this ebook was one of project gutenberg's early files produced at a time when proofing methods and tools were not well developed. there is an improved edition of this title which may be viewed as ebook (#100) at https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/100 ******************************************************************* ******************************************************************* this ebook was one of project gutenberg's early files produced at a time when proofing methods and tools were not well developed. there is an improved edition of this title which may be viewed as ebook (#1531) at https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1531 ******************************************************************* file was produced from scans of public domain material produced by microsoft for their live search books site.) in the desert of waiting the legend of camel-back mountain [frontispiece: a man in arab dress, surrounded by large water jars and flowering bushes, looks beyond a camel asleep under palm trees to the sun rising behind distant dunes] in the desert of waiting the legend of camel-back mountain by annie fellows johnston author of "the little colonel series," "big brother," "joel: a boy of galilee," etc. "_thy alchemist contentment be_"--sadi boston l. c. page & company _publishers_ copyright, 1904, by l. c. page & company (_incorporated_) copyright, 1905, by l. c. page & company (_incorporated_) _all rights reserved_ eighth impression, july, 1910 o ye, who vainly question why there must ever lie twixt man and the far city of his desire some desert waste of disappointment, where he must watch the caravan pass on and leave him with his baffled hopes, here is the reason. by the grace of allah, read! once upon a time, a caravan set out across the desert, laden with merchandise for a far distant market. some of the camels bore in their packs wine-skins that held the richest vintage of the orient. some bore tapestries and some carried dyestuffs and the silken fruits of the loom. on shapur's camel was a heavy load of salt. the hope of each merchant was to reach the city of his desire before the golden gate should close. there were other gates by which they might enter, but this one, opening only once a year to admit the visiting rajahs from sister cities, afforded a rare opportunity to those fortunate enough to arrive at the same time. it was the privilege of any who might fall in with the royal retinue, to follow in the train to the palace of the ruling rajah, and thus gain access to its courtyards. wares displayed there for sale often brought fabulous sums, a hundred fold greater, sometimes, than when offered in the open market. only to a privileged few would the golden gate swing open at any other time. it would turn on its hinges for a messenger sent at a king's behest, or to any one bearing wares so rare and precious that only princes could purchase, but no common vendor could hope to pass its shining portal, save in the rear of the train that yearly followed the rajahs. so they urged their beasts with all diligence. foremost in the caravan and most zealous of all was shapur. in his heart burned the desire to be the first one to enter the golden gate, and the first one at the palace with his wares. but half way across the desert, as they paused at an oasis to rest, a dire lameness fell upon his camel, and it sank upon the sand. in vain he urged it to continue its journey. the poor beast could not rise under its great load. sack by sack he lessened its burden, throwing it off grudgingly and with sighs, for he was minded to lose as little as possible of his prospective fortune. but even rid of the entire load the camel could not rise, and shapur was forced to let his companions go on without him. for long days and nights he watched beside his camel, bringing it water from the fountain, and feeding it with the herbage of the oasis, and at last was rewarded by seeing it struggle to its feet and take a few limping steps. in his distress of mind at being left behind by the caravan he had not noticed where he had thrown his load. a tiny rill trickling down from the fountain had run through the sacks and dissolved the salt, and when he went to gather up his load only a paltry portion was left, a single sackful. "now allah has indeed forgotten me!" he cried, and, cursing the day he was born, he rent his mantle and beat upon his breast. even if his camel were able to set out across the desert it would be useless to seek a market, now that his merchandise was destroyed. so he sat upon the ground, his head bowed in his hands. water there was for him to drink, and the fruit of the date palm, and the cooling shade of many trees; but he counted them all as naught. a fever of unrest consumed him. a baffled ambition bowed his head in the dust. when he looked at his poor camel kneeling in the sand he cried out, "ah, woe is me! of all men i am most miserable! of all dooms mine is most unjust! why should i, with life beating strong in my veins, and ambition like a burning simoon in my breast, be left here helpless on the sands, where i can achieve nothing and make no progress towards the city of my desire?" one day, as he sat thus under the palms, a bee buzzed about him. he brushed it away, but it returned so persistently that he looked up with languid interest. "where there are bees there must be honey," he said. "if there be any sweetness in this desert, better that i should go in its quest than sit here bewailing my fate." leaving the camel browsing by the fountain he followed the bee. for many miles he pursued it, till far in the distance he beheld the palm trees of another oasis. he quickened his steps, for an odor rare as the perfumes of paradise floated out to meet him. the bee had led him to the rose gardens of omar. now omar was an alchemist, a sage with the miraculous power of transmuting the most common things of earth into something precious. the fame of his skill had travelled to far countries. so many pilgrims sought him to beg his wizard touch, that the question, "where is the house of omar?" was heard daily at the gates of the city. but for a generation that question had remained unanswered. no man knew the place of the house of omar since he had taken upon himself the life of a hermit. somewhere, they knew, in the solitude of the desert, he was practising the mysteries of his art, and probing deeper into its secrets, but no one could point to the path leading thither. only the bees knew, and, following the bee, shapur found himself in the old alchemist's presence. now shapur was a youth of gracious mien, and pleasing withal. with straightforward speech he told his story, and omar, who could read the minds of men as readily as unrolled parchments, was touched by his tale. he bade him come in and be his guest until sundown. so shapur sat at his board and shared his bread, and rose refreshed by his wine and his wise words. and at parting, the old man said with a keen glance into his eyes: "thou thinkest that because i am omar, with the power to transmute all common things into precious ones, how easily i could take the remnant of salt that is still left to thee in thy sack, and change it into gold. then couldst thou go joyfully on to the city of thy desire, as soon as thy camel is able to carry thee, far richer for thy delay." shapur's heart gave a bound of hope, for that is truly what he had been thinking. but at the next words it sank. "nay, shapur, each man must be his own alchemist. believe me, for thee the desert holds a greater opportunity than kings' houses could offer. give me but thy patient service in this time of waiting, and i will share such secrets with thee that when thou dost finally win thee to the golden gate, it shall be with wares that shall gain for thee a royal entrance." then shapur went back to his camel, and in the cool of the evening urged it to its feet, and led it slowly across the sands; and because it could bear no burdens he lifted the remaining sack of salt to his own back and carried it on his shoulders all the way. when the moon shone white and full in the zenith he reached the rose gardens of omar. he knocked on the gate, calling, "here am i, omar, at thy bidding, and here is the remnant of my salt. all that i have left i bring to thee, and stand ready now, to yield my patient service." then omar bade him lead his camel to the fountain, and leave him to browse upon the herbage around it. pointing to a row of great stone jars he said, "there is thy work. every morning, before the sunrise, they must be filled with rose-petals plucked from the myriad roses of the garden, and the petals covered with water from the fountain." "a task for poets," thought shapur, as he began. "what more delightful than to stand in the moonlighted garden and pluck the velvet leaves?" but after awhile the thorns tore his hands and the rustle and hiss underfoot betrayed the presence of serpents, and sleep weighed heavily upon his eyelids. it grew monotonous standing hour after hour, stripping the rose-leaves from the calyxes, until thousands and thousands and thousands had been dropped into the great jars. the very sweetness of the task began to cloy his senses. when the stars had faded and the east was beginning to brighten, old omar came out. "'tis well," he said, viewing his work. "now break thy fast and then to slumber, to prepare for another sleepless night." so long months went by, till it seemed to shapur that the garden must surely become exhausted. but for every rose he plucked another bloomed in its stead, and night after night he filled the jars. still he was learning no secrets, and as the deadly monotony of his task began to eat into his soul he grew restless and began to ask himself questions. "was he not wasting his life? would it not have been better to have waited by the other fountain until some caravan passed by that would have carried him out of the desert solitude to the dwellings of men? what opportunity was the desert offering him greater than kings' houses could give?" and ever the thorns tore him more sorely, and the lonely silence of the night weighed upon him. many a time he would have left his task had not the shadowy form of his camel, kneeling outside by the fountain, seemed to whisper to him through the starlight, "patience, shapur! patience!" once, far in the distance, he saw the black outline of a merchant caravan, passing along the horizon, where day was beginning to break. he did no work until it had passed from sight. gazing after it, with a fierce longing to follow, he pictured the scenes it was moving towards--the gilded minarets of the mosques, the deep-toned ringing of bells, the cheerful hum of the populace, and all the life and stir of the market-place. when the shadowy procession had passed the great silence of the desert smote him like a pain. again looking out he saw his faithful camel, and again it seemed to whisper, "patience, shapur, patience! so thou, too, shall fare forth some day to the city of thy desire!" one day in the waning of summer omar called him into a room in which he had never been before. "now, at last," said he, "thou hast proved thyself worthy to be the sharer of my secrets. come! i will show thee. thus are the roses distilled, and thus is gathered up the precious oil floating on the tops of the vessels. seest thou this tiny vial? it weighs but the weight of one rupee, but it took the sweetness of two hundred thousand roses to make the attar it contains, and so costly is it that only princes may purchase. it is worth more than thy entire load of salt that was washed away at the fountain." shapur worked diligently at this new task, until there came a day when omar said to him, "well done, shapur! behold the gift of the desert, its reward for thy patient service in its solitude!" he placed in shapur's hands a crystal vase, sealed with a seal, and filled with the precious attar. "wherever thou goest this sweetness will open for thee a way and win for thee a welcome. thou camest into the desert a common vendor of salt, thou shalt go forth an apostle of my alchemy. wherever thou seest a heart bowed down in some desert of waiting, thou shalt whisper to it, 'patience! here if thou wilt, in these arid sands, thou mayst find thy garden of omar, and even from the daily tasks that prick thee sorest, distil some precious attar to sweeten all life.' so like the bee that led thee to my teaching, thou shalt lead others to hope." then shapur went forth with the crystal vase, and the camel, healed in its long time of waiting, bore him swiftly across the sands to the city of his desire. the golden gate, that would not have opened to the vendor of salt, swung wide for the apostle of omar. princes brought their pearls to exchange for drops of his attar, and everywhere he went its sweetness opened for him a way and won for him a welcome. wherever he saw a heart bowed down in some desert of waiting he whispered omar's words and tarried to teach omar's alchemy, that from the commonest experiences of life may be distilled its greatest blessings. at his death, in order that men might not forget, he willed that his tomb should be made at a certain place where all caravans passed. there at the crossing of the highways he caused to be cut in stone that symbol of patience, the camel, kneeling on the sand. and it bore this inscription, which no one could fail to see as he toiled past toward the city of his desire: "patience! here, if thou wilt, on these arid sands, thou mayst find thy garden of omar, and even from the daily tasks which prick thee sorest distil some precious attar to bless thee and thy fellow man." a thousand moons waxed and waned above it, then a thousand more, and there arose a generation with restless hearts, who set their faces ever westward, following the sun towards a greater city of desire. strange seas they crossed. new coasts they came upon. some were satisfied with the fair valleys that tempted them to tarry, and built them homes where the fruitful hills whispered stay. but always the sons of shapur pushed ahead, to pitch their tents a day's march nearer the city of their desire, nearer the golden gate which opened every sunset to let the royal rajah of the day pass through. like a mirage that daily vision lured them on, showing them a dream gate of opportunity, always just ahead, yet ever out of reach. as in the days of shapur, so it was in the days of his sons. there were some who fell by the way, and, losing all that made life dear, cried out as the caravans passed on without them, that allah had forgotten them; and they cursed the day that they were born, and laid hopeless heads in the dust. but allah, the merciful, who from the beginning knew what desert of waiting must lie between every son of shapur and the city of his desire, had long before stretched out his hand over one of the mountains of his continent. with earthquake shock it sank before him. with countless hammer strokes of hail and rain-drops, and with gleaming rills he chiselled it, till as the centuries rolled by it took the semblance of that symbol of patience, a camel, kneeling there at the passing of the ways. and now, to every heart bowed down and hopeless, it whispers the lesson that shapur learned in his weary desert of waiting: _"patience! thou camest into the desert a vendor of salt; thou mayst go forth an alchemist, distilling from life's tasks and sorrows such precious attar in thy soul, that its sweetness shall win for thee a welcome wherever thou goest, and a royal entrance into the city of thy desire!"_ the end and this, o son of shapur, is the secret of omar's alchemy: to gather something from every one thou passest on the highway, and from every experience fate sends thee, as omar gathered from the heart of every rose, and out of the wide knowledge thus gained of human weaknesses and human needs, to distil in thine own heart the precious oil of sympathy. that is the attar that shall win for thee a welcome wherever thou goest. and no man fills his crystal vase with it until he has first been pricked by the world's disappointments, and bowed by its tasks. thou vendor of salt, who, as yet, canst follow only in the train of others, is not any waiting well worth the while, if, in the end, it shall give thee wares with which to gain a royal entrance? viimeisen aabenserraagin vaiheet kirj. f. a. de chateaubriand ranskan kielestä suomentanut j.j.m. porvoossa, werner söderström, 1884. tekijän elämäkerta. _francois augusto rené_, vicomte de _chateaubrianä_ syntyi 1768 bretagnen maakunnassa. isä, joka oli vanhaa aatelissukua, kohteli nuorta chateaubriandia suurella ankaruudella, äiti taas, joka oli hurskas ja helläsydäminen vaimo, kasvatti poikaansa liiallisella hemmottelulla. tämä vaikutti, että ch., jolla oli vilkas mielikuvitus, vaipui jo nuorena sumeamieliseen haaveksimiseen ja eleli mielellään yksinäisyydessä. kahdeksantoista vuotiaana hän tuli luutnantiksi ja palveli armeijassa vuoteen 1791, jolloin hän välttääksensä vallankumouksen kauhutöitä lähti amerikkaan. ollen amerikan itsenäisyys-aatteiden ihailija hän kävi myöskin washingtonin luona, ja lähti sitten pitkälle matkalle pohjois-amerikan sisä-osiin. sivistymättömien intiaanien seurassa hän samosi aavojen aarniometsien halki tasaten heidän kanssaan matkan vastukset ja hauskuudet. amerikan luonto humisevine ikuhonkineen, jylhän-ihanine maisemineen, koskineen ja jokineen kehitti hänen aistiansa, joka jo ennenkin oli herkkä huomaamaan ja käsittämään luonnossa löytyvää kauneutta. täällä luonnon helmassa, erillään ylen sivistyneestä ja teeskennellystä euroopasta ja tavoiltaan yksinkertaisten ihmisten seurassa hän eli alkuperäistä luonnon elämää, jota hän aina oli ihaillut. kuitenkaan ei tämä yksinäisyys näytä häntä kauvaa miellyttäneen, sillä jo 1792 hän palasi takaisin isänmaahansa. täällä hän yhtyi ranskan emigranttien kanssa preussiläis-itävaltalaiseen armeijaan taistellaksensa vallankumouksen hallitusta vastaan, mutta tultuaan haavoitetuksi thionvillen luona hän siirtyi englantiin, jossa hänen ahtaat taloudelliset olonsa pakottivat häntä ryhtymään kirjallisiin toimiin. palattuaan ranskaan 1800 antautui hän napoleonin palvelukseen ja sai tältä roomassa erään diplomaattisen toimen, josta hän kuitenkin luopui kuultuansa, että napoleon vasten kaikkea oikeutta oli antanut ampua enghienin herttuan. 1801 ilmestyi hänen intiaanikertomuksensa "atala", jonka kautta hän sai kirjallisen maineensa ja tuli ranskan romantiikin perustajaksi. kirja on oikeastaan episoodi suuremmasta teoksesta nimeltä "le genie du christianisme", joka ilmestyi vähän jälkeenpäin. siinä tekijä esittelee katoolin-uskoa kaunotieteelliseltä kannalta katsoen ja koittaa näyttää sen taiteellista kauneutta. toinen episoodi viimemainitusta kirjasta on rené-niminen kertomus, joka on kirjoitettu samaan malliin, kuin goethen werther. nämät teokset, samoin kuin les natchez-niminen intiaanikertomuskin ovat syntyneet ch:n amerikan matkan vaikutuksesta. hedelmänä hänen matkoistansa espanjassa ja itämailla on "les aventures du dernier abencerage" (viimeisen aabenserraagin vaiheet), joka kertomistavassaan on yksinkertaisin ja useiden mielestä myöskin vaikuttavin hänen kirjoituksistaan. muista ch:n teoksista mainittakoon "les martyrs", "itineraire de paris à jerusalem" sekä "memoires d'outre-tombe" jossa hän kertoo elämänsä vaiheita, nämät muistelmat julkaistiin tekijän tahdon mukaan vasta hänen kuolemansa jälkeen. myöskin lyyrillisiä runoja ja moise-nimisen draaman on ch. kirjoittanut, vaan ne eivät ole edellisten vertaisia. -chateaubriand kuoli 1848 ja haudattiin suurella juhlallisuudella saint-malon edustalla olevaan merenkallioon. viimeisen aabenserraagin vaiheet. kun granadan viimeisen kuninkaan, boabdilin, täytyi jättää esi-isiensä valtakunta, niin hän viivähti hetkisen padul vuoren kukkulalla. tältä korkealta paikalta näkyi meri, jonka poikki onneton hallitsija oli purjehtiva afrikkaan. täältä näkyi myöskin granada, vega ja xenil, jonka rannalla ferdinandin ja isabellan teltat kohosivat. katsellessaan tätä kaunista maata ja sypressejä, jotka vielä siellä täällä osottivat moslemilaisten hautoja, hyrähti boabdil itkuun. hänen äitinsä, aiksa sulttaanitar, joka häntä seurasi maanpakoon niiden ylimyksien kanssa, jotka ennen olivat olleet boabdilin hoviseurana, sanoi hänelle: "itke nyt vaimon tavoin sitä valtakuntaa, jota et miehen tavoin kyennyt puolustamaan!" he astuivat alas vuorelta, ja granada katosi iäksi heidän silmistänsä. espanjan maurilaiset, jotka joutuivat saman kohtalon alaisiksi kuin heidän kuninkaansakin, hajosivat erilleen afrikkaan. tsegrien ja gomelien kansakunnat sijoittuivat fetsin kuningaskuntaan, josta he alkuperäisesti olivat kotoisin. vanegalaiset ja alaabilaiset pysähtyivät rannikolle asumaan oraanista alkaen algieriin asti, ja vihdoin aabenserraagit valitsivat kotipaikakseen tuniksen ympäristöt.. he perustivat vastapäätä karttaagon raunioita siirtolan, joka vielä tänä päivänä eroaa muista afrikan maurilais-siirtokunnista suopeitten lakiensa ja asukkaittensa sievien tapojen puolesta. nämät perheet säilyttivät uudessa isänmaassaan vanhan isänmaan muiston. "granadan paratiisi" eli aina heidän mielessänsä. äidit mainitsivat sen nimeä vielä rintaa imeville lapsilleen. tsegrien ja aabenserraagien romansseilla he tuudittivat ne uneen. joka viides päivä he rukoilivat moskeessa kasvot granadaan päin kääntyneinä. he anoivat, että allah antaisi valituillensa takaisin tuon riemujen maan. turhaan lotofaagien maa tarjosi maanpakolaisille hedelmiään, vesiään, vihannuuttaan ja säteilevää aurinkoaan. kaukana "punaisista torneista" ei löytynyt suloisia hedelmiä, ei kirkkaita lähteitä, ei vihantaa nurmea, ei aurinkoa, jota kelpaisi katsella. jos jollekulle noista karkoitetuista osotti bagradan lakeuksia, niin hän pudisti päätään ja huudahti huoaten: "granada!" varsinkin aabenserraagit säilyttivät hellässä ja uskollisessa muistossa isänmaansa. katkerimmalla kaipauksella he olivat jättäneet kunniansa näytelmätanteren ja ne rannat, joilla niin usein oli kaikunut heidän tunnettu sotahuutonsa: "kunnia ja rakkaus!" kun eivät enää voineet keihästä heilutella erämaissa eikä peittää päätänsä kypärillä keskellä työmiessiirtolaa, niin he olivat antautuneet lääkkeiden tutkimiseen, joka on arapialaisten kesken yhtä arvossa pidetty ammatti kuin asetoimetkin. niin koitti tämä soturiheimo, joka ennen oli iskenyt haavoja, nyt keksiä keinoja niiden parantamiseksi. siten se tässä kohden on tallettanut jotakin taidostansa, joka on sille ollut omituinen jo entis-ajoista asti; sillä ritarit itse sitoivat usein vihollistensa haavat, jotka he olivat lyöneet heihin. se perhe, joka ennen oli omistanut palatseja, eleli nyt pienessä majassa erillään muitten maanpakolaisten asunnoista, jotka sijaitsivat mamalifa vuoren juurella. mainittu maja oli rakennettu meren rannalle aivan karttaagon raunioiden keskelle, sille paikalle, jossa pyhä ludvig kuoli vuoteella, jolle oli tuhkaa kylvetty ja jossa vielä nykyäänkin näet muhamettilaisen erakkolan. jalopeuran nahasta tehtyjä kilpiä oli ripustettu majan seinille ja niihin oli kuvattu siniselle pohjalle kaksi metsäläistä, jotka nuijalla ruhtoivat kaupunkia. tämän merkkikuvan ympärillä oli luettavina sanat: "tämä on vähäpätöistä!" siinä oli aabenserraagien aseet ja merkkikuva. valkoisilla ja sinisillä lipuilla koristettuja peitsiä, kauriinkarvoista kudottuja viittoja, joihin oli päähine yhdistettynä, leikatusta atlaskankaasta tehtyjä ratsulevättejä oli sijoitettu kilpien viereen, jossa ne komeilivat kalpojen ja väkipuukkojen keskellä. siellä täällä oli vielä rippumassa sotahansikoita, kalliilla kivillä kaunistettuja päitsiä, väljiä hopeisia jalustimia, pitkiä miekkoja, joiden tuppia olivat ruhtinattarien kädet kirjailleet ja kultakannuksia, jotka isoldit, genieevrat ja oriaanat olivat muinoin kiinnittäneet urhoollisten ritarien kantapäihin. muutamille pöydille näiden kunniakkaiden voittomerkkien alapuolelle oli asetettu rauhallisen elämän merkkejä. siinä oli atlasvuoren kukkuloilta ja saharan erämaasta poimituita kasveja; olipa muutamat niistä tuotu granadan tasangoltakin. toiset niistä olivat omiansa lievittämään ruumiin vaivoja, toisten vaikutusvoima kuului ulottuvan sielunkin tuskiin. aabenserraagit pitivät erittäin suuressa arvossa niitä ruohoja, jotka kykenivät viihdyttämään turhia kaihoja, poistamaan hulluja haaveita ja onnen toiveita, joita aina syntyy ihmisen mielessä, mutta jotka aina hänet pettävät. kovaksi onneksi oli näillä lääkkeillä vastakkaiset vaikutukset, ja usein oli entisestä isänmaasta tuodun kukan lemu jonkinlaista myrkkyä näille kuuluisille maanpakolaisille. neljäkolmatta vuotta oli vierryt siitä, kun granada valloitettiin. tuon lyhyen ajan kuluessa oli neljätoista aabenserraagia kuollut vieraan ilman-alan kuumuuteen, kulkulaiselämän vaaroihin ja etupäässä suruun, joka hiljalleen riuduttaa ihmisen voimat. ainoa, mikä vielä elvytti tämän mainion heimokunnan toivoa, oli sen hallitsijasuvun viimeinen jälkeläinen. aaben-haamet oli sen aabenserraagin nimi, jota isegriläiset syyttivät siitä, että hän muka oli vietellyt alfaima sulttaanittaren. kauneus, urheus, kohtelijaisuus ja esi-isien jalomielisyys oli hänessä yhdistettynä viehättävään ylevyyteen ja hieman surulliseen kasvojen ilmeesen, jonka uljaasti kärsitty onnettomuus vaikuttaa. hän oli ainoastaan kahdenkolmatta vuotias silloin, kun hän kadotti isänsä. silloin hän päätti tehdä toivioretken isiensä maahan tyydyttääksensä sydämmensä tarvetta ja toteuttaaksensa aikomustaan, jonka hän tarkasti salasi äidiltänsä. tuniksen satamassa hän nousi laivaan; myötätuuli vei hänet cartagenaan, hän astui purresta ja rupesi kävelemään granadaa kohden. hän sanoi olevansa arapialainen lääkäri, joka tuli etsimään kasveja sierra nevadan kallioisilta vuorilta. hiljainen muuli kuljetteli häntä vitkaan siinä maassa, jossa aabenserraagit muinoin kiitivät tulisten ratsujen selässä. opas käveli edellä taluttaen kahta tiukusilla ja eri värisillä villatöyhdöillä koristettua muulia. aaben-haamet matkusti laajojen kanervakankaiden ja murcian kuningaskunnan palmumetsien poikki. palmupuiden iästä päättäen hän arveli niitä varmaankin esi-isiensä istuttamiksi, ja kaiho tunki hänen sydämeensä. tuolla kohosi torni, jossa vartijasotamies oli valvonut siihen aikaan, kun maurit ja kristityt kävivät sotaa; täällä näkyi rauniot, joiden rakennustapa ilmaisi maurilaista alkuperää. siinä lisää aihetta aabenserraagin murheesen! hän astui muulinsa selästä alas ja lähti, sanoen menevänsä kasvien etsintään, hetkeksi kätköön noiden raunioiden keskelle, antaaksensa kyyneltensä esteettömästi tulvia. sen jälkeen hän unelmiinsa vaipuneena pitkitti jälleen matkaansa tiukusten helistessä ja oppaan hyräillessä yksitoikkoista lauluansa. tämä keskeytti pitkät romanssinsa vaan silloin, kun tahtoi hoputtaa muulejansa, nimittäen niitä kauniiksi ja pulskiksi tai sättien niitä laiskoiksi ja uppiniskaisiksi. lammaslaumat, joita paimen johteli ikään kuin armeijaa sinne tänne pitkin kellastuneita ja viljelemättömiä tasankoja, ja muutamat yksinäiset matkustajat eivät tehneet matkaa paljoakaan vaihtelevammaksi, vaan saivat sen päin vastoin näyttämään vielä jylhenmältä ja autiommalta. kaikilla matkustavilla oli miekka vyöllä, he olivat viittaan kiedotut ja suuri alaspäin käännetty hattu peitti puoleksi heidän kasvonsa. ohi mennessään he tervehtivät aaben-haametia, joka ei heidän ylpeästä tervehdyksestään erottanut muuta, kuin sanat jumala, herra ja ritari. kun illalla saavuttiin ravintolaan, asettui aabenserraagi muukalaisten keskelle, jotka eivät milloinkaan rasittaneet häntä utelijailla kysymyksillään. hänelle ei puhuttu mitään; häneltä ei tiedusteltu mitään, hänen turbaaninsa, hänen viittansa ja aseensa eivät herättäneet mitään huomiota. vaikka allahin tahto oli ollut, että espanjan maurilaiset kadottaisivat kauniin isänmaansa, niin aaben-haamet ei voinut olla kunnioittamatta sen arvokkaita valloittajia. vielä kiihkeämmäksi kävi hänen mielenliikutuksensa, kun hän oli päässyt matkansa päähän. granada on rakennettu sierra nevadan juurelle, kahdelle korkealle kunnaalle, jotka toisistansa erottaa syvä laakso. huoneet jotka ovat tiloitetut mäkien rinteelle laakson notkelmaan, antavat kaupungille puoleksi aukaistun kranaatti-omenan näön ja muodon, josta sen nimikin on syntynyt. kaksi jokea xenil ja douro, joista toinen vierittelee kultarakeita, toinen hopeahiekkaa, huuhtovat mäkien juuria, yhtyvät toisiinsa ja kiertelevät sitte ihanan tasangon keskellä, jota nimitetään vegaksi. granadasta näkee yli koko tämän tasangon, joka on peitetty viiniköynnöksillä, viikuna-, silkkiäisja pomeranssipuilla; sen ylt'ympäri on ihmeellisen näköisiä ja värisiä vuoria. lumoavan kaunis taivas, raikas ja suloinen ilma herättävät mieleen salaisen kaihon, jonka ailuita saa tuntea matkustajakin, jonka ainoana toimena vaan on kuljeskeleminen. tuntuu siltä kuin tässä maassa hellät tunteet olisivat aivan tukahduttaneet sotaisen mielen, jollei kunniakkaan urotyön tarvitsisi aina seurata rakkautta, ennen kuin se on todellinen. kun aaben-haamet kaukaa erotti granadan syrjimmäisten rakennusten harjat, niin hänen sydämensä alkoi sykkiä niin valtavasti, että hänen täytyi pysähdyttää muulinsa. hän pani kätensä ristiin rinnallensa, loi katseensa tuohon pyhään kaupunkiin ja seisoi äänetönnä ja liikkumatonna. opaskin seisahtui, ja kun espanjalainen helposti ymmärtää kaikki jalot tunteet, niin hän näytti liikutetulta ja oivalsi, että maurilainen katseli nyt entistä isänmaatansa. vihdoin aabenserraagi katkaisi äänettömyyden. "opas", hän huudahti, "ole onnellinen! elä salaa minulta totuutta, sillä tyynyys oli vetten pinnalla sinun syntymähetkelläsi, ja uusikuu syntyi samana päivänä. mitä torneja ovat nuot, jotka välkkyvät kuin tähdet yli vehreän metsän?" "se on alhambra", vastasi opas. "entä tuo toinen linna tuolla toisella kunnaalla?" kysyi aaben-haamet. "se on generalifa", virkkoi espanjalainen. "siinä linnassa on puutarha, jossa kasvaa suurimmaksi osaksi myrttejä. sanotaan, että aabenserraagi tavattiin siellä alfaima sulttaanittaren kanssa. tuolla edempänä näette albaizynin ja lännempänä, meitä lähinnä, punaiset tornit." oppaan joka sana haavoitti aaben-hametin sydäntä. kuinka surkeata on, kun tarvitsee turvautua muukalaisiin saadaksensa tietoa esi-isiensä muistomerkeistä, kun täytyy ventovieraalla kerrottaa oman sukunsa ja ystäviensä kohtaloita! opas herätti aaben-haametin hänen surullisista mietteistään huudahtaen: "eteenpäin, herra maurilainen, eteenpäin! sehän on tapahtunut jumalan tahdosta! rohkaiskaa mielenne! onhan frans ensimmäinenkin parastaikaa vankina madridissa. sehän on tapahtunut jumalan tahdosta!" hän paljasti päänsä, ristitsi silmänsä ja löi sitten muulia selkään. myöskin aabenserraagi pakotti juhtansa liikkeelle ja huudahti: "niin oli kirjoitettu!" [lause, joka tavan takaa pääsee moslemilaisten huulilta, ja jonka he sovittavat useaan elämän tapaukseen.] ja he kulkivat vuoren rinnettä alas granadaa kohden. he ajoivat suuren saarnin ohitse, joka oli tullut kuuluisaksi musan ja calatravan suurmestarin välisestä taistelusta, joka tapahtui granadan viimeisen kuninkaan aikana. alameidan kävelypaikkaan poikettuansa he tulivat kaupunkiin elviiran portista. he ratsastivat ramblaa ylöspäin ja pääsivät pian eräälle paikalle, jota joka puolelta ympäröivät maurilaiset rakennukset. tänne oli rakennettu vierasmaja afrikan maureja varten, joita silkinkauppa houkutteli vegasta suurin joukoin tulemaan granadaan. samaan vierasmajaan saattoi opas aaben-haametin. aabenserraagi oli liiaksi mielenliikutustensa vallassa voidakseen nauttia hiukkaakaan lepoa uudessa majapaikassaan; hän oli huolissaan ajatellessaan entistä isänmaatansa. kun hän ei voinut hillitä niitä tunteita, jotka raskauttivat hänen sydäntänsä, niin hän lähti yösydännä kuljeskelemaan pitkin granadan katuja. hän etsi silmillänsä, vieläpä käsinkin koitti tunnustella jotakin niistä muistomerkeistä, joita vanhukset usein olivat hänelle kuvailleet. kentiesi tuo korkea rakennus, jonka seinät hän vaan epäselvästi erotti keskeltä yön pimeyttä, oli muinoin aabenserraagien asuntona; kenties juuri tällä yksinäisellä paikalla vietettiin niitä juhlia, jotka granadan kunnian kohottivat aina pilvihin asti. tuolla oli hän näkevinänsä joukon ritareja, jotka olivat upeissa kullalla koristetuissa vaatteissa, tuolla oli tulossa kaleerilaivoja täynnänsä aseita ja kukkia, pursia, joiden kokassa oli tulta suitsevan lohikäärmeen kuva ja jotka sisustassaan kätkivät mainioita sotureja: kaikki vaan nerokkaita ja huvittavia ritarillisuuden haaveita. mutta voi! nyt ei kuulunut, niin kuin ennen anafiinin säveliä, ei torventoitotuksia eikä lemmen lauluja, syvä hiljaisuus vallitsi aaben-hametin ympärillä. tähän äänettömään kaupunkiin oli muuttanut toiset asukkaat, ja voittajat lepäsivät voitettujen vuoteella. "nuot ylpeät espanjalaiset makaavat siis nukuksissa", huudahti nuori maurilainen suuttuneena, "samoissa huoneissa, joista he ovat karkottaneet esi-isäni. ja minä aabenserraagi saan valvoa tuntematonna, unhotettuna ja hylättynä isieni palatsin portilla!" aaben-haamet mietiskeli silloin ihmisen kohtalon ja onnen vaihettelevaisuutta, hän ajatteli, kuinka valtakunnat joutuvat perikatoon, kuinka viholliset äkkiarvaamatta olivat hyökänneet granadaan, juuri kun sen asukkaat olivat ilon vallassa, ja kuinka sen kukkaköynnökset äkkiä vaihtuivat kahleiksi. hän oli näkevinänsä, miten hänen kansalaisensa juhlapuvussa jättivät kotolietensä, ikäänkuin vieraat, jotka vaatteet ja koristukset epäjärjestyksessä yht'äkkiä syöksevät juhlasalista, jossa tuli on päässyt valloilleen. kaikki nämät kuvat, kaikki nämät mietteet tunkivat yht'aikaa aaben-haametin sydämeen. surumielin ja kaihon valtaamana hän ajatteli ennen kaikkia sen aikeen toimeenpanemista, joka hänet oli tuonut granadaan. kohta jo yllätti hänet päivän tulo. aabenserraagi oli eksynyt; hän huomasi olevansa eräässä etäisessä granadan etukaupungissa kaukana majapaikastaan. kaikki oli nukuksissa, ei pieninkään hälinä häirinnyt sitä hiljaisuutta, joka vallitsi kaduilla; huonetten ovet ja akkunat olivat suljetut; ainoastaan kukon laulu köyhän asunnossa ilmotti, että työ ja vaiva taas palasivat. kauvan aabenserraagi harhaili sinnetänne, vaan ei löytänyt oikeata tolaa. vihdoin hän kuuli erään oven aukenevan. hän näki, että huoneesta astui ulos nuori nainen, jonka puku oli melkein samallainen kuin niiden goottilaisten kuningattaren kuvien, joita tapaa vanhojen luostarien muistomerkeissä. mustat gagaateilla koristetut liivit ympäröitsivät hänen sorjaa vartaloansa; lyhyt kaita hame, jossa ei ollut laskoksia, jätti sievän säären ja viehättävän jalan osaksi peittämättä; viitta, joka myöskin oli musta, oli kiedottu hänen päähänsä; vasemmalla kädellä hän piti kiinni tuosta leuan alle ristiin vedetystä viitasta, niin kuin nunnat kaulavaatteestaan. sen kautta olivat hänen kasvonsa niin peitossa, ettei niistä voinut nähdä muuta, kuin hänen suuret silmänsä ja ruusunpunaiset huulensa. häntä saattoi duenna; nuori poika kantoi hänen edellään rukouskirjaa; kaksi mustiin puettua palvelijaa seurasi muutaman askelen päässä kaunista tuntematonta.. hän meni huomenmessuun, johon läheisen luostarin kellot kutsuivat. aaben-haamet luuli näkevänsä israfilenkelin tai nuorimman paratiisin huureista. espanjatarkin kummastui nähdessään aabenserraagin, jonka jaloa muotoa vielä kaunisti turbaani, komeat vaatteet ja sota-aseet. ensi hämmästyksestä toinnuttuaan hän viittasi suloisella liikkeellä ja tuttavan tapaisesti, joka on sen maan naisille omituista, muukalaista lähemmäksi. "herra maurilainen", hän sanoi aabenserraagille, "näkyy, että olette äskettäin saapunut granadaan. olette kaiketi eksyksissä?" "kukkien kuningatar", aaben-haamet vastasi, "ihmissilmiä hurmaava olento, oi sinä kristitty orjatar, joka olet kauniimpi, kuin georgian neitoset! sinä olet arvannut oikein, minä olen outo tässä kaupungissa, olen eksynyt näiden palatsien keskelle enkä osaa takaisin maurilaisten majapaikkaan. liikuttakoon muhammed sinun sydämesi ja palkitkoon sinun ystävällisyytesi!" "maurilaiset ovat tunnetut kohtelijaisuudestaan", virkkoi espanjatar suloisesti hymyillen, "mutta en ole kukkien kuningatar enkä orjatar enkä tahdo sitäkään, että uskotte minut muhammedille. seuratkaa minua, herra, minä tulen teitä opastamaan maurilaisten majapaikalle." kepein askelin espanjatar kävi aabenserraagin edellä, saattoi hänet aina majapaikan portille asti, osotti kädellään sen aabenserraagille ja katosi palatsin taakse näkyvistä. mutta, mistä riippuu ihmis-elämän levollisuus. enää ei ollut yksistään isänmaa aaben-haametin mielessä. granada ei enää tuntunut hänestä autiolta, kolkolta, jylhältä ja yksinäiseltä; se oli hänen sydämelleen armaampi, kuin koskaan ennen. uusi tenhovoima kaunisti sen raunioita, aaben-haamet ei muistellut paljaastaan esi-isiänsä, hänen ajatuksillaan oli toinenkin ihanne. hän löysi sen hautausmaan, jossa lepää aabenserraagein tomu, mutta, aina kun hän rukoili, kun hän lankesi polvilleen vuodattaen lapsellisen rakkauden kyyneliä, niin hän ajatteli, että nuori espanjatar oli joskus kulkenut näiden hautojen keskellä, eikä hänen mielestään enää hänen esi-isänsä olleetkaan niin onnettomia. turhaan hän koetti päätoimenansa pitää sitä, että kävi katselemassa esi-isiensä entisiä muistoja, turhaan hän käyskenteli douron ja xenilin rinteillä poimimassa kasveja päivän koitteesssa. kukka, jota hän nyt etsi, on kaunis kristitty neito. kuinka monesti oli hän turhaan hakenut ihattarensa palatsia! kunka monesti oli hän koittanut joutua takaisin niille teille, jossa hän hetkisen sai katsella jumalallista opastansa! kuinka monesti hän oli kuulevinansa sen kellon äänen, sen kukon laulun, joka kerran sattui hänen korvaansa espanjattaren asunnon lähellä. samallaiset äänet pettivät usein aabenserraagin; hän kulki niitä kohden, vaan tenhopalatsi ei ilmestynyt hänen silmiensä eteen. useinpa granadan naisten yhdenkaltainen puku herätti hänessä hetkeksi toivon; kaukaa katsoen kaikki kristityt naiset olivat hänen sydämensä haltijattaren näköisiä, vaan läheltä katsoen ei yksikään ollut kauneudessa ja sulossa hänen vertaisensa. aaben-haamet oli vihdoin käynyt kaikki kirkot lävitse tavatakseen tuota muukalaista naista, olipa hän tunkeutunut ferdinandin ja isabellan haudallekin, mutta se olikin suurin niistä uhrauksista, mitkä hän siihen asti oli rakkautensa hyväksi tehnyt. eräänä päivänä hän etsi kasveja douron laaksosta. etelänpuolisen mäen kukkaisella rinteellä sijaitsi alhambran muurit ja generalifan puutarhat; pohjanpuolista kunnasta kaunisti albaizyn, ihanat hedelmäpuistot ja useat luolat, joissa asui melkoinen joukko ihmisiä. laakson läntisessä päässä näkyi granadan kirkontornit, jotka ryhmittäin kohosivat viheriäisten tammien ja sypressien keskeltä. vastaisella puolella idässäpäin tapasi silmä kallioiden harjalla luostareja, erakkoloita, muutamia jäännöksiä entisestä illibeeriasta ja loitompana sierra nevadan kukkulat. laakson keskellä vieritteli vesiään douro tarjoten pitkin matkaansa nähtäväksi äskettäin rakennettuja myllyjä, kohisevia koskia, poikkinaisia holvikaaria, jotka aikoinaan olivat kuuluneet roomalaiseen vesijohtoon ja maurilaisen sillan jäännöksiä. aaben-haamet ei enää ollut kyllin onnellinen eikä kyllin onneton nauttiakseen yksinäisyyden suloisuutta. hajamielisenä ja väliäpitämätönnä hän käveli pitkin noita ihania rantoja. kulkiessaan siellä tietämättä, minne menisi, rupesi hän vihdoin käymään pitkin lehtokujaa, joka kiertelee albaizynmäen rinnettä. pian ilmestyi hänen silmiensä eteen huvila, jota ympäröitsivät pomeranssilehdot. hän kääntyi sinne päin. hänen korviinsa kuului laulun ja kitarin säveleet. naisen äänen, kasvonsävyjen ja katseiden välillä on sellainen sopusuhtaisuus, joka ei petä milloinkaan sitä ihmistä, jonka rakkaus on vallannut. "siellä on huurini", virkkoi aaben-hamet. hän kuunteli sykkivin sydämin, mutta kun hän kuuli useamman kerran mainittavan aabenserraagin nimeä, niin vielä voimakkaammin tykytti hänen sydämensä. tuntematon lauloi kastiilialaista romanssia, joka kuvaili aabenserraagien ja tsegrien vaiheita. aaben-haamet ei voinut enää hillitä kiihkeää mielenliikutustaan. hän syöksähti myrtti-aidan lävitse ja joutui pelästyneiden naisten keskelle, jotka nähdessään hänet huutaen juoksivat pakoon. espanjatar, joka juuri oli lakannut laulamasta ja joka vielä piti kitaria käsissään, huudahti: "sehän onkin herra maurilainen!" ja hän käskee luotansa menneitä naisia takaisin. "henkien suosikki", aabenserraagi sanoi, "olen etsinyt sinua, niin kuin arapialainen etsii lähdettä keskipäivän helteessä; minä olen kuullut kitarisi säveleet, sinä ylistit minun isänmaani sankareja; äänesi kauneudesta tunsin sinut ja aaben-haametin sydämen tuon sinun jalkojesi juureen." "minäkin ajattelin", vastasi donna blanca, "ainoastaan teitä, laulaessani aabenserraagien romanssia. siitä asti, kun teidät näin, olen mielessäni kuvitellut, että nuot maurilaiset ritarit olivat teidän näköisiänne." vieno puna nousi blancan otsalle, kun hän lausui nämät sanat. aaben-haamet olisi langennut kristityn naisen jalkojen juureen ja ilmoittanut hänelle olevansa viimeinen aabenserraagi, jollei hänellä vielä olisi ollut hiukkaa varovaisuutta, joka hänet pidätti sitä tekemästä. hän pelkäsi, että hänen nimensä, joka oli yleensä tunnettu granadassa, herättäisi levottomuutta kaupungin hallitusmiehessä. sota mauriskoja vastaan oli tuskin päättynyt, ja jos olisi saatu tietää, että aabenserraagi oli tähän aikaan espanjassa, niin häntä varmaankin olisi epäluulolla ruvettu katselemaan. vaikka mikään vaara ei koskaan pelottanut aaben-hametia, niin hän kuitenkin vapisi ajatellessaan, että hänen täytyi iäksi erota don rodrigon tyttärestä. donna blanca oli syntyisin perheestä, joka polveusi cidsankarista ja ximenasta kreivi gomez de gormaan tyttärestä. mutta valencian voittajan jälkeläiset joutuivat kastiilian hovin kiittämättömyyden tähden suurimpaan köyhyyteen. olipa jo sellainenkin luulo muutaman vuosisadan kuluessa valloillaan, että koko suku oli sammunut; niin oli se jo jäänyt unohduksiin. mutta granadan valloituksen aikoihin teki eräs bivarilaisten suvun viimeisistä jäsenistä, blancan esi-isä, itsensä kuuluisaksi loistavalla urheudellaan eikä suinkaan arvonimillään. sitte kuin uskottomat olivat karkotetut espanjasta, antoi ferdinand tälle cidin jälkeläiselle muutamien maurilaisperheiden maatilat ja nimitti hänet santa fén herttuaksi. uusi herttua jäi asumaan granadaan ja kuoli vielä nuorena ollessaan jättäen jälkeensä naimisissa olevan pojan. tämä oli don rodrigo, blancan isä. donna tereesa de xeres, don rodrigon puoliso, synnytti pojan, joka kasteessa sai, niinkuin kaikki hänen esi-isänsäkin, nimen don rodrigo, mutta erotukseksi hänen isästänsä ruvettiin häntä nimittämään don carlokseksi. suuremmoiset urotyöt, joita don carlos jo nuoruuden ensi-ajoista asti oli saanut nähdä, vaarat, joiden alaisena hän oli melkein lapsuudesta asti ollut, karkaisivat hänen jo ennestään kovan luonteensa vielä vakavammaksi ja jäykemmäksi. tuskin oli don carlos täyttänyt neljätoista vuotta, kun hän seurasi cortezia meksikoon. hän oli ollut monessa pulassa, hän oli omin silmin katsellut kaikkia tuon seikkailuretken kauhutöitä, hän oli nähnyt, miten siihen asti tuntemattoman maailman viimeinen kuningas syöstiin valta-istuimelta. kolme vuotta tämän surkean tapauksen jälkeen eurooppaan palattuansa, otti don carlos osaa pavian tappeluun, ikään kuin nähdäkseen, mitenkä kunnian ja urheuden ruunu päässä täytyi vaipua onnen oikkujen alle. uuden maan-osan näkeminen, pitkät retket, joita don carlos oli tehnyt ennen purjehtimattomilla vesillä, monet veriset näytelmät, vallankumoukset ja onnenvaihtelut olivat suuresti vaikuttaneet hänen uskonnolliseen ja haaveksivaiseen mielikuvitukseensa. hän rupesi calatravan ritarikunnan jäseneksi ja koska hän vasten don rodrigon rukouksia oli pysynyt koko ikänsä naimatonna, niin hän määräsi kaiken omaisuutensa sisarelleen. blanca de bivar, don carloksen ainoa sisar ja paljon nuorempi kuin hän, oli isänsä silmäterä. hän oli kadottanut äitinsä ja kävi kahdeksattatoista vuottansa, silloin kun aaben-haamet ilmaantui granadaan. kaikki oli viehättävää tässä lumoavassa naisessa; hänen äänensä oli ihastuttava, hänen tanssinsa keveämpi kuin tuulonen. milloin oli hänen huvinansa ajaa vaunuja, armiidan tavoin, milloin kiiti hän tulisen andalusialaisen ratsun selässä, niin kuin joku noita viehättäviä haltijattaria, jotka ilmestyivät tristanille ja galaorille metsissä. ateena olisi häntä pitänyt aspaasiana ja pariisi poitiersin diaanana, joka tähän aikaan rupesi hovissa loistamaan. blancassa oli yhdistettynä ranskalaisen suloisuus ja espanjalaisen intohimot, eikä hänen luonnollinen kopeutensa ollenkaan vähentänyt hänen sydämensä tunteiden varmuutta, järkähtämättömyyttä ja jaloutta. kuultuaan nuorten espanjattarien huutavan, kun aaben-haamet hyppäsi lehtoon, kiiruhti don carlos paikalle. "isä", blanca sanoi, "tässä on se maurilainen herra, josta olen teille puhunut. hän kuuli minun laulavan, hän tunsi minut; hän on tullut tänne puutarhaan kiittääkseen minua siitä, että näytin hänelle tien." santa fén herttua otti aabenserraagin vastaan arvokkaalla, vaan kuitenkin teeskentelemättömällä kohteliaisuudella, niin kuin espanjalaisten tapa on. tämän kansan käytöksessä ei huomaa mitään orjallista, se ei pidä pitkistä korupuheista, jotka ilmaisevat halpaa ajatustapaa ja alhaista mieltä. ylhäisen herran ja talonpojan kieli on samallainen, tervehdys samallainen, kohtelijaisuuden osotukset, tavat ja käytösparret ovat samallaiset. mutta niin kuin espanjalaisen avomielisyys ja vieraanvaraisuus muukalaista kohtaan on rajaton, niin on hän kostossansakin kauhea, jos hän petetään. sankarin miehuus kun hänellä on ja kärsivällisyys, joka kestää kaikki koettelemukset, niin hänen on mahdoton taipua kovan onnen alaiseksi; hän joko masentaa sen tai masentuu itse. hänessä on jotenkin vähän sitä, mitä nimitetään neroksi; mutta hänessä on tuliset intohimot, jotka korvaavat sen sivistyksen, jonka tuottaa aatteiden sukkeluus ja runsaus. espanjalaisella, joka on koko päivän puhumatta, joka ei ole mitään nähnyt, joka ei halua mitään nähdä, joka ei ole mitään lukenut, mitään tutkinut, ei tehnyt mitään havaintoja, on järkähtämättömässä päättäväisyydessään tarpeeksi turvaa vastoinkäymisten hetkellä. nyt oli don rodrigon syntymäpäivä, ja blanca oli pannut toimeen isänsä kunniaksi tertullian eli pienen juhlan tuossa viehättävässä yksinäisyydessä. santa fén herttua pyysi aaben-haametia istumaan nuorten naisten keskelle, joita muukalaisen turbaani ja viitta näkyi suuresti huvittavan. samettipatjoja tuotiin aabenserraagia varten ja hän istuutui patjoille maurilaisten tapaan. häneltä kyseltiin hänen kotimaansa oloja ja hänen elämänsä vaiheita; hän vastasi kaikkiin älykkäästi ja hilpeästi. hän puhui puhtainta kastiilian murretta; olisipa luullut hänet espanjalaiseksi, jollei hän melkein aina te-sanan asemesta käyttänyt sinä-sanaa. tämä sana soi niin suloiselta hänen suussaan, että blanca ei voinut olla itsekseen suutahtamatta joka kerta, kun aabenserraagi kääntyi jonkun muun seurassa olevan naisen puoleen. joukko palvelijoita ilmestyi. he toivat shokolaattia, hedelmäleivoksia ja pieniä malagan sokerileipiä, jotka olivat valkoisia kuin lumi, keveitä ja täynnä huokosia, kuin sienet. sen jälkeen kun kaikki olivat virkistäneet itseänsä, pyydettiin blancan tanssimaan erästä kansallistanssia, jossa hän voitti ketterimmät gitaanatkin. hänen täytyi vihdoin myöntyä ystäviensä pyyntöihin. aaben-haamet oli vaiti, mutta vaikk'ei suu sanellut, niin puhuivat kuitenkin hänen rukoilevaiset katseensa. blanca valitsi vilkkaan zambranimisen tanssin, jonka espanjalaiset ovat lainanneet maureilta. eräs nuorista naisista rupesi kitarilla soittamaan muukalaisen tanssin nuottia. don rodrigon tytär veti hunnun kasvoiltaan ja otti valkoisiin käsiinsä eebenpuusta tehdyt kastanjetit. hänen mustat hiuksensa valuivat kiehkuraisina hänen alabasterinväriselle kaulalleen; hänen suunsa ja silmänsä hymyilivät yhdessä; hänen sydämensä tunteet ilmaantuivat hänen kasvoillaan. yht'äkkiä alkoi kaikua eebenpuun-kappaleitten kalina, kolme kertaa hän löi tahtia, alkoi laulaa zamhran laulua kitarinsoiton säestäessä ja lähti liikkeelle nopeasti kuin salama. mikä vaihtelevaisuus hänen askelissaan! mikä sulous hänen ryhdissään! milloin nostaa hän tulisella liikkeellä kätensä, milloin antaa hän niiden veltosti vaipua alas. jolloinkulloin hän kiitää, ikään kuin hekkumasta hurmaantuneena ylöspäin ja laskeutuu taasen ikään kuin murheen murtamana. hän kääntää päänsä, näyttää kutsuvan jotakuta näkymätöntä olentoa, tarjoaa kainosti ruusunpunaisen posken uuden puolison suudeltavaksi, pakenee ujona, palaa taas ystävällisen näköisenä kaikessa loistossaan, liikkuu reippain ja melkein sotaisin askelin ja liitää sitten uudestaan nurmikolle. hänen askeltensa, hänen laulujensa ja kitarin sävelten sopusointuisuus oli täydellinen. blancan hiljaisessa äänessä oli sellainen sointu, joka koskee sydämen syvimpiin tunteisin. espanjalaisessa musiikissa, jossa vaihtelee vaikeroivat ja iloiset sävelet, surulliset kertosäkeet, yht'äkkiä taukoavat laulukappaleet, on omituisesti sekaisin riemua ja alakuloisuutta. tämä musiikki ja tanssi ratkaisivat iäksi päiviksi viimeisen aabenserraagin kohtalon. olisipa se liikuttanut terveempääkin sydäntä kuin hänen. illalla palattiin douron laakson kautta granadaan. don rodrigo, ihastuneena aaben-haametin sivistyneesen ja hienoon käytöstapaan, ei eronnut hänestä, ennen kuin hän oli luvannut käydä useasti huvittamassa blancaa kertomuksillaan itämaista. maurilainen joka näin oli päässyt toiveittensa perille, otti santa fén herttuan kutsumuksen vastaan ja jo seuraavasta päivästä alkaen hän kävi vierailemassa tuossa palatsissa, jossa eli se olento, jota hän rakasti enemmän kuin päivän valoa. blanca oli joutunut pian mahtavan intohimon valtaan juuri sen kautta, ettei hän uskonut sellaisen tunteen milloinkaan saavan sijaa hänen sydämessään. rakastaa uskotonta, tuntematonta maurilaista, se tuntui hänestä niin mahdottomalta asialta, ettei hän edes varonut sitä kipua, joka alkoi hiipiä hänen suoniinsa. mutta niin pian, kuin hän huomasi sen vaikutukset, otti hän sen vastaan todellisen espanjattaren tavalla. vaarat ja murheet, jotka hän ennakolta huomasi siitä seuraavan, eivät voineet häntä