92 zawia . leo , 146. 25 muleh xerif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26378-e1550 1625. d. h. w●a● . 