hetkeksikään temmata syvyyden partaalta eivätkä ne saaneet häntä kauvaakaan miettimään, antaisiko hän sydämensä aaben-haametille. hän ajatteli itsekseen: "oi, jos aaben-haamet olisi kristitty ja rakastaisi minua, niin minä seuraisin häntä maailman äärihin asti." aabenserraagi puolestaan tunsi vastustamattoman intohimon kaiken voiman; hänen elämänsä päämäärä oli nyt vaan blanca. hän ei enää ajatellut niitä toimia, jotka olivat houkutelleet hänet granadaan. helppo olisi hänen ollut saada ne tiedot, joita etsimään hän oli tullut, mutta hänen silmissään oli kaikki muu kadottanut arvonsa ja loistonsa, paitsi hänen rakkautensa esine. häntä pelotti saada tietoja, jotka olisivat saattaneet tuoda muutosta hänen elämäänsä. hän ei kysellyt mitään, hän ei tahtonut oppia mitään tuntemaan. hän ajatteli itsekseen: "oi, jos blanca olisi moslemilainen ja rakastaisi minua, niin minä olisin hänen orjansa aina kuolinhetkeeni asti." aaben-haamet ja blanca, jotka näin olivat vakaantuneet päätöksessään, odottivat vaan sellaista hetkeä, että saisivat toinen toiselleen ilmaista tunteensa. oli vuoden ihanimpia päiviä. "te ette vielä ole nähnyt alhambraa, sanoi santa fén herttuan tytär aabenserraagille. jos uskon muutamia sanoja, jotka sattumalta ovat päässeet suustanne, niin on sukunne alkuperäisesti granadasta kotoisin. kentiesi teitä ilahuttaa käydä katsomassa entisten kuninkaittenne palatsia? minä olen itse oleva oppaananne." aaben-haamet vakuutti profeetan nimessä, ettei mikään kävelymatka ollut hänelle mieluisampi. kun lähtöä varten määrätty hetki oli tullut, nousi don rodrigon tytär valkean muulin selkään, joka oli tottunut kiipeämään kallioita kuin metsäkauris. aaben-haamet seurasi soreata espanjatarta andalusialaisella oriilla, joka oli turkkilaisessa asussa. nuori maurilainen kiisi tuimaa vauhtia eteenpäin, hänen purppurainen viittansa liehui hänen takanaan, hänen käyrä sapelinsa helisi korkeaa satulaa vastaan ja tuuli häilytteli hänen turbaaniinsa kiinnitettyä töyhtöä. kansa, jota hänen jalo muotonsa ihastutti, sanoi nähdessään hänen ajavan sivuitse: "tuossa on se uskoton prinssi, jonka donna blanca aikoo kääntää." he ratsastivat ensin pitkää katua myöten, jolla vielä oli kuuluisan maurilais-suvun nimi; tämä katu päättyi alhambran linnan piirin äärimmäiseen syrjään. sen jälkeen he kulkivat jalavametsän poikki, saapuivat eräälle lähteelle ja olivat samassa boabdilin palatsin sisäpuolisen aitauksen edessä. muurissa, jonka sivuilla kohosi torneja ja terävähuippuisia varustuksia, aukeni portti, nimeltä tuomionportti. he ajoivat tästä ensimmäisestä portista ja menivät kapeaa tietä eteenpäin, joka kierteli korkeiden ja puoleksi kukistuneitten raunioiden välitse. tämä tie vei algibein torille, jonka lähelle kaarle viides silloin rakennutti palatsia. sieltä he kääntyivät pohjoiseen päin ja pysähtyivät autioon pihaan koruttoman ja aikojen rappeuttaman muurin juurelle. aaben-haamet hyppäsi sukkelasti maahan ja tarjosi kätensä blancalle, jotta hän saisi astua alas muulinsa selästä. palvelijat kolkuttivat portille, jonka kynnys oli ruohon peitossa; portti aukeni ja yht'äkkiä tuli näkyviin alhambran salaperäiset huoneet. isänmaan kaipaus, isänmaan ihanat muistot ja rakkauden tenhovoima valtasivat viimeisen aabenserraagin sydämen. liikkumatonna, äänetönnä ja hämmästyneenä hän silmäili tätä henkien asuntoa; hän luuli siirtyneensä jonkun arapilaisissa saduissa kuvaillun palatsin sisäänkäytävään. somasti rakennettuja kaltereja, valkoisella marmorilla laskettuja vesiojia, joita ympäröitsi kukkivat sitroonija oranssipuut, suihkulähteitä, autioita pihoja näki aaben-haamet joka puolella ja kun hän katsahti pylväskäytävien pyöryläisten kaarroksien välitse, kohtasi häntä uusi ihastuttava näkö. sieltä hän huomasi toisia labyrinttejä goottilaisine holvineen ja pylväineen, joiden välistä pilkisteli tummansininen taivas. arabeskeilla koristetut muurit olivat itämaisten kankaitten näköisiä, joita haaremin haaveksiva orjatar neuloo joutilaisuudessaan. tuntui siltä, kuin hekkumallinen, uskonnollinen ja sotaisa henki olisi vielä liikkunut tässä taikapalatsissa, joka oli ollut rakkauden turvapaikka ja salaperäinen tyyssija, jossa maurilaiskuninkaat olivat eläneet kaikellaisissa huvituksissa ja samalla unohtaneet elämänsä velvollisuudet. kun molemmat rakastavaiset olivat muutaman hetken ääneti ihmetelleet tätä komeutta, niin he astuivat entisen mahtavuuden ja kadonneen onnen asuntoon. ensin he kävivät mesukarin salissa, jossa kukkaset suloisesti lemusivat ja suihkulähteet levittelivät virkistävää viileyttänsä. sen jälkeen he tulivat leijonapihaan. mitä kauemmaksi he etenivät, sitä kiihkeämmäksi kävi aaben-haametin levoton mieli. "joll'et sinä täyttäisi sydäntäni sulotunteilla", hän sanoi blancalle, "niin kuinka suuri olisikaan suruni, kun täytyy tiedustella tämän linnan vaiheita sinulta, joka olet espanjalainen. oi! nämät rakennukset on tehty onnen suojapaikaksi ja minä..." aaben-haamet huomasi boabdilin nimen mosaikissa. "oi kuninkaani", hän huudahti, "mihinkä sinäkin olet joutunut? mistä löytäisin sinut autiosta alhambrastasi?" ja vilpittömän uskollisuuden ja kunnioituksen kyynelet täyttivät nuoren maurilaisen silmät. "teidän entiset hallitsijanne tai pikemmin esi-isienne kuninkaat olivat kiittämättömiä", blanca sanoi. "mitä se tekee", aabenserraagi kysyi, "he ovat olleet onnettomia." kun aaben-haamet oli lausunut nämät sanat, niin blanca vei hänet pieneen kammioon, joka näytti olevan itse rakkauden temppelin pyhäkkö. ei mikään näyttänyt komeudessa olevan tämän huoneen vertainen. koko holvi oli maalattu taivaan sinisen ja kullan väriseksi ja oli muodostettu lävistetyistä arabeskiveistoksista, jonka tähden valo näytti tulevan, ikään kuin kukkakankaan lävitse. lähde suihkuili huoneen keskellä ja vedet, jotka kastepisaroina putosivat alas, kokoontuivat suureen alabasteriseen simpukankuoreen. "aaben-haamet", sanoi santa fén herttuan tytär, "katsokaa tarkoin tätä lähdettä; siihen heitettiin aahenserraagien poikkilyödyt päät. vieläkin näette muutamia tahroja marmorissa; siinä on niiden onnettomien verta, jotka joutuivat boabdilin epäluulojen uhriksi. niin kohdellaan teidän maassanne niitä miehiä, jotka viettelevät kevytmielisiä vaimoja." aaben-haamet ei kuunnellut enää blancan sanoja; hän heittäytyi polvilleen ja suuteli kunnioituksella esi-isiensä verta. samassa hän nousi seisaalleen ja huudahti: "oi blanca, näiden ritarien veren kautta minä vannon rakastavani sinua aabenserraagien järkähtämättömyydellä, uskollisuudella ja palavuudella." "rakastatte siis minua?" blanca kysyi pannen ristiin kauniit kätensä ja luoden silmänsä kohden taivasta. "mutta oletteko ajatelleet, että olette uskoton, maurilainen, vihollinen, ja että minä taas olen kristitty ja espanjalainen?" "oi pyhä profeetta", aaben-haamet sanoi, "ole minun valani todistaja!..." -"paljonko luulette", sanoi blanca keskeyttäen hänet, "minun luottavan sellaisen miehen sanoihin, joka vainoo minun jumalaani? ja oletteko sitä paitsi varma siitä, että teitä rakastan? mikä on antanut teille rohkeutta puhua minulle sillä tavoin?" aaben-haamet vastasi polvillaan: "se on tosi, että olen sinun orjasi vaan, sinä et ole valinnut minua ritariksesi." "maurilainen", blanca sanoi, "jätä sikseen tuollainen viekasteleminen, katseistani olet nähnyt, että sinua rakastan; mielettömyyteni on käynyt yli rajojen; rupea kristityksi, niin ei mikään erota sinua minusta. mutta siitäpä, että santa fén herttuan tytär uskaltaa puhua kanssasi näin suoraan, sinä saatat päättää että hän kykenee voittamaan itsensä ja ettei konsanaan yksikään kristittyjen vihollinen saa mitään oikeutta häneen." ilon innoissa aaben-haamet tarttui blancan käteen, laski sen turbaanilleen ja sitten sydämelleen. "allah on voimallinen", hän huudahti, "ja aaben-haamet on onnellinen! oi muhammed! jospa tämä kristitty tunnustaisi sinun lakiasi, niin ei mikään voisi..." -"sinä pilkkaat jumalaa", blanca sanoi. "lähtekäämme pois täältä!" blanca nojasi maurin käsivartta vasten ja he menivät kahdentoista leijonan-lähteelle, josta yksi alhambran pihoista on saanut nimensä. "muukalainen", sanoi teeskentelemättömästi espanjatar, "kun katselen viittaasi, turbaaniasi ja aseitasi ja kun ajattelen rakkauttamme, niin olen näkevinäni kauniin aabenserraagin haamun kävelevän tässä unheesen joutuneessa linnassa kova-onnisen alfaiman kanssa. selitäppä minulle tämä arapialainen kirjoitus, joka on piirretty tämän lähteen marmoriin." aaben-haamet luki seuraavat sanat: "kaunis ruhtinatar, joka helmihin verhottuna kävelee puutarhassaan, lisää niillä niin äärettömästi kauneuttaan..." jälki-osa kirjoituksesta oli hävitetty. "juuri sinua varten on tämä kirjoitus tehty", aaben-haamet sanoi. "rakastettu sulttaanitar, nämät palatsit eivät uusinakaan ole koskaan olleet niin kauniit kuin ne nyt ovat raunioina. kuuntele, kuinka loriseepi suihkulähteet, joiden vedet sammal on kääntänyt pois entiseltä uralta! silmäile puutarhoja, jotka näkyvät tuolla puoleksi kukistuneitten holvikäytävien toisella puolella! katso päivän tähteä, joka laskee noiden pylväskäytävien taakse! kuinka suloista on kuljeksia sinun kanssasi näillä paikoilla! niin kuin hyymenin ruusut, sinun sanasi sulostuttavat nämät hiljaiset asunnot. kuinka ihanaa on, kun kuulen sinun puheessasi muutamia isieni kielen säveliä! sinun hameesi kahinakin näitä marmoreja vastaan saa minut ilosta värisemään. ilmaan leviää suloinen lemu, kun sinun hiuksesi ovat sitä koskettaneet. sinä olet kaunis kuin isänmaani hengetär keskellä näitä jäännöksiä. mutta voiko aaben-haamet toivoa saavansa sinun sydäntäsi? isänsä kanssa hän on kulkenut vuoret lävitse, hän tuntee erämaan kasvit... mutta voi! niissä ei ole ainoatakaan, joka voi parantaa sen haavan, jonka sinä olet tehnyt! hänellä on aseet yllään, vaan ritari ei hän ole. kerran ajattelin itsekseni: vesi, joka uinuu kallion suojaamana sen ontossa on tyyni ja hiljaa, vaikka aivan vieressä ulappa tyrskii nostellen lakkapäitä laineita. aaben-haamet, niin olet sinäkin viettävä hiljaista, rauhallista ja yksinäistä elämää jonkin tuntemattoman maan etäisessä sopukassa, sill'aikaa kuin raivoisat myrskyt syöksevät sulttaanin hovin kumoon vihureillaan. näin mietiskelin, nuori kristitty, mutta sinä olet minulle näyttänyt, että raju-ilma voi panna kalliorotkossakin olevan veden hyökyilemään." blanca kuunteli ihastuksella tätä hänelle outoa puhetta. hänen mielestään sopi aaben-haametin itämainen kertomistapa niin hyvin tuohon haltijattarien asuntoon, jossa hän käveli rakastettunsa kanssa. hänen sydämensä joutui yhä enemmän rakkauden valtoihin; hän tunsi polviensa horjuvan; hänen täytyi lujemmin nojautua kuljettajansa käsivartta vasten. aaben-haamet kannatti suloista taakkaansa ja lausui: "oi! miksi en ole mainio aabenserraagi!" "silloin minua et niin paljoa miellyttäisi", blanca sanoi, "sillä tilani olisi huolestuttavampi. pysy tuntemattomana vaan ja elä minua varten! useasti kuuluisa ritari ei maineeltaan muista rakkauttaan." "sitä vaaraa sinun ei tarvitsisi pelätä", aaben-haamet lausui vilkkaasti. "kuinka minua sitte rakastaisit, jos olisit aabenserraagi?" ximenan jälkeläinen lausui. "sinua rakastaisin", maurilainen vastasi, "enemmän, kuin mainetta vaan vähemmän kuin kunniata." aurinko oli laskenut taivaan rannan taakse sill'aikaa, kun molemmat rakastavaiset kävelivät pitkin alhambran saleja. ne kaikki olivat he jo kulkeneet lävitse. mitkä muistot niistä olivat jääneet aaben-haametin mieleen! täällä sulttaanitar henki hyvänhajuista suitsutusta, jota poltettiin hänen jalkojensa juuressa. tuossa erillään olevassa kammiossa hän somisteli itseänsä kaikilla itämaiden koristuksilla. ja blanca, aabenserraagin lemmitty, kertoi näitä yksityiskohtia nuorukaiselle, jota hän jumaloitsi. kuu nousi taivaalle ja levitti himmeätä valoansa alhambran unhotettuihin pyhäkköihin ja autioihin esikartanoihin. sen vaaleat säteet kuvasivat kukkasarkoihin, salien seiniin, keveällä kädellä tehtyihin kattokoristuksiin ja ristikäytävien holveihin suihkulähdetten vesien ja vienon tuulahduksen heiluttamien pensaiden liikkuvan varjon. satakieli lauleli sypressipuussa, jonka latva ulottui moskeen kukistuneen kupukaton yli, ja kaiku vastasi sen valitteleviin säveliin. aaben-haamet kirjoitti kuun valossa blancan nimen kahden sisarensalin marmoriin arapialaisilla kirjaimilla, jotta tässä salaisuuksien palatsissa olisi entisten lisäksi vielä yksi, jota matkustaja itsekseen saisi arvotella. "maurilainen", blanca sanoi, "tämä leikki on kauhistuttavaa. jättäkäämme tämä paikka! nyt on elämäni kohtalo ikipäiviksi ratkaistu. pane mieleesi sanani: jos moslemilaiseksi jäät, olen sinun toivoton rakastajasi, jos kristityksi tulet, niin olen sinun onnellinen puolisosi." aaben-haamet vastasi: "jos kristityksi jäät, olen sinun lohduton orjasi; jos moslemilaiseksi tulet, olen sinun uljas puolisosi." rakastavaiset lähtivät pois tuosta vaarallisesta palatsista. blancan ja aabenserraagin rakkaus kasvoi päivä päivältä. ja se, että blanca rakasti aaben-haametia ainoastaan hänen itsensä tähden ja ettei mikään muu syy vaikuttanut sitä hellää kohtelua, jota aaben-haamet sai kokea, ilahutti tätä niin suuresti, ettei hän ilmaissutkaan syntyperäänsä santa fén herttuan tyttärelle. vasta sinä päivänä, jona blanca suostuisi antamaan hänelle kätensä, hän päätti ilmottaa kuuluisan nimensä. mutta pian hän kutsuttiin takaisin afrikkaan. hänen äitinsä oli kuolinvuoteella ja tahtoi vielä kerran syleillä poikaansa sekä jättää hänelle viimeisen siunauksensa. aaben-haamet saapui blancan palatsiin. "hallitsijatar", hän sanoi, "äitini on kuolemaisillaan. hän on pyytänyt minua sulkemaan silmiänsä. rakastatko minua yhä edelleenkin?" "jätätkö minut?" blanca sanoi vaaleten. "näenkö sinua enää milloinkaan?" "tule", aaben-haamet sanoi. "minä tahdon sekä sinulta ottaa että sinulle tehdä valan, jonka kuolema vaan voi rikkoa. seuraa minua!" he lähtivät ja menivät kirkkomaalle, johon maurilaiset muinoin olivat haudanneet kuolleitansa. siellä täällä oli vielä pieniä hautapatsaita, joiden päähän kuvanveistäjä muinoin oli tehnyt turbaanin kuvan, vaan kristityt olivat turbaanin vaihtaneet ristiin. aaben-haamet vei blancan hautapatsaiden tykö. "blanca", hän sanoi, "tässä lepäävät esi-isäni. minä vannon heidän tomunsa kautta rakastavani sinua hamaan siihen päivään asti, jolloin tuomion enkeli minut kutsuu allahin istuimen eteen. minä vakuutan sinulle, etten milloinkaan anna sydäntäni kenellekkään muulle ja että otan sinut puolisokseni niin pian, kuin sinä tunnustat profeetan pyhää oppia. joka vuonna tähän aikaan palaan granadaan katsomaan, oletko pitänyt lupauksesi ja tahdotko luopua erehdyksistäsi." "minä taas", sanoi kyynelsilmin blanca, "odotan sinua joka vuosi. aina kuolinhetkeeni asti pidän uskollisesti valani ja rupean sinun puolisoksesi niin pian, kun kristittyjen jumala, joka on voimallisempi, kuin minä, sinun rakastajasi, muuttaa uskottoman mielesi." aaben-haamet läksi, pois; tuulet veivät hänet afrikan rannoille. hänen äitinsä oli vastikään kuollut. hän syleili ruumis-arkussa olevaa äitiänsä, hän itki häntä. kuukaudet kuluivat. milloin kuljeskeli hän karttaagon raunioiden keskellä, milloin istui hän pyhän ludvigin haudalla odotellen sitä päivää, jona hän pääsisi takaisin granadaan. vihdoin se päivä koitti maanpakolaiselle aabenserraagille. hän nousi laivaan, joka käänsi keulansa malagaa kohti. kuinka suuri oli hänen ihastuksensa, mikä pelonsekainen tunne täytti hänen sydämensä, kun kaukaa häämöttivät espanjan ensimmäiset niemet! odottaakohan blanca rannalla? muistaako hän vielä onnetonta arapialaista, joka ei lakannut häntä rakastamasta istuessaan erämaan palmupuun varjossa? mutta don rodrigon tytär ei ollut valojansa unohtanut. hän oli pyytänyt isäänsä saattamaan hänet malagaan. asumattoman rannikon kukkuloilta hän silmäili etäisiä laivoja ja pakenevia purjeita, myrskyn aikana hän katseli kauhistuksella raivoisaa merta. silloin hän mielellään nousi pilviä tavoitteleville vuorenhuipuille, kiipeili vaarallisia polkuja, katseli mielihyvällä, miten hänen jalkojensa juuressa tyrskivät samat aallot, riehuivat samat tuuliaispäät, jotka uhkailivat aaben-haametin henkeä. kun hän näki vaikertelevan kalakaijan viistävän laineita suurilla, käyrillä siivillään ja lentävän afrikan rannikkoa kohti, niin hän lähetti sillä kaikellaisia lemmentervehdyksiä, kaikellaisia mielettömiä toiveita, jollaisia lähtee rakkauden vallassa olevasta sydämestä. kun blanca eräänä päivänä käveli rannikolla, niin hän huomasi pitkän purren, jonka korkea kokka, kallellaan oleva masto ja kolmikulmainen purje osottivat sen olevan maurilaisten aistikasta tekoa. hän riensi satamaan ja näki samassa berberiläisen aluksen tulevan sinne nopeaa vauhtia, niin että vaahtopäiset aallot kävivät sen edellä. komeapukuinen maurilainen seisoi etukeulassa. hänen takanaan piteli kaksi mustaa orjaa ohjista kiinni arapialaista hevosta, jonka suitsevat sieraimet ja hajanainen harja osottivat samalla sen tulista syntyperäistä luonnetta ja kauhistusta, jonka aaltojen kohina siihen vaikutti. pursi tuli lähemmäksi, purjeet laskettiin alas ja laivan kylki käännettiin laituria vasten. maurilainen hyppäsi rannalle niin, että aseet kalahtivat. orjat toivat purresta ratsun, täplikkään kuin leopardi, joka hirnui ja hyppeli iloissaan siitä, että oli jälleen päässyt maalle. pari toista orjaa laski maahan varovasti isohkon kopan, jossa lepäsi gaselli palmulehdillä. sen hennot jalat olivat sidotut yhteen ja taivutetut sen alle, jott'eivät ne laivan heiluessa olisi katkenneet. sen kaulassa oli aloenmarjoista tehty nauha, jonka molempia päitä yhdistävään kultalevyyn oli piirretty arapialaisilla kirjaimilla joku nimi ja talismani. blanca tunsi heti aaben-haametin, mutta hän ei tahtonut niin suuren väkijoukon edessä ilmaista tunteitansa. hän lähti sentähden pois satamasta ja lähetti dorotea palvelijattarensa ilmottamaan aabenserraagille, että hän odotti viimemainittua maurilaisten palatsissa. aaben-haamet näytti paikalla kaupunginpäällikölle firmaaninsa, joka oli kirjoitettu sinisellä värillä kallis-arvoiselle pergamentille ja suljettu silkkikoteloon. dorotea lähestyi ja saattoi onnellisen aabenserraagin blancan jalkojen juureen. kuinka he ihastuivat tavatessaan toinen toisensa uskollisina! kuinka onnellisia kohdatessaan toisensa niin pitkän ajan perästä! kuinka monin kerroin he uudestaan vannoivat iankaiken rakastavansa toinen toistaan! kaksi mustaa orjaa talutti heidän luokseen numiidialaisen hevosen, jonka selkään satulan asemesta oli purppuravyöllä sidottu leijonannahka. sen jälkeen tuotiin gaselli blancan tykö. "hallitsijatar", aaben-haamet sanoi, "tuossa on kotimaani metsäkauris, joka on melkein yhtä keveä liikkeissään, kuin sinäkin!" blanca otti itse pois kopasta tuon viehättävän eläimen, joka ikään kuin kiitollisuuden osoitteeksi loi häneen mitä suloisimman katseen. aabenserraagin poissa ollessa oli santa fén herttuan tytär opetellut arapian kieltä. heltynein silmin hän nyt luki oman nimensä gasellin kaulavyössä. vapauteen päästyään se tuskin jaksoi pysyä jaloillaan, jotka olivat olleet niin kauan yhteen sidottuina; sen tähden se laskeutuikin maahan pitkälleen ja nojasi päänsä haltijattarensa polvia vasten. blanca tarjosi sille tuoreita taateleita ja hyväili tätä erämaan kaurista, jonka hieno karva oli säilyttänyt aloemetsän ja tuniksen ruusun lemun. aabenserraagi, santa fén herttua ja hänen tyttärensä lähtivät yhdessä granadaan. onnellisen parin päivät kuluivat niin kuin edellisenäkin vuonna. samat kävelyt uudistettiin, sama kaiho, jonka herätti isänmaan näkeminen, sama rakkaus, tai pikemmin yhäti molemmin puolin kasvava rakkaus, mutta myöskin sama kiintymys isien uskontoon vallitsi heissä. "rupea kristityksi", blanca sanoi. "rupea moslemilaiseksi", aaben-haamet sanoi. toisen kerran he erosivat toisistaan, mutta vieläkään ei ollut rakkaus, joka heitä veti toinen toisensa tykö, saanut heitä kokonaan valtaansa. aaben-haamet ilmestyi taas kolmantena vuonna, niin kuin muuttolinnut, jotka rakkaus keväisin tuo meidän ilmanaloihimme. hän ei tavannut blancaa rannalla, mutta tuo uskollisen arapialaisen rakastettu kirjoitti hänelle, että santa fén herttua oli matkustanut madridiin ja että don carlos oli saapunut granadaan. don carloksen mukana oli tullut ranskalainen sotavanki, joka oli blancan veljen ystävä. maurin sydän oli pakahtua, kun hän luki tämän kirjeen. hän lähti malagasta granadaan mitä surullisimmilla enteillä. vuoret näyttivät hänestä kauhealta erämaalta ja useamman kerran hän katsoi taaksensa merelle päin, jonka yli hän äsken oli purjehtinut. blanca ei ollut saattanut isänsä poissa ollessa jättää rakastettua veljeänsä, joka oli luovuttanut hänelle kaiken omaisuutensa, ja jota ei hän ollut nähnyt seitsemään vuoteen. don carloksessa oli kansansa urheus ja uljuus. hän oli hirmuinen kuin uuden maailman valloittajat, joiden joukossa hän oli tehnyt ensimmäiset asekokeensa, jumalinen kuin ne espanjalaiset ritarit, jotka voittivat maurilaiset, ja hänen sydämessään hehkui cidistä peritty viha uskottomia vastaan. tuomas de lautrec kuului mainioon foixin sukuun, jossa naisten kauneus ja miesten urhoollisuus kulkevat perintönä polvesta polveen, ja oli loixin kreivittären ja onnettoman odet de foixin, lautrecin herran nuorempi veli. kahdeksantoistavuotiaana tuomas sai ritarilyönnin bayardilta samalla pakoretkellä, jolla sai surmansa tuo ritari peloton ja moitteeton. muutaman ajan perästä tuomas haavoittui ja joutui vangiksi pavian tykönä, puolustaessaan ritarillista kuningastaan, joka silloin kadotti kaikki, paitsi kunniansa. don carlos de bivar, joka omin silmin oli nähnyt lautrecin urotyöt, oli käskenyt hoitaa nuoren ranskalaisen haavoja ja pian rakentui heidän välilleen todellinen sankarien ystävyys, joka perustui molemminpuoliseen kunnioitukseen ja miehuuteen. frans ensimmäinen oli päässyt takaisin ranskaan, mutta muut vangit oli kaarle viides pidättänyt. lautricilla oli ollut kunnia olla samassa vankeudessa kuninkaansa kanssa ja oli saanut maata hänen jalkojensa juuressa vankilassa. jäätyänsä espanjaan sen jälkeen, kun hänen hallitsijansa oli lähtenyt pois, oli hän, annettuansa kunniasanansa, jätetty don carlokselle, joka nyt oli tuonut hänet granadaan. kun aaben-haamet saapui don rodrigon palatsiin ja saatettiin siihen saliin, jossa santa fén herttuan tytär oli, niin hän tunsi tuskia, jotka siihen asti olivat hänelle olleet tuntemattomia. blancan jalkojen juuressa istui nuorukainen, joka katseli häntä äänettömällä ihastuksella. nuorukaisella oli puhvelinnahkaiset kaatiot jalassa ja samanvärinen takki, joka oli vyötetty hankkiluksella, josta rippui liljan kuvalla koristettu miekka. silkkivaippa oli heitetty hänen hartioilleen ja hänen päätänsä peitti kapearöytäinen, sulilla somistettu hattu. hänen rinnan kohdalle ulottuva poimukauluksensa jätti kaulan paljaaksi. viikset, mustat, kuin ebenpuu, soivat hänen kasvoilleen miehekkään ja sotaisen näön. hänen saappaissaan, joiden leveät varret monessa laskoksessa olivat kääntyneet alaspäin, oli ritarinmerkki: kultakannukset. muutaman askeleen päässä edellisestä seisoi toinen ritari nojautuneena pitkän miekkansa ristirautaa vastaan. hän oli samallaisessa puvussa, kuin toinenkin ritari, mutta hän näytti vanhemmalta. hänen tylyt, vaan samalla tulista luonnetta ilmaisevat kasvonsa herättivät kunnioitusta ja pelkoa. hänen takkiinsa oli neulottu calatravan punainen risti, jonka merkkikuvassa oli sanat: "tämän ja kuninkaani puolesta." hiljainen huudahdus pääsi ehdottomasti blancan huulilta, kun hän huomasi aaben-haametin. "ritarit", blanca sanoi samassa, "tässä on se uskoton, josta olen teille niin paljon puhunut. katsokaa vaan, ettei hän vie teistä voittoa. samallaisia, kuin hänkin olivat aabenserraagit, eikä kukaan ollut heidän vertaisensa uskollisuudessa urheudessa ja ritarillisuudessa." don carlos lähestyi aaben-haametia. "maurilainen ritari", hän sanoi, "isältäni ja sisareltani olen saanut kuulla nimenne. arvellaan, että olette ylhäistä ja urhoollista sukua, ja olettekin kunnostaneet itseänne jalolla käytöksellänne. hallitsijani kaarle viides kuuluu kohta nostavan sodan tunista vastaan ja silloin saamme toivoakseni nähdä toisemme kunniatanterella." aaben-haamet laski kätensä rinnalleen, istahti lattialle ja katseli taukoamatta blancaa ja lautrecia. jälkimmäinen taas silmäili ranskalaisen tavallisella utelijaisuudella maurilaisen komeata pukua, loistavia aseita ja kaunista muotoa. blanca näytti levolliselta; koko hänen sielunsa kuvautui hänen silmissään. vilpitön espanjatar ei edes koittanut peittää sydämensä salaisuutta. kotvasen vaiti oltuaan aaben-haamet nousi seisaalleen, kumarsi don rodrigon tyttärelle ja poistui salista. lautrec, jota maurilaisen käytös ja blancan katseet olivat kummastuttaneet, lähti ulos mieli täynnä epäluuloa, joka pian muuttui varmuudeksi. don carlos jäi yksin sisarensa kanssa. "blanca", hän sanoi hänelle, "selitä minulle, minkä tähden jouduit niin hämillesi, kun tuo muukalainen astui tänne." "veli", blanca sanoi, "minä rakastan aaben-haametia ja annan hänelle käteni, jos hän kääntyy kristin-uskoon." "mitä!" don carlos huudahti, "rakastat siis aaben-haametia; bivarilaisten jälkeinen rakastaa maurilaista, uskotonta, vihollista, jonka me olemme karkottaneet näistä palatseista!" "don carlos", blanca vastasi, "minä rakastan aaben-haametia, aaben-haamet rakastaa minua. kolmen vuoden kuluessa hän on yhäti vaan luvannut luopua pikemmin minusta, kuin isiensä uskonnosta. hänessä on jaloutta, kunniaa ja ritarillisia avuja; aina kuolinhetkeeni asti olen häntä rakastava." don carlos huomasi ritarillisuudessaan, että aaben-haametin päätöksessä oli jotakin jalomielistä, jos kohta hän surkuttelikin tämän uskottoman sokeutta. "onneton blanca", hän sanoi, "mihin sinut vielä vie tuo rakkautesi? olin siinä toivossa, että lautrec ystäväni tulisi veljekseni." "siinä petyit", blanca vastasi, "en saata rakastaa tuota muukalaista. mitä tulee minun tunteisini aaben-haametia kohtaan, niin niistä ei minun tarvitse tehdä tiliä kenellekkään. pidä sinä huolta ritarivaloistasi, niin kuin minäkin rakkauden valoistani. vaan lohdutukseksesi tietäös, ettei blanca milloinkaan mene uskottoman puolisoksi." "sukumme siis katoaa maan päältä", don carlos huudahti. "sinun asiasi on saattaa se jälleen eloon", blanca sanoi. "mitä muuten sinulla on pojista, joita et saa nähdä ja jotka eivät urhoollisuudessa ole sinun vertaisiasi? don carlos, minä huomaan, että olemme heimomme viimeiset. kuinka saattaisi sukumme pysyä elossa meidän jälkeemme, kun olemme näin paljon poikenneet yleisestä järjestyksestä! cid oli kanta-isämme, hän on myös jälkipolvemme." blanca lähti pois palatsista. don carlos kiiti aabenserraagin tykö. "mauri", hän sanoi hänelle, "luovu sisarestani, tai tule kaksintaisteluun kanssani!" "onko sisaresi käskenyt", aaben-haamet vastasi, "sinua vaatimaan minulta takaisin ne valat, jotka hän on minulle tehnyt?" "ei", don carlos virkkoi, "hän rakastaa sinua enemmän, kuin koskaan ennen." "oi, sinä blancan veli, sinä olet jaloudessa hänen vertaisensa", aaben-haamet huudahti hänet keskeyttäen, "sinun sukuasi tulee minun kiittää kaikesta onnestani. oi, onnellista aaben-haametia! oi onnen päivää! luulin jo, että blanca oli unohtanut minut tämän ranskalaisen ritarin tähden." "ja se on kaikki sinun tuottamaasi onnettomuutta!" don carlos huudahti vuorostaan vihan vimmassa. "lautrec on ystäväni ja ilman sinua hän olisi veljeni. vaadin sinulta hyvitystä niistä kyynelistä, joita olemme saaneet sinun tähtesi vuodattaa." "sen kyllä tahdon tehdä", aaben-haamet vastasi, "mutta vaikka esi-isäni kentiesi ovat taistelleet sinun sukuasi vastaan, niin minä kuitenkaan en ole ritari, enkä näe tässä ketään, joka korottaisi minut sellaiseen säätyyn, että saattaisit mitellä miekkaa kanssani arvoasi alentamatta." don carlos, jota maurilaisen älykäs aatos hämmästytti, loi häneen ihmettelyä ja raivoa ilmaisevan katseen ja lausui yht'äkkiä: "minä teen sinusta ritarin, sen kyllä ansaitset!" aaben-haamet notkisti polvensa don carloksen eteen, joka löi hänet ritariksi koskettaen häntä kolme kertaa miekkansa lappeella olkapäähän, sitte don carlos sitoi hänen vyölleen saman miekan, jonka ehkä aabenserraagi vielä oli syöksevä hänen rintaansa. sellainen oli muinainen kunnianosotus. molemmat nousivat heti ratsujensa selkään, lähtivät granadan kaupungin piiristä pois ja riensivät niin sanotulle mäntylähteelle, joka vanhoista ajoista asti on ollut kuuluisa maurilaisten ja kristittyjen kaksintaisteluista. siellä olivat otelleet malik alabes ja ponce de leon, ja calatravan suur'mestari oli siellä antanut kuolinhaavan uljaalle abayadokselle. vieläkin näkyi tuon maurilaisen ritarin aseitten palasia männyn oksille ripustettuina ja puun kaarnaan oli piirretty muutamia kirjaimia hautakirjoitukseksi. don carlos osotti kädellään abayadoksen hautaa aabenserraagille. "noudata", hän huudahti hänelle, "tuon kunnon uskottoman esimerkkiä ja ota vastaan kaste tai kuolema kädestäni!" "kuoleman saatan ottaa", aaben-haamet vastasi, "vaan eläköön allah ja profeetta!" samassa he astuivat kumpikin määrätylle paikalle ja ryntäsivät raivoisasti toistansa vastaan. heillä oli ainoastaan miekka kädessä. aaben-haamet ei ollut miekkailuun niin harjaantunut kuin don carlos, mutta hänen kelvolliset aseensa, jotka olivat damaskon terästä, ja hänen nopealiikkeinen arapialaishevosensa tekivät hänet muutamissa suhteissa vihollistaan etevämmäksi. hän laukkautti ratsuaan maurilaisten tapaan ja viilsi väljällä, terävällä jalustimellaan don carloksen hevosta polven yläpuolelle. haavoittunut hevonen kaatui, ja don carlos, jonka tuo onnellinen lyönti oli pakottanut pois ratsun selästä, kävi miekka pystyssä aaben-haametia vastaan. aaben-haamet hyppäsi maahan ja otti pelkäämättä don carloksen vastaan. hän torjui espanjalaisen ensi lyönnit, ja tämän miekka murtui damaskon terästä vastaan. kahdesti onnen pettämänä don carlos itki vimmoissaan ja huusi viholliselleen: "lyö maurilainen, lyö! aseettomanakin don carlos uhmaa sinua ja koko uskotonta heimoasi!" "sinä saatat tappaa minut", aabenserraagi vastasi, "mutta minä en lyö sinuun pienintäkään haavaa enkä ole sellaista koskaan edes ajatellutkaan. tahdoin vaan näyttää, että kelpaan veljeksesi ja että syyttä halveksit minua." samassa näkyi tomupilvi etäältä. lautrec ja blanca kiidättivät täyttä laukkaa kahdella feziläisellä hevosella, jotka tuulen nopeudella tulivat yhä lähemmäksi. pian he saapuivat mäntylähteelle ja huomasivat taistelun tauonneen. "olen voitettu", don carlos sanoi, "tämä ritari on lahjoittanut minulle henkeni. lautrec, teidän ehkä käy onnellisemmin, kuin minun." "haavani eivät salli minun taistella tämän jalomielisen ritarin kanssa", lautrec sanoi viehättävällä ja kohteliaalla äänellä. "en tahdo", hän lisäsi punastuen, "tietää riitanne syytä enkä urkkia salaisuuttanne, joka kentiesi tuottaisi kuolettavaisen haavan poveeni. kohta taas syntyy rauha välillänne, kun minä lähden pois, jollei blanca käske minua jäämään jalkojensa juureen." "ritari", blanca sanoi, "jääkää tänne veljeni luokse ja pitäkää minua sisarenanne! kaikkien täällä koossa olevien sydämet ovat murhetta täynnä. meidän kanssamme opitte kärsimään elämän vastuksia." blanca pyysi kaikkia kolmea ritaria antamaan hänelle kätensä, mutta he kieltäytyivät. "minä vihaan aaben-haametia", don carlos huudahti. "minä kadehdin häntä", lautrec sanoi. "minä taas", aabenserraagi sanoi, "kunnioitan don carlosta ja lautrecia käy minun sääli, vaan kumpaakaan en saata rakastaa." "saadaanpa nähdä", blanca sanoi, "ennemmin tai myöhemmin seuraa kunnioitusta ystävyys. hyvä olisi, jos ei tästä surkeasta tapauksesta, joka meidät on koonnut tänne, saataisi koskaan mitään tietoa granadassa." tästä hetkestä alkaen kävi aaben-haamet tuhat kertaa rakkaammaksi don rodrigon tyttärelle, sillä rakkautta miellyttää urhoollisuus, ja sitä ei puuttunut aabenserraagilta, koska hän oli niin uljaasti käyttäytynyt kaksintaistelussa, ja koska don carlos oli hänelle kiitollisuuden velassa hengestään. muutamaan päivään ei aaben-haamet blancan pyynnöstä käynyt palatsissa, jotta don carloksen viha sai lauhtua. suloiset ja katkerat tunteet vallitsivat aabenserraagin sydämessä. jos kohta hän olikin vakuutettu siitä, että blanca uskollisesti ja palavasti häntä rakasti, niin pian vaihtuivat kuitenkin hänen ilosta hurmaantuneet tunteensa synkäksi alakuloisuudeksi, kun hän muisti, ettei hän luopumatta isiensä uskosta saata konsanaan olla onnellinen. jo oli kulunut useampia vuosia eikä mitään parannuskeinoja ollut ilmaantunut. niinköhän oli hänen loppu-ikänsäkin kuluva? hän oli vaipunut mitä surullisimpiin ja vakavimpiin aatoksiin, kun eräänä iltana kuuli kellojen soiton, joka kutsui kristittyjä iltarukoukseen. silloin päätti hänkin astua kerran blancan jumalan temppeliin ja rukoilla neuvoa taivaan ja maan hallitsijalta. hän lähti ja saapui muinaisen moskeen portille, joka nyt oli muuttunut uskovaisten kirkoksi. suru ja uskonnolliset tunteet valtasivat hänen sydämensä, kun hän astui siihen temppeliin, joka muinoin oli kuulunut hänen jumalalleen ja isänmaalleen. rukous oli juuri päättynyt; ei ainoatakaan ihmistä ollut enää kirkossa. pyhä hämärä vallitsi pylväitten vaiheilla, jotka pitkissä sarjoissa seisoivat vähän matkan päässä toisistaan, kuin puut säännöllisesti istutetussa metsässä. arapialaisten keveä rakennustapa oli yhdistynyt goottilaiseen rakennustapaan ja menettämättä mitään somuudestaan se oli käynyt vakavammannäköiseksi soveltuen siten paremmin jumalisiin mietiskelyihin. muutamat harvalukuiset lamput valaisivat tuskin holvien syvänteitä, mutta sytytettyjen vahakynttilöiden valossa näkyi kaikkein pyhimmän alttari, joka välkkyi kullasta ja kalliista kivistä. espanjalaisten mielestä on suurin kunnia luopua rikkauksistaan koristaakseen niillä kirkkoaan, ja puoli-alaston kansa palvelee elävän jumalan kuvaa, joka on asetettu korureunaisten verhojen, helmiruunujen ja rubiiniseppelien keskelle. et huomannut yhtäkään istuinta tuossa avarassa huoneessa; marmoriselle permannolle, jonka alla oli monta ruumiin-arkkua, sai niin ylhäinen kuin alhainenkin langeta polvilleen herran jumalan eteen. aaben-haamet astui hiljaa kirkon autiota keskustaa kohden, joka kaikui joka askelella. toisinaan toi tämä maurilaisten entinen moskee hänen mieleensä kauniita muistoja entis-ajoilta, toisinaan syntyi hänen sydämessään outoja, kristittyjen uskonnon herättämiä tunteita. lamppujen himmeässä valossa hän erotti pylvään juurella liikkumattoman haamun, jonka hän ensi katsannolla luuli jollekin haudalle pystytetyksi kuvapatsaaksi. hän lähestyi sitä ja näki nuoren, polvillaan olevan ritarin, jonka pää oli nöyrästi alas päin vaivuksissa ja kädet ristissä rinnalla. ritari ei liikahtanut hiukkaakaan kuullessaan aaben-haametin askelten kapseen; kaikki hänen ajatuksensa, koko hänen olentonsa oli vaipunut hartaasen rukoukseen. hänen miekkansa oli hänen edessään, ja hänen sulilla somistettu hattunsa oli laskettu marmorilliselle permannolle hänen viereensä. näytti siltä, kuin tenhovoima olisi häntä pitänyt hänen liikkumattomassa asennossaan. lautrec oli tuo ritari. "oi", aabenserraagi sanoi itsekseen, "tuo nuori ja kaunis ranskalainen pyytää luojalta jotakin erinomaista suosionosotusta; tuo soturi, joka jo on tullut kuuluisaksi uljuudestaan, tunnustaa täällä sydämensä syvimmät salaisuudet korkeuden herran edessä, aivan kuin hän olisi alhaisin ja halvin ihmislasten joukossa. rukoilkaamme siis yhdessä ritarien ja kunnian jumalaa!" aaben-haamet oli polvistumaisillaan marmoriselle permannolle, kun hän lampun valossa huomasi muutamia arapialaisia kirjaimia ja koraanin värsyn erään puoleksi rikkuneen kipsikoristuksen alapuolella. omantunnon vaivat palasivat hänen sydämeensä ja suurimmalla kiireellä hän riensi pois kirkosta, jossa hän oli unohtamaisillaan velvollisuutensa uskontoansa ja isänmaatansa kohtaan. tuota entistä moskeeta ympäröivä kirkkomaa oli jonkinlainen puutarha; sinne oli istutettu oransseja, palmuja ja sypressejä ja kaksi suihkulähdettä kasteli sitä; sen lähistöllä oli luostari. mennessään pylväskäytävän ohitse aaben-haamet huomasi naisen, joka aikoi astua kirkkoon. vaikka nainen oli huntuun verhottu, aabenserraagi tunsi hänet santa fén herttuan tyttäreksi; hän pysähtyi häntä puhuttelemaan ja sanoi: "tuletko hakemaan lautrecia tästä temppelistä?" "jätä sikseen tuo alhainen epäluulosi", blanca vastasi. "jos en enää sinua rakastaisi, niin sanoisin sen sinulle; olisipa halpamielistä pettää sinut. minä tulen tänne rukoilemaan puolestasi; sinä yksinäsi olet nyt rukousteni esine; oman sieluni unohdan sinun sielusi tähden. paras olisi ollut, ettet olisi minua hurmannut rakkautesi myrkyllä tai että olisit suostunut palvelemaan sitä jumalaa, jota minäkin palvelen sinä mureutat koko perhettämme; veljeni sinua vihaa; isäni on pahoillaan, syystä että minä kieltäyn menemästä kenenkään puolisoksi. etkö havaitse, että terveyteni huononee? katso tuota kuolon asuntoa, se on viehättävä! sinne lasken pian levolle, jollet sinä kiireimmän kautta käänny minun uskontooni kristittyjen alttarin juurella. taistelut, joita kestää riuduttavat vähitellen elinvoimani. rakkaus, jonka olet minussa herättänyt,. ei voi enää kauvaakaan tukea heikkoa olentoani. muista, oi maurilainen, puhuakseni sinun kieltäsi, että se tuli, joka sytyttää soihdun, on myöskin se tuli, joka sen kuluttaa." blanca astui kirkkoon ja jätti hämmästyneen aabenserraagin miettimään hänen viimeisiä sanojaan. lopuksi kävi niin, että aabenserraagi tunsi itsensä voitetuksi, hän päätti luopua erhetyksistään; jokseenkin kauvan oli hän jo taistellut. pelko voitti kaikki muut hänen sydämensä tunteet, kun hän ajatteli, että blancan täytyy kuolla hänen tähtensä. "ehkäpä perästäkin", hän sanoi itsekseen, "kristittyjen jumala on totinen jumala? onhan tämä jumala jalojen sielujen jumala, koska hän on blancan, don carloksen ja lautrecin jumala." tällaiset mietteet mielessä aaben-haamet odotti levottomana huomispäivää, ilmottaaksensa silloin päätöksensä blancalle ja vaihtaakseen kyynelensä ja surunsa iloiseen ja onnelliseen elämään. ennen iltaa hän ei saattanut mennä santa fén herttuan palatsiin. hän sai kuulla, että blanca oli mennyt veljensä kanssa generalifaan, jossa lautrec piti pidot. aaben-haamet riensi uusien epäluulojen yllyttämänä sinne tavatakseen blancaa. lautrec punehtui nähdessään aabenserraagin, don carlos taas otti maurilaisen vastaan kylmällä kohtelijaisuudella, jossa kuitenkin oli kunnioitustakin. lautrec oli tuottanut erääsen generalifan saliin, jota sanotaan ritariensaliksi, ihanimpia espanjan ja afrikan hedelmiä. pitkin salin seiniä oli ripustettu prinssien ja maurien voittajien, pelayon, cidin ja gonsalvo kordovalaisen muotokuvia. granadan viimeisen kuninkaan miekka oli asetettu kuvien alapuolelle. aaben-haamet kätki murheen rintaansa ja sanoi vaan, katsellessaan noita tauluja, leijonan tavoin: "me emme osaa maalata." jalomielinen lautrec, joka näki, että aabenserraagin silmät ehdottomasti kääntyivät boabdilin miekan puoleen, sanoi hänelle. "maurilainen ritari, jos olisin aavistanut, että tulitte kunnioittamaan tätä juhlaa läsnä-olollanne, niin täällä en olisi ottanut teitä vastaan. joka päivä kadotetaan miekka, ja olen nähnyt urhoollisimman kuningasten joukossa jättävän miekkansa onnelliselle viholliselleen." "oi", maurilainen huudahti peittäen kasvonsa viittansa liepeesen, "miekkansa voi kyllä kadottaa frans ensimmäisen tavoin, mutta niin kuin boabdil!..." tuli yö; tuotiin soihtuja; keskustelu kääntyi toiselle suunnalle. don carlosta pyydettiin kertomaan mexikon löytöä. hän puhui tuosta tuntemattomasta maailmasta loistavalla kaunopuheisuudella, joka on omituista espanjan kansalle. hän kertoeli montezuman onnettomuutta, amerikkalaisten tapoja, kastiilialaisen urheuden ihmetöitä, vieläpä maanmiestensä julmuuksiakin, jotka hänestä eivät näyttäneet ansaitsevan moitetta eikä kiitosta. tällaiset kertomukset viehättivät aaben-haametia, niin kuin yleensä arapialaisia miellyttää eriskummalliset tarinat. hän puolestaan kuvaili konstanttinopolin raunioille äsken perustettua ottomanin valtakuntaa, muistellen samalla kaihomielin muhammedin ensimmäistä valtakuntaa ja noita onnellisia aikoja, jolloin uskovaisten päällikön ympärillä loisti zobeida, kauneuden kukka, sydänten voima, raju-ilma ja jalomielinen ganem, rakkautensa orja. lautrec taas kuvaili frans ensimmäisen komeaa hovia, taiteitten elpymistä raakuuden sylistä ja entis-aikojen kunniallisuutta ja ritarillisuutta, joihin oli liittynyt sivistyneempien aikojen hienot tavat, goottilaisia torneja, jotka ovat koristetut kreikkalaiseen tapaan, ja gallian naisia, jotka ymmärtävät korottaa vaatteuksensa kauneutta ateenalaisella somuudella. tämän haastelun jälkeen otti lautrec, joka tahtoi huvittaa juhlan sankaritarta, kitarin ja lauloi seuraavan romanssin, jonka hän oli sovittanut maansa vuorelaislaulun nuottiin: mun syömen' kaiho valloittaa, kun mieleen muistuu ranskanmaa. niin siellä, armas sisaren', ol' ihanaa! sinua aina muistelen, maa kaunoinen! muistatko, kuinka kotona uinuimme äidin rinnoilla? ja kuinka äiti pusersi meit' iloisna poveensa vasten, hymyili ja riemuitsi? muistatko linnaa korkeaa, mi doren luona kohoaa? ja vanhaa mauren tornia, joss' ilmottaa ain' kello päivän tuloa jok' aamuna? muistatko, kuin kiis' pääskynen pinnalla lammen tyvenen, kuin tuuli taipuun kaislikon sai kevyen, kuin valo sammui auringon taa vuoriston? jos nähdä saisin helenan, ja vuoren, tammen varjoisan, niin saisin rinnan rauhaisen ja riemuisan! sinua aina muistelen, maa kaunoinen! laulettuaan viimeiset säkeet loppuun, lautrec pyyhkäisi hansikkaallaan kyynelen, jonka ihanan ranskanmaan muisto oli tuonut hänen silmäänsä. samat kaipuun tunteet, jotka täyttivät kauniin vangin sydämen, valtasivat aaben-haametin, joka, samoin kuin lautreckin muisteli murhemielin isänmaatansa. kun toiset kehottivat häntäkin vuorostaan ottamaan kitaria käsiinsä, niin hän esteli sanoen osaavansa vaan yhden ainoan romanssin, joka ei muka ollenkaan miellytä kristityitä. "jos uskottomat vaikeroivat meidän voitoistamme", don carlos virkkoi halveksien, "niin voittehan laulaa; voitettujen on suotu vuodattaa kyyneliä." "niin", blanca sanoi, "ovathan meidänkin esi-isämme, jotka muinoin olivat maurilaisten ikeen alla, jättäneet meille niiltä ajoilta monta valituslaulua." aaben-haamet lauloi sitten seuraavan ballaadin, jonka hän oli oppinut eräältä aabenserraagien heimoon kuuluvalta runoilijalta: ratsulla kulkeissaan havaitsi don juan komean granadan vuorella loistavan. hän tälle virkahti: sa armaisen' saat sydämen' ja käteni. sun kihlaan itsellen' lemmittyn' herttainen. sinulle lahjoitan seviljan, kordovan. koristeet kultaiset ja helmet saat sa loistokkaat ja kaunoiset. granada vastaa näin: maur' on mun ystäväin oon maurin morsio, oon maurin valio, ja uljaat poikani mun verraton koristeen' on. pois kihlasi! niin vannoit, vakuutit, mut maurin kavalsit! sa jouduit haltuhun tuon kansan kirotun. aabenserraagien perinnön nyt vei kristityt! allah soi sen! milloinkaan ratsu ei tuo hadshia, jon' vei haudalle profeetan, povehen granadan. aabenserraagien perinnön nyt vei kristityt! allah soi sen! alhambra ihanin! asunto allahin! oi lähteet kirkkahat! oi niityt vihannat! aabenserraagien perinnön nyt vei kristityt! allah soi sen! nämät teeskentelemättömät valitukset liikuttivat uljasta don carlostakin, vaikka niissä oli lausuttu soimauksia kristittyjä vastaan. hän olisi mielellään tahtonut olla laulamatta, mutta kohtelijaisuudesta lautrecia kohtaan hän katsoi velvollisuudekseen myöntyä tämän pyyntöihin. aaben-haamet antoi kitarin blancan veljelle, joka ylisteli kuuluisan esi-isänsä cidin urotöitä. sotavaattehet yllä, ja valmiina purjehtiin afrikan rantoja päin cid ximenan jalkojen juuressa kitarillaan säistäen laulavi näin: mene maureja vastaan taistelemaan, on lausunut ximena, maahan ne lyö! siten mainehen saat, nimen kunniakkaan, jota ei ole peittävä unholan yö. sotalakkini, peitseni tuokaatten! sodan liekkihin riennän mä raivoisaan ja on huutoni riehussa taistelujen: "edest' armahan, kunnian käyn sotimaan." "jumalaa, kuningasta ja armastaan yli kaiken urhea cid rakastaa." siten kristityt viel' ihastuksissaan andaluusian laaksossa kertoa saa. laulaessaan tätä runoelmaa miehevällä ja sointuisalla äänellään don carlos näytti niin uljaalta, että olisi luullut hänet itse cidiksi. lautrec oli saman sotaisen innostuksen vallassa kuin hänen ystävänsäkkin, vaan aabenserraagi oli kalvennut kuullessaan cidin nimen. "sitä ritaria", hän sanoi, "jota kristityt nimittävät taistelujen kukaksi, sanomme me hirviöksi. jospa hänen jaloutensa olisi ollut hänen urhoollisuutensa vertainen!..." "hänen jaloutensa", don carlos vastasi tulistuneena keskeyttäen aaben-haametin, "oli vielä suurempi, kuin hänen rohkeutensa, eikä ketkään muut kuin maurilaiset, solvaa sitä sankaria, joka on minun sukuni kanta-isä." "mitä sanot?" aaben-haamet huudahti syöksähtäen istuimeltaan, jossa hän oli ollut puoleksi pitkällään, "luetko sinä cidin esi-isiesi joukkoon?" "hänen verensä juoksee suonissani", don carlos virkkoi, "ja siitä vihasta, joka leimuaa sydämessäni jumalani vihaajia vastaan, tunnen olevani tuota jaloa heimoa." "siis", aaben-haamet sanoi kääntyen blancan puoleen, "te olette niiden bivarilaisten jälkeisiä, jotka granadan valloituksen jälkeen anastivat onnettomien aabenserraagien kodit ja surman suuhun suistivat saman nimisen ritarin, joka tahtoi puolustaa esivanhempiensa hautaa." "maurilainen", don carlos huudahti vihan vimmassa, "tiedä, etten anna itseäni tässä tutkistella! jos minä nykyään omistankin aabenserraagien rikkauksia, niin ovat esi-isäni ne saavuttaneet verellänsä ja ovat niistä kiitollisuuden velassa ainoastaan miekalleen." "vielä sananen", lausui aaben-haamet vielä enemmän liikutettuna. "me emme maanpaossa ollessamme tietäneet, että bivarilaiset olivat saaneet santa fén herttuan arvonimen; se juuri on ollut syynä erehdykseeni." "se, jolle ferdinand katoolinen soi tuon arvonimen, oli sama bivar, joka voitti aabenserraagit", don carlos vastasi. aaben-haametin pää vaipui rinnalle, ja hän jäi seisomaan don carloksen, lautrec'in ja blancan keskelle, jotka hämmästyneinä katselivat häntä. kaksi kyynelvirtaa vuosi hänen silmistään vyöllä olevalle tikarille. "antakaa anteeksi", hän sanoi, "miesten ei sovi, niin kuin tiedän, vuodattaa kyyneliä, mutta tästälähin ei ole silmäni niistä täyttyvä, vaikka minulle jää paljon itkettävää. kuulkaa minua!" "blanca, rakkauteni sinua kohtaan on yhtä tulinen, kuin arapian kuumat tuulet. minä olin voitettu, en enää saattanut elää sinutta. kun eilen näin tämän ranskalaisen ritarin rukoilevan, kun kuulin sanasi kirkkotarhassa, niin päätin tunnustaa sinun jumalaasi ja antaa sinulle pyhän lupauksen." blancan riemun-osotukset ja don carloksen hämmästys keskeyttivät aaben-haametin; lautrec peitti kasvonsa käsillään. maurilainen arvasi hänen ajatuksensa ja pudistaen päätänsä hän veti suunsa niin surulliseen hymyilyyn, että sydäntä särkevää oli sitä nähdä. "ritari", hän sanoi, "elä heitä toivoasi kokonaan, ja sinä blanca itke koko ikäsi viimeistä aabenserraagia!" blanca, don carlos ja lautrec kohottivat kaikin kolmisin kätensä taivasta kohden ja huudahtivat: "viimeinen aabenserraagi!" hiljaisuus vallitsi, pelko, toivo, viha, rakkaus, hämmästys ja kateus valtasivat kaikkien sydämet. blanca lankesi samassa polvilleen. "laupeuden jumala!" hän sanoi, "sinä hyväksyt minun valitsemiseni; minä en saattanut rakastaa ketään muuta, kuin sankarien jälkeläistä." "sisareni", don carlos huudahti vimmoissaan, "ajattelehan, että olet tässä lautrec'in edessä!" "don carlos, hillitse vihasi", aaben-haamet sanoi, "velvollisuuteni on teitä rauhoittaa." sitte, kääntyen blancan puoleen, joka oli jälleen istuutunut, hän virkkoi: "taivaan huuri, rakkauden ja kauneuden haltijatar, aaben-haamet on pysyvä orjanasi kuolinhetkeesi asti, mutta tuntea sinun tulee hänen onnettomuutensa kaikessa niiden laajuudessa. se vanhus, joka puolustaessaan kotoliesiänsä sai surmansa iso-isäsi kädestä, oli isäni isä! kuullos vielä toinenkin salaisuus, jota olen sinulta kätkenyt, tai jonka pikemmin sinä olet saattanut minun unhottamaan. kun ensikerran tulin tähän surkeaan isänmaahan, niin aikomukseni etupäässä oli hakea joku bivarilainen, jotta hän saisi tehdä minulle tiliä siitä verestä, jota hänen esi-isänsä olivat vuodattaneet." "olkoonpa niin", sanoi blanca surullisella äänellä, jossa kuitenkin ilmaantui hänen sielunsa jalous. "mikä siis on päätöksesi?" "ainoa päätös, jonka saatan tehdä arvoasi loukkaamatta on se, että päästän sinut valoistasi ja koitan täyttää ikuisella poissa-olollani ja kuolemallani ne velvollisuudet, jotka meillä kummallakin on omaa jumalaamme, omaa isänmaatamme ja sukuamme kohtaan ja jotka nyt olemme lyöneet laimin. jos joskus kuvani haihtuu sydämestäsi, jos kaikki hävittävä aika poistaa mielestäsi aabenserraagin muiston... niin tämä ranskalainen ritari... tämä uhraus tulee sinun tehdä veljesi mieliksi." lautrec hypähti innostuneena seisaalleen ja heittäytyi maurilaisen syliin. "aaben-haamet", hän huudahti, "elä luule että voitat minut jalomielisyydessä, sillä minä olen ranskalainen ja bayard löi minut ritariksi; minä olen vuodattanut vertani kuninkaani puolesta ja tahdon, samoin kuin bayardkin ja ruhtinaani, olla peloton ja moitteeton. jos jäät tänne, niin rukoilen don carlosta, että hän suostuu antamaan sinulle sisarensa käden; jos lähdet granadasta, niin en sanaakaan puhu sinun armaallesi rakkaudestani häntä kohtaan. ellös afrikkaan lähteissäsi viekö mukanasi sitä kamalaa luuloa, että lautrec vähääkään ymmärtämättä avujasi koittaa käyttää edukseen sinun onnettomuuttasi." nuori ritari likisti maurilaista rintaansa vasten ranskalaisen lämmöllä ja hilpeydellä. "ritari", don carlos sanoi vuorostaan, "enpä muuta odottanutkaan teiltä, jotka kumpikin olette niin mainiota sukuperää. aaben-haamet, mistä merkistä saattaisin teidät tuntea viimeiseksi aabenserraagiksi!" "käytöksestäni", aaben-haamet vastasi. "minä ihmettelen sitä", espanjalainen sanoi, "mutta näyttäkää minulle jokin todiste syntyperästänne, ennen kuin lausun ajatukseni." aaben-haamet veti povestansa aabenserraagien perintösormuksen, joka rippui kultavitjoista. tämän nähdessään don carlos ojensi kätensä onnettomalle aaben-haametille. "herra ritari", hän sanoi, "pidän teitä rehellisenä miehenä ja todellisena kuninkaan poikana. te teette minulle suuren kunnian tahtoessanne päästä sukulaisuuteen minun kanssani. minä suostun siihen taisteluun, jota hakemaan te oikeastaan tänne tulittekin. jos minä tulen voitetuksi, niin koko omaisuuteni, joka muinoin kuului teille, olette te tarkalleen saapa takaisin. jos hylkäätte taistelun ehdotuksen, niin suostukaa te puolestanne siihen, mitä minä teille tarjoon: kääntykää kristityksi ja ottakaa sisareni käsi, jota lautrec jo pyysi teille." kiusaus oli suuri, vaan aaben-haametista ei se kuitenkaan saanut voittoa. jos kohta rakkaus koko mahtavuudessaan puhui aabenserraagin sydämessä, niin toiselta puolen häntä kauhistutti se ajatus, että vainoojien veri yhdistyisi vainotuitten vereen. hän oli näkevinänsä iso-isänsä haamun nousevan haudastaan ja moittivan häntä jumalattomasta liitosta. surun murtamana aaben-haamet huudahti: "voi, pitääkö minun tavata täällä näin monta ylevää sielua, näin monta jaloa luonnetta tunteakseni sitä katkerammin, mitä kadotan! lausukoon blanca, sanokoon hän, mitä minun tulee tehdä ollakseni paremmin hänen rakkautensa arvoinen!" blanca huudahti: "palaa takaisin erämaahan!" ja vaipui tainnoksiin. aaben-haamet lankesi polvilleen, jumaloitsi blancaa vielä enemmän, kuin taivasta ja lähti pois sanaakaan lausumatta. jo samana yönä hän matkusti malagaan ja astui laivaan, joka vei hänet oraniin. hän tapasi mainitun kaupungin lähelle leiriytyneen karavaanin, joka lähtee joka kolmas vuosi marokosta, kulkee afrikan poikki, saapuu sitte egyptiin ja yhdistyy jemenissä mekkaan menevän karavaanin kanssa. aaben-haamet yhtyi pyhiinvaeltajien joukkoon. blanca sairastui ensin vaarallisesti, mutta tointui kuitenkin muutaman ajan kuluttua. lautrec, pysyen uskollisesti aabenserraagille antamassaan valassa, lähti pois eikä milloinkaan hän sanallakaan ilmoittanut rakkauttansa ja surujansa santa fén herttuan tyttärelle eikä pienimmälläkään tavalla mureuttanut hänen alakuloista mieltänsä. joka vuosi meni blanca käyskentelemään malagan vuorille siihen aikaan, jolloin hänen rakastajansa tavallisesti palasi afrikasta. hän istuutui kalliolle, katseli merelle, silmäili etäällä purjehtivia laivoja ja lähti sen jälkeen takaisin granadaan. lopun ikäänsä hän vietti kuljeskelemalla alhambran raunioiden seassa. ensinkään hän ei valitellut, ei itkenyt; koskaan hän ei puhunut aaben-haametista; outo olisi luullut hänet onnelliseksi. hän yksinään jäi jäljelle koko suvusta. hänen isänsä kuoli murheesen, ja don carlos sai surmansa kaksintaistelussa, jossa lautrec oli hänen varamiehenänsä. ei milloinkaan ole saatu selville, minkä kohtalon alaiseksi aaben-haamet joutui. kun matkustat tuniksesta ja kuljet siitä portista, josta käy tie karttaagon raunioille, niin tapaat hautausmaan. sen yhdessä kolkassa on minulle näytetty palmupuun suojassa olevaa hautaa, jota sanotaan "viimeisen aabenserraagin haudaksi." siinä ei ole mitään huomattavaa; koruton hautakivi peittää sitä; ainoastaan kiven keskelle on maurilaisten tavan mukaan koverrettu taltalla pieni syvennys. sade-aikana kokoontuu vettä tuon kulpon pohjalle ja paahteisen ilmanalan helteessä tulee sinne välistä joku taivaan lintu sammuttamaan janoansa. gutenberg department of the interior ethnological survey publications volume iv, part i studies in moro history, law, and religion by najeeb m. saleeby manila bureau of public printing 1905 letter of transmittal department of the interior, the ethnological survey, manila, december 21, 1904. sir: i have the honor to transmit a series of papers on moro history, law, and religion consisting of original studies and translations from moro texts made by dr. najeeb m. saleeby. i recommend that these papers be published as part i of volume iv of the scientific studies edited by the survey. very respectfully, merton l. miller, acting chief of the ethnological survey. hon. dean c. worcester, secretary of the interior, manila, p. i. contents page chapter i history of magindanao 11 magindanao history and genealogies 11 introduction 11 the transliteration 11 geographical sketch of the chief moro settlements mentioned in the tarsila of mindanao 13 the mythology of mindanao 16 manuscripts: i. from adam to mohammed 20 genealogy of mohammed 20 translation 20 ii. genealogy of kabungsuwan and his coming to magindanao, or the conversion of magindanao to islam 21 introduction 21 translation 23 iii. genealogy of bwayan 25 introduction 25 translation 26 iv. history of the dumatus and the conversion of mindanao to islam 28 introduction 28 translation 29 v. oldest copy of the genealogy of magindanao and the iranun datus 31 introduction 31 translation 33 vi. history and genealogy of magindanao proper 36 introduction 36 translation 37 vii. genealogy of bagumbayan 41 introduction 41 translation 42 history of bagumbayan 47 viii. ancestors of the datus of mindanao 49 introduction 49 translation 49 history of magindanao 50 chapter ii laws of the moros 63 general introduction 63 the luwaran, or the laws of magindanao 64 introduction 64 translation of the luwaran, the magindanao code of laws 66 arabic marginal quotations of the luwaran 81 introduction 81 translation of the arabic marginal quotations of the luwaran 82 transliteration of articles i to viii of the luwaran 88 sulu codes 89 the principal sulu code 89 introduction 89 the code 90 the new sulu code 94 introduction 94 the code 95 chapter iii two sulu orations 101 sulu oration for the feast of ramadan 101 sulu friday oration 105 illustrations after page plate i. first page of an original manuscript copy of the luwaran 64 ii. second page of an original manuscript copy of the luwaran 64 iii. third page of an original manuscript copy of the luwaran 64 iv. fourth page of an original manuscript copy of the luwaran 64 v. first page of the sulu code made and used by sultan jamalu-l-a'lam 90 vi. second page of the sulu code made and used by sultan jamalu-l-a'lam 90 vii. third page of the sulu code made and used by sultan jamalu-l-a'lam 90 viii. fourth page of the sulu code made and used by sultan jamalu-l-a'lam 90 ix. first page of the new sulu code in the sulu dialect 94 x. second page of the new sulu code in the sulu dialect 94 xi. first page of the sulu oration for the feast of ramadan 102 xii. second page of the sulu oration for the feast of ramadan 102 xiii. third page of the sulu oration for the feast of ramadan 102 xiv. first page of the sulu friday oration 106 xv. second page of the sulu friday oration 106 xvi. third page of the sulu friday oration 106 diagrams no. 1. rulers of bwayan from the first datu, mamu 22 2. rulers of bwayan from maytum, to the present time 22 3. rulers of magindanao from kabungsuwan to sultan pakir mawlana kamza 36 4. rulers of magindanao from sultan pakir mawlana kamza to the present time 36 5. rulers of bagumbayan from raja bwayan 48 chapter i history of magindanao magindanao history and genealogies introduction the history of mindanao prior to the advent of islam is traditional and mythological, and no effort has been made to put it on record. with islam came knowledge, art, and civilization. a new system of government was instituted and its records were registered. tarsila [1] were written and the noble lineage of the datus was carefully kept. each sultanate or datuship kept a separate genealogy. these genealogies, called tarsila or salsila, were very limited in their scope and brief in their narration of events. they are our only source of written information on the early history of the moros, and are valuable on that account. previously the moros withheld these tarsila and kept them away from all foreigners and non-mohammedans; but their attitude has changed lately, and several different salsila were secured from the chief datus of the rio grande valley. the original manuscripts could not be bought, but exact and true copies of the same have been secured and translated and their translations are herein published for the first time. the transliteration these tarsila are written in the magindanao dialect with arabic characters, and a great part of their text is magindanao names which have never yet been expressed by means of romanic characters. in translating these tarsila such a large number of words have to be transliterated that it is deemed necessary to adopt a system of transliteration which can be easily understood by every english reader and which is more adequate to express magindanao sounds than either spanish or english. such a system is herein adopted and is briefly described as follows: with the exception of ng and sh, the characters used in this system are simple and represent simple sounds only. every radical modification of a certain simple sound is regarded as a different simple sound and is represented by a separate and distinct character. every compound sound is represented by those characters that express its simple constituent sounds. it is an unvarying rule in this system that every character represents an invariable sound and every sound has only one invariable character. the magindanao dialect has only twenty-seven simple sounds and can be expressed by twenty-seven simple characters. these characters are the following: a, a, i, i, u, u, u, b, d, g, ng, h, j, k l, m, n, ñ, p, q, r, s, sh, t, w, y, z the sounds which these characters represent conform very closely to the original roman sounds of the letters. a is the short sound of a; it is pronounced midway between the a in bad and the e in bed a is pronounced as the a in far, father i is pronounced as the i in fin, ill i is pronounced as the i in machine, police u is pronounced as the u in put, push u is pronounced as the u in rude, flute u is a midvowel, pronounced with the tongue slightly moved from its normal position; it is intermediate between u and e, and is somewhat related to the u in hurt b, d, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t are pronounced as in english g is always hard, as the g in gold, get ng has a guttural-nasal sound like the ng in ring h has an aspirate sound and should be always pronounced like the h in hill, behind j is rarely used; when used it is pronounced like the s in adhesion, vision ñ has a distinct palato-nasal sound and is related to the spanish ñ in señor; it is generally followed by ya q is a clicking, guttural sound related to k sh is equivalent to sh in ship w is always consonantal and sounds like the w in we, twin, water y is always consonantal and sounds like the y in you, yes, beyond z is pronounced midway between z and s the triphthongs herein expressed by tsha and nya are used in words of malay origin, and are represented by single characters in malay and magindanao. in many cases when u precedes w and i precedes y the natives omit the u and the i, and the same word may be written either with or without the u or the i. when written they are pronounced very short; u at the beginning of a word, as in undu, unggu, is often omitted both in pronunciation and in writing. such words may be written ndu and nggu. to write magindanao words by means of arabic characters correctly a certain knowledge of arabic grammar and orthography is necessary. the moros lack that knowledge and write very inaccurately and inconsistently. they neither punctuate nor use the accent sign. in transliterating these tarsila that pronunciation which seemed consistent and characteristic of each tarsila was adopted in the transliteration of the same. the text is punctuated. the accent sign is used very frequently. it is generally omitted when the accent is upon the first syllable in words of two syllables and when it is upon the syllable containing the long vowel. some stress should be put on the last syllable as a rule. the magindanao tongue is energetic and strong. its pronunciation is generally forcible, the last syllable being spoken abruptly and with a certain amount of stress. the word mohammed is written with o in spite of the fact that it is pronounced with u sound in both arabic and magindanao. the combinations ay, ay, aw, aw are not diphthongs, but simple syllables. the y and w in these cases and in all cases where they precede a vowel have pure and distinct consonantal sounds. a geographical sketch of the chief moro settlements mentioned in the tarsila of mindanao the term mindanao [2] or magindanao was originally given to the town now known as cotabato and its immediate vicinity. as the power of the sultan of magindanao extended over the adjacent territory it was next applied to the lower rio grande valley and later to all the valley and the whole seacoast that was brought under the rule of the sultan. the word is derived from the root "danao," which means inundation by a river, lake, or sea. the derivative "mindanao" means "inundated" or "that which is inundated." "magindanao" means "that which has inundation." this is the most appropriate term which could have been given to this land. for more than 10 miles from the sea the rio grande, aided by the rise of the tide, periodically overflows its banks and floods all the adjacent lands. in the rainy season this inundation extends farther up and includes an extensive tract of country. the word "cotabato" is in moro kuta watu, which means a stone fort. batu is the equivalent of watu in malay, sulu, tagalog, and visaya. this name is very modern, for the older maps that are still in use give the name mindanao in place of cotabato. the little stream that rises in the sulphur springs of cotabato and empties into the rio grande at its junction with the matampay in front of the present guardhouse is still known as the stream of magindanao. the name of the rio grande in the magindanao dialect is "pulangi," which means "large river." the rio grande divides, 20 miles before it reaches the sea, into the north branch and the south branch. cotabato is situated on the left bank of the north branch, about 5 miles from its mouth. the hill of cotabato is called "tantawan," which means "extensive view." paygwan means "the place of washing," and is on the left bank of the river at its mouth and above the bar. the spanish maps give it as paiuan. tinundan is at the mouth of a dead estuary of the same name that joins the pulangi about half a mile above paygwan and on the same side. slangan is the western part of present cotabato and extends along the manday stream. the moros call the manday "masurut." simway extends along the river of the same name for about 2 miles from its mouth and lies about 4 miles north of cotabato. the matampay river is a dead stream which joins the pulangi at cotabato. tagiman is the name of an old settlement built on the matampay river some distance above cotabato. it is now called binilwan. matampay and lusudun were built on the matampay river east of cotabato. katitwan is an old settlement on the right bank of the river 3 miles below libungan. libungan is built at the junction of a river of the same name with the pulangi, about 9 miles above cotabato. the point at the fork is called tambao. three miles below tambao on the right bank of the south branch is the site of bagumbayan. three miles below bagumbayan on the left bank of the river is taviran or tapidan. ten miles below taviran comes tamontaka, which is nearly south of cotabato and about 4 miles distant. tamontaka is about 4 miles from the mouth of the south branch of the pulangi. lumbayanági lies a little below tamontaka, on the right bank of the river. immediately above the fork and on the left bank of the main river lies the old site of kabuntalan. fourteen miles above the fork lies dulawan, the settlement at present occupied by datu piang. here empties one of the largest tributaries of the pulangi, which is navigable by launches for 12 miles farther up, to sapakan, datu utu's main residence. rakungan lies in the foothills of the tiruray mountains about 12 miles south of sapakan. talayan lies in the foothills of the tiruray mountains 15 miles southwest of dulawan. two miles below dulawan lies the old site of bwayan, on the left bank of the pulangi. opposite bwayan and dulawan lies the land of kudarangan. tinunkup is reina regente and kabarukan is the wooded hill beyond. sarunayan is the stretch of country lying north of reina regente and northeast of kudarangan and extending to the base of the kulingtan mountains, which separate the rio grande valley from the ranao region. the country occupying the declivities of these mountains north of sarunayan is called pidatan. bagu ingud is an old settlement that lies along the left bank of the river about 16 or 20 miles above reina regente. matbangan is on the right bank of the river and extends a short distance below piket. the malitigaw or malidigaw is a large tributary of the pulangi, about 15 miles above piket. matinggawan is located at the junction of the kabakan tributary and about 30 miles above piket. it is the chief settlement of the last moro district in the rio grande valley whose farthest boundary is the mulita stream, which is about 115 miles by river above cotabato. immediately south of the mouth of the south branch of the rio grande and rising above the seashore at linuk is the lofty and picturesque pyramidal peak of mount kabalalan. from kabalalan and the hills of taviran there stretches an extensive mountainous region or table-land which extends as far south as the bay of sarangani. this table-land is designated as the tiruray table-land or mountains for the reason that its northern half is inhabited by the tribe of pagans of the same name who are not met with anywhere else. the bay of sarangani is called in moro sugud bwayan. sugud means "bay," and bwayan is the chief settlement at the head of the bay. north of the head of sarangani bay and at the southern terminus of one of the ranges of the apo system of mountains towers the picturesque and conical peak of mount matutun. matutun means "burning," and the mountain is an extinct volcano. lying between matutun on the east and the previously mentioned table-land on the west is the country of talik. north of talik lie lake buluan or bulwan and farther north lake ligwasan, which empties into the rio grande through a stream called maytum ig or black water. this junction occurs at kukmun, about 8 or 10 miles above reina regente. balabagan is about 10 miles south of malabang. magulalung is in the neighborhood of balabagan. the iranun sultanate was on the shore of illana bay, and the term iranun signifies, in general, the people who live along the shores of that bay. iranun is also pronounced and written as ilanun; hence the corrupted spanish name given to the bay. the former iranun sultanate must have occupied the country in the vicinity of malabang. tubuk is the territory immediately bordering on malabang to the north of the malabang stream. baras lies a few miles north of malabang. ramitan is in the immediate vicinity of baras. malalis is near tukurun. dinas is the principal settlement on the western coast of illana bay. kumaladan is at the head of dumanquilas bay. sibugay is the name of the large bay east of the zamboanga peninsula. the word "ranao" means a lake and is the name the moros give to the upland lake lying midway between malabang and iligan and to the region surrounding the lake. the mountain range separating the ranao table-land from the rio grande valley is called the kulingtan range on account of the resemblance its peaks bear to the knobs of the row of kulingtan on which the moros make their music. the highest peak in this range north of parang and above barira is supposed to be mount bita. the highest ridge west of ranao is called mount gurayn, at the base of which lies the settlement of bacolod or bakulud. the ranao settlements which are mentioned in the tarsila are kadingilan, bayan, makadar, and bakayawan in the south, and the bayabaw settlements of marawi (marahui), madaya, and others in the north; also sikun, didagun, and dupilas. at the time of the spanish invasion of mindanao all the southern and western shores of the island of mindanao except the eastern shore of illana bay were ruled and controlled by the sultan and datus of magindanao. the ranao inhabitants are related to the iranun in language and tribal characteristics. the word mindanao unless restricted by the sense of the sentence is generally used to mean the island of mindanao, while the term magindanao is limited to the old district or town of cotabato proper. the mythology of mindanao long ago, before the days of kabungsuwan, magindanao was covered by water and the sea extended all over the lowlands and nothing could be seen but mountains. the people lived on the highlands on both sides. they were numerous and prosperous, and many villages and settlements arose everywhere. but their prosperity and peace did not last very long. there appeared in the land pernicious monsters which devoured every human being they could reach. one of these terrible animals was called kurita. it had many limbs and lived partly on land and partly in the sea. it haunted mount kabalalan [3] and extirpated all animal life in its vicinity. the second was called tarabusaw. this ugly creature had the form of a man, but was very much larger. it was extremely voracious and spread terror far and wide. it haunted mount matutun and its neighborhood. the third was a monstrous bird called pah. [4] this bird was so large when on the wing that it covered the sun and produced darkness underneath. its egg was as large as a house. it haunted mount bita and the eastern ranao region. it devoured the people and devastated the land. the people were awe-struck, and those who escaped hid themselves in the caves of the mountains. the fourth was a dreadful bird, also, which had seven heads. it lived in mount gurayn and the adjacent country. the havoc was complete and the ruin of the land was awful. the sad news found its way to strange and far lands, and all nations felt sorry for the fate that befell mindanao. when the news reached raja indarapatra, the king of mantapuli, it grieved him very much and filled his heart with sympathy. raja indarapatra called his brother, raja sulayman (solomon) and asked him to come to mindanao to save the land from those destructive animals. raja sulayman was moved with sorrow, mingled with enthusiasm and zeal, and consented to come. raja indarapatra handed to his brother his ring and his kris, juru pakal, [5] and wished him safety and success. but before they parted raja indarapatra took a sapling and planted it in the ground in front of his window. this he thought was a sure sign by which he could tell what would happen to sulayman after his departure. he said to sulayman, "if this tree lives, you will live also; and if this tree dies, you will die too." raja sulayman left mantapuli and came over to mindanao in the air. he neither walked nor used a boat. the first place he reached was kabalalan. there he stood on the summit of the mountain and viewed the land and the villages, but he could not see a single human being anywhere. the sight was woeful, and raja sulayman exclaimed, "alas, how pitiful and dreadful is this devastation!" as sulayman uttered these words the whole mountain moved and shook, and suddenly there came out of the ground a dreadful animal which attacked sulayman and fixed its claws in his flesh. the minute sulayman saw the kurita he knew that it was the evil scourge of the land, and he immediately drew his sword and cut the kurita to pieces. from there sulayman went to matutun. there he saw greater devastation and a more awful condition of affairs. as he stood on the mountain he heard a noise in the forest and saw a movement in the trees. soon there appeared tarabusaw, which drew near and gave a loud yell. it cautioned sulayman and threatened to devour him. sulayman in his turn threatened to kill tarabusaw. the animal said to sulayman, "if you kill me, i shall die the death of a martyr," and as it said these words it broke large branches from the trees and assailed sulayman. the struggle lasted a long while, until at last the animal was exhausted and fell to the ground; thereupon sulayman struck it with his sword and killed it. as the animal was dying it looked up to sulayman and congratulated him on his success. sulayman answered and said, "your previous deeds brought this death on you." the next place sulayman went to was mount bita. here the devastation was worse still. sulayman passed by many houses, but they were all vacant and not a soul lived there. "alas, what havoc and what misfortune has befallen this country!" he exclaimed, as he went on. but suddenly there came a darkness upon the land and sulayman wondered what it could mean. he looked up to the sky and beheld a wonderful and huge bird descending from the sky upon him. he at once recognized the bird and understood its purpose, and as quick as he could draw his sword he struck the bird and cut off its wing. the bird fell dead, but its wing fell on sulayman and killed him. at this same time raja indarapatra was sitting in his window, and he looked and saw the little tree wither and dry up. "alas!" he said, "raja sulayman is dead;" and he wept. sad at heart but full of determination and desire for revenge, he got up, put on his sword and belt, and came over to mindanao to search for his brother. he traveled in the air with wonderful speed and came to kabalalan first. there he looked around and saw the bones of the kurita and concluded that his brother had been there and had gone. at matutun he saw the bones of tarabusaw, but sulayman was not there. so he passed on to mount bita and resumed the search. there he saw the dead bird lying on the ground, and as he lifted the severed wing, he saw the bones of sulayman, and recognized them by means of the sword that was lying by their side. as he looked at the sword and at the bones he was overwhelmed with grief and wept with tears. raising up his head he turned around and beheld a small jar of water near him. he knew that the jar was sent down from heaven, so he took it and poured its water on the bones of his brother, and his brother came to life again. sulayman stood up, greeted his brother, and talked with him. raja indarapatra had thought that sulayman was dead, but sulayman assured him that he had not been dead, but that he had been asleep. raja indarapatra rejoiced and life and happiness filled his heart. raja sulayman returned after that to mantapuli, but raja indarapatra continued his march to mount gurayn. there he met the dreadful bird that had seven heads and killed it with his sword, juru pakal. having destroyed all these noxious animals, and having restored peace and safety to the land, raja indarapatra set himself searching for the people that might have escaped destruction. he was of the opinion that some people must have contrived to hide in the earth and that they might be alive yet. one day during his search he saw a beautiful woman at some distance, and as he hastened to meet her she disappeared quickly through a hole in the ground where she was standing. having become tired and pressed with hunger, he sat down on a rock to rest. looking around for food, he saw a pot full of uncooked rice and a big fire on the ground in front of it. coming to the fire he placed it between his legs and put the pot over his knees to cook the rice. while so occupied he heard a person laugh and exclaim, "oh, what a powerful person this man is!" he turned around and, lo, there was an old woman near by looking at him and wondering how he could cook his rice on a fire between his legs. the woman drew nearer and conversed with raja indarapatra, who ate his rice and stood talking to her. he inquired of her about her escape and about the inhabitants of the land. she answered that most of them had been killed and devoured by the pernicious animals, but that a few were still alive. she and her old husband, she said, hid in a hollow tree and could not come out from their hiding place until raja sulayman killed the awful bird, pah. the rest of the people and the datu, she continued, hid in a cave in the ground and did not dare to come out again. he urged her to lead him to the cave and show him the people, and she did so. the cave was very large, and on one side of it were the apartments of the datu and his family. he was ushered into the presence of the datu and was quickly surrounded by all the people who were in the cave. he related to them his purpose and his mission and what he had accomplished and asked them to come out and reinhabit the land. there he saw again the beautiful girl whom he had observed at the opening of the cave. she was the daughter of the datu, and the datu gave her to him in marriage in appreciation of the good he had done for them and the salvation he had brought to the land. the people came out of the cave and returned to their homes, where they lived in peace and prosperity again. at this time the sea had withdrawn and the lowland had appeared. one day as raja indarapatra was considering his return home he remembered sulayman's ring and went out to search for it. during the search he found a net near the water and stopped to fish to replenish his provisions for the continuation of the march. the net caught a quantity of buganga fish, some of which he ate. inside one of the fish he found his ring. this cheered raja indarapatra's heart and completed his joy. later he bade his father-in-law and his wife good-bye and returned to mantapuli pleased and happy. raja indarapatra's wife was pregnant at the time of their parting and a few months later gave birth to twins, a boy and a girl. the boy's name was rinamuntaw and the girl's name was rinayung. these two persons are supposed to be the ancestors of some of the ranao tribes or datus. this narration was secured from datu kali adam, who learned it from the late maharaja layla of magindanao and from alad, one of the oldest and most intelligent moros living. alad says that mantapuli was a very great city far in the land of the sunset; where, exactly, he does not know, but he is sure it was beyond the sea. mantapuli was so large, he said, and its people were so numerous, that it blurred the eyes to look at them move; they crushed the bamboo very fine if it was laid in the street one day. raja indarapatra is the mythological hero of magindanao and mantapuli is his city. these names are very frequently mentioned in moro stories, and various miracles are ascribed to them. kabalalan, matutun, bita, and gurayn are the most prominent and picturesque peaks of mindanao and ranao with which the moros are familiar. the whole narration is native and genuine, and is typical of the magindanao style and superstitions. some arabic names and mohammedan expressions have crept into the story, but they are really foreign and scarcely affect the color of the story. the animal kurita seems to bear some resemblance to the big crocodiles that abound in the rio grande river. tarabusaw may signify a large variety of ape. a heinous bird is still worshiped and is greatly feared by the tirurays and manobos who live in the mountains south of cotabato. the hateful balbal, in which all moros believe, is described as a night bird, and its call is supposed to be familiar and distinctly audible every night. what relation the names of rinamuntaw and rinayung bear to the ancestors of the ranao moros it will be very interesting to find out in the future. manuscripts manuscript no. i from adam to mohammed the genealogy of mohammed this manuscript was copied from datu mastura's book. it relates, in the dialect of magindanao, what the moros of mindanao know about adam, the death of abel, and the ancestors of the prophet mohammed. the first line is arabic and is generally written at the beginning of every book they write. the second line is malay; this also is the rule with most moro writers. the moros derived what learning they have from malay and arabic sources, and consequently take pride in what malay and arabic they know and can write; hence their custom of beginning their books with an arabic and malay introduction. literal translation of manuscript no. i in the name of god the compassionate and the merciful this chapter speaks of the story of the prophet of god, adam. adam and sitti kawa (eve) begot first the twins abdu-l-lah and amata-l-lah. they also begot abdu-r-rakman and amatu-r-rakman, other twins. they also begot habil (abel) and kalima, who were twins also. they again begot kabil (cain) and aklayma, his sister; these also were twins. a story about habil and kabil kabil killed habil in order to take away his wife. adam and sitti kawa wept on the death of habil, therefore god sent jabrayil (gabriel) to admonish them. the lord said to jabrayil, "if they simply lament for their child, i will restore him to them." the lord then replaced him by the prophet of god, sit. sit begot yanas. yanas begot kinana. kinana begot mahalayla. mahalayla begot idris. idris begot uknuk. uknuk begot mustáwsalik. [6] lamik, nuk, samir, paksal, sakih, amir, palik, ragu, ruk, pakur, azara, ibrahim, ismayil, sabit, yaskib, yarab, batrik, taku, mukáwim, ádadi, adnani, madi, nazar, mudri, ilyas, mudákih, karima, kinana, nadri, malik, kahri, galib, lúway, kabu, múrat, kilab, kusay, abdu-l-manap, hasim, abdu-l-mútalib, abdu-l-lah, mohammed, may the mercy and the blessing of god be his. the father of baginda (caliph or sayid) ali was talib. the father of usman was apan. the father of umar was kattab. abu bakar was surely beloved by god. [the end] manuscript no. ii the genealogy of kabungsuwan and his coming to magindanao; or, the conversion of magindanao to islam introduction part i this manuscript is a copy of the original in the possession of datu mastura of magindanao. the original copy is neat and very well written. it gives first the descent of kabungsuwan from mohammed, then a narrative of his departure from juhur, his arrival in mindanao, and the conversion of the people of mindanao to islam. the latter half of it gives the genealogy of the reigning family of bwayan from pulwa to pakih mawlana and pakaru-d-din, his brother. it is a very good type of the style and composition of the mindanao dialect. it is original and borrows nothing of its text and form from either malay or arabic. the combination of the genealogy of bwayan with the story of the conversion of magindanao to islam brings the history of bwayan into attention before that of mindanao; but, as very little is known of the early history of bwayan, it matters not when it comes. the rule of bwayan extends all the way from the head of the delta or from the kakal (canal) to bagu-ingud, which is a few miles below piket. in fact the datus of the surrounding country, all through the upper valley of the rio grande, owed more or less allegiance to the rulers of bwayan through all ages. the sultan of bwayan is known as raja bwayan. the rajas of bwayan attained a distinction and a power second to none, except that of the sultan of magindanao. the greatest datus of bwayan who have figured prominently in the recent history of the country are datu utu and datu ali of tinunkup, both of whom will be referred to later. diagram no. 1 ends with sultan sakandar. the relation between him and sultan maytum, the next raja of bwayan, is not given in the records. the second diagram begins with sultan maytum and ends with the present generation of rulers. part ii diagrams nos. 1 and 2 show plainly that the sultanate of bwayan did not follow any direct line of succession, that the rajas of bwayan did not always stay at bwayan, and that bwayan was not the only capital of the sultanate. the datus and the sultans of the neighboring datuships who married the principal princesses of bwayan seem to have assumed the title of raja bwayan also. the order of succession was a very complicated one. it is not stated in the records nor can it be exactly inferred from the genealogies kept. sharif ali of sapakan gives the following order: 1. raja sirungan 2. sultan tambingag kaharu-d-din 3. sultan sabaraba jamalu-d-din 4. kayib alimu-d-din 5. malang jalalu-d-din 6. sahid amiru-d-din 7. sakandar jamalu-l-alam 8. pakir mawlana alimu-d-din 9. sultan maytum sharif afdal of dulawan gives the following order: 1. raja sirungan 2. datu maputi 3. tapudi 4. tamay 5. malang 6. sakandar, sultan of lakungan 7. burhan 8. jamalu-l-alam 9. banswil 10. sayid wapat 11. pakih 12. maytum these two orders represent the best opinions of the saraya or upper valley, but there is no doubt that both of them are wrong. the order of sharif ali is, generally speaking, nearer the truth. from an examination of the records the following order seems the best of all: 1. raja sirungan 2. datu maputi 3. tambingag 4. datu tapudi 5. baratamay 6. sabaraba 7. malang 8. manuk 9. sakandar 10. maytum sultan kayib given by sharif ali probably is baratamay. there is no indication in the records that tamay, burhan, jamalu-l-alam, and banswil were ever rajas of bwayan, as sharif afdal seems to think. the records that seem most reliable are those in the possession of datu mastura, which are herein translated. the missing link, as far as these records and the notes of the author are concerned, is the relation between sultan maytum and his predecessors. common opinion declares him to be a son of pakir mawlana, but this does not seem probable, and it is certainly not in the records of magindanao, though these are reasonably accurate and complete. sharif ali, in his list, makes no distinction between a successor and a son; most people have the same idea, which is very misleading, to say the least. from the facts obtainable it seems probable that sultan maytum was the son of either sultan sakandar of rakungan or datu maputi, the uncle of sakandar. this is corroborated by the fact that the chief line of descent has been in the line of datu maputi, the son of raja sirungan, and his grandson, sabaraba. the opinion of the sheikh-a-datu of mindanao is that sultan maytum was the son of datu maputi, who would be the most eligible to the succession. jamalu-l-alam mentioned here is sultan kaharu-d-din kuda of magindanao. sahid wapat, or amiru-d-din, is sultan japar sadik manamir of magindanao. mupat batwa is sultan dipatwan anwar. pakih mawlana alimu-d-din is sultan pakir mawlana kayru-d-din kamza. panglu is sultan pakaru-d-din. from sultan maytum down the succession is accurately known. the sultanate has evidently been divided. marajanun or bangun, the older brother, succeeded to bwayan and all the country lying on the left bank of the pulangi and the sapakan rivers and all the country between sapakan and the lakes of ligwasan and bulawan. bayaw, known as the sultan of kudarangan, succeeded to kudarangan and all the northern half of the sultanate. datu utu succeeded his father, marajanun, and lived first at bwayan. after the terrero campaign of 1886 he moved to sapakan. his full name is sultan anwaru-d-din utu. the sultan of kudarangan was succeeded by his son, the sultan of tambilawan. tambilawan is the name of the sultan's residence and lies on the right bank of the rio grande a short distance above kudarangan. the sultan of tambilawan is a weak leader, and the chief power of the land has fallen to his brother, datu ali, who is a noted warrior among the moros. literal translation of manuscript no. ii praise be to god. i have full satisfaction that god is my witness this book gives the genealogy of the descendants of the apostle of god who came into magindanao. it is learned that the apostle of god begot patima zuhrah, who begot sarip [7] hasan and sarip husayn. the latter begot sarip zayna-l-abidin; sarip mohammadu-l-bakir; sarip japar sadik; sarip ali; sarip isa; sarip akmad; sarip abdu-l-lah; sarip mohammad alawi; sarip ali; sarip alawi; sarip abdu-l-lah; sarip ali; sarip mohammad; sarip abdu-l-lah; sarip akmad; sarip ali zayna-l-abidin. sarip zayna-l-abidin came to juhur and heard that the sultan of juhur, sultan sulkarnayn, had a daughter called putri jusul asikin. the sarip married putri jusul asikin and begot sarip kabungsuwan. as sarip kubungsuwan grew up and reached maturity he obtained his father's permission and set out on a sea voyage with a large number of followers from juhur. as they got out to the open sea they unfurled their sails to make speed, but a very strong wind blew and scattered them in all directions, so that they lost track of one another. as a result sarip kabungsuwan arrived at magindanao. the others scattered to bulunay (bruney), kuran, tampasuk, sandakan, palimbang, bangjar, sulug, tubuk, and malabang. sarip kabungsuwan anchored at natúbakan, at the mouth of the rio grande. tabunaway and mamalu directed some people of magindanao to carry their net for them and went down to the mouth of the river. there they met sarip kabungsuwan, and tabunaway sent mamalu up the river to bring down all the men of magindanao. after the arrival of the men tabunaway invited kabungsuwan to accompany him to magindanao. kabungsuwan refused to accompany them unless they became moslems. tabunaway and mamalu then repeated their invitation and all of them promised to become moslems. kabungsuwan insisted that he would not land at all unless they came together then and there and were washed and became mohammedans. this they did, and on account of the bathing at that place they changed its name to paygwan. kabungsuwan then accompanied tabunaway and mamalu, and the men towed them up all the way from tinundan to magindanao. thus kabungsuwan converted to islam all the people of magindanao, matampay, slangan, simway, and katitwan. soon after his arrival in magindanao sarip kabungsuwan married putri tunina, whom mamalu found inside a stalk of bamboo. this occurred at the time tabunaway and mamalu were cutting bamboo to build their fish corral. as mamalu, who was felling the bamboo tree returned, tabunaway inquired whether all the tree was felled or not. mamalu answered that all the tree was felled except one young stalk. tabunaway then said, "finish it all, because it omens ill to our fish corral to leave that one alone." mamalu struck it and it fell down, and there came out of it a child who was called putri tunina. her little finger was wounded, for the bolo had cut through the bamboo. some time later sarip kabungsuwan and putri tunina begot three children--putri mamur, putri milagandi, and bay batula. putri mamur married malang-sa-ingud, the datu of bwayan. malang-sa-ingud died later, and pulwa, his brother, came down to magindanao and married the widow of his elder brother, putri mamur. malang-sa-ingud and pulwa were the children of budtul. budtul was the son of mamu, the first datu of bwayan. pulwa and putri mamur begot raja sirungan, who was the first raja of bwayan. raja sirungan begot datu maputi, tambingag, tangkwag, and the daughters kdaw, banitik, malilumbun, duni, and libu. datu maputi begot two daughters, gimbulanan and gawang. gawang married datu tapudi of tawlan and begot sabaraba and a daughter, dumbay. dumbay begot tamay, who married a concubine and begot linug-bulawan and the daughters nanun, pinayu, antanu, and putri. sabaraba begot datu maputi and malang, who was raja bwayan, in bwayan. malang begot sakandar, who was sultan of rakungan. tambingag begot burhan and the daughters kalima, tambil, and sinal. sinal married jamalu-l-alam, who was treacherously murdered. she bore banswil and kuning. kuning was married to sahid wapat and begot pakih mawlana and panglu, who was mupat hidayat, and the daughters salilang, entitled baya-labi, and gindulungan, who was the mother of baya-labi of lakungan. tangkwag begot mukarna and buntang, who was the son of a concubine. kdaw was married to makadulu and begot baratamay and bani. makadulu begot also undung and nawang by a concubine. baratamay married gimbulanan and begot lalanu, entitled baya budtung, who married sultan barahaman and died without offspring; she was overshadowed by panabwan, a lady of tajiman. baratamay and bani were both born of a princess; so one day baratamay said to bani, "you rule bwayan, for i am going away and shall be absent," and baratamay left for sulug. there he married a lady of sulug and begot pangyan ampay. some time after that baratamay returned to the land of bwayan and went up as far as bagu ingud. there he married a lady of bagu ingud and begot munawal and gangga. munawal married mupat batwa and begot manuk, raja bwayan in bagu ingud. manuk begot manman, tapudi, and raja muda of matingawan. manman was sultan of bagu ingud. baratamay begot also tuntu, who begot dungkulang, a datu of kabulukan, and ambuludtu, and ugu niga; also pandaligun, anib, kabaw, manabu, talibubu, danaw, and the daughters gayang and tundwan. these were all the children of baratamay--in all, fourteen. [the end] manuscript no. iii the genealogy of bwayan introduction this manuscript is copied from a scroll written for the sultan of kudarangan by twan kali, a noted moro judge who was in the service of the sultan. it was obtained through the favor of sharif afdal, the son-in-law of the late sultan. the few books or documents belonging to the family of bwayan or kudarangan that i have seen are neat and well written. the dialect spoken in saraya differs a little from that of magindanao, but in the main they are one and the same dialect. this manuscript is strictly magindanao in its dialect and in its style. the first two pages of this copy give the genealogy of kabungsuwan from mohammed and adam; it is similar to that of manuscripts nos. i and ii, and ends with putri mamur, the daughter of sarip kabungsuwan, who married pulwa, the first mohammedan datu of bwayan. the second part gives the descendants of pulwa and the genealogy of the rajas of bwayan. this is, however, incomplete and deficient. it stops at the seventh generation, which is practically midway, and does not distinctly state who were the rajas of bwayan. it is fuller than manuscript no. ii in giving the descendants of all the sons of raja sirungan, but it does not proceed in the main line of descent as far and as fully as manuscript no. ii. the original scroll from which this copy was taken is evidently older than datu mastura's copy. literal translation of manuscript no. iii part i ... mahlayl begot uknuk, who is idris. idris begot mustawsilik, lamik, the prophet of god nuh, samir, arpaksal, sakih, amir, palih, ragu, saruk, pakur, azara, the prophet of god ibrahim, ismayil, sabit, yuskab, yarab, yatrah, taku, makum, adadi, adnani, madi, nazar, madri, ilyas, mudrika, karima, kinana, nalil, malik, kahri, galib, lway, kabun, murrat, kilab, kusay, abdul-manap, hashim, abd-l-muttalib, abd-l-lah, mohammed, the apostle of god. the apostle of god, mohammed, begot patima zuhrah; sayid sarip husayn; sarip ali akbar and ali asgar and zayna-l-abidin and patima; sarip zayna-l-abidin begot sarip mohammed; bakir; sarip japar sadik; sarip ali; sarip mohammed; sarip isa; sarip akmad; sarip abdullah; sarip alawi; sarip mohammed; sarip alawi; sarip ali; sarip mohammed; sarip alawi; sarip abdu-r-rakman; sarip akmad; sarip abdullah; sarip ali; sarip mohammed; sarip abdullah; sarip akmad; sarip ali; sarip mohammed; sarip husayn; sarip ali bakar; sarip ali, not the former ali, but the one who came to juhur and married the sister of sultan iskandar of juhur. they begot sarip kabungsuwan. sarip kabungsuwan begot, in juhur, sambgan and a daughter, mazawang. some time after that sarip kabungsuwan came to magindanao and married putri tunina, whom tabunaway and mamalu found inside the bamboo. by putri tunina he begot putri milagandi and putri mamur. sarip kabungsuwan brought his children sambgan and mazawang to the town of magindanao. this finishes the book relative to the earlier ancestors. part ii the first ruler of bwayan was mamu. in the name of god the compassionate and merciful. the first datu of the town of bwayan was mamu. mamu begot budtul. budtul begot pulwa and malang-sa-ingud. pulwa married putri mamur in the town of magindanao. putri mamur was the daughter of sarip kabungsuwan from putri tunina, whom tabunaway and mamalu found inside the bamboo. pulwa begot raja sirungan from putri mamur. by another wife he begot dikaya; by a concubine, sababnun, butaku, and balatukay. raja sirungan begot datu maputi, kdaw, tambingag, tungkwang, binitis, malilimbun, duni, libu. the children of datu maputi were all girls. the oldest was gimbulanan, another was gawang. tapudi, a tawlan datu, married gayang and begot sabaraba and a daughter, dumbay. dumbay begot tamay. tamay married a concubine and begot linug bulawan and the daughters nanum, pinayu, antanu, and putri. sabaraba begot datu maputi and malang. by a concubine he begot kuba, ndaw, and taming. malang begot sakandar, who was entitled sultan of lakungan. kdaw married makadulu and begot baratamay, and bani, and nawung, a datu of talayan, and undung, a datu of matabangan. baratamay married gimbulanan, the daughter of datu maputi, and begot lalanu, the lady of budtung, who had no children. by a sulu lady baratamay begot pangyan ampay; by a lady of bagu ingud, munawal, danaw, gayang, and tindwan; by a concubine, ambuludtu, ugu niga, ani, gabaw, ganggay, manabu, talibubu, pundu, tuntu, sawal; by another concubine, pandaligan, he begot also magalang, who married a lady from lagindingan. tambingag, the son of raja sirungan, married sinal and begot burhan; by a concubine he begot kasim and tambil. tungkwang begot mukarna and buntang. binitis begot sayim, dimamamala, bunsal, piniyata, kasangkalan, miza, tapuli, buludan, salab; a daughter, kanggay, and dimakaling. malilimbun begot manding, the father of panalan samu. duni, the daughter of raja sirungan, married the datu of bansayan, whose name was arugung, and bore burwa, and a daughter called indingu. after the death of the datu of bansayan she married alip and bore ugu. dikaya, the son of pulwa by a concubine, begot duka. duka married a lady of malitigaw called rantyan, whose mother was agb. to duka and rantyan there were born bulus, manalidtu, pwi, and a daughter, miyandung. burwa married nungku, the sister of nuni, and begot muluk, nanak, banálak, mama-sa-palu, kalangit, and wapagáy. later malilimbu married balbal, the datu of magulaling, and bore abad, mama-rapat, and a daughter, gansawu. gansawu married uku, the son of punduma from ampas, and bore alawa-d-din, also called aluyudan and jannatu-n-nayim, and alim, and ariraw, and igang or buging. jannatu-n-nayim begot baduyan or adwi, inal, limbayan, sayimbu, bayu, mbayu. he also begot tungkaling, buliyungan, and anggurung by a concubine. adwi and dungklang married and there were born to them dunding, ratkan, pataw, gayang, ariraw, and pimbarat, who was sultan of balabagan. ratkan, the datu of isikun, begot dimalawang and marang. dimalawang begot arani. arani begot antaw, sayu, and arawa. arawa married bayu and begot baya. manuscript no. iv history of the dumatus and the conversion of mindanao to islam introduction this manuscript is a correct copy of the original which is in the possession of datu kali adam of kalangnan, one of the principal present representatives of the dumatus. the dumatus are a distinct class of the moros of magindanao who trace their origin back to the former chiefs of the country who reigned before the introduction of mohammedanism. the original was written by datu kali adam himself, copied from a previous manuscript handed down to him from his father, who was a prominent judge, with some later additions of his own. it was neither neat nor well kept. it abounds with grammatical mistakes and has several errors in the text. its style is mixed; ranao words, pronouns, and terminations occur; still, in general it is a fair specimen of the literature of the magindanao dialect. it is the best authority on its subject, and is greatly valued by the people. it is the oldest manuscript known on this subject. the ruler of magindanao at the time of kabungsuwan's arrival was tabunaway. tabunaway was not a datu; he was a timuway. the word timuway or timway means chief or leader, and is still generally used by the tirurays and manobos and other hill tribes. kabungsuwan evidently conquered magindanao, and its sovereignty passed over from tabunaway to him, and to his descendants after him. the moros greatly regard and respect every mohammedan who is related to the prophet, and look upon every arabian as of noble birth and equal in rank to their datu class. descent from kabungsuwan constitutes all their claim to nobility and their right to the datuship. the descendants of tabunaway are naturally jealous. they claim to have come from an arabian ancestor who is descended from the prophet, and take great pride in the fact. they assert that the datus omitted this part of the history from their books intentionally in order to give more importance to kabungsuwan and to their own descent. the descendants of tabunaway are called dumatus, which is the future tense of the verb datu. the dumatus are well known, and i have met several of them. chief among them i mention datu mawlana sa-magindanao and datu kali adam. the former has lately been favored with the honorary title of datu by datu mastura, because his mother was a datu's daughter and he personally deserved the honor. both datu mawlana and datu kali claim that sharif maraja, the father of tabunaway, was an uncle of sharif kabungsuwan and that he and his children were mohammedans prior to the arrival of kabungsuwan, though their people were not so until kabungsuwan converted them. the story that the angels brought paradise to mindanao does not appear in the other manuscripts, but it is generally believed by all the datus and people of magindanao. i heard both datu mastura and datu mawlana sa-magindanao affirm the fact. they say that a part of the white earth of paradise was left in the hill behind cotabato and they call it the sacred dust. it was the custom in magindanao to bring this earth before the new sultan after his appointment that he might step on it for the confirmation of his sultanate. they believed no sultan could be successful and prosperous in his reign unless he performed this rite. the last sultan who obeyed this custom was sultan untung qudratul-lah, datu mastura's father, during the latter part of whose reign the spaniards came into magindanao and occupied cotabato. the later three sultans did not perform this rite; this the moros cite as the cause of the decline of the sultans' power and the lack of prosperity in the country. they believe this white earth still exists in the hill of cotabato, but nobody can find it except the oldest living dumatus whose forefathers have not intermarried with either datus or the common people, and to whom the secret has been handed down from tabunaway. this they keep away from everybody except their children. the dumatus are a privileged class of people, and claim they can follow any datu they choose, and that they should not pay any tribute. they assert that when tabunaway resigned his sovereignty in favor of his older brother, kabungsuwan, he reserved this privilege for his children, which privilege kabungsuwan promised to respect. for these reasons the dumatus keep their own records of the history of their country, and the genealogy of their line. sambug, who is mentioned here, is stated to be the son of tabunaway. manuscript no. iii states that kabungsuwan had a son named sambgan, who was born in juhur. whether these two are one and the same name or not it is very difficult to say. probably they are two different names. literal translation of manuscript no. iv the genealogy and history of the people of mindanao the land of paradise was brought by the angels from the west (arabia) to mindanao. later the angels moved paradise to madinat, but the earth did not balance and tipped on the side of mindanao. they then measured the earth to find its center, but it had none. then the angels took paradise and carried it to mecca, but a part of it remained in mindanao. sharif awliya knew that and came to mindanao to search for it. he saw a column of smoke, and as he came to this smoke he found that it was a woman. he took her and married her and begot a daughter whose name was paramisúli, whom he left in the blessed land. afterwards there came from juhur sharif hasan and sharif maraja, who were brothers. sharif hasan came to sulu, and from him descended all the datus of sulu. sharif maraja had two sons, sharif bidayan and sharif timbangan. he or one of his sons lived at basilan. sharif hasan and sharif maraja were followed by sharif kabungsuwan, a nephew of sharif maraja. sharif maraja was the first mohammedan who came to bawangin, which is mindanao. he first came to slangan (the western part of cotabato), where he saw burak (an animal intermediate between a bird and a horse) light on a bamboo tree. burak slipped and let fall his load, which was the lady, paramisúli. sharif maraja dived into the river and brought up paramisúli; later he married her and begot several children. the oldest of his children was tabunaway, the youngest mamalu. the daughters were sarabanun and pindaw. some time after that sharif kabungsuwan came from juhur and anchored at tinundan (a stream or estuary very near the mouth of the rio grande of mindanao). there was nobody there then; but the sharif saw a taro plant and a cornstalk floating down, and said, "there must be some people at the head of this river; let us wait until they come down." later there came down the river manúmbali, the datu of slangan, with seven men, to fish at tinundan. they saw sharif kabungsuwan. the sharif called them, but they could not understand him. he beckoned to them, but one of them died on that account, and they were frightened and returned. later the people of katittwan, having heard of this, came down the river to see the sharif, but they also could not understand him, and one of their men died of the same cause. they again returned and told tabunaway, who came down the river and saw sharif kabungsuwan. the sharif called to tabunaway and mamalu, who both understood him and came into his boat. tabunaway saw the ring of sharif kabungsuwan, and the sharif observed the ring of tabunaway. the sharif then asked tabunaway how he had become possessed of this ring, and if he had bought or inherited it. tabunaway replied that he had not bought the ring, but that he had inherited it. "then," said the sharif, "you must be a descendant of my uncle." he then informed tabunaway of his relation to him, and they became acquainted with each other. they then went up the river together in the boat of sharif kabungsuwan and came to magindanao (which is cotabato). there kabungsuwan met sarabanun, the sister of tabunaway, and asked to marry her. tabunaway consented and the sharif married sarabanun, but she died before her child was born. after the death of his father tabunaway became datu of magindanao. sitti paramisúli, the mother of tabunaway, had asked her son to bury her comb, after her death, underneath her window. this he did. the comb grew and become a large bamboo tree. as mamalu was cutting the tree one day he found a lady in one of the bamboo joints which he had cut. the blow had reached her little finger and cut it slightly. he took the child to tabunaway who told mamalu to adopt her because he had no children. they called her putri tunina, because they thought their mother had come to life again. as she was a virgin and of age she was married to sharif kabungsuwan and bore three daughters. the first daughter was called mamuranda, and married pulwa, the datu of bwayan. the second was called milagandi, and married malang-sa-ingud, who is also a datu of bwayan. the third daughter was called putri batula. sambug, the son of tabunaway, married and begot dagansina. dagansina begot ampan; ampan begot alang; alang begot dumaya, who married duyuttanan, who is from liyámin in balabagan. dumaya begot lawana and mandawa and taluwa. lawana begot bansara. bansara begot iput and ibrahim and jubayr and the following daughters: lamyuna, kalima, and malubay, the mother of sultan izra of ramitan. from lamyuna descended mohammed, whose children are gayag and sakandar and undang. kalima bore antim. antim begot jayra and tunug. iput begot karija. ibrahim begot ugu. ugu begot mintal and umar, one of whom was a judge (kali). the judge begot ruranun and gansing and mamalu and a daughter called mandi. kali ruranun begot nyaw and tarawya and mangilay. mamalu begot kudarat and dawuntánan and mantag. nyaw begot jamarun and kawali. tarawya begot anggris and sayd. mangilay begot abbas and payag and dadaw. mandi begot gawi and mindang and inding. gawi begot lambway and bkaran and gandayra. mindang begot rakman. inding begot dindaw. manuscript no. v the oldest copy of the genealogy of magindanao and the iranun datus introduction this manuscript is a copy of the original which is in the possession of datu kali adam of kalangnan mentioned in the previous manuscript (no. iv). it is written partly in the mindanao dialect and partly in malay. it refers to three subjects and comprises three distinct parts. the first part includes the first three pages and three lines of the fourth page. the first two pages are written in the mindanao dialect and the rest in malay. it gives the genealogy of many of the iranun datus, but is very ambiguous and lacks interest. the malay part is written by the same mindanao author, no doubt, and is neither correctly written nor clear. this part has no special interest except for the student who desires to investigate the oldest records referring to the origin of the ruling datus of the country. the second part is much more interesting. it is the oldest record on hand referring to the genealogy of magindanao proper with distinct information as to the source from which it was obtained. it is all in malay, but it is so poorly written and composed that its translation is a very difficult task. pakir mawlana, the authority this book claims, was one of the most intelligent sultans magindanao had. the substance of this text was transmitted in malay by pakir mawlana himself to capt. thomas forest in the year 1775. it appears that there have always been in mindanao natives who could converse and write in malay. the statement of captain forest would lead one to infer that the book from which pakir mawlana translated was written in the native dialect, and not in malay. probably the text of this manuscript is not identical with that of pakir mawlana's copy, but derived from the same source and written in malay instead of magindanao. its text is by no means as reliable as that of manuscript no. vi, but it gives some very interesting information which is not mentioned in the other copies. sultan barahaman, to whom the principal source and authority of the tarsila is referred, was the fifth grandson of sarip kabungsuwan and the first grandson of sultan qudrat, the famous corralat of combés. he had several children who figured prominently in the history of the country, four of whom are quoted here as authorities, and who are surnamed sahid wapat, wapat batwa, jarnik, and sumannap. their full and exact titles were sultan japar sadik manamir, sultan dipatwan anwar, gugu jarnik, and datu ma-as sumannap. manamir was assassinated by his nephew, malinug, and is always referred to as sahid wapat, which means, in arabic, "dead martyr." jamalu-l-alam, the brother of barahaman, is sultan mohammed kaharu-d-din kuda, who usurped the sultanate after the death of his brother. pakih mawlana amiru din was the eldest son of sahid wapat, and his correct full title was sultan pakir mawlana mohammed kayru-d-din kamza. he is generally referred to as pakir mawlana, and is sometimes called pakih instead of pakir. though the text of this manuscript varies from that of no. vi, it very often mentions facts and names that are lacking in the latter and which help to complete the sense and the subject-matter of the tarsila. the first two words of the address paduk sari sultan do not belong to the mindanao dialect, but are malay. this tarsila ends with the children of barahaman and jamalu-l-alam, and evidently belongs to the period prior to the death of pakir mawlana, or his name and those of his brothers would otherwise have been mentioned. the third part is written in the magindanao dialect and comprises the twelfth and thirteenth pages only. it shows the exact ancestral relation that exists between the ruling datus of magindanao and the iranun datus, and throws considerable light upon the nature and the tribal characteristics of the datuships or moro communities. the principal ancestors of the sultans of ramitan, tubuk, dissan, and tapurug were umang nagu, anta, and umbun, respectively, and they were the grandchildren of dimasangkay, the brother of kapitan lawut bwisan, whose descendants are the sultans of magindanao. ramitan lies a little north of baras and malabang. tubuk is the principal district in the immediate vicinity of malabang. dissan lies on the north shore of lake lanao. being mainly written in malay, this manuscript is of no literary value at all. that part of it written in the magindanao dialect shows a slight admixture of the iranun dialect. both its composition and style are poor, and mistakes in spelling and writing abound. literal translation of manuscript no. v part i this is the genealogy of the forefathers of rahaban. [8] ami and palu were brothers from one father and one mother. ami begot mangqaw. mangqaw begot layna and linawan, and the sons of luntung and makabuyu. layna begot rahaban, kusin, malin, and usman. linawan begot anggab, amiru, nudin, and musa, and the daughters limbwan, ambay, and alima. luntung's sons were palu and mamangking; his daughters were idaw, ubaw, baylawa, and gnaw. makabuyu begot asan, ibrahim, kambal, dunggi, malnang, linaw, and ami. palu begot dingan, ansi, alumay, and a son, ganap. dingan begot sultan padinding. sultan padinding begot paramata, sultana wata, sultan alud, raja muda dawd of balangingi, badang, daga of lyangan, badwi, mawung, muna, and ktim. talama was the sister of maka-kuyung, the sultan of tapurug. dmak of tatarikun, the son of magi and dabulawan, begot aluyudan, palala, amilulung, dilabayan, zumukar, kandigan, makalinug, and midaray. midaray married a lady from tatarikun and begot matanug, tapu, mapundilu, and tumug. aluyudan begot anzang, dapamagi, laygu, and madayaw. madayaw begot ilunayn, datu kabu, and andabu. anzang begot antus. antus begot mpas. dapamagi begot adadang, aryung, and aryung begot bagang. layngu begot mangakut and mangakut begot daba. andabu begot maslang, kaluyunan, and umbayu. kaluyunan begot datu kayu. umbayu begot saygu. saygu begot rabsar, baypat, and binisa. binisa begot angudap and antus. matanug begot also angalin. angalin begot ujyaw and utuq. utuq begot abayug, kubag, angalin, and the daughter awyanu. abayug begot gi. gi begot saliling zaynudin. zaynudin begot ayad and the daughters ijag and alay. alay [9] bore tarid, bayutuga, and the daughter agayun. agayun* bore badri. badri begot datu gibang. datu gibang begot mama-sati and datu badar adayaw. datu badar begot mbayug. zaynudin saliling begot also the daughters nurun, the mother of apki, and agunuku, padangan, and layma, the grandmother of diping. part ii this book is the genealogy of the descendants of hashim and kureish, who came from mecca to mindanao, bwayan, and the land of ilanun. it was obtained from pakih mawlana mohammed amiru-din, who acquired it from his father, sahid wapat. sahid wapat and his brothers umar maya, wapat batwa, jarnik, and sumannap received it from their father, barahaman, who was surnamed minuli karakmatu-l-lah, and jamalu-l-alam. later it passed into the possession of kali akmad and sapak, [10] who married duyan. the descendant of the apostle of god, sarip mohammed, came to juhur and married a woman related to the sultan of juhur and begot sarip kabungsuwan, who came to mindanao and introduced the religion of islam. the ruler of mindanao then was raja tabunaway. kabungsuwan married banun, the sister of raja tabunaway, who died before any children were born to them. after that kabungsuwan married putri tunina, who became human and was begotten by mamalu out of the bamboo. putri tunina bore three daughters--putri milagandi, putri mamur, and putri batula. putri mamur married pulwa, raja bwayan. putri milagandi married malang-sa-ingud. putri batula married ambang. later sarip kabungsuwan married angintabu of malabang, whose mother was mazawang and whose father was sambahan. angintabu bore maka-alang, surnamed saripada, angintabu had a brother whose name was maka-apun. maka-alang married a bilan woman who was begotten out of a crow's egg, and begot bangkaya. bangkaya married two women of mindanao and begot two sons, dimasangkay and gugu sarikula, one from each wife. later he married maginut of malabang, the daughter of maka-apun, and begot kapitan lawut. dimasangkay married a woman of lusud, called mira, and another of simway who bore umun and butu-na-samar. butu-na-samar was surnamed jukulanu, but died young and had no children. dimasangkay married also ampas, the sister of sandab, and begot umburung. umburung married umun and begot nuni, who was surnamed amatanding. ampas married again pinduma. nuuni married gayang, the daughter of kapitan laawut bwisan and the sister of qudrat, who was surnamed mupat, and begot anta, nagu, umbun, and the daughters patawu, pindaw, bayu, and sa-ib. sarikula married a lady of sulug called raja putri, who was the sister of raja husayn, both of whom descended from the original rulers of sulug. raja putri begot one daughter, raja mampay. kapitan lawut married a lady of slangan called imbang, who descended from raja tabunaway, and begot a son called qudrat, and a daughter called gayang, who married nuni. qudrat married raja mampay and begot tiduray. tiduray married myayu of lwan and begot paramata asya, who was known as baya-labi. he married again angki, the daughter of natib syam by his wife sawakung of puntiyabaq, and begot two sons--barahaman, known as minuli sa-rakamatu-l-lah, and jamalu-l-alam. barahaman married a woman of tagman named panubawun and begot four sons--bagas, also known as raja muda; anwal, who was entitled paduka sari sultan and surnamed wapat batwa; jarnik, who was entitled gugu; and sumana, who was datu ma-as; also four daughters--ngway, lugung, awu, and tundug. by basing of sangir, the daughter of makalindi and timbang saribu, he begot manamir, who was entitled paduka sari sultan and surnamed sahid wapat; and tubu-tubu, entitled umar maya; maginut; atika; and patima. by a samal woman he begot datu sakaludan jamalu-d-din and manjanay. raja muda bagas begot ampwan, dayang, and bayaw by a concubine. jamalu-l-a'lam married sinal of bwayan and begot a son, banswil, and a daughter, karani. he also begot ija, ila, awu, ampan, and sayka-datu abdu-r-rakun. manamir married karani and banswil married manjanay, all of whom are first cousins, the children of barahaman and jamalu-l-a'lam. part iii amatunding married gayang, the sister of qudrat, and begot anta, nagu, and umbun and the daughters pindaw, dawa-dawa, bayu, sayib, and umang. umang was the grandmother of the sultan of ramitan. nagu was the grandfather of the sultan of tubuk. anta was the grandfather of the sultan sarip ulu of dissan. umbun was the grandfather of makakuyung, the sultan of tapurug. umbun begot burwa. burwa begot mama and nanak. nanak begot bnul, who married baya wata of kabuntalan. bnul left baya wata and went to unayan with an understanding that unless he returned in forty days their marriage would be null. bnul did not return, so baya wata married timbang sulug, and soon after gave birth to damda, whom she conceived by bnul. mana, the brother of nanak, married the daughter of the sister of the sultan of sulug and begot datu milbahar, bantilan, and datu adana. manuscript no. vi the history and genealogy of magindanao proper introduction this manuscript is a copy of the original which is in the possession of datu mastura, the best-informed datu of magindanao, and the son of sultan qudrat jamalu-l-a'lam untung, the greatest of the late sultans of magindanao. datu mastura has the best collection of magindanao books and records and owns the most reliable of the royal documents that have been preserved. this copy is one of the best specimens of magindanao literature extant. it is principally genealogy and speaks briefly of the early history of magindanao and the rise of its sultanate, its main purpose being to preserve the record of descent and determine the right of succession to the sultanate. the first page describes the birth of putri tunina and her relation to tabunaway, the ruler of magindanao. the second page describes the coming of sharif kabungsuwan to magindanao, his conversion of mindanao to islam, and his marriage to putri tunina. the third page gives an account of kabungsuwan's marriage to a princess from malabang and his descendants from her. the rest of the manuscript is a detailed account of births and descendants down to the birth of the great grandfather of the present sultan, which must have occurred shortly before the beginning of the nineteenth century. it is the most complete and the most nearly correct copy that exists. it is written at a later period than that of no. v, and covers two later generations. the history and genealogy of the nineteenth century were obtained by personal investigation and inquiry from the oldest and most reliable datus and other persons living. diagrams nos. 3 and 4 show the descent of the rulers of magindanao from kabungsuwan to the present time. the full names and titles of the sultans in the order of their succession are as follows: 1. sharif kabungsuwan 2. sharif maka-alang 3. datu bangkaya 4. datu dimasangkay 5. datu gugu sarikula 6. datu kapitan lawut bwisan 7. sultan dipatwan qudrat (corralat) 8. sultan dundang tidulay 9. sultan barahaman 10. sultan kaharu-d-din jamalu-l-alam kuda 11. sultan mohammed japar sadik manamir, generally known as sahid mupat or wapat 12. sultan dipatwan anwar, also known as wapat batwa 13. sultan mohammed tahiru-d-din malinug 14. sultan pakir mawlana mohammed kayru-d-din kamza, generally known as pakir mawlana or pakih mawlana 15. sultan pakaru-d-din 16. sultan mohammed amiru-l-umara alimu-d-din kibad sahriyal 17. sultan kawasa anwaru-d-din 18. sultan qudrata-l-lah jamalu-l-a'lam untung 19. sultan mohammed makakwa 20. sultan mohammed jalalu-d-din pablu, sometimes called sultan wata 21. sultan mangigin literal translation of manuscript no. vi in the name of god the compassionate and merciful. praise be to god the lord of the universe. i have full satisfaction that god is my witness this book speaks of the origin of the rulers of magindanao. the first known rulers were tabunaway and his brother mamalu. one day they were cutting bamboo to build a fish corral. mamalu cut down all the trees except one small stalk that was left standing alone. tabunaway then called to mamalu, "finish it up, because it omens ill to our fish corral." mamalu therefore cut it and found in it a girl whose little finger was slightly cut by a slip of the bolo. he carried the girl to tabunaway, but tabunaway told him to keep her and adopt her as his child. this girl was named by tabunaway putri tunina. on the other hand, there came out from mecca sharif ali zayna-l-abidin, who proceeded to bawangin (malaysia) and settled at juhur. here he married the daughter of sultan iskandar thul-qarnayn of juhur, whose name was jusul asiqin, and begot sharif kabungsuwan. sharif kabungsuwan came to magindanao to the mouth of the tinundan. there he met tabunaway and accompanied him to the town of magindanao. this is sharif kabungsuwan, who converted to islam all the people of magindanao, slangan, matampay, lusud, katittwan, and simway, and who was followed by all those who accepted islam in the land of magindanao. and it came to pass that tabunaway married sharif kabungsuwan to the girl that was found inside the bamboo stalk, whose name was putri tunina. to them were born three daughters--putri mamur, who married malang-sa-ingud, an older brother of pulwa; putri milagandi, who married pulwa, the datu of bwayan; and putri bay batula, who had no children. later sharif kabungsuwan married angintabu, the daughter of maka-apun, a coast datu of malabang, and begot sharif maka-alang. sharif maka-alang married buli, a bilan woman who was found by parasab in a crow's egg. there were born to them a boy called bangkaya and a girl called maginut. bangkaya married a woman of magindanao and begot dimasangkay. he also married a woman of matampay and begot gugu sarikula. later he married umbun of slangan and begot kapitan lawut bwisan and tagsan and pinwis. dimasangkay married a simway woman and begot butu-na samal, who had no offspring, and uman, a woman. he married also umpas, the sister of sandab, and begot umburung, who was not well known. gugu sarikula married raja putri, a sulug lady, who gave birth to putri mampay. he also married the sister of dasumalung of linilwan and begot gawu. kapitan lawut bwisan married ambang, the daughter of dalamba of slangan, whose son was sultan dipatwan qudrat and whose daughter was gayang. sultan dipatwan qudrat married putri and begot dundang tidulay and arawaldi. dundang tidulay married paramata asiya, a bitalan lady, and begot putri gunung lidang, who was the first bayalabi of magindanao and who had no offspring. his children from a concubine were ila and ija; from angki, the daughter of katib syam and puntyabak of sawakungan, sultan mohammed barahaman and sultan mohammed kaharu-d-din kuda. ila married tawbalay and begot gantar and lumampaw and a daughter sarabanun. ija was married to binulukan and begot maraja layla dangkaya and the following daughters: tumam, pudtad, darisay, nurun, layin, imbu, lilang, abu, and ampay, who had no offspring. sultan barahaman begot from panubawun raja muda bulagas and sultan dipatwan anwar, and gugu jarnik and datu ma-as sumannap, and a daughter anig, and gawu, and datu sakaludan jamalu-d-din, and manjani and awu and tundug, and ngwa and lugung. from lady basing, the daughter of makalindi, and timbang saribu, a lady of sangil, he begot sultan japar sadik manamir and umarmaya tubu-tubu, and the following daughters: maginut, fatima, and atik. sultan kaharu-d-din kuda married lady sinal, the daughter of datu tambinag, and begot balingkul, hajji sayk abdu-r-rakman banswil, and putri kalani kuning. by a concubine he begot maraja layla bahar, paki abdu-l-kahar ampan, and hajji sayk abdu-r-rakim, dinda, dangsabu, ila, talama. raja muda bulagas married tumbayu, a lady of bwayan, and begot baratamay and the daughters nanun, mayay, antanu, and putri. by a concubine he begot parasab, gugu ampwan, and the daughters musturi, bayu, and dabu. sultan dipatwan anwar married a lady of agakan munawal and begot raja bwayan manuk. by a bwayan lady he begot tambayu and kandug; by lady payak, sultan mohammed tahiru-d-din malinug and datu sakaludan gantar; by a concubine, datu lukus ganwi and maraja layla yusup and talinganup, and the daughters daging, dayang, dawung, and dang. gugu jarnik begot nanu and kunan. datu ma-as sumannap begot midtud-sa-ingud bani and asan. nway begot anday. awu married aradi and begot talila and andu. lugung married lubas and begot uranjib and pinaw. datu sakaludan jamalu-d-din married layma, the daughter of sultan kuda, and begot mawlana kudanding sabiru-l-lah and datu sakaludan lagat. tundug married ajipati and begot rannik and ami. by palug he begot dingan. umarmaya tubu-tubu married babak and begot sharif kunyaw and sultan digra alam and pataw. he also married andaw-mada, a tawlan lady and begot bagumba, sarabanun, and bay. by a concubine he begot jukulanu adiwa, bal, buli, and a daughter, sajar. fatima married datu gulay of sulug and begot raja baginda timbang. sultan mohammed japar sadik manamir married putri kalani kuning, the daughter of sultan kuda, and begot sultan pakir mawlana mohammed kayru-d-din kamza, sultan mohammed pakaru-d-din bulagas armansa, and samal, and the daughters bayalabi sari and gindulungan. by a concubine he begot dipatwan palti, jalalu-d-din tambi, maraja layla abdu-l-lah, maraja dinda jamburang, rastam, kahar, mamalum´pung, and the daughters amina, inam, panubawun, atshar, bitun, angki, and labyah. hajji sayk abdu-r-rakman banswil married manjani, the daughter of sultan barahaman, and begot datu sakaludan, a lingkung tidulay, and putri kintay, kaludan, the son of a concubine, japar, undung, kapitan lawut mohammed, and ibrahim, and the following daughters: duni, pindaw, and dasumbay. maraja layla bahar begot badaru-d-din and sakandar, and the daughters dina and bidury. paki hajji abdu-l-kahar ampan begot ismayil and milug. hajji sayk abdu-r-rakim begot namli, amina-l-lah, yasin kamim, mohammed, mawug, akmad, and the daughters latipa, badalya, bulawan dagayug, dindyaw, sitti. dinda married abdul patah, a sulug datu, and begot pangyan ampay. papani married sumuku and begot mahraja layla mindug and a daughter, sinal. ungki married simping and begot iday. ila married datu wata maputi and begot milug and mayug. the children of talama by dumlinaw are jiwana jaya, nasari, palawan, and a daughter, kurays. the children of maharaja layla parasab by pangyan bata, the daughter of gugu, are mayug and tahir. the children of gugu ampwan are makalapun, kanday, tawug, and udin, the last two being daughters. the children of sultan dipatwan malinug are watamama, gulay, tawpan, uku, bay mayung, dingan, and musturi. datu sakaludan a kantar, begot by nanaw, anni and mangki. maraja layla yusup begot iday, ndawmada, munay, bayu, dayang, zaman, muning, tamama, undung, ga-as, and palti. the children of datu lukus ganwi are munay from bayu, and manun and jamalya by a concubine. the children of talinganup are dindu, bungayu, ampay, nanaw, and kunan. dayang begot by tuwyla answay. dang begot by sumapa jamalu-d-din and sabdulla. panubawun begot by bagwa datu tabunaway, tamama, ulu, timbang, gindu, and ampay. the children of atshar from sultan yusup are isra-il, watababay payak, musturi, dadaw, lyaw, and kunan. bitun married mawlana taray and begot agas and kuntay. angki married raja muda kaludan and begot jamalu-d-din, milug, ismayil, ayung, ayu, and fatima. rastam married pinaw and begot dingan and kiram; he also begot indim by a concubine. maraja dinda jamburang married pinaw and begot danding, isra-il, ani, bantilan, ayung, ija, and nanun. jalalu-d-din tambi begot angkaya, panji, gulay, manalantang, lugung, mangki, anday, gayung, latipa, ami, buli, bahar, darisay, and pataw; the last eight being females. dipatwan palti married buli and begot sarabanun. he also begot sahabu-d-din, ampan, ija, kuntay, and ayung by a concubine; the last three are females. pakir mawlana mohammed amiru-d-din kamza begot the following: by dang, raja muda amiru-l-umara mohammed alimu-d-din kibad sahriyal; by dawung the daughter of dipatwan anwar, lidang and paywa; by dawa-dawa, kuda, and lalanu; by bay linaw, burhanu-d-din; by sapar, basing and hajar; by kanul, paku; by sinayan, mohammed sahru-d-din, asim, and tawung; by dalikayin, jamalu-d-din, gindu, amina, and ampay; by talangami, jamalya, ami, zamzam, and ismayil; by muna, sara, yasin, malinug, and abdu-l-lah; by mida, idu, and sad; by untay, isra-il, angkaya, and tambi; by palambi, ndaw; by jalya, dudawa; by anggun, payak; by kalima, badaru-d-din; by janim, maryam; by limbay, isa; by linuyaman, sinal; by milagandi, bilangkul. sultan mohammed pakaru-d-din bulagas armansa married badwi and begot kartaw, atik, anday, and pindaw, the last three being females. he also married a concubine and begot zaman, sumannap, bayna, and nanaw, the last two being females. datu sakaludan lingkung tidulay begot kaka-it. datu sakaludan lagat begot parasab, ampan, manunggul, dading umar, dubwa, ta-ib, nanun, mayay, and gayang. nanun married datu-a-wata maputi and bore tamayug, dawa-dawa, and idayu. mayay married raja bwayan manuk and bore maman, tapudi, kudaw, and ampay. putri married datu maytum bwisan and bore dubwa. tamaying married bungu and begot gangga. he also married mangilay and begot answay and anig. he again married a concubine and begot parasab and tuli. baya-labi sari married mawlana kudanding purang sabilu-l-lah and bore maman, abu bakar, kuntay, mindarakma, and mimya. kibad sahriyal married ninig, the daughter of datu sakaludan gantar, and begot yusup and fatima; by watababay apayak he begot anwar and sul-karnayn; by angki, palti; by kindaw, badaru-d-din and mayug; by jami, nasaru-d-din; by lina, imran; by julya, dingan and ibrahim; by istipanya, abidin. babay basing married watamama sahabu-d-din and bore barahaman, kuda, manamir, fatima zuhra, sari, and mindarakma. púyuwa married raja bwayan malang and bore sajar. burhan married kudi and begot jamalu-d-din and ila. mohammed sahru-d-din married mulak and begot dumalúndung. paku married sultan ajipat and bore kuning. sinal married mundug and bore daru-d-din. jamalya married sayduna and bore mohammed idris and tuli. to gantar, the son of jiwana kunik, she bore samal and ninig. jamalu-d-din married gayang, the daughter datu sakaludan lagat, and begot amina and dawung. zamzam married dindyaw, the child of sayka datu, and bore paramata. buli married mupalal, the son of namli, and bore harmansa. badaru-d-din married putri, the daughter of namli, and begot jalalu-d-din. sari married amil and bore ibrahim and sitti. nasaru-d-din married ayu and begot kamid. kartaw married paramata, the daughter of watamama gulay, and begot putri lidang, ani, jumjuma, and gindulungan; by jayba he begot jaya; by jamila, ndaw and nangka; by uyam, dadawa and naw; by alima, nunay. pindaw married lintang and begot milug. ndima married hajji kari abdu-r-rakman and bore mohammed, taha, banun, and panubawun. completed on the day thursday of the month shaban. god's knowledge is superior. manuscript no. vii the genealogy of bagumbayan introduction the sultanate of bagumbayan occupies the middle ground between the saylud or lower rio grande valley and the saraya or upper rio grande valley. it is located at the head of the delta, and really comprises the upper part of the saylud, and lies mainly along the banks of the southern branch of the rio grande. it extends as far down the banks of the southern rio grande as the upper borders of tamontaka, and as far down as libungan, along the banks of the northern branch of the rio grande. its upper limit is maysawa, a little above the kakar or canal. the present sultan, abu-bakar, lives at bagumbayan proper, which is located on the right bank of the southern rio grande about 3 miles below tambao or the fork. he is still addressed, at times, as the sultan of talakuku, which was the proper address of his father, named after the older name of the capital. the word bagumbayan means "newly built," and has lately been applied to the sultanate on account of the late change of the residence of the sultan. talakuku is the word that appears in all spanish records and histories. kabuntalan is still older and is more used by the moros themselves. the old site of kabuntalan was on the left bank of the main river just above the fork. it has been completely abandoned. nagtangan is the oldest name and the one which appears first in this manuscript. this manuscript is copied from the original, which is in the possession of the sultan himself. it was obtained through the favor of datu balabadan, who is a relative of the sultan and who belongs to the same family or an allied branch of the same. the original is a very old copy and many of the leaves and margins are torn and have fallen into pieces. the handwriting is fair and plain, but the composition and grammar are very poor. the orthographical errors committed in writing moro names in arabic characters are very numerous and greatly change the expression of the words. it is evident that the original author was a poor writer, and did not have the usual practical knowledge in writing in arabic characters that other moro authors had. the dialect is strictly that of magindanao. the titles of the datus are similar to those used in magindanao. two new titles, jukulanu and jiwana, appear often, and in all probability are applied to subdatus of the same rank as gugu, umar maya, maraja layla, etc. literal translation of manuscript no. vii genealogy of kabuntalan in the name of god the compassionate and merciful this book speaks of the ancestors of the datus of nagtangan. daman asked for a datu from bwayan and got dikaya. dikaya married a nagtangan wife and begot duka. duka married lantyan, a malitigaw woman, and begot myadung. he also married a woman called ambun and begot babak and naw and suman. babak married umar maya, tubu-tubu, and bore saripada kunyaw, sultan digra alam, and pataw. umar maya married also andawmada, a tawlan lady, and begot bagamba, sarabanun, and bay. by a concubine he begot jukulanu diwa and bal, and the daughters buli and gaw and bahar. saripada kunyaw married anik and begot sultan mohammed alimu-d-din, who had no offspring, mawlana mundug, and datu sakaludan dudin. he also married andawmada, an ipuktn lady, and begot baya-wata. by a concubine he begot jiwana jambang, and the following daughters: kumkuma, ayag, payak, talilah, and minding. sultan digra alam married nya, a magindanao woman, and begot raja muda mangindra and mohammed; by bay he begot baya-labi; by a talayan woman he begot baya-wata lilang. bagamba married raja bwayan and bore sultan darimbang. sarabanun begot kamad, ubuk, and dumpiras. jukulanu diwa begot marajal, baya nayug, jukulanu kunuk, jukulanu badal, and undung, and the daughters atik, ilug, nawila. bal begot ginda, abas, duwi, and dangkay, and a daughter, buli. buli married mupat salam and bore banun. she also married aspa and bore jiwana kunik. mawlana mundug begot wata-mama kamad and ngyan. by a concubine he begot dula, dastara, jaynal, and alam, and the daughters dadaw and sambasing. by lamidas he begot kadija; by a concubine, daldal; by saban, aminu-l-lah. datu sakaludan dudin married amina, the daughter of jukulanu diwa, and begot danding, madaga, kudanding, patima, gindulungan, and anat. by a concubine he begot ganwi and kunan. baya-wata married timbang sulug and begot wata-mama damda. jiwana jimbang begot asab and pata. raja muda mangindra married mayung, a binilwan lady, and begot anig, umun, daywa, and dawada; and the sons, sultan mohammed-sa-barahaman, kunday, pataw, janipan, and dindyaw. by a concubine he begot lubaba; by baya-labi, ingkung. baya-wata married aman and begot inuk, uku, and anti, and the daughter wata-babay didu. gugu kiram begot anti, nanun, lintang, didu, ngulu, and banun. maraja layla dikaya begot maraja layla kandug, kunan, maraja layla amad, and papung. sultan mohammed darimbang begot raja bwayan paki, damda, and pidtaylan. by a concubine he begot kakayt. kamad married anig and begot bulawan, inuk, and dagayug. by a concubine he begot mama-sa-ilud, and kuntay. ubuk begot daga, mama-santi, bulug, and tawp. dupiras begot lyaw and dabu by a concubine. jukulanu kunuk married dawada, the daughter of raja muda mangindra, and begot tamay and diyug. jukulanu badal married mayakay and begot panggu. he also married ginu, the daughter of wata-mama kamad, and begot ungji, ulanulan, indalan, udamag, kadidung, aslan, aminalla, duwag, nyugaw, and tiban. udung married ninaw and begot mamag, tuli, lilang, lastam, aning, and alungan. by baybay he begot namar; by lumba, indig and dandung. nawila married lugung, the son of jalaludin tambi, and bore putri and kirig. ginda begot malaga. abas married ngyan, the daughter of mawlana mundug, and begot atshar and pinayu; and nanaw by a concubine. wata-mama kamad begot ginu. dulay begot bandun, jawala, buli, and dyaw. by payaka he begot kubung and paygwan. dastara's children lived in kuran. alam married gindulungan and begot malatunul. gindulungan married mawg, the son of the sultan of tuba, and bore qudrat. ngyan married abas and begot atshar and pinayu. dadaw married badang and begot jambrang, a twan (sir) of lawgan. kadija married atun, datu of burungan; her children lived at burungan. daldal married kayag and begot saripa and nyaw. talilah begot sabu-din. sabu-din begot abu bakar, mindung, kawan, itug, and pimbar. nanaw married tamama and begot kalumpunit. datu sakaludan married lady tidung and begot tima and randu. he also married yungayu and begot andam and basing. barayim married anu, the daughter of maraga, and begot rapruk. raja bwayan mohammed alimu-din married ani, a lady of magindanao, the grandmother of mupat idayat, and begot kabayan. by mayay, a lady of kabalukan, he begot the sultan of magindanao; by a concubine, gugu jamburang; by salaya, gugu panasang; by dadayu, nugal and gansing; by pandarágan, gaga; by sitti, itug; by kasimna, atung and panunggu; by takdung, basing; by inam, atabwan; by inding, apun; by amil, nangalung. alimu-din, the grandson of baya-labi sari, married maraga, the daughter of ginda, and begot tuka and dubwang. kudanding married kindang and begot ayung. by tima, a lady of tidung, he begot putri; by ija, limulang and sina; by nayung, gandang and kutay; by nawg, babayasi. datu tamay and diyug were cousins. kibad was their second cousin. tagi was a brother, the son of maryam. qudrat was another cousin. anatan, datu of kabuntalan, was their uncle. madaga married sultan mohammed-sa-barahaman and bore mayug and sultan iskandar manamir, which makes three datus of kabuntalan. anatan, datu of kabuntalan, married jawya and begot didu, untung, and padidu. by malali, he begot pawag and kirig and dyaw and parug; by sitti, umbag; by madidu, anaw and baralaga. wata-mama balindung adamunda married ani and begot asim, iday, kalug, kuntay, nanun, and tayting. by a woman of kadingilan he begot bantilan. asab begot putri. pata married jiwana aryung and begot kibad, kanapya, sarapudin, and ilm. daywa married datu palug of binirwan and bore kunik, banun, and iyaw. dindyaw married maraja layla kandug and bore talawung and dastara. mawlana mawg married iday, the daughter of balindung, and begot maning, ampal, lilang, anti, bagwa datu, and tapudi. kawan married timbay and begot paydu, dandayung, and iday. panggu married talung, the daughter of maraja layla kandug, and begot ulanan, tubu-tubu, and a daughter, tya. he also married kubra and begot ula. tamay married antam and begot limulang and makabwat. diyug married tuli, the daughter of undung, and begot paki, dada, tingaw pulwa, myayu, malug, and tinabun. mamag married didung and begot babay, mama, diruyudun, and manángka. anti, the son of gugu kiram, begot muyuka, pinagunay, kunaw, pindaw, and bungayu. nglu married tababay and begot nawila and amil. lintang begot bantugun. brayim married anu and begot ----. raja married dabu and begot kirig and pakamaman. ingkung married dubung and begot arimaw, kalug, saribu, padaw, dukin, and a daughter, mayla. by a concubine he begot pinu, bilalang, and talawd. maraja layla akad married miyayu and begot inal, idu, and atshar. sultan mohammed iskandar manamir married sarip, the daughter of the sultan of magindanao, and begot iskandar sulkarnayn and sahabu-d-din. by gayang he begot idris; by kati, mamunu-r-rashid, kindang, and puyuwa; by apsa, kadija. the grandfather of baya-labi sarip, by her father, was raja bwayan. her grandfather, by her mother, was sultan diruyudun of bagu ingud. tagi married manjanay and begot lintang and paramata. by putri, the daughter of kudanding, he begot pindaw; by apsa, an ilanun, dubuwa, tuku, pakir, and pandita; by bayid, mama-sa-ingud; by dabu, bwisan; also kúmkuma. idris married minda, the grandmother of umar-maya anti, and begot sindad. by another woman he begot kunik. sultan mohammed-sa-barahaman begot also kamsa. kamsa begot itaw, jimbah, antil, limpul, and mandi. dipatwan minug married madaga and begot tandwal, pipikan, pamupun, diluyudun, and talambungan. kunik married pinduk and begot ninig, marajal, and kumipang. by kumala he begot bunti and muyuk; by paydu, atik. namal married tima and begot tantung, sawad, and mohammed. bulawan married rajalam and begot bula, anggris, and pindug. raja muda asim begot pintay and ubab. kalug begot talulad and mayay, and katampara and talama, the last two from kurma. kintay married balug and begot dalmatan, muntya, talib, and alungan. ganwi married itug and begot gayug. he also married basing and begot anday, atshar, luping, and utung. qudrat married idayu, the daughter of the sultan of balilah, and begot bwisan, dundang, and nuni. by lilang he begot asibi; by tapaya migayad; and by agak, mohammed. rastam married dawag and begot tawp, ampan, igay, and payluyan. he also married uman and begot saligan, gambil, and timbaw. kibad married ninig and begot pinduma and dulan. bantugan married lagay and begot ayug and gambis. he married also tubu and begot dawa, dulan, and balalagay. by abu, he begot bwanda. andam married pudin and bangkas, mayung, mama-sa-ingud, gandi, and gimbang. aminula married basing and begot raginut, angjum, and anu. pawag married tapudi and begot talila, maytum, mantya, and sandag. kirig married baliwan and begot nanwi. sapula begot mindal, awa, ijang, ruging, and nyaw. datu sa-dalikan married dagayug and begot payak, who lived in the care of a manobo of dalikan--not the one who was intrusted to the care of sultan mohammed iskandar manamir of kabuntalan by a tiruray of dalikan. this latter woman was the daughter of the former and was not an inheritance for the nagtanganun because the datu did not furnish her with a dowry. angki married puwi and begot dangus and tapudi, the cousin of the sultan's mother. sultan diluyudun of bagu ingud married jumjuma, the daughter of dipatwan marajanun, and begot danding and mayung. by kabayan, a lady of kabalukan, he begot apan, bwat, and timbukung; by adung, panalaw; by paku, gasing and dgaw; by raja, muntya; by ampas, kambang; by angkung, salamat and gindu; by bitu, kapya, timu, and naypitan and pinamili; by idag, uyag, makalay, singag; by kalimah, umbul; by ibad, amad; by batata, dalding, the daughter of gandum, maguman; by anuk, kulaga; by ingi, paytakay, bungalus pimpingan, and idag. the sultan of magindanao married mayung, the daughter of the sultan of bagu ingud, sarip, and begot bangun, the sultan raja muda bayaw, bagu, and gidu. by atik, a lady of makatudugan, he begot laga and tandu; by wayda, talumpa and taganuk; by matundun, malatunul, sarabanun, and bisinti; by awig, gubal; by kudaw, isad; by myayug, atik, blaw, ngyan; by malayu, makaw; by kumbay, byalung. in the name of god the compassionate and merciful. the first datu of bwayan was budtul, who married a woman from magindanao and begot malang-sa-ingud and pulwa. putri mamur was married first to malang-sa-ingud, but after his death she married pulwa. pulwa married also budang of tijaman, and begot dikaya. the history of bagumbayan. the two greatest powers that figured prominently in the rio grande valley are the sultan of magindanao and the raja of bwayan. these rulers have at all times been considered as greater in power and higher in rank than any other ruler in the valley. in the latter part of the eighteenth century and during the main part of the nineteenth century the sultan of kabuntalan also figured prominently and held a very intimate relation and a close position to both of the other sultans, which position he still holds at the present time. it appears that the first ruler of kabuntalan was dikaya, the son of a raja bwayan, who simply held the honorary title of datu. his successor had no male heir, and one of his daughters, babak, married umar maya tubu-tubu of magindanao, who became ruler of kabuntalan and whose son was the first mentioned sultan there. this makes the line of descent of kabuntalan related by babak to the line of bwayan and by umar maya to that of magindanao. this relation to both magindanao and bwayan and the intermediate position kabuntalan holds to both saylud and saraya have been very prominent factors in the history-making events of the valley, and have successively been taken advantage of by both spanish and american authorities managing the affairs of the country. diagram no. 5 gives in a very explicit and clear manner the names of the rulers of kabuntalan or bagumbayan, the order of their descent and succession, and the relation they hold to each other. their names in the order of precedence are as follows: 1. datu dikaya 2. datu duka 3. datu umar maya 4. sultan digra alam 5. sultan mohammed alimu-d-din 6. sultan sa-barahaman 7. sultan mohammed iskandar manamir 8. sultan iskandar sul-karnayn 9. sultan idris 10. sultan abu bakar the diagram shows also the principal relations of bagumbayan to bwayan and to magindanao. very little is known about the early history of kabuntalan. datu kali ibrahim, who is the chief judge of bagumbayan, told the following story: soon after the arrival of dikaya in kabuntalan the chief people of the village took their new datu in a boat on a little excursion. when they had gone some distance from the village they engaged in a sham fight and one party attacked the datu. this affair was prearranged and planned to test the courage and power of their datu. they made their attack with krises and bamboo lances. dikaya was frightened and ran away. the people lost respect for him and expelled him from the village. some time later he won their friendship by his good behavior and was reinstated as datu of kabuntalan. the statement on page 47 that dikaya was the son of pulwa was taken from the bwayan tarsila and is added on account of the relation it bears to the subject. the part of the tarsila of bwayan which bears on this subject states that dikaya was the son of pulwa by a concubine, and that dikaya begot duka, who married rantyan, a malitigaw lady whose mother was agub. the children of duka and rantyan were bulus, manalidtu, puwi, and miyandung. as pulwa must have lived about the year 1550, and as digra alam must have ruled about the year 1770, the statement that duka married ambun and begot babak, the mother of digra alam, can not be accepted as true. some links in the list are evidently missing, but the fact is that the right to rule kabuntalan belonged to the descendants of duka, and was principally derived from bwayan. the first ruler of kabuntalan addressed as sultan was digra alam, the son of umar maya and babak. diagram no. 5 shows plainly that digra alam must have ruled about the same time as sultan pakir mawlana kanza of mindanao, or his brother, pakaru-d-din, that is about the year a. d. 1770. in a treaty between the spanish government and the sultan of kabuntalan in the year 1857 the sultan is addressed as sultan of tambao. he must be either sultan iskandar sul-karnayn or sultan idris, probably the latter. about midway between tambao and libungan on the left bank of the river is a small monument, possibly a tomb, erected in memory of those who died during the fight between the spaniards and sultan idris. in 1861 tambao and taviran or tapidan were occupied by the spaniards. in 1884 sultan idris submitted unconditionally to the spanish authorities and received their protection against datu utu. datu ayunan of taviran, datu balabadan's brother, aided the spanish authorities in the war against datu utu and was one of the most prominent datus of talakuku and magindanao. manuscript no. viii the ancestors of the datus of mindanao introduction this manuscript is a copy of the original in the possession of datu mastura. it was written by the same original author as manuscript no. ii and belongs to the same class and style of composition. it consists of nineteen paragraphs that give the names of the first rulers or datus of nineteen datuships of mindanao. a few malay words are used at the beginning of each paragraph. each paragraph begins as if it were written as a separate document or statement, distinct from all the rest, and in the same manner as their letters and books generally begin. the arabic words surat, riwayat, kissa, hadis, asal, meaning book, narrative, story, discourse, origin, respectively, are all used to signify book or history. the word tsharetra is malay and means a story. sarsila or salsila and tarsila mean genealogy or history and are used in the same sense. literal translation of manuscript no. viii in the name of god the compassionate and merciful 1. this book tells about the ruler of bwayan. the first ruler of bwayan was pulwa, the first raja bwayan. he begot raja sirungan, the second raja bwayan. pulwa married the daughter of sarip kabungsuwan. 2. this is a statement about the ruler of the country of mandanawi, the land of peace. the first datu of magindanao was mangalang or maka-alang, the son of sarip kabungsuwan, from angintabu. maka-alang was the second sarip; sarip kabungsuwan was the first. 3. this is the genealogy of the ruler of the country (or town) of ilanun. the first datu of malabang was gantar, the father of maka-apun and angintabu. 4. this story tells about the ruler of bakayawan. the first datus of bakayawan were mirugung and dimalawang. 5. this is the history of the ruler of bayabaw. the first datu of bayabaw was kalangit. his son was pundama, who married umpas. the end. 6. this is the history of the ruler of balabagan. the first datu of balabagan was dungkulang. his son rimba was sultan of balabagan. the end. 7. this is the history of the ruler of pidatan. the first datu of pidatan was dyam, sultan of pidatan. he begot punduma. punduma begot tawgung. 8. the first datu of lumbayanági was sultan gulambay. he begot ranu. 9. the first datu of dupilas was dindu, who was called datu sa-palaw. he begot dimalawang. 10. the first datu of sulug was sarip payang, who begot raja hasan, sultan of sulug. 11. the first datu of sangir was makalindi. makalindi married timbang saribu and begot manamil, sultan of sangir. 12. the first datu of malalis was ampwan, sultan of malalis. 13. the first datu of dulangan was alip, the son of abu, sultan of dulamgan. 14. the first datu of makadar was sultan limba, who also is a son of abu. 15. the first datu of didagun was abad. abad begot dumalundung, who was sultan of didagun. 16. the first datu of barira was dumak. dumak begot antagu, who was sultan of barira. 17. the first datu of sikun was amat. amat begot salumbay, datu of islnun. 18. the first datu of kadingilan was kapusan, the brother of salumbay, son of amat. 19. the first datu of magulalngun was balbal, who married maradi, the daughter of the sultan of tatarikun, and begot burwa. burwa became sultan of tatarikun. here ends the genealogy of all the countries or towns. the history of magindanao before the first mass was celebrated on the northern shore of mindanao mosques had been built on the fertile banks of the pulangi, and before legaspi landed on cebu kabungsuwan had been declared and acknowledged datu of magindanao. the mohammedan conqueror of mindanao was neither an admiral of a fleet nor a leader of an army of regular troops. he had no nation back of him to reënforce his battalions nor a royal treasury to support his enterprise. his expedition was not prompted by mere chivalry or the gallant adventures of discovery. he was not looking for a new route to rich lands nor searching for spices and gold dust. the emigrant sought a new land to live in, and trusted his fortune and success to the valor of his crew and the influence of his witchcraft. having a fair admixture of malay blood in him and sufficient arabian energy and enthusiasm to push on, he came and conquered and soon found himself at home in mindanao as well as at juhur. there was no racial prejudice to contend against and the language of the new land was akin to his own. but true to his religion, as he was true to his ancestry, his faith suffered no defeat. no submission was accepted without conversion, and no friendship was cultivated with the unfaithful. he married in the land of his conquest, and the ties of faith were soon strengthened by the ties of blood and kinship; and as the first generation passed and the second generation followed, the conqueror and the conquered became one in blood and sympathy, one in faith, and one in purpose. a new dynasty which stood for islam, for progress, and for civilization arose on the ruins of barbarism and heathenism. savage and fierce as the moros look, they are greatly superior to the surrounding pagans who inhabit the hills and the interior of mindanao. once their equals and kinsmen, they have vastly surpassed them now and are preëminently above them. with mohammedanism came art and knowledge, and communication with the outside world was established. for four centuries two different agencies of civilization have been at work in the philippine islands. one started in the north and worked its way south, continually progressing and constantly growing in power and improving in character. the other began in the south and extended north, but it soon reached a definite limit, and like a tree stunted in its growth it reverted to its wild nature and grew thorny and fruitless. the first graft of the tree of magindanao was not aided by later irrigation. the first wave of immigration was not reënforced, and with an ebb tide it lost most of its size and force. the moros of mindanao figured very prominently in the history of the philippines. they were never united under one flag, but they formed different sultanates, some of which attained considerable power and fame. in the fullness of his glory, the sultan of magindanao ruled over the whole southern coast of mindanao from point tugubum, east of mati, to zamboanga, and beyond this latter point to the outskirts of dapitan. all the pagan tribes living around the gulf of davao and in the sarangani country, and all the subanos west of tukurun and dapitan submitted to his power and paid him tribute. in the upper rio grande valley the power of the rajas of bwayan was felt and respected as far as the watershed of the cagayan valley on the north and the inaccessible slopes of mount apo on the east. the ranao moros controlled the whole country and the seacoast west of cagayan de misamis and north of the illana bay. the large majority of the moro sultanates are, however, small, and have never been fully numbered or described. they generally represent small divisions of territory and subdivisions of tribes, each under one chief who calls himself sultan or datu. nevertheless, tribal relations and language group these petty divisions into two large distinct groups, the magindanao and the iranun. the magindanao group includes the majority of the tribes. the iranun group is restricted to the tribes living along the eastern coast of the bay of illana from the point of polloc to the neighborhood of tukurun, and the whole ranao region lying between that line and the bay of iligan. the magindanao group is the greater of the two in number, in the extent of its territory, and in fame. indeed, all the moros of mindanao, except the iranun, were at one time under one influence and were brought under the sole control of the sultan of magindanao. the samal moros, who are variously classified by different writers and who are often mentioned as one of the main divisions of the moros of mindanao, are really foreign to mindanao and belong to a distinct and separate group. until recently they had never been independent, but had lived under the protection of various datus, and always served the datu for the protection he afforded them, or paid him tribute. they were sea rovers and had no claim on territory anywhere. lately they have settled down on the island of basilan, the sulu archipelago, and around the zamboanga peninsula. the samals were the latest of the malay people to arrive in the philippine islands. in fact, they are the only malay people of whom we have positive historical statement of emigration from the malay peninsula to sulu and mindanao, and were in all probability mohammedans prior to their arrival in the philippine islands. with the magindanao and iranun peoples it is different. they were in the land and belonged to the native element of the country long before their conversion to islam. islam was successfully introduced and firmly established in mindanao by one man. this same man founded the sultanate of magindanao and reformed the whole system of government among his converts. his full name was sharif mohammed kabungsuwan, generally known as sharif kabungsuwan. kabungsuwan was without doubt the greatest mohammedan adventurer who trod the soil of the island. but both the traditions of magindanao and its written records state that he was preceded by two pioneers, the first of whom was sharif awliya. awliya was universally regarded as a relative and a predecessor of kabungsuwan. his history is wrapped in myths. he is said to have come to mindanao in the air to search for paradise, or that part of it which remained in mindanao, and, while he was looking for it on the hill of tantawan (cotabato), to have found a houri who was sent to him from heaven. he married this houri and she bore a daughter called paramisuli. later the sharif returned to the west, but his wife and daughter remained in magindanao. the second arrival in magindanao was sharif maraja, who married paramisuli and was thought to have begotten tabunaway and mamalu, who were the chiefs of magindanao when kabungsuwan arrived in the land. sharif maraja is said to have had a brother called sharif hasan, who accompanied him as far as basilan, but who stopped there and founded the sultanate of sulu. whether bidayan, the son of sharif hasan, who is mentioned in the fourth tarsila, should be bidin, the abbreviated form of zainul-abidin, who was the first sultan of sulu, it is not easy to say. no copy of the sulu genealogy has been obtained as yet, and no authoritative statement can be made. but it is universally believed that the first sultan of sulu came from basilan, and that the ancestors of the sultans of bruney, sulu, and magindanao were brothers. sharif kabungsuwan was the son of sharif ali zainul abidin, a descendant of the prophet mohammed who emigrated from hadramut, southern arabia, to juhur, malay peninsula. the sultan of juhur, was evidently a mohammedan then, and was called iskandar thul-karnayn, the arabic appellation of alexander the great. the word "sharif" is arabic and means "noble." it is a title which is universally given to the descendants of the prophet mohammed. the full title is "sayid sharif," the "master and noble." the arabians generally use the first word, sayid, alone, but the moros have adopted the second. being highly respected on account of his ancestry, zainul-abidin was given the hand of the sultan's daughter in marriage. her name was jusul asiqin, a corrupted form of the arabic name "jawzul-'ashiqin." it is generally believed that she bore three children, the youngest of whom was called kabungsuwan. the word "kabungsuwan" is malay and means "the youngest." the names of the two older brothers of kabungsuwan were variously given. they were not mentioned in the tarsila and have been obtained from mere traditions. one authority gave them as ahmad and alawi, the other as mohammed and ahmad. both authorities agreed on the fact that the oldest founded the sultanate of bruney, and the second the sultanate of sulu. kabungsuwan probably knew some arabic, but he necessarily spoke and used the malay language, his mother's tongue. the incidents connected with his departure from juhur are of considerable historical interest. no dates have been obtained relative to this departure. the early moros never dated their events or documents. their narratives were very brief and crude. when they dated their events or wars they used a cycle of eight years, and designated its years by the letters a, h, j, z, d', b, w, d''. whenever one cycle ended they began another without any relation or reference to the corresponding mohammedan year. the earliest date that has been obtained which has immediate bearing on mindanao history is that bwisan, the father of the corralat of combés, was living in 1597; the next date was that of corralat's defeat by general corcuera in 1636. bwisan had two older brothers, and he was probably preceded in the sultanate by both of them. his father, bangkaya, was the son of makaalang, the son of kabungsuwan. it will therefore be within safe limits to say that kabungsuwan's departure from juhur or his arrival in mindanao occurred about the end of the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth century. captain forest, who visited magindanao in 1775, placed that event roughly at a. d. 1475, which is near enough to assume as correct. tarsila no. ii states that there departed with sharif kabungsuwan from juhur many people who were dispersed by the storm and ultimately found their way to different ports. the places to which they went were balimbang, bangjar, kuran, tampasuk, bruney, sandakan, sulu, malabang, tubuk, and mindanao. there is no doubt that this statement refers to an emigration from juhur east as far as mindanao, and that with this emigration came kabungsuwan. the samal people generally believe that they came from juhur and its neighborhood. the traditions of magindanao distinctly state that the people who came with kabungsuwan were samals. the samals or bajaws are the sea nomads of the malay archipelago and their emigrations are frequent. the samals of the sulu archipelago are ruled by the sulu datus and are generally very submissive. they are allowed to live on sulu soil, but they have never made themselves independent anywhere. indeed, all the evidence that can be obtained seems to point distinctly to the fact that they are of late arrival and do not belong to the older peoples of the philippine islands. the early magindanao records give the impression that the arrival of kabungsuwan and the conversion of the people of magindanao to islam were accomplished peaceably. the word samal is never mentioned and the samals are always considered as aliens in every respect. the samals seem never to have settled in magindanao itself, but they did settle for some time on the island of bongo or bungud, that lies opposite the mouth of the pulangi, and at batwan and banago, near malabang. from these places they moved later to sibugay and sarangani and the gulf of davao. combés called the samals lutaw and said that they were in the employ of corralat, and manned some of his boats, fighting and carrying on piracy side by side with the people of magindanao and with the iranun. summing up the preceding evidence, we can unhesitatingly say that the samals came to magindanao with kabungsuwan, but that they did not settle on the soil of magindanao, nor did they intermarry sufficiently to assimilate with the magindanao people. the character of the conquest kabungsuwan achieved and the bearing it has on the admixture of races in mindanao is therefore of special interest. when kabungsuwan arrived at the mouth of the pulangi there were on the neighboring soil of magindanao the following settlements: slangan, magindanao proper, lusud, matampay, tagiman, and katitwan. the first and the last were probably the greatest and the strongest of all, for they were the first to meet kabungsuwan and interrupted his advance at tinundan. after some fighting they were evidently defeated and retreated up the river. the people of magindanao, under the leadership of the brothers tabunaway and mamalu, came next, but their attitude was not hostile. for some reason they secured an alliance or agreement with kabungsuwan and invited him to magindanao. they submitted to a form of mohammedan baptism and to circumcision, and towed kabungsuwan's boat from that place up to magindanao. hence the meaning of the word tinundan, the place of towing. the ceremony for circumcision occurred at katuri, the little settlement on the river just opposite cotabato; the baptism or washing occurred at paygwan at the mouth of the river. the word katuri means circumcision. the dumatus urge that tabunaway and mamalu had been mohammedans previous to that incident and that they had some intimate relation to kabungsuwan. this is possible, but it is very difficult to understand how such a submission could have been enforced or obtained had kabungsuwan been a mere relative and guest whom they had never seen before. the people of magindanao proper were, even in the best days of the sultanate, far outnumbered by the people of slangan. yet, soon after his arrival in magindanao, kabungsuwan went on conquering and converting to islam all the surrounding tribes and chiefs, and succeeded. this seems impossible of achievement unless kabungsuwan had some force with him which commanded the fear and respect of the natives, and which, with the aid of magindanao, was able to carry his arms to victory over all the neighboring native chiefs and tribes of the land. this force was in all probability made up of the samals who accompanied him from juhur and who remained in his service and in the neighboring seas for a certain period of time. but having married in mindanao, the succession to kabungsuwan's sultanate naturally reverted to the native element, and the samals were gradually alienated and their sympathy with their master grew steadily weaker. not being agricultural in their habits and preferring the sea, they gradually withdrew from magindanao. the natives proved superior to the samals and, though converted to islam, they preserved, to a great extent, their own identity and their language. knowing how insignificant the former chiefs and their settlements had been, it is not difficult for us to conceive how kabungsuwan, with a small foreign force but with superior talent and with superior arms, could so easily accomplish the conquest of magindanao. it is commonly believed that the natives who fought kabungsuwan had no swords and depended chiefly on their wooden arrows as implements of war, and that the mohammedans who attacked the natives fought with swords and gained an easy victory. possibly they used gunpowder, too. the inhabitants of slangan, magindanao, katitwan, and those of all the other settlements of the valley were pagans and were very similar to the present tirurays in language and worship. those who adopted the new religion remained in the rich lowlands of the valley, but those who refused fled to the mountains and have stayed away ever since. those who wavered in accepting the new terms of submission and who were later suffered to stay in the neighboring hills were called tiruray. those who refused to submit, fled to more distant places, and kept up their enmity and opposition were called manobos. the pagans who are thus spoken of as related to the moros of mindanao in origin, besides the above, are the bilans, the tagabilis, and the subanos. every settlement of these former pagan tribes had its chief. the chief was called timway. tabunaway was the last timway of magindanao. manumbali was the last timway of slangan. the tirurays and the manobos still call their chief timway. the ruler of the mohammedan dynasty assumed the title of datu. the noun datu means king or ruler; the verb datu means to rule. kabungsuwan retained the title sharif. his son maka-alang also is always referred to as sharif. later the term datu prevailed, and the first datu who is mentioned in the tarsila as sultan was sultan qudrat, whom combés called corralat. soon after kabungsuwan had established his power in magindanao he received the submission of many chiefs, all of whom he converted to islam. later he advanced up the valley to bwayan and along the coast to malabang. some believe that he went to the ranao country, but it is difficult to support all the statements made. his descendants and his converts carried on the war and the conversion, so that before the spaniards reached their country their conquest and conversion had reached the present limits. the story of putri tunina and her marriage to kabungsuwan is universally known to the moros of mindanao. the custom of burying the dead next to the house, as practiced by tabunaway, is still common everywhere, and trees are often planted around the tomb. by sarabanun, the sister of tabunaway, kabungsuwan begot no children. by putri tunina he begot three daughters, one of whom, putri mamur, married the first moslem datu of bwayan, malang-sa-ingud. at malabang kabungsuwan married angintabu, the daughter of the chief of that place, and begot sharif maka-alang, who succeeded him. the people of magindanao who aided kabungsuwan in his wars secured from him certain privileges and favors over their neighbors. these privileges are still claimed by the dumatus, the present descendants of tabunaway. they have not paid tribute to the datus and have often intermarried with the datu class. it was different with the people of slangan. the descendants of manumbali and his subjects all became subjects and servants to the datus. their descendants are, however, still known and live in lugaylugay, about 1 mile below cotabato, and on the same side of the pulangi. little is known about sharif maka-alang. he in all probability ruled in magindanao, not in malabang. his wife was a bilan woman related to parasab, a bilan chief. bangkaya succeeded maka-alang and married three wives, daughters of the principal chiefs of slangan, magindanao, and matampay, by each one of whom he begot a son. his sons were dimasangkay, gugu sarikula, and kapitan lawut bwisan, all of whom become datus and succeeded to the rule of magindanao in order. sarikula married a sulu princess called raja putri, who was supposed to be the noblest lady of her day in magindanao and who probably was the daughter of the sultan of sulu. the word putri is equivalent to "princess," and raja putri means "royal princess." kapitan means "holder" or "leader." lawut is a malay word meaning "sea." bwis means "tax." kapitan lawut bwisan distinguished himself more than his predecessors and was the most powerful enemy spain encountered in the south in her first effort to reduce the moro land. in 1597, in company with silungan, the raja of bwayan, he checked the invasion of marquis rodriguez and defeated him at tampakan. bwisan was succeeded by his son, sultan dipatwan qudrat, the corralat of combés. the word dipatwan is malay in origin and means "master" or "sir." the word qudrat is arabic and means "power." the letters d and r and r and l are interchangeable in moro, and the word qudrat is commonly pronounced kudlat or kurlat; hence the corrupted form "corralat." sultan qudrat overshadowed his father, bwisan, and ruled with a strong hand. he was probably the strongest and greatest mindanao sultan that ever lived. he fought the spaniards bitterly and held their sovereignty in check for many years. his pirates terrorized luzon and the visayas and controlled the southern seas for a long time. in 1636 general corcuera led an expedition against him and after considerable difficulty reduced his fort and defeated his forces. qudrat appears to have had a large number of firearms, and his fort was very strongly fortified. the spaniards captured 8 bronze cannons, 27 lantaka or culverins, and 100 muskets. in 1645 his relations with spain had undergone a distinct change. he had become more powerful, but he was desirous of peace and made a treaty with the spanish government. this treaty was in the nature of an alliance for mutual aid and protection. it secured better commercial facilities and gave the jesuits the privilege of building a church in the sultan's capital. thirteen years later hostilities were renewed and another campaign was directed against simway. this time qudrat succeeded in blocking the river at different places and successfully checked the invasion. qudrat was followed by his son, dundang tidulay, of whom very little is known. sultan dundang tidulay begot sultan mohammed sa-barahaman and sultan mohammed kaharu-d-din kuda. barahaman ruled peacefully and begot several children, two of whom, japar sadik manamir and dipatwan anwar, became sultans. after the death of sultan barahaman his son manamir was declared sultan. as manamir was very young, his succession was considered illegal and an act of enmity directed against his uncle, kuda. kuda therefore "usurped the government and went to simway, carrying with him the effects of the deceased sultan." civil war ensued and the peace of the state was greatly disturbed. this war must have lasted more than thirty years, and its story is variously related by the moros. the tarsila do not mention it at all. the best description was given by captain forest, who learned its details from the mouth of pakir mawlana, the chief person who conducted the campaign and terminated the struggle. kuda invited a party of sulus living in magindanao to simway to support him against his nephew. the sulus came, but finding him with only a small force, they treacherously murdered him and plundered his camp and possessed themselves of many pieces of heavy cannon, which kuda had transported from magindanao to simway. "the sulus returned home with their booty, and manamir's party got the ascendency." but the sulus, conscious of their iniquity and fearful of resentment when peace should be restored, fomented trouble between manamir and his brother anwar, and supported the latter. the state was again divided against itself, and the second struggle proved worse than the first. skirmishes were kept up and nightly attacks and assassinations were continued until both sides were very much weakened. their enmity grew bitter and malinug, the son of anwar, killed his uncle manamir. manamir was the rightful sultan, and on account of his assassination he has ever since been called sahid mupat, which means "died a martyr." pakir mawlana and pakaru-d-din, the sons of sahid mupat, were obliged to leave magindanao, and retired to tamontaka. "the country then suffered much. the great palace at the town was first plundered and then burned. in the conflagration many of the houses of magindanao were destroyed, as was also a great part of the town of slangan. the groves of cocoanut trees were also mostly destroyed, as being convenient and at hand to make palisades for temporary forts." in the meantime sultan anwar died at batwa and has ever since been referred to as mupat batwa, which means "died in batwa." malinug assumed the sultanate after his father's death and kept up the fight. "after a tedious, desultory war, malinug fled up the pulangi to bwayan. pakir mawlana then got possession of all the lands about magindanao, and peace was made soon after. malinug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited pakir mawlana." pakir mawlana was a man of low stature, smiling countenance, and communicative disposition. he acquired a great reputation for wisdom and bravery during the civil war, which he brought to a happy conclusion. he spoke malay and wrote the best tarsila of magindanao. magindanao flourished in his day and regained its former glory and prosperity. his pirates invaded the celebes and had several encounters with dutch and english vessels, often with success. his relations with spain were friendly, but spain had very little influence outside of the zamboanga colony. the greater part of magindanao was in his days built on the point and the adjacent narrow strip of land which lies at the junction of the matampay and the pulangi and between them. a longitudinal raised street began at the point and extended for half a mile to a canal which was cut from river to river. more than 150 houses were situated on both sides of this street. the other part of the town of magindanao did not exceed 20 houses. the town of slangan was really continuous with magindanao and extended for about half a mile down the river, forming one continuous street. slangan was the larger town and had over 200 houses. both towns had large numbers of mechanics, vessel builders, and merchants. many chinese carpenters, arrack distillers, and millers lived in both towns, but chiefly in slangan. gardens and rice fields surrounded the town. the chief datus at that time had forts and kept small bodies of troops as bodyguards and artillery corps to take care of the muskets and guns. kibad sahriyal, son of the sultan, had the best and strongest fort at that time. this fort was called kuta intang (diamond fort) and was located at the extreme point of the land and commanded the river and the town. the fort had five pieces of cannon, 6 and 9 pounders, and a large number of swivels and lantaka. the magindanao warriors of those days wore armor coats and helmets and carried krises, spears, and shields. the natives made gunpowder and secured their saltpeter from a cave near taviran. they built vessels of all dimensions and cruised as far as java and the celebes. their vessels were always long for the breadth and very broad for their draft of water. in 1774 mawlana retired from office in favor of his brother, pakaru-d-din. pakar was a weaker man than his brother and practically had very little control over affairs, and always acted in important state questions with the advice and consent of kibad, his nephew. during his time the english tried to get bongo island and to establish a footing near the mouth of the pulangi. sultan pakaru-d-din was succeeded by kibad sahriyal, who possessed many of the good qualities of his father and ruled with firmness and success. in the meantime the power of spain in mindanao had revived and her forces became active again. kibad maintained friendly relations with spain and signed a treaty with her in 1794, in which he promised not to enter into any treaty or agreement with another power. like his father he had many wives and concubines and begot many children, chief among whom are sultan kawasa and alamansa sul-karnayn. kawasa succeeded his father and maintained the dignity of his office and the prosperity of his sultanate. he is often called anwaru-d-din (lights of religion) and amiru-l-umara (the prince of the princes). he had many children, chief of whom was intirinu or amirul. alamansa died at dansalan. he had many children, two of whom were raja twa, and datu dakula, the prince of sibugay. raja twa begot untung and perti. the nation looked to raja twa to succeed sultan kawasa, but he died before his uncle, and the sultanate fell to his young son, untung. intirinu was rejected for family reasons and datu dakula was set aside to give representation to the favorite house of twa. untung was known as sultan sakandar qudratu-l-lah (alexander, the power of god). he was also surnamed jamalu-l-a'lam (a'zham), which means "greatest beauty." qudrat the second was the last sultan who observed all the customs and rites of the sultanate. he was young when he assumed power, and his reign marked the beginning of the downfall of the sultanate and the actual occupation by spain of the rio grande valley. in the treaty of 1837 he submitted to the sovereignty of spain and accepted the subordinate title of feudatory king of tamontaka. spain appointed his successor and prohibited his people from invading any territory west of point flechas. she regulated the licensing of boats sailing beyond zamboanga and erected a trading house at paygwan, at the mouth of the rio grande. in 1843 datu dakula ceded to spain the west coast of the zamboanga peninsula, promised to aid in suppressing slavery, and acknowledged spanish protection. in 1845 sultan qudrat confirmed the treaty of 1837, with a more definite submission, and allowed the establishment of a spanish trading house at cotabato. this aggression on the part of spain was prompted by her increased strength and an additional naval revival. steamboats and improved firearms ended moro aggression and solved the moro question. in 1851 polloc was occupied and was made a naval station. in 1857 spanish boats advanced as far up as tambao and drew up a treaty with the sultan of talakuku in which he acknowledged his surrender and his submission to the authority of spain. in 1861 camps were established at cotabato, libungan, tambao, taviran, and tamontaka. sultan qudrat begot mamaku, ambuludtu, mastura, raja putri, and others. mamaku is the present raja muda of magindanao and lives at cran, sarangani. ambuludtu and mastura are living at nuling, about 1 mile above cotabato. raja putri, generally known as the princesa, was datu utu's wife. sultan mohammed makakwa, the son of intirinu, succeeded qudrat. he was the last sultan of magindanao who lived in cotabato. the spaniards paid him a monthly salary of 70 pesos, but kept him under complete control. in his days modern cotabato was built, and in 1871 it was made the capital of mindanao. an earthquake destroyed the town that year, and in 1872 it was abandoned as capital in favor of zamboanga. makakwa died about 1883, and his son, pablu, became sultan. pablu's full title was sultan mohammed jalalu-d-din pablu. he lived at banubu, opposite cotabato, and was the last sultan who received a salary from the spanish government. in 1884 the spanish engaged the forces of idris, the sultan of talakuku, on the banks of the river at tambao and completely defeated him. idris then signed a treaty acknowledging unconditional surrender and submission. during pablu's life general terrero conducted the campaign of 1886-87 against datu utu of bwayan, and the spanish gunboats destroyed every fort on the river. datu utu resisted the spanish invasion vigorously and repeatedly, but he was repeatedly defeated, and the moros of the rio grande felt convinced that the arms of spain were much superior to their own, and have submitted peacefully ever since. pablu's sultanate was nominal and powerless. in 1888 pablu died, and the seat of the sultanate remained vacant until about 1896. pablu died without a male heir. mamaku, the raja muda of magindanao, did not meet the requirements of the sultanate, so the sultanate passed over to the house of datu dakula the first. the prince of sibugay had three sons, pagat, puyu or jamalu-l-kiram, and datu dakula the second. pugat, the eldest, begot mamuppun, the last prince of sibugay, and mangigin. datu dakula the second begot datu dakula the third, who lives at kumaladan, at the head of damanquilas bay. mamuppun was passed over by the council of the datus in favor of mangigin, the present sultan. mangigin is a weak man. after his succession he went to libungan and lived there during spanish rule. after the spanish evacuation and after the attack on cotabato by datus ali, jimbangan, and piang, which occurred in 1899, he became fearful of the saraya datus and returned to peaceful sibugay, his birthplace and the land of his father. in her conquest of mindanao spain directed her forces against the district of sibugay first, and then against mindanao. the district of sibugay was in a state of complete submission before the rio grande moros were controlled. the subjection of sibugay advanced to such an extent that in 1896 the region was divided into three districts, to each one of which a datu was assigned by spanish authority. the datus received orders and directions from the governor of zamboanga direct, and an annual tax of one real was imposed upon every subano and moro male above the age of 18 years. chapter ii laws of the moros general introduction the mohammedan conquerors of mindanao and sulu established a new form of government planned on lines similar to those of the arabian caliphate, and adopted written codes of law for guidance in the administration of the state. in all probability the art of writing was not known in mindanao and sulu prior to the mohammedan invasion. the author has no knowledge of the existence of any written law among the pagan tribes of mindanao, nor of any written material that antedates islam in mindanao or sulu. the moros are not savage, though they seem so at first sight. as early as the end of the fifteenth century they could read and write. mohammedanism encouraged education and invited learning. the arabic alphabet was applied to the mindanao tongue, and old arabic and malay books on religion and law were translated into the native magindanao and ranao dialects. the moros of magindanao have translations of the quran, hadeeth, some books on law, some commentaries on the quran, some magic, and other varied literature. their original writings in the magindanao tongue consist of many genealogies and stories. the sulu moros have done the same. they acted independently, but on the same general lines. the languages of mindanao and sulu are members of the general malayan family of languages, but they differ so much as to render intercourse impracticable without an interpreter. the moros are several tribes, and each tribe differs as much from the others as the visayan and the ilocano and the igorot tribes differ one from another. the laws of these tribes are different. they came from similar sources, but they were worked out and compiled separately and independently. the present chapter includes the best official codes of magindanao and sulu. the manuscripts themselves are undoubtedly authentic and complete. every care has been taken to render the translations as accurate and complete and useful as possible. the luwaran; or, the laws of magindanao introduction the term luwaran, which the mindanao moros apply to their code of law, means "selection" or "selected." the laws that are embodied in the luwaran are selections from old arabic law and were translated and compiled for the guidance and information of the mindanao datus, judges, and pandita who do not understand arabic. the mindanao copies of the luwaran give no dates at all, and nobody seems to know when this code was made. they say it was prepared by the mindanao judges some time ago, but none of those judges is known by name. datu mastura's copy of this code was written about 1886, and it is undoubtedly copied from some older manuscript. the original manuscript [11] accompanying this code is older still, but it bears no date at all. the arabic books quoted in the luwaran are minhaju-l-arifeen, taqreebu-l-intifa, fathu-l-qareeb, and miratu-t-tullab. the first of these, generally known as the minhaj, is the chief authority quoted. datu utu had an old copy of the minhaj that looked more than two hundred years old. the author of the minhaj must have lived in the ninth or tenth century. the compilation of the luwaran must have been made before the middle of the eighteenth century. each mindanao datu is assisted in the administration of justice by a judge and a vizier. the judge is called datu kali. the word kali is derived from the arabic word meaning "judge." the datu kali is the chief pandita of the district and is supposed to be the best-informed man of the community. the pandita is the scholar who can read and write and perform the functions of a priest. the vizier is called "wazir;" he is a pandita, too, and acts in a semijudicial and clerical capacity. mohammedan law being based on the teachings of the quran, the chief pandita of the district is naturally regarded as the most competent expounder of the law and the best-fitted person in the community to act as a judge. as the wazir is a pandita, he should be a well-informed and wise man. some datus are pandita themselves, and some take all matters into their own hands and delegate none of their offices or duties to a judge or a vizier; but this is the exception, not the rule. in making the luwaran the mindanao judges selected such laws as in their judgment suited the conditions and the requirements of order in mindanao. they used the arabic text as a basis, but constructed their articles in a concrete form, embodying genuine examples and incidents of common occurrence in mindanao. in some places they modified the sense of the arabic so much as to make it agree with the prevailing customs of their country. in a few instances they made new articles which do not exist in arabic but which conform to the national customs and common practices. the authority of the luwaran is universally accepted in mindanao and is held sacred next to that of the quran. the mindanao judge is at liberty to use either of them as his authority for the sentence to be rendered, but as a rule a quotation from the quran bearing on the subject is desirable. all datus and viziers and all persons acting in the capacity of a chief or a vizier find the luwaran very convenient and helpful. very few people can become kali, but all who are able to read can study and use the luwaran. consequently the luwaran has had general use, and copies of it are seen in all the districts that speak the magindanao dialect. to establish this fact copies of it were secured from the ruling datus of bagumbayan and of saraya or the upper valley. the copy [12] secured from datu mastura is by far the most complete of all. the text is well written, neat, and distinct. the original arabic articles are written separately on the margin of the book and opposite the magindanao articles with which they were supposed to correspond. datu mastura is the best living descendant and representative of the house of mindanao, and he probably owns the most reliable books and documents that have been transmitted from the previous generations. this book is certainly the best specimen of magindanao literature; it is genuine, correct, and well written. on account of inability to secure the book itself, an accurate and exact copy of the same was taken. the magindanao articles are written separately and are numbered for convenience in reference. the translation is not exactly literal, but nearly so. the arabic marginal quotations are copied separately and are numbered in the order in which they appeared in the original copy. they are also translated, and a table indicating the arabic quotation which corresponds to each article of the luwaran is attached to the introduction to the translation. in actual practice the moros do not distinguish between custom and law. many of their customs are given the force of law, and many laws are set aside on account of contradiction to the prevailing customs of the day. slavery is such an established custom and institution of the land that it is generally sanctioned and supported in the luwaran. an oath on the quran is so firmly binding and the fear of perjury is so strong in the mind of the moro that oaths are generally taken and are always regarded as sufficient confirmation even in the absence of evidence. the moros are not strict nor just in the execution of the law. the laws relating to murder, adultery, and inheritance are seldom strictly complied with. indeed, the laws of inheritance as given in the luwaran are generally disregarded and are seldom considered at all. mohammedan law does not recognize classes, except the slave class. but moro law is not applied equally to all classes. great preference is shown the datu class, and little consideration is given to the children of concubines. the luwaran, nevertheless, is the recognized law of the land and compliance with it is a virtue. translation of the luwaran, the magindanao code of laws in the name of god the compassionate and merciful, praise be to god, who led us to the faith and religion of islam. may god's blessing be with our master mohammed and with all his people and followers. the following articles are taken from the minhaj and fathu-l-qareeb and taqreebu-l-intifa and mir-atu-t-tullab and have been translated from the arabic into the java (malay) dialect of mindanao, the land of peace: article i if two people disagree as to the ownership of a certain property, the actual possessor has the right to the property if he swears to that effect. in case both of them are in actual possession of the property, both ought to swear. if both of them swear to that effect, the property shall be divided between them equally. if only one person swears, the property shall be given to that person alone. article ii if a person borrows an article and loses it, he shall replace it or pay its value. the same rule shall apply in case the article is stolen. there shall also be paid a reasonable additional compensation for the lost article. article iii if a person borrows an ax or a button, and the ax is broken or the button lost while being used for the purpose for which it was loaned, and not on account of carelessness, the lost article shall not be replaced. but if the ax is used at a place overhanging the water or is used to cut a stock of bamboo without being well tied or fastened, and is lost, it shall then be replaced. article iv if two persons disagree as to whether or not a certain debt has been paid and have no witness to the fact, the plaintiff's claim shall be sustained in case he confirms it by an oath. in case he refuses to take an oath the defendant's claim shall be sustained. article v if a person intrusts another with his property and later calls for it and it is denied him on the plea that it has been taken back or that it was lost, and no witness can be obtained, the trustee's plea shall be sustained if he confirms it by oath. article vi if a person enters a claim to his lost property which has been found and kept by another person, and the finder refuses to deliver the property on the plea that it is his own property and that it has been in his possession for a long time, and there be a witness who testifies that the property is a find and not an old possession of the finder, the finder shall return the property found and pay a compensation of one cuspidor or two. article vii the seizer of another's property shall return the seized property and pay an additional amount proportional to the interest derived from the property. article viii if a person enters the house of another at night without the consent of the owner thereof, and the said owner complains of the offense, the defendant shall be fined four cuspidors. article ix if a man enters the house of another with the intention of holding private intercourse with a woman therein with whom it is unlawful for him to associate privately, and the woman objects, he shall be fined four cuspidors or four pesos, or shall suffer from twenty to thirty-nine lashes, or shall be slapped on his face, at the discretion of the judge. article x if a woman comes into the house of a man with the intention of marrying him and of living with him, and the man refuses to marry her and she is later taken away by her people, the man shall not be liable to fine or punishment. article xi section 1. if a man divorces his wife after the conclusion of the marriage act or ceremonies, and before any sexual intercourse has taken place, the woman shall have half of the dower only. if the divorce occurs after sexual intercourse has taken place, the woman shall have all the dower. sec. 2. if a man refuses to marry a woman after having been engaged to her, the whole dower shall be returned to him, excepting the expenses for the feast incurred by the father of the woman. article xii if a person curses or abuses another person without cause, he shall be fined not more than three cuspidors. article xiii section 1. if a person falsely claims another person as his slave, he shall be fined the value of one slave. sec. 2. if a person defames another person by calling him balbal (a human being who transforms at night into an evil spirit which devours dead people) or poisoner, he shall be fined one slave or the value of one slave. article xiv if both the giver and the receiver understand that a return gift shall be made for a certain given property and the receiver fails to make the gift, the giver can take back the gift. article xv no gift given without expectation of reward can be recovered after the receiver has had possession of it. but if the giver changes his mind before the receiver takes possession of the gift, the giver resumes his ownership of the given property. article xvi property the gift of parents to their child shall be recoverable if it has not been expended or destroyed. article xvii in the discretion of the judge and the datu, a thief of property amounting to the value of one malong or more shall have his hand cut off and shall return the stolen property. if the stolen property does not amount to the value of one malong, the thief shall suffer thirty-nine lashes or pay a fine of four cuspidors. article xviii if there is any doubt of the truth of evidence or the truthfulness of a witness, they shall be confirmed by oath. article xix testimony of a slave which is detrimental to himself shall be accepted. article xx testimony of children and of the insane or imbecile shall be held invalid. article xxi if a person enters a house without permission and in the absence of the owner, he shall be held responsible for and shall restore or pay for any article that may be found missing from said house. a person who enters the field of another shall likewise be held responsible for and shall restore or pay for any article that may be found missing from said field. article xxii if a person loans or sells to a slave without the knowledge or consent of the master of the slave, the person who loans or sells shall be guilty of a misdemeanor; and the master of the slave shall not be held responsible for the transaction of his slave. article xxiii if in the course of an agreement for the sale of property questions arise respecting the price or the amount of the sold property, and no witness can be obtained, the seller shall be sustained if he confirms his statement by oath; but the statement of the buyer shall be sustained if the seller fails to take oath. article xxiv if the seller and the buyer differ as to whether a certain defect in the purchased property developed prior to or later than the date of the purchase, the seller's statement shall be sustained if he confirms it by oath; otherwise the buyer's statement shall be sustained. article xxv if after the purchase of property the buyer discovers a defect in the property which existed prior to the sale or purchase, he may return the property to the seller and pay him a reasonable compensation proportional to the decrease occasioned in the value of the property through the detection of the defect; and the buyer shall then recover the purchase price of the property. article xxvi no purchased property shall be returnable to the seller on account of a defect therein which has developed after the sale. article xxvii if a person buys a slave and later discovers a defect in him and returns him to the seller, but the seller denies the slave's identity, the statement of the seller shall be sustained if he confirms it by oath; otherwise the statement of the buyer shall be sustained. similar cases pertaining to other kinds of property shall be judged similarly. article xxviii it shall be lawful to return promptly purchased property which is defective. the return shall not be delayed longer than prayer time or mealtime, or one night in event of the purchase having been made in the evening. article xxix if a creditor dies and his heirs sue his debtor, but the debtor denies the debt on the plea that the deceased creditor gave him as a gift, or in charity, or that he has paid for that for which he is sued, and there is no witness, the heir must swear. failure to swear on the part of the heir shall render the debtor free from payment of the debt. article xxx if a person buys property or a slave, and another person recognizes the slave or property as his own and lays claim thereto, and is able to produce a witness to that effect, the buyer shall return the purchased property or the slave to the seller, but shall recover whatever he has paid. article xxxi if a person finds his property in the possession of another, and is able to recover it without any injury or injustice, he shall be justified in so doing. but in the event of an objection being raised to the recovery or in case an injury or injustice is unavoidable in recovering the property, he shall present the matter to the datu and to the judge, after which it shall be justifiable for him to take his property even though it be necessary to break through a door or through walls to do so. under any circumstances he shall have the right to recover his property, or its equivalent in kind, or any other substitute not in excess of the value of the property. article xxxii if, while a person is spying on the house of another, the occupants throw a stone or other thing out of the house and thereby cause the death of the spy, no guilt shall be attached to their action. article xxxiii if the provisions or the fowls of a person are eaten by cats or cattle, and the owners thereof are notified by the injured person to secure their animal or animals, and the warning or notice is disregarded so that the provisions or fowls are eaten up, the owners of the cats or cattle shall be held responsible for the loss. article xxxiv section 1. if a person seduces or cohabits with a female slave, held by him as security for debt, with the knowledge or consent of the debtor, he shall not be held guilty; but he shall give her a dower. sec. 2. if the seduction or cohabitation occurs without the consent of the debtor, the creditor shall be liable to a fine, or shall give the woman a dower to be paid to the debtor. sec. 3. if the creditor begets a child of the slave held as security in the preceding section, he shall buy the child from the debtor; otherwise the child shall become the slave of the debtor. article xxxv if the creditor and the debtor differ as to the security or its amount, the debtor's statement shall be sustained if confirmed by oath; otherwise the statement of the creditor shall be sustained. article xxxvi if the security is lost and no blame is attached to the creditor, he shall not be held responsible for the loss, and the debtor shall not be relieved from his debt. article xxxvii if a principal and his agent differ, and the agent claims that he has acted in accordance with the orders of his principal, and the claim be denied by the principal, the statement of the latter shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. article xxxviii if a married woman commits adultery, both adulterer and adulteress shall suffer eighty lashes. if the lashes are changed or reduced to a fine, half the number of the woman's lashes shall be added to the man's fine. article xxxix if a person charges another with the payment of his debt, and the creditor sues the proxy for the unpaid debt, but the proxy claims to have paid the same, the creditor's statement shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. article xl if a man seduces a maiden, both shall suffer one hundred lashes, and the man shall marry the woman and live with her even though he is married. article xli the statement of the plaintiff shall be sustained if confirmed by a witness. if there is no witness, the defendant shall take an oath. article xlii if slaves commit adultery, both man and woman shall suffer fifty lashes. article xliii if a married man commits adultery with a free woman, both shall be stoned to death. the punishment of the man may be reduced to imprisonment. the woman shall be buried up to her chest and be stoned with medium-sized stones. article xliv if a free man seduces a maiden slave, the property of another person, and she becomes pregnant and dies during childbirth, the seducer shall then pay the value of the slave to her owner. article xlv if a bachelor or widower commits adultery and is killed by a non-mohammedan, the non-mohammedan shall be put to death. but a mohammedan who may kill such an adulterer shall not be put to death. article xlvi if a man recognizes his cattle or his trees in another's charge and notifies him of the fact, and has a witness to confirm his statement that the cattle or trees are his, he shall be entitled to the produce of the cattle or of the trees although they remain in the charge of the other. likewise, if a slave who has been lost is recognized by his master in the charge of another person, and the master of the slave notifies that person of the fact that the slave is his and has a witness to confirm his statement, he shall be entitled to whatever his slave may produce if he remains in the charge of the person aforesaid. article xlvii if a man rents a field of another with the intention of cultivating it, but later fails to do so and returns it to the owner thereof, he shall be liable for the rent and shall pay the same at harvest time, as though he had cultivated the land and reaped the produce. likewise, if a boat is hired, the hire thereof shall be paid to its owner, whether or not it has been used for the intended travel. article xlviii if a slave runs away and enters the house of a certain person, or if a person finds a runaway slave, the owner of which is known to him but to whom he fails to give notice of the fact, and the slave again runs away, he, the finder, shall be responsible for the slave to the owner thereof. article xlix if a married man leaves his home on a long journey and nothing is heard of him, his wife shall not have the right to marry another; but if she learns that he has died or that he has divorced her, she shall then wait four years, after which she shall observe the customary mourning for his death; then she may marry again. the judges shall be careful not to change this decree in order that their power and influence may not suffer. article l if a boat is in danger of sinking, it shall be right and proper to throw its cargo overboard. but if a man throws away property without the knowledge of the owner thereof, and the boat does not sink, he shall replace the property. if a person tells another to throw his property overboard, promising to replace it, and the property is thrown overboard but the boat does not sink, he shall replace the property; but where there has been no promise to replace the property he shall not be held liable. article li section 1. if a debtor dies, his debts shall be payable from his estate, his estate being regarded in the nature of a security. sec. 2. if a debtor dies and leaves no estate, his heirs shall not be liable for his debt. by heirs is here meant parents, children, brothers, sisters, grandchildren, or grandparents. sec. 3. if a debtor dies and leaves an estate to his heirs, the estate shall be expended in payment of his debts whether it is sufficient in amount or not. sec. 4. if the heirs divide their inheritance before they know of the existence of a claim for debt against the estate, they shall return their shares to pay the debt, whether the inheritance is sufficient or not; and if they have used their inheritance prior to the knowledge of the debt, they shall pay out of their own property an amount equal thereto in payment of the debt. article lii if a man orders another to shoot at a deer, believing that he is ordering him to shoot at a deer, and the person shoots believing also that he is shooting at a deer, but hits a man, neither the shooter nor the man who has ordered him to shoot shall be liable to punishment, but shall pay only a light fine as blood money. likewise, if a man orders another to shoot at a tree, believing that he is ordering him to shoot at a tree, and the person shoots, believing also that he is shooting at a tree, but hits a man, neither the shooter nor the man who has ordered him to shoot shall be liable to punishment, but shall pay only a light fine as blood money. article liii in case a person orders another person to climb up a tree and the climber falls from the tree, there shall be no liability to punishment, whether the person dies or not. a medium fine only shall be paid as blood money. article liv if a female slave in the possession of a certain person has a child which is recognized by another person as his own child and born of the slave during her stay in his possession, and the claim is denied by her present owner and there is a witness to the truth of the claim, the plaintiff shall confirm his testimony by oath. failure to confirm this testimony by oath and the lack of conclusive evidence that the child is a free child, begotten by the plaintiff of the slave, shall render the claim null. article lv if a man recognizes a slave whom he has liberated in the possession of another man who denies the claim, and there is a witness who bears out the claim of the plaintiff, the plaintiff shall confirm his statement by an oath, and, having taken an oath, may recover his slave and reliberate him. but his statement shall not be sustained if an oath is not taken. article lvi section 1. if two persons enter into partnership and later one of them asks the other to sell the property or stock and divide the proceeds, and the property is sold and its amount received, but the seller claims the whole amount as his, to which the other partner objects on the ground that it belongs to the partnership; or if the seller claims that it belongs to the partnership, and the other partner claims that it is his own, the statement of the person in possession of the property or its price shall be sustained if confirmed by oath; but otherwise it shall be rejected. sec. 2. if in the preceding case the seller divides the proceeds and gives his partner a part thereof and holds the remainder for himself, claiming that the amount of the proceeds has been divided, but the other partner refuses to accept the division on the ground that it has not occurred, the claim against the division by the complaining partner shall be sustained if confirmed by oath; otherwise it shall not be sustained. sec. 3. if one of the two partners in the preceding case buys and takes possession of the property of the partnership and then denies that it is the former property, claiming that it has been bought by some one else, to which the other partner objects as a false claim, the statement of the latter shall be sustained if confirmed by oath; otherwise the buyer's statement shall be sustained. article lvii section 1. if a free man kills another free man, or a free woman kills another free woman, or a slave kills another slave, the slayer shall be punished. sec. 2. if a free man kills a slave, the free man shall not be put to death. sec. 3. if a slave or other servant kills a free person, he shall be put to death. article lviii the blood money for the life of a woman or of a hermaphrodite shall be half that of a man; so also shall the fines for wounding a woman be rated as half those for wounding a man. article lix if a free man divorces his wife three times, or a slave divorces his wife twice, it shall not be lawful for him, the man, to marry again before the divorced woman is married to another person. article lx section 1. if the husband of a pregnant free woman dies, or a free woman is divorced, she shall mourn four months and ten days. sec. 2. if a slave woman is divorced, she shall mourn two months and five days. sec. 3. if a pregnant free woman is divorced, she shall mourn until childbirth. article lxi if a person throws the sweepings of a house or the parings of fruits on the road, and a person carrying certain articles and passing on the road steps on them and thereby slips and falls and loses his property, the person who threw the sweepings or the fruit parings on the road shall pay for the lost property. he shall also be responsible for any injury resulting from the fall. article lxii if a person gives an imbecile or an insane person or a child poison to eat, and said child, insane person, or imbecile dies as a result thereof, he shall be punished. article lxiii if a man gets drunk and fights or kills another, he shall be liable to punishment. article lxiv if a child or an imbecile or an insane person kills another person, he shall not be liable to punishment, but shall pay blood money. article lxv if a child under age is in a high place and is frightened by some person and as a result thereof falls and dies, the person who frightened him shall pay his blood money. article lxvi if a person who is shooting or hunting startles a child who happens to be in some high place, and the child falls and dies as a result thereof, he shall pay a small fine as blood money. article lxvii if a slave is wounded, the fine in compensation for his injury shall be the price of the slave in case of death, or an amount equal to the decrease in the value of the slave in case he does not die. article lxviii section 1. if a slave is guilty of cutting another, he shall be liable for the fine thereby incurred; if his master does not pay the fine, he may sell the guilty slave and pay the fine from the amount received therefor. sec. 2. if the master of the guilty slave refuses to sell him, he shall compensate for the decreased value of the slave who has been cut. article lxix section 1. if a plaintiff produces a witness, his statement shall be sustained. sec. 2. if a plaintiff has not a witness, the defendant shall take an oath; but if the defendant refuses to take an oath, the plaintiff shall swear and his statement shall be sustained. article lxx if the owner of a slave dies and his heirs claim the slave, and the slave objects on the ground that he had been liberated by his deceased master, the slave shall take an oath to that effect, which oath shall confirm his statement; but if an oath is not taken by the slave, the claim of the heirs shall be sustained. article lxxi all property loaned shall be paid back in kind, but if that be impracticable, the value thereof shall be accepted. article lxxii the will of a free person shall be legitimate whether he be a non-mohammedan or a person of bad character; but the will of an insane person or an imbecile or a child or a slave shall not be legitimate. article lxxiii if the legatee dies before the testator, the will shall be held invalid; but if the legatee dies after the death of the testator, the heirs of the legatee shall be entitled to his share under the will. article lxxiv if a person wills his estate to one of his heirs, the will shall be sustained if the other heirs consent to it; but if they do not consent, the will shall not be sustained. article lxxv if a person recognizes his property in the possession of another, which property he has neither sold nor given away as charity or otherwise, it shall be lawful for him to take or recover his property, unless he is afraid of being killed. in case he is afraid, he shall present the matter to the datu and then to the judge. article lxxvi the action of a guardian or agent shall be binding on the ward or the principal, respectively. the insane, imbeciles, or children shall never be guardians or agents. article lxxvii if two persons collide unintentionally and one person is injured, the liability of the guilty person for the fine or compensation thereby incurred shall extend to his heirs. the fine shall be small. article lxxviii if in the preceding case the collision is intentional, the liability shall be the same, but the fine shall be equal to half the limit. article lxxix if children or imbeciles or insane persons collide, the same law shall govern as in the case of sui juris persons. article lxxx section 1. a son, the only child, shall inherit all of the estate of his father and mother. sec. 2. a daughter, the only child, shall inherit half the estate of her father and mother. sec. 3. two or more sons, the only children, shall share the estate of their father and mother equally. sec. 4. in case one son and one daughter are the only children, the estate of the father and mother shall be divided into three equal parts, of which the son shall receive two parts and the daughter one part. sec. 5. in case of multiplicity of sons and daughters, the estate shall be so divided as to give each daughter half the share of one son. article lxxxi a husband shall inherit half the estate of his wife in event of her death and when she has neither a child nor a grandchild. article lxxxii in the event of the death of a wife who has children or grandchildren, her husband shall inherit one-quarter of her estate only, and the other heirs shall inherit the remaining three-quarters. article lxxxiii in the event of the death of a man who has no children or grandchildren, his wife shall inherit one-quarter of his estate only. article lxxxiv in the event of the death of a man who has children or grandchildren, his wife shall inherit one-eighth of his estate only. article lxxxv section 1. a father or son or wife or husband can not be disinherited by other heirs. sec. 2. a son disinherits full brothers and sisters, and all other heirs. sec. 3. full brothers and sisters disinherit more remote heirs. sec. 4. a grandfather, a father, and a grandson disinherit a brother or sister from the mother alone, or other heirs. sec. 5. a grandfather, brother, son, and uncle or aunt on the father's side disinherit a full nephew or niece, or more remote heirs. sec. 6. a full nephew disinherits another nephew who is not from a full brother or sister. sec. 7. a nephew on the father's side disinherits a full cousin and more remote heirs. sec. 8. a full uncle [13] or aunt disinherits an uncle or aunt on the father's side. sec. 9. a full cousin disinherits a cousin on the father's side. god's knowledge surpasses our knowledge. [the end] this copy [the original] was made at noon of the 20th day of jamadu-l-awal, in the year of the war between bwayan and the infidels [non-mohammedans]. wounds wounds are classified with respect to depth, locality, and tissue cut. to each class of wound a definite fine is fixed. class i simple wounds the fine for wounds of the skin unaccompanied by bleeding shall be three pesos. [14] class ii bleeding wounds the fine for wounds of the skin accompanied by bleeding shall be five pesos. class iii skin-penetrating wounds the fine for wounds of the skin where the skin is cut through and the flesh exposed shall be ten pesos. class iv flesh wounds the fine for wounds where the skin and flesh are cut through shall be fifteen pesos. class v periosteal wounds the fine for wounds where the skin and flesh are cut through and the periosteum exposed shall be twenty pesos. class vi deep wounds the fine for wounds that cut into the bone shall be twenty-five pesos. class vii fracture wounds the fine for wounds where the bone is fractured and cut through shall be fifty pesos. class viii dislocating wounds the fine for wounds where the bone is dislocated shall be seventy pesos. class ix skull-penetrating wounds the fine for wounds where the membranes of the brain are penetrated shall be two hundred and fifty pesos. class x brain wounds the fine for wounds where the brain is penetrated shall be three hundred pesos. class xi blood money the blood money for the intentional or willful murder of a moslem shall be one hundred camels or one thousand three hundred and seventy pesos. class xii the fine for amputating or cutting off one hand at the wrist, or higher, shall be fifty camels or six hundred pesos. class xiii deep bone wounds of the head or face the fine for deep wounds of the head or face shall be five camels, or sixty-eight and one-half pesos. class xiv fracture wounds of the head or face the fine for fracture wounds of the head or face shall be ten camels, or one hundred and thirty-seven pesos. class xv deep stab wounds the fine for deep stab wounds shall be thirty-three camels and one-third, or four hundred and fifty-six and two-thirds pesos, which is one-third of the amount of blood money. class xvi the minimum amount of the blood money of a moslem shall be eight hundred and sixty-eight and one-quarter pesos. class xvii the minimum blood money of a heathen or pagan, fifty-seven and one-quarter pesos. class xviii the fine for an involuntary deep wound of a pagan shall be two and four-tenths pesos. class xix the blood money for the accidental or involuntary murder of a pagan shall be forty-three and one-third pesos. class xx the fine for the intentional deep wound of a pagan shall be four and two-tenths pesos. arabic marginal quotations of the luwaran introduction these quotations are given here in the same order in which they appear on the margin of the original copy of the luwaran, with only a few clerical corrections. they are selections from arabic books on law and religion, and form the basis of the magindanao law as given in the luwaran. the order they come in does not always conform to the order of the corresponding articles of the luwaran to which they are appended. the magindanao judges who prepared the luwaran used these texts or quotations as authority for the corresponding magindanao articles they made. but subsequent scribes must have changed the order of these texts on account of their ignorance of the meaning of the arabic text and the places where they should be applied. for aid in reference the following table is prepared: article of corresponding arabic luwaran marginal quotations 1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 4 6 8, 9 7 7 8 12 9 --- 10 --- 11 14-16 12 --- 13 --- 14 17 15 18, 19 16 19 17 20, 21 18 23 19 26 20 25 21 13 22 27 23 30 24 29 25 31 26 32 27 33 28 34 29 36 30 37 31 38 32 39 33 40 34 41 35 42 36 43 37 44 38 45 39 46 40 47 41 48 42 49 43 50 44 51 45 52 46 53 47 54 48 55 49 56 50 57, 58 51 59, 60 52 61-63 53 64 54 65 55 66 56 67-69 57 70-72 58 73 59 74 60 75, 76 61 78 62 79 63 81 64 82 65 83 66 84 67 85, 86 68 87 69 88 70 89 71 90 72 91 73 92 74 93 75 94 76 95, 96 77 97 78 98 79 99 80 100-103 81 104 82 105 83 106 84 107 85 108 translation of the arabic marginal quotations of the luwaran 1. the person in charge of a property the subject of a suit has the first right to that property; his right must, however, be confirmed by oath. if both parties have charge of the property, their rights shall be regarded equal, and both parties shall take oath. 2. the compensation for a slave shall be equal to his value. the loss of a limb shall be compensated for by the amount by which that loss reduces the value of the slave. 3. no indemnity shall attach to the loss or damage of an article borrowed if such loss or damage be incurred in the proper use of such article. 4. the plea of the defendant in reference to the loss of a borrowed article shall be confirmed by oath. in cases of doubt the loss shall be established first by evidence, and the plea of the defendant shall then be confirmed by oath. 5. if the borrowed article or property is subjected to insecurity or danger, responsibility shall attach to such an action. 6. no suit shall be triable after the lapse of fifteen years from the date of the act giving rise to the suit. imam shafii restricted the application of this law to cases where the plaintiff and the defendant live in one town, and where the delay was avoidable. 7. lost or damaged finds shall be compensated for in kind or in value. 8. a find shall be the property of the finder irrespective of his religion or character. 9. the find shall be delivered to its owner, if the owner is known. the finder shall be held responsible for loss of the find or damage to it as long as the find is in his charge. 10. property seized by force shall be returned to its owner with compensation for any loss that may have been incurred by the seizure. if the seized property be lost, the seizer shall compensate for the loss in kind or in value. 11. if the seizer and the owner differ concerning a defect in the property, the owner's statement shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 12. god said, "to you believers i say, you shall not enter the houses of others without their permission." 13. mohammed said, "whoever enters the house of another shall be responsible for the loss that may occur therein." 14. if a divorce occurs after marriage but prior to sexual intercourse, half the dower shall be paid. if the divorce occurs after sexual intercourse, all the dower shall be paid. 15. no dower shall be paid if the marriage contract is broken prior to sexual intercourse. 16. the expenses of the marriage feast shall not be recovered. 17. a gift conditioned on compensation may be recovered in kind or value. 18. the will of the giver and the acceptance of the receiver shall determine the gift. 19. a gift not conditioned on compensation shall not be recoverable. 20. a thief shall have his hands cut off. 21. the thief shall return the stolen property or compensate for its loss. 22. the confession of the thief and the oath of the plaintiff shall confirm the theft. 23. the plaintiff's oath if corroborated by evidence shall confirm the theft. 24. if the statement of the defendant begins with confession and ends with denial, the confession shall be regarded valid. 25. the testimony of a minor or insane person is null. 26. the testimony of a slave shall be valid when it bears a disadvantage or punishment to himself. 27. a slave shall not be contracted with or loaned without the permission of his master. 28. a slave shall be liable for the payment of a debt contracted prior to liberation. 29. if the vender and the vendee differ as to the time a certain defect developed in the property sold, the vender's claim shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. 30. differences between the vender and the vendee as to the amount or price of the property sold or date of the purchase shall be subject to oaths by both parties. 31. if a defect in the purchased property is recognized after the conclusion of the sale, the property may be returned to the vender, who shall retain of its price an amount equal to the reduction in the value of the property occasioned by the discovery of the defect. 32. the occurrence of a defect in a slave after the conclusion of the contract does not constitute a right by which the vendee can revoke the sale contract. 33. if a person purchases a slave and later presents a defective slave and requests the revocation of the purchase contract, and the vender denies the identity of the slave, the vender's statement or plea shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. 34. if a defect is observed during prayer or meals or at night, notice thereof may be delayed for the time necessary to finish the prayer or meal, or overnight. 35. other nonpermissible delays annul the right to revoke a sale contract. 36. if a debtor is sued by the legatee of the creditor and makes the plea that the debt was canceled, the legatee shall take oath to the effect that he has no knowledge of the cancellation of the debt. 37. a sale contract may be revoked if it does not define the price of the property sold. 38. the right to property justifies breaking a door or breaking through walls for the purpose of securing it, or its equivalent in kind. 39. if a person spies on the wife of another person through cracks or holes in her house and an occupant throws a stone at him which hurts or kills him, no fault shall attach to such action. 40. if the owner of a cat is warned of the fact that his cat eats fowls or provisions of others and the cat repeats such an act, the owner of the cat shall be held responsible for its action. 41. if a woman is held as security for debt, and her trustee cohabits with her, without the knowledge and consent of the debtor, his action shall be regarded as adultery and he shall pay her dower. if such cohabitation is with the consent of the debtor, no blame shall attach to such action, but the creditor shall pay her dower. the child born under such conditions shall be regarded as a free child, but his value shall be paid to the debtor. 42. in cases of difference between the debtor and the creditor in reference to the security and its value, the debtor's statement shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. 43. the creditor shall not be held responsible for the unavoidable loss or destruction of the security. 44. in cases of difference between the principal and his agent in reference to the compliance of the latter with the instructions of the former, the statement of the principal shall be sustained if confirmed by oath. 45. the penalty for adultery committed with a married woman shall be eighty lashes. 46. if an agent is intrusted with the payment of a debt of his principal and is sued by the creditor for his failure to pay the debt, the statement of the creditor shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 47. the penalty for adultery committed with an unmarried woman is, according to the letter of the law, stoning to death of both adulterers. this is generally reduced to 100 lashes for each offender. 48. the judge shall first hear the evidence of the plaintiff if he has any, and render judgment accordingly. if no evidence is produced, the statement of the defendant shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 49. the punishment for adultery committed by slaves is fifty lashes. 50. in stoning adulterers both men and women shall be buried to the level of the chest and the stones shall be of medium size. 51. if a man has sexual intercourse with the slave of another man and she dies during childbirth, he shall pay a fine equal to her value. 52. if a married mohammedan is killed by a christian on account of adultery, the christian shall be put to death; but if he is killed by another mohammedan, the latter mohammedan shall not be put to death. 53. if a plaintiff proves by evidence his ownership to a certain animal or tree, he shall be entitled to the future produce of that animal or tree. 54. if a person secures a lease on a certain piece of land for the purpose of cultivating it, he shall be bound by the terms of the lease whether he cultivates the land or not. the payment is generally made at harvest time. 55. if a slave runs away from his master and seeks refuge in the house of another person who knows the master of the slave and such person does not inform the master of the slave of the fact, such person shall be held responsible for the slave whether the slave stays with him or runs away again. 56. if a husband's absence is unusually long and no information can be obtained concerning him, his wife shall not marry another person unless she knows surely that he is dead or that she is divorced. 57. if a ship is in danger of foundering, the cargo should be cast overboard for the purpose of saving the passengers; but if a person cast overboard another person's property without order or permission, he shall be held responsible for the loss. 58. if a person under conditions similar to the preceding case orders another person to cast his property overboard and such other person casts his property overboard, no responsibility shall be attached to the order, unless express responsibility is stated in the order. 59. the estate of a deceased person shall be held as security for the payment of his debt, whether the debt be known to his heirs prior to or after the division of the estate. 60. the heir has the right to take possession of the estate if he pays the debt with his own money. 61. no punishment shall attach to accidental murder while hunting, whether the shooting be voluntary or forced. 62. if in such a case a fine is imposed, it shall be equally divided between the shooter and the person who ordered the shooting. 63. if a person shoots at a tree and kills a person, or shoots at a person and kills another, such murder shall be regarded as accidental murder. 64. if a person is ordered to climb a tree and he falls and dies, no blood money shall be paid by the person who gave the order, for such murder is not intentional. 65. if a person claims that a certain child was born of a female slave who conceived the child while in his possession, and confirms his claim by witness and by oath, his claim shall be valid and the child shall be regarded as a free child. 66. if a person claims that a certain slave had been his and was liberated, and his claim is confirmed by a witness and by oath, the slave shall be liberated again. 67. if two parties differ as to whether a certain property belongs to one of the parties or to both of them as partners, the statement of the party in charge of the property shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 68. if a person claims that the partnership has been dissolved and that a certain property has become his own, and his claim is contested by another party to the partnership, the statement of the latter party shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 69. if a person who is a party to a partnership buys a certain property and states that such property has been bought for the partnership, and his statement is contested by another party to the partnership, the statement of the purchasing party shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 70. god said, "the punishment for murder has been ordained for you, a free person for a free person, a slave for a slave, and a woman for a woman." 71. such punishment shall not be executed without the authority of the imam (caliph). 72. a free person shall not be put to death for killing a slave, but all grades of slaves shall be subject to such punishment. 73. a free woman or a hermaphrodite shall be regarded as half a man in all considerations referring to person or injury. 74. if a free man divorces his wife three times or a slave divorces his wife twice, it shall not be lawful for either of them to marry the same woman again before she has been married to another person. 75. a nonpregnant woman shall mourn for her husband four months and ten days in full. a nonpregnant slave woman shall mourn for her husband two months and five days. 76. god said: "your widows shall not be allowed to marry again before the lapse of four months and ten days. pregnant widows shall not marry again before childbirth." 77. a divorced wife who is still in the period of suspension can inherit unless she has been divorced three times. 78. if a person throws sweepings or melon rinds on the road, he shall be responsible for the consequences. 79. if a person helps a child or insane person to poisoned food, he shall be punished. 80. adults and sane persons shall be liable to punishment for murder; an intoxicated man is also liable to punishment for the same offense. 81. intentional intoxication fixes the liability to punishment. 82. a defendant's plea on the ground that he was a child or insane at the time the murder or crime was committed, if reasonable and confirmed by oath, shall be valid. a child is exempt from oath and from punishment. 83. if a person startles a minor standing near the edge of a roof (flat roof) and the minor falls and dies on that account, he shall pay a heavy fine. 84. if a minor is accidentally alarmed and falls from a roof and dies, the fine shall be light. 85. injuries done to a slave are compensated for by the amount of the reduction affecting his value. 86. similar to 85. 87. a slave is liable to fine for his crimes; his master shall either pay his fine for him or sell him to pay the fine, if the price exceeds the fine. if the fine exceeds the price, the slave shall be held personally responsible. 88. in case the plaintiff can not produce evidence or witness, the defendant shall take the oath. but if the defendant refuses to take oath, the plaintiff shall take oath and confirm the charge. 89. if the plaintiff claims that a certain adult person is his slave, and the defendant denies the charge, the defendant's statement shall be valid if confirmed by oath. 90. what is borrowed shall be returned in kind. 91. the will of a free adult shall be legitimate whether he be an immoral person or an infidel. the will of the insane, the intoxicated, the child, and the slave shall not be legitimate. 92. a will is null if the legatee dies before the testator; otherwise it is legitimate, and [the property] may be transmitted to the heirs of the legatee. 93. a will can not exclude legitimate heirs in the interest of one heir alone, except with the consent of the excluded heirs. 94. a person may recover his property directly if that can be done peaceably; otherwise he shall submit the case to the judge. 95. to be legal and binding the instructions and the trust of a principal must be authentic. 96. the agent must be capable of independent action and must be of age and sane. the agent shall not be a minor or insane. 97. in case of involuntary collision attended with the death of both parties, the respective heirs shall pay a light fine. (this is intended to secure aid for funeral expenses.) 98. if the collision is intentional, the fine shall be heavy. if only one party intended the collision, such party shall be punished on the merits of the case. 99. minors and insane persons shall be judged like sane adult people. (this has reference to conditions similar to those of the two preceding cases.) 100. male children, whether single or multiple, shall inherit all the estate of the parents. 101. a daughter shall inherit one-half. 102. two or more daughters shall inherit two-thirds. 103. in case of multiplicity of children, males and females, the male child shall receive twice as much as the female child. the word of god said: "this command god gives you concerning your children, the male shall have the shares of two females." 104. god said: "each man shall have half of the inheritance of his wife if she have neither a child nor a grandchild born of a son." 105. god said: "if a man's wife dies and leaves a child or a grandchild born of a son, he shall have a quarter of her inheritance." 106. god said: "if a husband dies without a child or a grandchild born of a son, the wife shall inherit a quarter of his estate." 107. god said: "if a husband dies and leaves a child or a grandchild born of a son, the wife shall inherit an eighth part of his estate." 108. the father, the son, and the husband can not be disinherited. transliteration of articles i-viii of the luwaran bismi-l-lahi-r-rakmani-r-rahim. alhamdu lillahi-l-lazi hadana lil iman wal islam, wa sálla-l-lahu ala sáyyidina muhammad wa ala alihi wa sahbihi ajmain. article i. nini isa a húkum. amayka adun uttuntuta a duwa a taw atawa i ya tigu sakataw tamúkku inín ya manum tigu sakataw tamúkku inín, i ya bunárun su uppákakámal kanu tamuk sarta ussápanin. amáyka silandun a duwa kataw uppákakámal kanu tamuk sapan silan a duwa kataw; amayka ussápa silan a duwa kataw badun sakanilan su tamuk sapapagíssanun. amayka ya bu ussápa su sakataw ya bu makákwa kanu tamuk su ussápa salkanín su tamuk. hatta wal-lahu alam. article ii. nini isa a húkum. anunu sumu´mbay su isa a taw kanu pudin unggu dun mádadag su sinumbayan, báliwanan dun kanu háraganin. píssan rinámpas su sinu´mbayan u kanu sinumu´mbay báliwanan dun kanu háraganin unggu úmanan sa undáwi (ndáwi) kapatúta kaúmanun kanu tamuk u nádadag. hatta tamat al-lahu alam. article iii. nini isa a húkum. anúnu sumu´mbay su isa ataw kanu pudin sapárati patuk atawa tambuku unggu dun matupud su patukatawa mágbang atawa mádagag su tambuku, amayka ya katupudu patuk atawa ya, kakbángu patuk atawa ya kadádagu tambuku su átagu kina-su´mbayninún unggu dikna táksir su sinumu´mbay dili kabáliwanán su sinumbayan. amayka sin itímbas su patuk sa átaga ig atawa sin itímbas kanu sápun a tamlang undu dili íktan su patuk unggu dun mádadag disadíli baliwanan dunu sinumumbay su sinumbaynin. tamat wal-lahu alam. article iv. nini isa a húkum. anunu malidu duwa kataw i ya, tigu sakataw su utángku nábayadángku dun, i ya manum tigu sakataw dalaka makabáyad, amayka dala sáksi nu duwa kataw bunárun su panúntut sarta ussápanin; amayka dili ussápa, i ya bunárun su pudtuntutan. tamat wal-lahu alam. article v. nini isa a húkum. anunu itágunu isa ataw su tamukin kanu púdin, máwli nggu dun kuwánu (kwánu) tinumágu su tamukin, i ya tigu tinágwan kinwanungka dun atawa ya nin tig nádadag, amayka dala saksi nilan a duwa kataw ya bunár su tinágwan sarta ussápanin. tamat wal-lahu alam. article vi. nini isa a húkum. anunu su támuku taw a nadagag sábap sa natágakin nggu dun matunu isa a taw nggu nin dun itábun, mawli nggu dun maylaynu ugkwan kanu támuk i ya nin tig támuku inín a natagákku, i ya tigu nakatun dikna nungka tamuk dan dun a tamuku; amayka adun saksi kanu tamuk a natun a dikna tamuk a dan dun sabap sa támuk a natun, yuli su tamuk sarta úmanan su undáwi kapatútin, isa a dúdan atawa duwa a dúdan. tamat wal-lahu alam. article vii. nini isa a húkum. anunu rinámpas su támuku taw wájib i yulinu rinumámpas sarta úmanan sa kiira kiranu gúnanin kanu kínarámpasun. tamat wal-lahu alam. article viii. nini isa a húkum. anunu mánik su taw kanu walaynu salakáw sálkanin a dikna kiyúgu ugkwan kanu walay unggu dun malipungu't su gkwan kanu walay, amayka mágabi masála su minánik sa pata dúdan. tamat wal-lahu alam. sulu codes the principal sulu code this code was prepared by sultan jamalu-l-a'lam and was used without any modification by sultan harun. the present sultan's minister, hajji butu abdul-baqi, has made a new code which has just been proclaimed, but which has not yet met with general approval. this copy of the old sulu code is the original which was used by the sultan jamalu-l-a'lam himself, and also by sultan harun. it was written by asmawil, the chief clerk and minister of jamalu-l-a'lam. the manuscript was secured from sheikh mustafa, former minister to sultan harun. this code differs considerably from the former one used by sultan pulalun, the father of jamalu-l-a'lam, which was more in conformity with the letter of the quran, much more severe in its sentences; hence the change was welcomed. introduction this book is a guide for the proper execution of the duties of office in accordance with the law and rules of the country. it is concurred in by all, and is promulgated with the general consent of all the datus, panglima, and subordinate officers of state. this on sunday, the fourth day of the month rabi' akir, in the year dal akir, which corresponds to the year 1295 a. h. may it enhance the good and the prosperity of our country; and may god give blessing and peace to its author. the code article i section 1. whoever shall abduct the child of a free man, and be found out, shall be fined twenty rolls or pieces (gajahilaw) of calico (siddip) or its value. [15] the abductor shall return the child. a bail also is required which shall be equal in character and value to the abducted child. sec. 2. if the abductor of a free person is a slave, the master of the slave shall be examined to find out whether or not the abduction was committed with his knowledge and consent. in case he says that it was done without his knowledge and consent he must be sworn on the quran. but, though he swears to that effect, he shall be held responsible for the return of the abducted person. then if the actual abductor or abductors do not return the person or persons abducted, he or they shall be taken in payment thereof. but if the master of the slave does not swear to that effect, he shall be held responsible personally for the abduction, and the case shall be treated as a case of abduction by a free man. the condition of the slave, whether privileged to live independently or not, does not affect this decision. article ii section 1. (a) if property of any kind of the sultan is stolen, the thief shall be fined fifty pieces (gajahilaw) of calico. (b) if property of datus with official titles or that of twan sarip usman is stolen, the thief shall be fined thirty-five pieces of calico. (c) if datus without official title or descendants of a sarip or of panglima adaq are robbed, the thief shall be fined thirty pieces of calico. (d) if ministers of state or panglima pihaq are robbed, the thief shall be fined twenty-five pieces of calico. (e) if subordinate officers below the panglima [16] or inland country pandita or the agents of the sultan or panglima are robbed, the thief shall be fined twenty pieces of calico. (f) if children of subordinate rulers or chiefs are robbed, the thief shall be fined ten pieces of calico. sec. 2. (a) theft of small articles (petit larceny) such as articles of diet, etc., of the value of one piece or half of a kusta or sarong, shall not be punished by fines, but the articles themselves shall be restored to the proper owner or owners, twofold, and the thief shall suffer fifty lashes; if the theft is repeated on two or three occasions, the offense shall then be regarded as a case of great theft. (b) theft of property of the value of one kusta and over is great theft (grand larceny) and shall be punished by fine as provided in section one: provided further, that the articles of property stolen shall be restored to the owner or owners thereof, and the thief shall suffer one hundred lashes. the fine shall be divided between the person robbed and the governor (the chief usually acts as judge), in the following manner: when no trial shall have been held, the robbed party shall receive seven parts and the governor three parts; if a trial is held, the fine shall be divided equally between the governor and the party robbed, whether he be a person of rank or otherwise. (c) if the thief is a great or noted person or a governor, the fine shall be doubled. (d) the same penalty shall be applied to all persons convicted of theft, whether male or female. (e) in all cases of theft the stolen property shall be restored to the owner or owners thereof. (f) the buyer of stolen property shall be regarded as a thief unless he proves the truth of the sale in the presence of the governor. if he fails to have the seller examined and brought before the governor, he shall be regarded as a partner in the theft. article iii section 1. a false claim to property or debt shall be regarded as theft and shall be adjudicated accordingly. article iv section 1. whoever exacts a claim by force without the permission or direction of the governor shall return whatever he exacts and forfeit his claim; and in case the claim is not substantiated he shall return the exacted object, and shall be fined two pieces of calico, to be equally divided between the governor and the person from whom he has exacted. article v section 1. complainants who disagree upon the authority before which they should appear shall come to a panglima. in case they do not agree upon a panglima they must come to the sultan. but in case they agree, it is preferable that they should appear before the local governor or authority. article vi section 1. whoever attempts to kill and kills a freeman shall be fined fifty pieces of calico as blood money, also twenty gajahilaw to be paid to the governor. whoever attempts to kill, but fails to kill, a freeman shall be fined twenty-five pieces of calico, to be paid to the attacked party, and ten gajahilaw to be paid to the governor. cases of unintentional and accidental killing and cases where the killing is done by an undetermined party shall be regarded alike. the blood money in each case shall be thirty gajahilaw. note.--in case a murder occurs in a neighborhood or village, and the actual murderer is unknown, the blood money is paid by the people of that neighborhood or village. they pay the full amount of blood money in case they do not swear to the effect that they did not commit the murder, but in case they swear to that effect they pay only half the fine. article vii section 1. the fine for marriage by abduction [17] shall be six pieces of calico and the woman's dower [18] shall be doubled. in case the dower is expressed in terms of slaves, the value of the slave shall be considered equal to four pieces or gajahilaw. the price of the bride, usually paid to the parents of the woman, in ounces of gold, called in sulu basing, will be paid at the rate of one gajahilaw for a basing. the governor's share of the fine shall be four gajahilaw. sec. 2. the fine for elopement is four gajahilaw and the dower shall not be doubled. the slave's rate of exchange shall be four gajahilaw in case it is the custom of her family to receive actual slaves as a dower. the basing's rate of exchange is one gajahilaw. in case the slave dower is nominal, the slave's rate of exchange shall be three gajahilaw of calico, and the basing one piece of kusta, of low grade. sec. 3. in case of seduction admitted or disguised, marriage shall be concluded if the woman requests it. the man shall be fined two gajahilaw and the woman shall be treated as if she eloped. in cases of actual slave dowers, the slave's rate shall be four gajahilaw and the basing one gajahilaw. in cases of nominal slave dower, the slave's rate shall be three gajahilaw and the basing's one piece of kusta of the low grade. sec. 4. compulsory marriage is treated as marriage by abduction. sec. 5. (a) if adultery is committed with a panglima's wife, the man shall be fined fifty gajahilaw, which can not be exchanged with anything except gold, silver, brass drums, or lantaka. if unable to pay, the man himself shall become the property of the panglima. [19] (b) if adultery is committed with the wife of a maharaja pahlawan, [20] the man shall be fined forty gajahilaw; which can not be exchanged except as in the previous case. (c) if adultery is committed with the wife of a subordinate officer of state or a country pandita, or an agent of a governor, the man shall pay a fine of thirty gajahilaw, unexchangeable except as in section five (a). (d) if adultery is committed with the wife of a pandita who is in the council or in the capital of the sultan, the man shall pay forty gajahilaw. (e) if adultery is committed with any married woman, the man shall pay a fine of twenty gajahilaw, unexchangeable except as in section five (a). (f) if a married woman commits adultery with her own consent, she becomes a slave to her husband; but if it is compulsory and without her consent, she will not be subjected to slavery; it is her duty then to tell her husband or his nearest relatives of the fact at the earliest opportunity--the next morning in case it occurs at night. (g) if a male slave commits adultery with a free married woman, the slave becomes the property of the husband of that woman. (h) if a free man commits adultery with a married female slave, the decision will be the same as if the crime had been committed with a free married woman. (i) if a male slave commits adultery with a married female slave against her consent, the male slave becomes the property of the master of the married female slave; but if the crime is committed with her consent, she becomes the property of the master of her husband. her master pays the fine due the governor. (j) if a man commits adultery with the sister of his wife, his wife not being divorced, he will be judged as if he had committed adultery with the wife of another man. all the subordinate officers [21] of state are hereby requested to exercise all care in administering justice to all who come to them for judgment and decision. they should all adhere to the seven articles of mohammedan law and be deliberate in their just application. in case any complainant appeals to one of you from the decision of another authority, do not accept the appellant's statement and render your decision unless you inquire well about the case from the previous authority who judged it. in case you find the decision of that authority wrong do not be ready and quick to blame him and criticise him, but try to act in conformity and union. in case you find his decision right, notwithstanding the appellant's complaints, bring both the appellant and the appellee to the panglima. if the panglima can not render a solution, he should bring them to the sultan, together with the authority from whose decision the appeal was made and the authority to whom the appeal was made. if the governor or the authority to whom they appeal does not investigate or inquire about the case from the governor from whom they have appealed, his decision shall be null and void. any person who exercises the right to judge without authority from the sultan shall be fined one male slave. all governors and their subjects ought to abide by and aid in carrying out all the articles of this code. any person who does not fulfill this duty will have all the curses and the calamities of this world and the world to come that befall the man who swears falsely by the thirty parts of the quran. the new sulu code the new code is a rearrangement of the old code with some changes and modifications. its author is hajji butu abdu-l-baqi, the present prime minister or adviser of the sultan jamalu-l-kiram the second. it was issued in the latter part of 1902, but there has been so much objection to it on the part of many datus and chiefs that its general adoption seems impossible. for a sulu hajji butu is a man of talent and understanding. he knows some arabic and is probably the best sulu scholar in the archipelago. this code greatly increases the fines exacted from the people, creates a treasury under the control of hajji butu, and entitles the sultan to a share of the fines collected by the various datus and chiefs. the chiefs and the people look upon it as another form of unjust taxation. the opposition to its adoption is so strong and so bitter that nothing except force of arms can enforce its use. this is beyond the power of the present sultan. introduction this book is a guide to the proper execution of the duties of office in accordance with the law and the rules of the country. it is concurred in by all and is promulgated with the general consent of all datus, ministers, panglima, and subordinate officers of state. may god enhance by it the good and prosperity of our country. this at 9 o'clock, saturday, the 11th of the month jul kaidat of the year b, which corresponds to the year 1320 a. h. this is to proclaim hereby the decrees of padukka mahasari mawlana hajji mohammed jamalu-l-kiram. the subjects discussed in the following articles are, first, theft; second, murder; third, adultery; fourth, opprobrium; fifth, cases arising from unwitnessed purchase; sixth, false claims; seventh, unlawful or unauthorized exactions; eighth, debt; ninth, finds; tenth, unjust actions and decisions. to every crime or misdemeanor which comes under these articles a fine is attached, differing according to the nature and the degree of the crime. the code article i section 1. the thief shall be fined seventy pesos, no matter what he steals. the fine shall always be seventy pesos irrespective of the person robbed, be he low or high in rank. the manner in which the fine shall be divided between the person robbed and the treasury differs. (a) if the sultan's property is stolen, fifty pesos shall go to the sultan and twenty pesos to the treasury. (b) if datus with official titles or twan habib mura are robbed, forty pesos shall go to the person robbed and thirty pesos shall go to the treasury. (c) if other datus or twan hajji butu or a descendant of a sarip are robbed, thirty-five pesos shall be paid to the person robbed and thirty-five to the treasury. (d) if a minister of rank and official title or a hajji in the council of the sultan is robbed, thirty pesos shall be paid to the person robbed and forty pesos to the treasury. (e) if a minister of rank without any official title or a panglima pihaq [22] or a pandita of the capital is robbed, twenty-five pesos shall be paid to the person robbed and forty-five to the treasury. (f) if a subordinate officer of state or an agent of the sultan or a country pandita is robbed, twenty pesos shall be paid to the person robbed and fifty to the treasury. (g) if a common person is robbed, fifteen pesos shall be paid to him and fifty-five to the treasury. (h) the thefts referred to above include cattle, slaves, and every article of value. sec. 2. (a) if a free person is abducted, the fine shall be divided equally between his agnate and cognate heirs and the treasury. (b) the abducted person should be returned. no one except the child or wife of the abductor, in case the abductor is a free man, can be substituted for the abducted person. (c) if a free person is abducted by a slave, the master of the slave will be held responsible. if the abducted person is not returned, the abducting party, whether one person or many, will be taken instead. (d) small thefts below the value of one peso shall not be punishable by fines. the stolen object shall be returned twofold and the thief shall suffer fifty lashes. article ii section 1. murder is of four kinds--the first is intentional; the second, semiintentional; the third is accidental; the fourth, murder committed by a crowd. sec. 2. the fine for intentional murder shall be one hundred and five pesos; seventy for the agnate and cognate heirs of the murdered person and thirty-five for the treasury. sec. 3. an attempt to kill that does not result in death shall be punished by a fine of fifty-two pesos and a half; thirty-four pesos and a half shall be paid to the near relatives of the attacked or injured person and eighteen pesos shall be paid to the treasury. sec. 4. all cases of semiintentional and of accidental murder and cases of murder committed by a crowd shall be treated alike and fined equally. the fine shall be fifty-two pesos and a half; thirty-four pesos and a half shall be paid to the heirs of the murdered person and eighteen pesos to the treasury. sec. 5. if more than one person is killed, one hundred and five pesos shall be paid for each person killed as his blood money. article iii immoral conduct section 1. if a married woman commits adultery, she shall become the slave of her husband, and the guilty man shall pay a fine of one hundred pesos to the treasury, and in case he can not pay that sum he shall become a slave himself. sec. 2. if a married woman is simply guilty of immoral conduct, such as a kiss or an embrace with another man, and quickly reports the facts to her husband or his immediate relatives, her conduct will then be regarded as compulsory and she will not be liable to any punishment; but the man shall be liable to a fine of one hundred pesos, half of which shall be paid to the husband of the woman and the other half to the treasury. sec. 3. the abduction of a woman and cases of compulsory marriage shall be treated alike. the guilty man shall pay a fine of fifty pesos, out of which the treasury shall receive twenty pesos. the woman's dower under such circumstances will be like that of her mother, and nothing else of the usual formalities shall be given to her people. sec. 4. in cases of seduction, admitted or inferred by the woman's request to marry the man, both man and woman shall be fined. the man shall pay a fine of fifty pesos, twenty of which shall be paid to the treasury, and the woman shall pay a fine of ten pesos to the treasury. sec. 5. cases of elopement are considered as seduction, though there be no actual sexual intercourse between the man and the woman, because elopement occurs by the mutual consent of both parties. sec. 6. (a) in case a woman was regularly engaged and has lost her virginity, her dower and her basingan (the bridal price expressed in ounces of gold, and paid to the parents of the bride) and all other gifts shall be returned to her husband. the expenses of the marriage, as of rice and meat, etc., shall not be paid back. (b) but in case a woman who has lost her virginity is abducted or married by compulsion, the husband shall forfeit all claim to her dower or her basingan, etc. sec. 7. (a) if a male slave commits adultery with a married free woman, he becomes the slave of her husband. (b) if a free man commits adultery with a married slave woman, he becomes the slave of her husband. (c) if a male slave commits adultery with a married female slave, he becomes the property of her master. (d) cases of seduction or marriage between slaves, in which the woman is a maid, shall be treated the same as if they were free persons, except that the fines shall be half as much. article iv opprobrium section 1. an adult who insults, abuses, defames, or slanders another adult, without any provocation or in a way that is inappropriate to the guilt committed, shall, if brought to trial, be fined ten pesos. sec. 2. children who commit the aforesaid offense are not liable to trial. sec. 3. if in such cases an adult interferes with children and hurts a child, he shall compensate for the harm done. sec. 4. if in such cases an adult interferes with children and he hurts himself, he forfeits all claim for compensation. sec. 5. women who commit the same offense shall, as in the case of children, not be liable to trial. article v trade and exchange section 1. under this article is included the sale or exchange of slaves, cattle, arms, and all commodities. sec. 2. whoever trades or exchanges without the knowledge and the authorization of the governor or his representative shall be fined seventy pesos. each party to a sale or exchange, no matter what the rank of the person may be, shall pay the fine. all of the fine shall go to the treasury. sec. 3. to buy a stolen article is the same as to steal it. article vi false claim section 1. a false charge, a false claim of debt, and a false complaint or suit shall be regarded as cases of robbery. article vii unlawful exactions section 1. whoever exacts or enforces a claim without either the permission or the advice of the governor shall forfeit that claim and all rights to a just trial of the case. sec. 2. if a person fails to respect or disobeys the advice or decision of the governor, he shall forfeit his right to the contested object. sec. 3. if a person is not sure of the exact amount of the claim he exacts, he shall forfeit his right, and shall return the amount exacted, and pay a fine of ten pesos, to be divided equally between the governor and the treasury. sec. 4. (a) if a fight starts unexpectedly between two parties and results in harm to a third noncombatant party, the combatants shall be held equally responsible for the harm. (b) if the harm in the above case amounts to death, both combatants shall be liable for the blood money and the crime shall be regarded as intentional murder. (c) if harm in the same case falls short of death, the combatants shall be liable for half the blood money and a fine of twenty pesos, to be paid to the treasury. sec. 5. whoever attacks or invades the house of another without the permission of the governor and causes the death of another party shall be guilty of intentional murder and shall be liable for the blood money of the person killed and a fine of twenty pesos to the treasury. sec. 6. (a) if in the above case the attacking party is killed the blood money shall be forfeited. (b) if the attacking party is only injured, he shall be liable to a fine of twenty pesos and shall pay for all that is lost or destroyed by reason of his attack. (c) if the attacking party is multiple, each person shall be liable to a fine of twenty pesos, no matter how many they may be, but the damage done shall be compensated for by the leader or instigator of the attack alone. article viii debt section 1. the creditor shall ask and investigate about the debtor from those who know him and shall also inform the heirs of the debtor concerning the debt to be contracted, for in case the debt is contracted without the knowledge of the heirs and the debtor dies the heirs shall not be held responsible for the payment of the debt. sec. 2. in case the debtor dies and leaves property inheritance and wives and children, his debt shall be paid from that inheritance. sec. 3. a debt is void unless it is called for before the lapse of three years in case both debtor and creditor live in the same town. this shall not hold true in case they live in two different towns, especially when they are separated by sea. article ix finds section 1. the finder of any property, whether it be a horse or head of cattle, or a runaway slave, or any forgotten or fallen article, shall be rewarded, no matter who finds it. sec. 2. the customary reward for a find is at the rate of one cent for every dollar's worth of the find. sec. 3. in case the find is made within the limits of the town and belongs to a member of the same party, it shall be returned without any reward. sec. 4. any person who makes a find shall make it known to the public, or bring it to the governor, or return it to its owner. if this is not done, and the find is not submitted to the governor within seven days, the case shall be regarded as robbery and the finder shall be fined seventy pesos, to be paid to the treasury. the same rule shall govern similar cases that occur out in the country or on the sea, except that the fine shall be equally divided between the governor and the treasury. the share that belongs to the treasury shall be intrusted to the governor for safe-keeping and future payment to the treasury. any dishonesty committed in this matter will be a sin that results in loss both in this world and in the world to come. article x all subordinate officers of state are hereby enjoined to exercise all care and justice in their judgments and to adhere with all devotion to the seven articles of mohammedan law. in case any complainant appeals to one of you from the decision of another authority, do not accept the appellant's statement and render your decision without inquiring well about the case from the previous authority who judged it. in case you find the decision of that authority wrong, do not be ready and quick to blame and criticise him, but try to act in conformity and union. in case you find his decision right, bring both the appellant and the appellee to the panglima. if the panglima does not furnish a solution, he shall bring them to the sultan, together with the authority from whose decision the appeal was made and the authority to whom the appeal was made. if the authority to whom they appeal does not investigate or inquire from the authority from whom they have appealed, his decision shall be null and void. any person who exercises the right to judge without authority from the sultan shall be fined one male unmarried slave. all governors and their subjects shall abide by and aid in carrying out all the articles and provisions of this code. any person who does not fulfill this duty will have all the curses and the calamities of this world and of the world to come that befall the man who swears falsely by the thirty parts of the quran. chapter iii two sulu orations the sulu oration for the feast of ramadan (written in the six semicircles) praise be to god. glory be to god. there is no god but god. god is almighty this oration was finished at noon, friday, the 29th of rabi-el-akhir, in the year 1321 hejira. in the name of god the compassionate and merciful. god is greatest. god is exalted. he is the master of the world and the king of the universe who rules with conquering power. invisible to the eye, he is visible through his power and might. his is all the power and glory. his is all kindness and glory. he is the almighty and the ruler of all. he is everlasting and never dies. there is no god but he. everything vanishes but the face of god. he is our governor, and to him all shall return. before him the learned men are humiliated; and the mighty humble themselves in his presence. all the prophets have spoken of his lordship; and all the men of old have borne witness to his unity. all the men of learning have spoken of his eternal being. the wise men are unable to give an adequate description of his attributes. all that is in the earth and the heavens acknowledge his worship, and praise him day and night without ceasing. god is greatest. he is the lord of lords and the liberator of the world. he inspired the book and commands the clouds. he overcomes all difficulties. he is the cause of all causes. he opens all doors and answers all who call him. the lord has said, "call me, and i shall answer you. all who despise my worship shall enter hell." god is almighty. all the heavens praise him. the sandy deserts, the shades and all darkness, on the right and on the left, praise him morning and night. there is nothing that does not sing his praises; but you can not understand their praises. oh, how kind and forgiving he is! god is almighty. all the angels praise him. the heavens, the earth, the mountains and hills, and all the birds praise him. praise and glory be to thee, o lord. thou art the lord of indescribable might and honor. peace be to the missionaries, and praise to god, the lord of the universe. here the orator shall repeat, "god is almighty," seven times, then say the following: god is almighty. praise be to god, the god of kindness and of grace, who ordained that the faithful should observe the month of fasting and gave them at the end thereof a feast, to all whether near or far, in token of his hospitality and generosity. let us praise him always. he is righteous and all sacredness. the king of the universe, land and sea. he ordained for the mohammedans the two feasts, ramadan and that of the sacrifice. i bear witness that there is but one god, who is alone without a partner. he made the two feasts for the observance of all mohammedans and the time of their celebration the greatest season of the year. i testify that mohammed is his servant and apostle. god bless mohammed at all times and through all ages. oh, you people, fear god. may god have mercy on you fellow-mohammedans and brothers in the faith. he has sent down to you this exalting and magnifying day as an expression of his generosity and hospitality. on this day he permits you to feast and forbids you to fast. respectful observance of this day is pleasing to god and he who so observes it shall be greatly blessed. charity on this day is highly acceptable. all you ask on this day shall be given you. on this day every call is answered. the prophet, god bless him, said, "on this day give charity for everyone, male and female, for every free man, for every slave, for the young, and for the old give a measure of flour or a measure of dates, a measure of rice, a measure of raisins, or a measure of barley, or whatever you eat on this day give as charity for all the people who are of your religion, of your nation and under your law. this will atone for your sins and all your misdeeds during the days of fasting." the prophet, god bless him, has said, "he who fasts the month of ramadan and withholds his measure of charity on the feast day, his fasting shall not be acceptable to god, and he shall not reach heaven, but shall be stopped halfway between earth and heaven." the prophet said, "he who fasts the month of ramadan and follows it with six days of shawal shall be regarded as if he had fasted forever." may god make us successful and honest and enlist us in the ranks of his faithful followers. the best of all speech is the word of god, the all-knowing king, the exalted and the respected. god himself, whose word is perfect truth, said, "when the quran is read, listen to it with attention, that ye may obtain mercy." when the quran is read, ask refuge in god from the accursed devil. jesus, the son of mary, said, "god our lord, send us a table from heaven that we may all, from the first to the last, feast thereon." be thou generous to us for thou art the best of all givers. exalted is god the true king. there is no god but god, the lord of the great throne. he who calls another god whose deity he can not prove shall render account to the lord his god. infidels can not succeed. say my lord, forgive me, and have mercy upon me. thou art most merciful. he who may deliver this oration shall here repeat the chapter of the salvation, after which he shall rise and read the following oration twice, and shall say, "god is almighty," seven times: god is almighty. praise be to god, whose praise is exalted and glorious. i testify that there is no god but god, and that he is alone and has no partner. i bear witness that mohammed is his servant and apostle, and the bright light of the world. may god bless mohammed and all his people and descendants. oh, ye people, depart from evil and draw near to good. avoid excess and ye shall be happy. god and his angels bless the prophet. ye who have faith bless him also. ye servants of god answer his call, and bless him through whom god has directed you. o god, bless mohammed and his descendants, for he has directed us to paradise and the roads that lead thereto. o god, bless mohammed and his descendants because he warned us of the fire and its evils. o god, forgive his followers, and his caliphs abu-bakar, omar, othman, ali, talhat, zubayr, abdu-r-rahman the son of awf, sa'din saidin, and abi ubaydat, because they are the princes of the faithful and the best of all people. o god, forgive all other followers and friends of your prophet, and all who follow them. be kind to them in the day of judgment. give them and us mercy, for thou art most merciful. o god, perpetuate the power and the victories and the conquests of him whom thou hast chosen for the administration and good management of temporal affairs and religion; he who beseeches the intercession of the faithful prophet, our master, the sultan mohammed pudhalun, the son of the late sultan mohammed jamalu-l-kiram, and the sultan, the master, and the noble whom thou hast chosen, sultan esh-sharifu-l-hashim, the kindled light of god; and our thoughtful and wise master the late sultan kamalu-d-din; and protect the kind and generous late sultan alawa-d-din, whose descendants became the kings of the sulu country. protect the champion of the mohammedan religion and faith, the late sultan amirul umara, and the late sultan shah muizzu-l-mutawadhi-in. protect the power of the generous and victorious late sultan shah nasiru-d-din the first. defend the conqueror, the late sultan shah mohammed el halim; defend the intelligent late sultan batara shah; protect the noble late sultan muwalli el wasit shah; aid our great master, the excellent and powerful and the victorious on land and sea, the sultan shah nasiru-d-din the last; aid the just and honorable and ascetic master, the late sultan shah salahu-d-din. o god, support islam and all mohammedans. fight against atheism and heresy and evil, the enemies of religion. aid the ever-victorious sultan ali shah, the great and most superior sultan; sultan of the land and sea; and his heir, the late sultan shah shahabu-d-din mohammed, who was versed in law and all learning; and the late sultan shah shafi-d-din mohammed mustafa, the best of all things. defend the late sultan and wise governor shah badaru-d-din mohammed, the victorious. may god perpetuate on earth his power, and his kingdom, and his justice. o god, support the late sultan nasaru-d-din, the victorious, the administrator, and the able supporter of our religion; the late sultan alimu-d-din the first, mohammed, the prince of the faithful, the seeker of god's mercy; and the obedient to his will; the late sultan shah muizzi-d-din mohammed, the emigrant, the learned, the truthful, and the generous; the late patient sultan shah mohammed israyil; the late sultan shah alimu-d-din the second, mohammed, the peaceful, the chosen, and the powerful; the late sultan shah sharafu-d-din mohammed, the merciful, seeker of knowledge, and doer of good deeds; the late noble sultan shah alimu-d-din the third, mohammed; the late sultan shah aliu-d-din mohammed, the great and victorious; the late sultan shah shakira-l-lah mohammed, conqueror of atheism and heresy, who was versed in mohammedanism and monotheism; the late sultan shah jamalu-l-kiram mohammed, the kind and the wise and beloved of his people, master of truth and good, whom god alone prevented from making the pilgrimage to the house, and who was patient, lenient, and good, who encouraged good deeds and forbade evil, and who was good in his administration. may god perpetuate his kingdom, his power, his justice, and his kindness. may god forgive him and his forefathers and be good to all of them and give them a place in paradise. o god, aid all who befriend him; be the enemy of all his enemies; uphold all who uphold him; reject those who reject him; and vanquish those who may vanquish him. be thou his help and aid, and use him as a sword of vengeance against all offenders. thou art my god, the god of truth and lord of the universe. o god, set right our leaders and our nation, our judges, our rulers, our learned men, our lawgivers, our wise men, and our old men. aid them in righteousness, and guide us. o god, destroy the enemies of our religion and unite the hearts of the faithful. free the captives and pay the debts of the debtors. relieve the distressed and forgive the living and the dead. god grant peace and safety to us and to the pilgrims and to the travelers on land and on sea who are of the people of mohammed, for thou art the most powerful, the best master and the best helper. o god, drive away famine and distress, and disease, and iniquity, and oppression, and all calamities, and all evils outward and secret that may exist in our country especially and the countries of the mohammedans in general, for thou hast power over everything. our lord, forgive us and forgive our brothers who preceded us in the faith, and cast away from our hearts all jealousies and ill feeling toward the faithful. o god, our lord, thou art kind and gracious and generous and compassionate and able to forgive. this was written by the poor and humble pilgrim hajji abdu-l-baqi, who hopes for forgiveness from the forgiving lord and who was the son of twan hatib jawari, a native of sulug and follower of shafi'i and ash'ari. may god forgive them and all mohammedans and all the faithful. amen. the sulu friday oration in the name of god the compassionate and merciful. to god be all the praise and glory. there is no other god but god this i repeat a thousand times more than others. god is greater, far greater, than he is thought to be. i testify that there is no god but god alone. god is one, and only one. he has no partner. god is the owner of the heavens and the earth and all that is therein. god is owner of all. i testify that mohammed is his servant and his apostle, sent by him to guide all people to the true religion, and that his religion may thereby be exalted above all others, though the unfaithful and the worshipers of many gods may reject it. we ask thee, o god, to bless mohammed and all his descendants and bestow on them all the blessings that can be named and all the blessings that can be forgotten. i advise ye, o people, and myself, servants of god, with fear of god which is the sign of faith and god's command to us all. fellow-mohammedans, the mercy of god be upon you. friday is the chief of all days. the apostle of god said: "the day friday is the chief of all days." it is greater than the day of ramadan and the day of el-adha and the day of ashura. charity on friday is preferable to all charity. good deeds done on friday are preferable to all good deeds, and evil done on friday is the greatest evil that can be done. the noblest and best men have testified to its greatness over other days. it is the beauty of all days and years. it is a pilgrimage that the poor can make once every seven days. its observance intercedes for the offender before the king of unbounded knowledge. it has been told of the chosen prophet that he said: "god registers the name of the person who leaves out three successive fridays, on a tablet on which he keeps the number of liars." the prophet said that he who leaves out three successive fridays shall have written on his forehead when the day of judgment comes: "he has no hope of the mercy of god." may god bless us and give us all peace. may it be that god has declared us among the successful and the faithful and enlisted us into the number of his good servants. the best of all utterances and constitutions are in the word of god, king of unbounded knowledge, possessor of glory and of all reverence. it is god the highest who speaks and who is the truest of all speakers. when the quran is read you should listen attentively so that you may obtain mercy. he said, and his saying is most precious and full of wisdom, "when you read the quran ask god's help against the accursed satan." i take refuge in god the all hearing and all knowing from the accursed satan. oh, ye who have believed, when you hear the call for prayers on friday go ye to hear god's word. leave your business, for you have a greater good and benefit in this. may god bless the great quran for us, and may he benefit us through its texts and the wise mention of his name. may he reward us all with mercy from the painful punishment. i command you, and myself, with what god demands for good obedience so that you may obey him. and i prohibit you from doing evil and from disobedience as he prohibits you so that you may not disobey him. i pray for the plentiful reward of god for you and for myself, so that you may seek him; and i ask the pardon and forgiveness of god for you and for myself and for all the faithful mohammedans for he is gracious and forgiving. praise be to god. i praise and exalt god with all my strength and i testify that, there is no god but god. god is one and only one. god has no partner. he knows all and has good news for you all. i testify that mohammed is the servant of god and his apostle, and a shining light to the world. we ask thee, o god, to bless mohammed and his people and descendants because he is our preacher and warner. to ye, oh, people, i say, fear god, draw near to good, and depart from evil. god and all his angels bless the prophet. all ye believers bless him, too. ye servants of god, obey the call of god, and bless him who directed you to god. we ask thee, o god, to bless mohammed and the people of mohammed, for he directed us to paradise and to the roads that lead thereto. we ask thee, o god, to bless mohammed and the descendants of mohammed, because he warned us of the fire and its destruction. we ask thee, o god, to bless mohammed because he conquered the kings of the infidels and their empires. we ask thee, o god, to forgive his followers and his successors, abu bakar, omar, othman, ali, abi ubaydat, for they are the princes of the faithful and the best of all people. we ask thee, o god, to forgive his two sons, hasan and husein, and his two noble uncles, hamzat and abbas; and mayst thou be kind to all the emigrants and all the allies and followers till the judgment day, that we may share thy mercy with them and through them, for thou art most merciful. we ask thee, o god, to perpetuate the power, the victory, and the valor of those whom thou hast chosen for the good administration and good conduct of our religious and worldly affairs, chief among whom is he who begs the intercession of the faithful prophet, our master, the sultan and the pilgrim, mohammed jamalu-l-kiram, the brother of the late sultan, the pilgrim mohammed badaru-d-din the second, both of whom made the pilgrimage to the house al-haraam. may god give them a place with the faithful. they are the children of the late sultan mohammed jamalu-l-a'lam. may god perpetuate his kingdom and his power, and his justice and kindness. and may god forgive his predecessors and his grandfathers and be good to them and give them a place in paradise. we ask thee, o god, to be friendly with those who are friendly with him, and to antagonize them who are against him; give victory to those who aid him; reject those who reject him; vanquish those who disobey him, and be his help and helper and make him thy sword of vengeance against the offender. o god, my god, thou art truth and the lord of the universe. o god, set right our leaders and our nation, our judges, our rulers, our learned men, our lawgivers, our wise men, and our old men. aid them in righteousness, and guide us. o god, destroy the enemies of our religion and unite the hearts of the faithful. free the captives and pay the debts of the debtors. relieve the distressed and forgive the living and the dead. god grant peace and safety to us and to the pilgrims and to the travelers on land and on sea who are of the people of mohammed, for thou art the most powerful, the best master and the best helper. o god, drive away famine and distress, and disease and iniquity, and oppression, and all calamities, and all evils outward and secret that may exist in our country especially and in the countries of the mohammedans in general, for thou hast power over everything. our lord, forgive us and forgive our brothers who preceded us in the faith, and cast away from our hearts all jealousies and ill feeling toward the faithful. o god, our lord, thou art kind and gracious and generous and compassionate and able to forgive. notes [1] throughout this paper foreign words which do not often appear in an english text are given the same form for both singular and plural. [2] mindanao, magindanao, and a few other words with the same terminal sound are written in this paper with the final "ao" because they are well-known words. other words ending with the same sound are written with the final "aw," in accordance with the author's rules for transliteration.--[editor.] [3] the word kabalalan means the place of the rattan, because the rattan plant used to grow abundantly on the mountain and its base. [4] this word may be a corruption of the name of the bird rock or rokh, mentioned in the arabian nights. [5] this word is a corruption of the arabic word thul-fakar, the name of the famous sword of the caliph ali. ali was a noted warrior. [6] the translation here omits the formal words and repetitions and simply gives the names of the descendants in order. [7] sarip and sharif are both in common use and have the same meaning. the latter is the arabic form of the word. [8] it will be noticed both here and elsewhere that the genealogies are confused and that often it is not possible to make out in the text the descent of a given individual. in explanation of this confusion the translator says: "the moros do not know any better. this is the way they write. no attempt was made in the translation to change the order of the original text."--[editor.] [9] it is not clear in moro who the parents were. these are chosen pursuant to the general rule that the pronoun refers to the nearest noun, unless otherwise indicated. [10] the malay version said three people, but mentions only the above two, akmad and sapak. [11] see pls. i-iv. this manuscript is purely magindanao in its style and is the oldest copy that i have seen. the main text is a little inferior to that of datu mastura's copy, but its marginal arabic quotations are more nearly correct and better written. the spelling and the grammar differ in many places, but the general sense of the text is mainly the same and does not warrant a separate translation. [12] this copy is in the possession of the ethnological survey. it is not reproduced here because of the expense of half-tone work--the only satisfactory method of reproduction in this case. [13] by a full uncle is meant a brother of one's father or mother who had both the same father and the same mother as one's own father or mother, as distinguished from a half uncle; so of a full aunt. [14] these fines are stated in mexican currency. the peso was worth about 50 cents, united states currency. [15] the gajahilaw of siddip or piece of calico used is worth 1.50 pesos. it used to be the rule to demand the son of the abductor as bail for the return of the abducted free child or person. [16] the words panglima and pandita are used in a plural sense in this paragraph. [17] abduction and elopement are regarded as crimes by the sulus. the consent of the parents is always necessary for the marriage contract. [18] dower is a provision for a widow on the death of the husband or on separation by divorce. it is generally paid or delivered or guaranteed before marriage. [19] such slaves are generally killed by the authority against whom the offense was committed. [20] the maharajah pahlawan form the highest grade of maharaja, their rank being next below that of a panglima. [21] the term tuku-pipul, which is applied in sulu to all officers subordinate to panglima, means the small and large poles or pillars that support the house. [22] a panglima pihaq is one of the regularly chosen panglima of the island of sulu. the island used to be divided into five main divisions for administrative purposes, each of which used to have one panglima intrusted with its rule. history of the moors of spain translated from the french original of m. florian. to which is added, a brief notice of islamism new york harper & brothers, publishers, 329 & 331 pearl street, franklin square [transcriber's note: page numbers in this book are indicated by numbers enclosed in curly braces, e.g. {99}. they have been located where page breaks occurred in the original book, in accordance with project gutenberg's faq-v-99.] [transcriber's note: this book contains a number of variations in the spelling of some words/names, e.g. haccham/hacchem, gengis/zengis (khan), etc.] entered according to act of congress, in the year 1840 by harper & brothers, in the clerk's office of the southern district of new york {v} publishers' advertisement. we are accustomed to look upon the followers of the arabian prophet as little better than barbarians, remarkable chiefly for ignorance, cruelty, and a blind and persecuting spirit of fanaticism. as it regards the character of the mohammedans at the present day, and, indeed, their moral and intellectual condition for the last two centuries, there is no great error in this opinion. but they are a degenerated race. there has been a period of great brilliancy in their history, when they were distinguished for their love of knowledge, and the successful cultivation of science and the arts; nor is it too much to say, that to them christian europe is indebted for the generous impulse which led to the revival of learning in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. of the various nations of the great moslem family, none were more {vi} renowned in arts, as well as arms, than the moorish conquerors of spain, whose history is contained in the following pages. the french original of this work has long enjoyed a deservedly high reputation; and the translation here offered is by an american lady, whose literary taste and acquirements well qualified her for the task. a sketch of mohammedan history, &c., from rev. s. greene's life of mohammed, has been appended at the close of the volume, to present to the reader a comprehensive view of that very remarkable people, of whom the moors of spain formed so distinguished a branch. h. & b. new york, october, 1840. {vii} contents first epoch page the origin of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 the arabs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 the birth of mohammed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 religion of mohammed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 the progress of islamism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 victories of the mussulmans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 new conquests of the mohammedans . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 the moors become mussulmans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 condition of spain under the goths . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 conquest of spain by the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 the viceroys of spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 insurrection of prince pelagius . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 abderamus attempts the conquest of france . . . . . . . . 39 he penetrates as far as the loire . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 the battle of tours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 civil wars distract spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 second epoch. the kings of cordova become the caliphs of the west . . . 45 the asiatic mussulmans divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 the dynasty of the ommiades lose the caliphate . . . . . . 48 horrible massacre of the ommiades . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 an ommiade prince repairs to spain . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 abderamus, the first caliph of the west . . . . . . . . . 53 {viii} reign of abderamus i. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 religion and fêtes of the moors of spain . . . . . . . . . 55 civil wars arise among the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 the reigns of hacchem i. and of abdelazis . . . . . . . . 58 reign of abderamus ii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 condition of the fine arts at cordova . . . . . . . . . . 60 anecdote of abderamus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 reigns of mohammed, almouzir, and abdalla . . . . . . . . 62 reign of abderamus iii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 embassy from a greek emperor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 magnificence and gallantry of the moors . . . . . . . . . 64 description of the city and palace of zahra . . . . . . . 65 wealth of the caliphs of cordova . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 the fine arts cultivated at cordova . . . . . . . . . . . 71 reign of el hacchem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 laws of the moors, and their mode of administering justice 75 authority possessed by fathers and old men . . . . . . . . 77 an illustration of the magnanimity of el hakkam . . . . . 78 reign of hacchem iii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 successful rule of mohammed almonzir as hadjeb under the imbecile hacchem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 disorders at cordova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 end of the caliphate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 third epoch. the principal kingdoms erected from the ruins of the caliphate of the west . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 condition of christian spain at this juncture . . . . . . 88 the kingdom of toledo; its termination . . . . . . . . 87, 88 success of the christians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 the cid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 the kingdom of seville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 the dynasty of the almoravides hold supremacy in africa . 92 {ix} conquests of the almoravides in spain . . . . . . . . . . 93 french princes repair to spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 extinction of the kingdom of saragossa . . . . . . . . . . 95 foundation of the kingdom of portugal . . . . . . . . . . 95 state of the fine arts among the moors at this period . . 97 abenzoar and averroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 dissensions between the moors and christians . . . . . . . 98 the africans, under mohammed _the green_, land in spain . 100 battle of toloza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102-104 tactics of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 the discomfited mohammed returns to africa . . . . . . . . 109 extent of the territories still retained by the moors in spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 st. ferdinand and jaques i. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 valencia is attacked by the aragonians . . . . . . . . . . 113 siege of cordova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 surrender of valencia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 fourth epoch. the kings of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 the condition of the moors; their despondency . . . . . . 118 mohammed alhamar; his character and influence with his countrymen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 he founds the kingdom of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 description of the city of grenada and its _vega_ . . . . 121 extent and resources of this kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . 123 reign of mohammed alhamar i. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 the moorish sovereign becomes the vassal of the king of castile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 ferdinand iii. besieges seville . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 the taking of seville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 revenues of the kings of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 military forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 cavalry of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 {x} disturbances in castile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 reign of mohammed ii. el fakik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 he forms a league with the king of morocco . . . . . . . . 134 misfortunes of alphonso of castile . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 interview between alphonso and the sovereign of morocco . 134 state of learning and the fine arts under mohammed al mumenim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 description of the alhambra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 the court of lions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 the generalif . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 mohammed iii. el hama, or _the blind_, ascends the throne of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 troubles in grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 reign of mohammed iv. abenazar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 reign of ismael . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 reign of mohammed v. and of joseph i. . . . . . . . . . . 152 the battle of salado . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 successive reigns of mohammed vi. and mohammed vii. . . . 154 horrible crime of peter the cruel of castile . . . . . . . 150 condition of spain--of europe in general . . . . . . 156, 157 mohammed vi. reassumes the crown . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 reign of mohammed viii. abouhadjad . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 favourite literary and scientific pursuits of the moors under the munificent rule of abouhadjad . . . . . . . . 160 universal prevalence of a taste for fiction among the arabs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 music and gallantry of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 the mixture of refinement and ferocity in the character of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 description of the women of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . 169 the national costume of both sexes . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 moorish customs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 folly of the grand-master of alcantara . . . . . . . . . . 172 the result of his expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 dreadful death of joseph ii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 mohammed ix. usurps the throne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 singular escape of a condemned prince . . . . . . . . . . 176 {xi} generous disposition of joseph iii. . . . . . . . . . . . 176 disturbed condition of the kingdom after his death . . . . 177 a rapid succession of rulers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177, 178 reign of ismael ii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 the miseries of war most severely felt by the cultivator of the soil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 mulei-hassem succeeds ismael ii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 marriage of ferdinand and isabella . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 the respective characters of these sovereigns . . . . . . 181 they declare war against the grenadians . . . . . . . . . 182 statesmen and soldiers of the spanish court . . . . . . . 182 stern reply of the grenadian king . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 alhama is surprised . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 civil war is kindled in grenada by the feuds of the royal family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 boabdil is proclaimed king . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 cause of the ambitious hopes of zagal . . . . . . . . . . 185 boabdil is taken prisoner by the spaniards . . . . . . . . 186 the politic spanish rulers restore boabdil to liberty . . 187 the moors become their own destroyers . . . . . . . . . . 187 death of mulei-hassem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 boabdil and his uncle divide the relics of grenada between them . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 baseness of zagal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 boabdil reigns alone at grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 ferdinand lays siege to the city of grenada . . . . . . . 189 condition of the city . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 the spanish camp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 isabella repairs to the camp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 she builds a city . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 surrender of grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 departure of boabdil from the city . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 the entrance of the spanish conquerors into the city . . . 195 summary of the causes of the ruin of the moors . . . . . . 196 characteristics of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 {xii} anecdote illustrative of their observance of the laws of hospitality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 christian persecution of the moors . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 revolts of the moors, and their results . . . . . . . . . 199 final expulsion of the moors from spain . . . . . . . . . 201 notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 a brief account of the rise and decline of the mohammedan empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 chapter i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 chapter ii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 chapter iii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 {xiii} introduction. the name of the moors of spain recalls recollections of gallantry and refinement, and of the triumphs of arts and arms. but, though thus celebrated, not much is generally known of the history of that remarkable people. the fragments of their annals, scattered among the writings of the spanish and arabian authors, furnish little else than accounts of murdered kings, national dissensions, civil wars, and unceasing contests with their neighbours. yet, mingled with these melancholy recitals, individual instances of goodness, justice, and magnanimity occasionally present themselves. these traits, too, strike us more forcibly than those of a similar description with which we meet in perusing the histories of other nations; perhaps in {xiv} consequence of the peculiar colouring of originality lent them by their oriental characteristics; or perhaps because, in contrast with numerous examples of barbarity, a noble action, an eloquent discourse, or a touching expression, acquire an unusual charm. it is not my intention to write the history of the moors in minute detail, but merely to retrace their principal revolutions, and attempt a faithful sketch of their national character and manners. the spanish historians, whom i have carefully consulted in aid of this design, have been of but little assistance to me in my efforts. careful to give a very prominent place in their extremely complicated narratives to the various sovereigns of asturia, navarre, aragon, and castile, they advert to the moors only when their wars with the christians inseparably mingle the interests of the two nations; but they never allude to the government, customs, or laws of the enemies of their faith. {xv} the translations from the arabian writers to which i have had recourse, throw little more light upon the subject of my researches than the productions of spanish authors. blinded by fanaticism and national pride, they expatiate with complacency on the warlike achievements of their countrymen, without even adverting to the reverses that attended their arms, and pass over whole dynasties without the slightest notice or comment. some of our _savans_ have, in several very estimable works, united the information to be collected from these spanish and arabian histories, with such additional particulars as they were able to derive from their own personal observations. i have drawn materials from all these sources, and have, in addition, sought for descriptions of the manners of the moors in the spanish and ancient castilian romances, and in manuscripts and memoirs obtained from madrid. it is after these long and laborious researches {xvi} that i venture to offer a brief history of a people who bore so little resemblance to any other; who had their national vices and virtues, as well as their characteristic physiognomy; and who so long united the bravery, generosity, and chivalry of the europeans, with the excitable temperament and strong passions of the orientals. to render the order of time more intelligible, and the more clearly to elucidate facts, this historical sketch will be divided in four principal epochs. the _first_ will extend from the commencement of the conquests of the arabs to the establishment of the dynasty of the ommiade princes at cordova: the _second_ will include the reigns of the caliphs of the west: in the _third_ will be related all that can now be ascertained concerning the various small kingdoms erected from the ruins of the caliphate of cordova: and the _fourth_ will comprehend a narration of the prominent events in the lives of the successive sovereigns of the kingdom of grenada, until the {xvii} period of the final expulsion of the mussulmans from that country. care has been taken to compare the dates according to the mohammedan method of computing time, with the periods fixed by the ordinary mode of arrangement. some of the spanish historians, garabai for instance, do not agree with the arabian chronologists in relation to the years of the hegira. i have thought proper to follow the arabian authorities, and have adopted, with occasional corrections, the chronological arrangements of m. cardonne, whose personal assurance i possess, that he attaches high importance to his calculations on this subject. i have thus reason to hope that this little work will serve to elucidate many points hitherto doubtful in relation to this matter. the proper names of the moors vary even more in the different authorities than their statements respecting the date of events, either in consequence of the difficulty of pronouncing them, or from ignorance of their proper {xviii} orthography. in instances of this character i have always given the preference to such as appeared to be most generally adopted, and were, at the same time, most harmonious in sound. {19} a history of the moors of spain. first epoch. the conquests of the arabs or moors. _extending from the end of the sixth century to the middle of the eighth._ the primitive moors were the inhabitants of the vast portion of africa bounded on the east by egypt, on the north by the mediterranean, on the west by the atlantic, and on the south by the deserts of barbary. the origin of the moors, or mauritanians, is, like that of most other ancient nations, obscure, and the information we possess concerning their early history confusedly mingled with fables. the fact, however, appears to be established, that asiatic emigrations were, from the earliest times, made into africa. in addition to this, the {20} historians of remote ages speak of a certain meleck yarfrick, king of arabia felix, who conducted a people called _sabaei_[1] into libya, made himself master of that country, established his followers there, and gave it the name of africa. it is from these sabians or _sabaei_ that the principal moorish tribes pretend to trace their descent. the derivation of the name moors[2] is also supposed, in some degree, to confirm the impression that they came originally from asia. but, without enlarging upon these ancient statements, let it suffice to say, that nearly certain ground exists for the belief that the original moors were arabians. in confirmation of this impression, we find that, during every period of the existence of their race, the descendants of the primitive inhabitants of mauritania have, like the arabs, been divided into distinct tribes, and, like them, have pursued a wild and wandering mode of existence. the moors of africa are known in ancient {21} history under the name of nomades, numidae or numidians, getulae, and massyli. they were by turns the subjects, the enemies, or the allies of the carthaginians, and with them they fell under the dominion of the romans. after several unsuccessful revolts, to which they were instigated by their fiery, restless, and inconstant temper, the moors were at length subjugated by the vandals, a.d. 427. a century afterward these people were conquered by belisarius: but the greeks were in their turn subdued by the arabs, who then proceeded to achieve the conquest of mauritania. as, from the period when that event occurred, the mauritanians or moors, who were thus suddenly converted to mohammedanism, have frequently been confounded with the _native arabians_, it will be proper to say a few words concerning that extraordinary people: a people who, after occupying for so many centuries an insignificant place among the nations of the earth, rapidly rendered themselves masters of the greater part of the known world. the arabs are, beyond question, one of the most ancient races of men in existence;[3] and {22} have, of all others, perhaps, best preserved their national independence, and their distinctive character and manners. divided from the most remote times into tribes that either wandered in the desert or were collected together in cities, and obedient to chiefs who in the same person united the warrior and the magistrate, they have never been subjected to foreign domination. the persians, the romans, and the macedonians vainly attempted to subdue them: they only shattered their weapons in fragments against the rocks of the nabatheans.[4] proud of an origin which he traced back even to the patriarchs of olden time, exulting in his successful defence of his liberty and his rights, the arab, from the midst of his deserts, regarded the rest of mankind as consisting of mere bands of slaves, changing masters as chance or {23} convenience directed. brave, temperate, and indefatigable, inured from infancy to the severest toil, fearing neither thirst, hunger, nor death itself--these were a people by whose assistance a leader suitably endowed could render himself master of the world. mohammed appeared:[5] to him nature had accorded the requisite qualifications for executing such a design. courageous, sagacious, eloquent, polished, possessed in an eminent degree of the powers which both awe and delight mankind, mohammed would have been a great man had he belonged to the most enlightened age--among an ignorant and fanatical people he became a prophet. until mohammed arose among them, the arab tribes, surrounded by jews, christians, and idolaters, had entertained a superstitious faith, compounded of the religious belief of their various neighbours and that of the ancient sabaei. they fully credited the existence of genii, demons, and witchcraft, adored the stars, and offered idolatrous sacrifices. but mohammed--after having devoted many years to profound and solitary meditation upon the new dogmas he designed to establish; after having either convinced {24} or won to his interests the principal individuals of his own family,[6] possessing pre-eminent consequence among their countrymen--suddenly began to preach a new religion, opposed to all those with which the arabs were hitherto familiar, and whose principles were well-adapted to inflame the ardent temper of that excitable people. children of ishmael, said the prophet to them, i bring you the faith that was professed by your father abraham, by noah, and by all the patriarchs. there is but one god, the sovereign ruler of all worlds: he is called the merciful; worship him alone. be beneficent towards orphans, slaves, captives, and the poor: be just to all men--justice is the sister of piety. pray and bestow alms. you will be rewarded in heaven, by being permitted to dwell perpetually in delicious gardens, where limpid waters will for ever flow, and where each one of you will eternally enjoy the companionship of women who will be ever beautiful, ever youthful, ever devoted to you alone. courageously combat both the unbelieving and the impious. oppose them until they {25} embrace islamism[7] or render you tribute. every soldier who dies in battle will share the treasures of god; nor can the coward prolong his life; for the moment when he is destined to be smitten by the angel of death is written in the book of the eternal. such precepts, announced in majestic and highly figurative language, embellished with the charms of verse, and presented by a warrior, prophet, poet, and legislator, professing to be the representative of an angel, to the most susceptible people in the world--to a people possessing a passion alike for the marvellous and the voluptuous, for heroism and for poetry--could scarcely fail to find disciples. converts rapidly crowded around mohammed, and their numbers were soon augmented by persecution. his enemies obliged the prophet to fly from his native mecca and take refuge in medina. this flight was the epoch of his glory and of the hegira of the mussulmans. it occurred a.d. 622. from this moment islamism spread like a torrent over the arabias and ethiopia. in vain did the jewish and idolatrous tribes attempt to maintain their ancient faith; in vain did mecca {26} arm her soldiers against the destroyers of her gods; mohammed, sword in hand, dispersed their armies, seized upon their cities, and won the affections of the people whom he subdued, by his clemency, his genius, and his fascinating address. a legislator, a pontiff, the chief of all the arab tribes, the commander of an invincible army, respected by the asiatic sovereigns, adored by a powerful nation, and surrounded by captains who had become heroes in serving under him, mohammed was on the point of marching against heraclius, when his designs were for ever interrupted by the termination of his existence. this event took place at medina, a.d. 632, hegira 2, and was the effect of poison, which had, some time before, been administered to this extraordinary man by a jewess of rhaibar. the death of the prophet arrested neither the progress of his religion nor the triumphs of the moslem arms. abubeker, the father-in-law of mohammed, became his successor, and assumed the title of _caliph_, which simply signifies _vicar_. during his reign the saracens penetrated into syria, dispersed the armies of heraclius, and took the {27} city of damascus, the siege of which will be for ever celebrated in consequence of the almost superhuman exploits of the famous kaled, surnamed the _sword of god_.[8] notwithstanding these successive victories, and the enormous amount of booty thus taken from the enemy and committed to his keeping, abubeker appropriated to his own particular use a sum scarcely equivalent to forty cents a day. omar, the successor of abubeker, commanded kaled to march against jerusalem. that city soon became the prize of the arabs; syria and palestine were subdued; the turks and the persians demanded peace; heraclius fled from antioch; and all asia trembled before omar and the terrible mussulmans. modest, in spite of the triumphs that everywhere attended them, and attributing their success to god alone, these moslems preserved unaltered their austere manners, their frugality, their severe discipline, and their reverence for poverty, though surrounded by the most corrupt of the nations of the earth, and exposed to the seductive influences of the delicious climates and the luxurious pleasures of some of the richest and most {28} beautiful countries in the world. during the sacking of a city, the most eager and impetuous soldier would be instantly arrested in the work of pillage by the word of his chief, and would, with the strictest fidelity, deliver up the booty he had obtained, that it might be deposited in the general treasury. even the most independent and magnificent of the heroic chiefs would hasten, in accordance with the directions of the caliph, to take the command of an army, and would become successively generals, private soldiers, or ambassadors, in obedience to his slightest wish. in fine, omar himself--omar, the richest, the greatest, the most puissant of the monarchs of asia, set forward upon a journey to jerusalem; mounted upon a red camel, which bore a sack of barley, one of rice, a well-filled water-skin, and a wooden vase. thus equipped, the caliph travelled through the midst of conquered nations, who crowded around his path at every step, entreating his blessing and praying him to adjudge their quarrels. at last he joined his army, and, inculcating precepts of simplicity, valour, and humility upon the soldiers, he made his entrance into the holy city, liberated such of its former christian possessors as had become {29} the captives of his people, and commanded the preservation of the churches. then remounting his camel, the representative of the prophet returned to medina, to perform the duties of the high-priest of his religion. the mussulmans now advanced towards egypt. that country was soon subdued. alexandrea was taken by amrou, one of the most distinguished generals of omar. it was then that the famous library was destroyed, whose loss still excites the profound regrets of the learned. the arabians, though such enthusiastic admirers of their national poetry, despised the literature of all the rest of the world. amrou caused the library of the ptolemies to be burned, yet this same amrou was nevertheless celebrated for his poetical effusions. he entertained the sincerest affection and respect for the celebrated john the grammarian, to whom, but for the opposing order of the caliph, he would have given this valuable collection of books. it was amrou, too, who caused the execution of a design worthy of the best age of rome, that of connecting the red sea with the mediterranean by means of a navigable canal, at a point where the waters of the nile might be diverted from {30} their course for its supply. this canal, so useful to egypt, and so important to the commerce of both europe and asia, was accomplished in a few months. the turks, in more modern times, have suffered it to be destroyed. amrou continued to advance into africa, while the other arabian commanders passed the euphrates and conquered the persians. but omar was already no more, and othman occupied his place. it was during the reign of this caliph that the saracens, banishing for ever its enfeebled greek masters, conquered mauritania, or the country of the moors of africa, a.d. 647, heg. 27. the invaders met with serious resistance only from the warlike tribes of the bereberes.[9] that bold and pastoral people, the descendants of the ancient inhabitants of numidia, and preserving, even to this day, a species of independence, intrenched as they are in the atlas mountains, long and successfully resisted the conquerors of the moors. a moslem general named akba finally succeeded in subjugating them, and in compelling them to adopt the laws and faith of his country. {31} after that achievement akba carried his arms to the extreme western point of africa, the ocean alone resisting him in his progress. there, inspired by courage and devotion with feelings of the highest enthusiasm, he forced his horse into the waves, and, drawing his sabre, cried, "god of mohammed, thou beholdest that, but for the element which arrests me, i would have proceeded in search of unknown nations, whom i would have forced to adore thy name!" until this epoch, the moors, under the successive dominion of the carthaginians, the romans, the vandals, and the greeks, had taken but little interest in the affairs of their different masters. wandering in the deserts, they occupied themselves chiefly with the care of their flocks; paid the arbitrary imposts levied upon them, sometimes passively enduring the oppression of their rulers, and sometimes essaying to break their chains; taking refuge, after each defeat of their efforts, in the atlas mountains, or in the interior of their country. their religion was a mixture of christianity and idolatry; their manners those of the enslaved nomades: rude, ignorant, and wretched, {32} their condition was the prototype of what it now is under the tyrants of morocco. but the presence of the arabs rapidly produced a great change among these people. a common origin with that of their new masters, together with similarity of language and temperament, contributed to bind the conquered to their conquerors. the announcement of a religion which had been preached by a descendant of ishmael, whom the moors regarded as their father; the rapid conquests of the mussulmans, who were already masters of half of asia and a large portion of africa, and who threatened to enslave the world, aroused the excitable imaginations of the moors, and restored to their national character all its passionate energy. they embraced the dogmas of mohammed with transport; they united with the arabs, volunteered to serve under the moslem banners, and suddenly became simultaneously enamoured with islamism and with glory. this reunion, which doubled the military strength of the two united nations, was disturbed for some time by the revolt of the bereberes, who never yielded their liberty under any circumstances. {33} the reigning caliph, valid the first, despatched into egypt moussa-ben-nazir, a judicious and valiant commander, at the head of a hundred thousand men, a.d. 708, heg. 89. moussa defeated the bereberes, restored quiet in mauritania, and seized upon tangier, which belonged to the goths of spain. master of an immense region of country, of a redoubtable army, and of a people who considered his supremacy as essential to their well-being, the saracen general from this period contemplated carrying his arms into spain. that beautiful kingdom, after having been successively under the yoke of the carthaginians and the romans, had finally become the prey of the barbarians. the alains, the suevi, and the vandals had divided its provinces among them; but euric, one of the visigoths, who entered the country from the south of gaul, had, towards the end of the fifth century, gained possession of the whole of spain, and transmitted it to his descendants. the softness of the climate, together with the effects of wealth and luxury, gradually enfeebled these conquerors, creating vices from which they had been previously free, and depriving {34} them of the warlike qualities to which alone they had been indebted for their success. of the kings who succeeded euric, some were arians and others catholics, who abandoned their authority to the control of bishops, and occupied a throne shaken to its centre by internal disturbances. roderick, the last of these gothic sovereigns, polluted the throne by his vices; and both history and tradition accuse him of the basest crimes. indeed, in the instance of nearly all these tyrants, their vices either directly occasioned, or were made the pretext of their final ruin. the fact is well established, that count julian and his brother oppas, archbishop of toledo, both of them distinguished and influential men, favoured the irruption of the moors into spain. tarik, one of the most renowned captains of his time,[10] was sent into spain by moussa. he had at first but few troops; but he was not by this prevented from defeating the large army that, by command of roderick, the last gothic king, opposed his course. subsequently, having received re-enforcements {35} from africa, tarik vanquished roderick himself at the battle of xeres, where that unfortunate monarch perished during the general flight in which the conflict terminated, a.d. 714, heg. 96. after this battle, the mohammedan general, profiting by his victory, penetrated into estremadura, andalusia, and the two castiles, and took possession of the city of toledo. being soon after joined by moussa, whose jealousy of the glory his lieutenant was so rapidly acquiring prompted him to hasten to his side, these two remarkable commanders, dividing their troops into several corps, achieved, in a few months, the conquest of the whole of spain. it should be observed, that these moors, whom several historians have represented as bloodthirsty barbarians, did not deprive the people whom they had subjugated either of their faith, their churches, or the administrators of their laws. they exacted from the spaniards only the tribute they had been accustomed to pay their kings. one cannot but question the existence of the ferocity that is ascribed to them, when it is remembered that the greater part of the spanish cities submitted to the invaders {36} without making the least attempt at resistance; that the christians readily united themselves with the moors; that the inhabitants of toledo desired to assume the name of _musarabs_; and that queen egilona, the widow of roderick, the last of the gothic sovereigns, publicly espoused, with the united consent of the two nations, abdelazis the son of moussa. moussa, whom the success of tarik had greatly exasperated, wishing to remove a lieutenant whose achievements eclipsed his own, preferred an accusation against him to the caliph. valid recalled them both, but refused to adjudge their difference, and suffered them to die at court from chagrin at seeing themselves forgotten. abdelazis, the husband of egilona, became governor of spain a.d. 718, heg. 100, but did not long survive his elevation. alahor, who succeeded him, carried his arms into gaul, subdued the warbonnais, and was preparing to push his conquests still farther, when he learned that pelagius, a prince of the blood-royal of the visigoths, had taken refuge in the mountains of asturia with a handful of devoted followers; that with them he dared to brave the conquerors of spain, and had formed the bold design of {37} attempting to rid himself of their yoke. alahor sent some troops against him. pelagius, intrenched with his little army in the mountain gorges, twice gave battle to the mussulmans, seized upon several castles, and, reanimating the spirits of the christians, whose courage had been almost extinguished by so long a succession of reverses, taught the astonished spaniards that the moors were not invincible. the insurrection of pelagius occasioned the recall of alahor by the caliph omar ii. elzemah, his successor, was of opinion that the most certain means of repressing revolts among a people is to render them prosperous and contented. he therefore devoted himself to the wise and humane government of spain; to the regulation of imposts, until then quite arbitrary; and to quieting the discontents of the soldiery, and establishing their pay at a fixed rate. a lover of the fine arts, which the arabs began from that time to cultivate, elzemah embellished cordova, which was his capital, and attracted thither the _savans_ of the age. he was himself the author of a book containing a description of the cities, rivers, provinces, and ports of spain, of the metals, mines, and quarries it {38} possesses; and, in short, of almost every object of interest either in science or government. but little disturbed by the insurrectionary movements of pelagius, whose power was confined to the possession of some inaccessible mountain fortresses, elzemah did not attempt to force him from his strongholds, but, impelled by the ardent desire of extending the moorish conquests into france, with which the governors of spain were ever inflamed, he passed the pyrenees, and perished in a battle fought against eudes, duke of aquitania, a.d. 722, heg. 104. during the remainder of the caliphate of yezid ii.,[11] several governors followed each other in rapid succession after the death of elzemah.[12] none of their actions merit recital, but, during this period, the brave pelagius aggrandized his petty state, advancing into the mountains of leon, and, in addition, making himself master of several towns. this hero, whose invincible daring roused the asturians and cantabrians to struggle for liberty, laid the foundations of that powerful monarchy {39} whose warriors afterward pursued the moors even to the rocks of the atlas. the moslems, who dreamed only of new conquests, made no considerable efforts against pelagius: they were confident of checking his rebellion with the utmost ease when they should have accomplished the subjugation of the french dominions; and that desire alone fired the ardent soul of the new governor abdalrahman, or, as he is commonly called, abderamus. his love of glory, his valour, his genius, and, above all, his immeasurable ambition, made the mussulman governor regard this conquest as one that could be easily effected; but he himself was destined to be the vanquished. charles martel, the son of pepin d'heristel, and the grandfather of charlemagne, whose exploits effaced the recollection of those of his father, and whose fame was not eclipsed by that of his grandson, was at this time mayor of the palace, under the last princes of the first race; or, rather, charles was the real monarch of the french and german nations. eudes, duke of aquitania, the possessor of gascony and guienne, had long maintained a quarrel with the french hero. unable longer, {40} without assistance, to resist his foe, he sought an alliance with a moor named munuza, who was the governor of catalonia and the secret enemy of abderamus. these two powerful vassals, both discontented with their respective sovereigns, and inspired as much by fear as dislike, united themselves in the closest bonds, in despite of the difference in their religious faith. the christian duke did not hesitate to give his daughter in marriage to his mohammedan ally, and the princess numerance espoused the moorish munuza, as queen egilona had espoused the moorish abdelazis. abderamus, when informed of this alliance, immediately divined the motives which had induced it. he soon assembled an army, penetrated with rapidity into catalonia, and attacked munuza, who was wounded in a fruitless endeavour to fly, and afterward perished by his own hand. his captive wife was conducted into the presence of the victorious governor abderamus, struck with her beauty, sent the fair numerance as a present to the caliph haccham, whose regard she elicited; and thus, by a singular chance, a princess of gascony became an inmate of the seraglio of a sovereign of damascus. {41} not content with having so signally punished munuza, abderamus crossed the pyrenees, traversed navarre, entered guienne, and besieged and took the city of bordeaux. eudes attempted, at the head of an army, to arrest his progress, but was repelled in a decisive engagement. everything yielded to the mussulman arms: abderamus pursued his route, ravaged perigord, saintonge, and poitou, appeared in triumph in touraine, and paused only when within view of the streaming ensigns of charles martel. charles came to this rencounter followed by the forces of france, asturia, and bourgogne, and attended by the veteran warriors whom he was accustomed to lead to victory. the duke of aquitania was also in the camp. charles forgot his private injuries in the contemplation of the common danger: this danger was pressing: the fate of france and germany--indeed, of the whole of christendom, depended on the event of the approaching conflict. abderamus was a rival worthy of the son of pepin. flushed, like him, with the proud recollection of numerous victories; at the head of an innumerable army; surrounded by experienced captains, who had been the frequent {42} witnesses of his martial triumphs; and long inspired with the warmest hopes of finally adding to the dominion of islamism the only country belonging to the ancient roman empire that still remained unsubdued by the saracens, the moorish leader met his brave foe, upon equal terms, on the battle-field of tours, a.d. 733, heg. 114. the action was long and bloody. abderamus was slain; and this dispiriting loss, without doubt, decided the defeat of his army.[13] historians assert that more than three hundred thousand men perished. this statement is probably exaggerated; but it is certainly true, that the moors, who had thus penetrated into the midst of france, were relentlessly pursued after their defeat, and were many of them unable to escape from the army of the victors and the vengeance of the people. this memorable battle, of which we possess no details, saved france from the yoke of the arabs, and effectually arrested their spreading dominion. once again, subsequent to this reverse, the moors attempted to penetrate into france, and {43} succeeded in seizing upon avignon; but charles martel defeated them anew, retook the captured city, drove them from narbonne, and deprived them forever of the hope with which they had so often flattered themselves. after the death of abderamus, spain was torn by dissensions between the two governors[14] named successively by the caliph. a third pretender arrived from africa. a fourth added himself to the list;[15] factions multiplied; the different parties often had recourse to arms; chiefs were assassinated, cities taken, and provinces ravaged. the details of these events are variously related by different historians, but possess little interest in the narrations of any. these civil wars lasted nearly twenty years. the christians, who had retired into asturia, profited by them to the utmost. alphonso i., the son-in-law and successor of pelagius, imitated the career of that hero. he seized upon a part of galicia and leon, repulsed the mussulman troops who were sent to oppose him, and rendered himself master of several towns. the moors, occupied by their domestic {44} quarrels, neglected to arrest the progress of alphonso, and from that time the growth of a miniature kingdom commenced, whose interests were inimical to those of the saracens in spain. after many crimes and combats, a certain _joseph_ had succeeded in triumphing over his different rivals, and was at last reigning supreme in cordova, when there occurred a memorable event in the east, which was destined greatly to affect the condition of spain. from that period, a.d. 749, heg. 134, commences the second epoch of the empire of the moors of spain, which makes it necessary to revert briefly to the history of the eastern caliphs. [1] the _sabaei_, according to the best ancient authorities, were the inhabitants of the extensive arabian kingdom of _saba_.--_translator_. [2] the term moors, according to bochart, comes from a hebrew word, _mahuran_, which signifies western. [3] it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that these _children of the desert_ are supposed to be the lineal descendants of ishmael, the wandering, outcast son of the patriarch abraham and the much-abused hagar.--_translator_. [4] the primitive name of the arabs, from _nabathaea_, an appellation for their country which is probably derived from _nabath_, the son of ishmael. the capital city of nabathaea was that _petra_, of whose present appearance and condition our eminent countryman, stephens, has given his readers so graphic a sketch in his "travels," &c.--_translator_. [5] a.d. 569. [6] the coheshirites, the guardians of the temple of the caaba at mecca. [7] see note a, page 203. [8] see note b, page 206. [9] see note c, page 207. [10] see note d, page 208. [11] see note e, page 308. [12] ambeza, azra, jahiah, osman, hazifa, hacchem, and mohammed. [13] it was in this battle that charles acquired the title of _martel_, or the _hammer_. [14] abdoulmelek and akbe. [15] aboulattar and tevaba. {45} second epoch. the kings of cordova become the caliphs of the west. _extending from the middle of the eighth to the commencement of the eleventh century._ we have seen that, under their first three caliphs, abubeker, omar, and othman, the arabian conquerors of syria, persia, and africa preserved their ancient manners, their simplicity of character, their obedience to the successors of the prophet, and their contempt for luxury and wealth: but what people could continue to withstand the influence of such an accumulation of prosperity? these resistless conquerors turned their weapons against each other: they forgot the virtues which had rendered them invincible, and assisted by their dissensions in dismembering the empire that their valour had created. the disastrous effects of the baneful spirit that had thus insidiously supplanted the original principles of union, moderation, and prudence, by which, as a nation, the moslems had been {46} actuated, were first manifested in the assassination of the caliph othman. ali, the friend, companion, and adopted son of the prophet, whose courage, achievements, and relationship to mohammed, as the husband of his only daughter, had rendered him so dear to the mussulmans, was announced as the successor of othman. but moavias, the governor of syria, refused to recognise the authority of ali, and, under the guidance of the sagacious amrou, the conqueror of egypt, caused himself to be proclaimed caliph of damascus. upon this, the arabians divided: those of medina sustaining ali, and those of syria moavias. the first took the name of _alides_, the others styled themselves _ommiades_, deriving their denomination from the grandfather of moavias. such was the origin of the famous schism which still separates the turks and persians. though ali succeeded in vanquishing moavias in the field, he did not avail himself judiciously of the advantage afforded him by his victory. he was soon after assassinated,[1] and the spirit and courage of his party vanished with the {47} occurrence of that event. the sons of ali made efforts to reanimate the ardour of his partisans, but in vain. thus, in the midst of broils, revolts, and civil wars, the ommiades still remained in possession of the caliphate of damascus.[2] it was during the reign of one of these princes, valid the first, that the arabian conquests extended in the east to the banks of the ganges, and in the west to the shores of the atlantic. the ommiades, however, were for the most part feeble, but they were sustained by able commanders, and the {48} ancient valour of the moslem soldiers was not yet degenerated. after the ommiades had maintained their empire for the space of ninety-three years, mervan ii.,[3] the last caliph of the race, was deprived of his throne and his life[4] through the instrumentality of abdalla, a chief of the tribe of the abbassides, who were, like the ommiades, near relatives of mohammed. aboul-abbas, the nephew of abdalla, supplanted the former caliph. with him commenced the dynasty of the abbassides, so celebrated in the east for their love of science and their connexion with the names of haroun al raschid, almamon, and the bermasides.[5] the abbassides retained the caliphate during five successive centuries.[6] at the termination of {49} that period, they were despoiled of their power by the tartar posterity of gengis khan, after {50} having witnessed the establishment of a race of egyptian caliphs named _fatimites_, the pretended descendants of fatima, the daughter of mohammed. thus was the eastern empire of the arabs eventually destroyed: the descendants of ishmael returned to the country from which they had originally sprung, and gradually reverted to nearly the same condition as that in which they existed when the prophet arose among them. {51} these events, from the founding of the dynasty of the abbassides, have been anticipated in point of time in the relation, because henceforth the history of spain is no longer intermingled with that of the east. after having dwelt briefly upon an event intimately connected as well with the establishment of the abbassides upon the moslem throne as with the history of spain, we will enter continuously upon the main subject of our work. to return, then, for a moment, to the downfall of the ommiade caliphs. when the cruel abdalla had placed his nephew, aboul-abbas, on the throne of the caliphs of damascus, he formed the horrible design of exterminating the ommiades. these princes were very numerous. with the arabs, among whom polygamy is permitted, and where numerous offspring are regarded as the peculiar gift of heaven, it is not unusual to find several thousand individuals belonging to the same family. abdalla, despairing of effecting the destruction of the race of his enemies, dispersed as they were by terror, published a general amnesty to all the ommiades who should present themselves before him on a certain day. those ill-fated {52} people, confiding in the fulfilment of his solemn promises, hastened to seek safety at the feet of abdalla. the monster, when they were all assembled, caused his soldiers to surround them, and then commanded them all to be butchered in his presence. after this frightful massacre, abdalla ordered the bloody bodies to be ranged side by side in close order, and then to be covered with boards spread with persian carpets. upon this horrible table he caused a magnificent feast to be served to his officers. one shudders at the perusal of such details, but they serve to portray the character of this oriental conqueror. a solitary ommiade escaped the miserable fate of his brethren; a prince named abderamus. a fugitive wanderer, he reached egypt, and concealed himself in the solitary recesses of its inhospitable deserts. the moors of spain, faithful to the ommiades, though their governor joseph had recognised the authority of the abbassides, had no sooner learned that there existed in egypt a scion of the illustrious family to which they still retained their attachment, than they secretly sent deputies to offer him their crown. abderamus foresaw the {53} obstacles with which he would be compelled to struggle, but, guided by the impulses of a soul whose native greatness had been strengthened and purified by adversity, he did not hesitate to accept the proposal of the moors. the ommiade prince arrived in the peninsula a.d. 755, heg. 138. he speedily gained the hearts of his new subjects, assembled an army, took possession of seville, and, soon after, marched towards cordova, the capital of mussulman spain. joseph, in the name of the abbassides, vainly attempted to oppose his progress. the governor was vanquished and cordova taken, together with several other cities. abderamus was now not only the acknowledged king of spain, but was proclaimed _caliph of the west_ a.d. 759, heg. 142. during the supremacy of the ommiades in the empire of the east, spain had continued to be ruled by governors sent thither from asia by those sovereigns; but it was now permanently separated from the great arabian empire, and elevated into a powerful and independent state, acknowledging no farther allegiance to the asiatic caliphs either in civil or religious matters. thus was the control hitherto exercised over the {54} affairs of spain by the oriental caliphs forever wrested from them by the last surviving individual of that royal race whom abdalla had endeavoured to exterminate. abderamus the first established the seat of his new greatness at cordova. he was not long allowed peacefully to enjoy it, however. revolts instigated by the abbassides, incursions into catalonia by the french, and wars with the kings of leon,[7] incessantly demanded his attention; but his courage and activity gained the ascendency even over such numerous enemies. he maintained his throne with honour, and merited his beautiful surname of _the just_. abderamus cultivated and cherished the fine arts, even in the midst of the difficulties and dangers by which he was surrounded. it was he who first established schools at cordova for the study of astronomy, mathematics, medicine, and grammar. he was also a poet, and was considered the most eloquent man of his age. this first caliph of the west adorned and fortified his capital, erected a superb palace, which he surrounded by beautiful gardens, and commenced the construction of a grand mosque, the {55} remains of which continue even at this day to excite the admiration of the traveller. this monument of magnificence was completed during the reign of hacchem, the son and successor of abderamus. it is thought that the spaniards have not preserved more than one half of the original structure, yet it is now six hundred feet long and two hundred wide, and is supported by more than three hundred columns of alabaster, jasper, and marble. formerly there were twenty-four doors of entrance, composed of bronze covered with sculptures of gold; and nearly five thousand lamps nightly served to illuminate this magnificent edifice. in this mosque the caliphs of cordova each friday conducted the worship of the people, that being the day consecrated to religion by the precepts of mohammed. thither all the mussulmans of spain made pilgrimages, as those of the east resorted to the temple at mecca. there they celebrated, with great solemnity, the fête of the great and the lesser beiram, which corresponds with the passover of the jews; that of the newyear, and that of miloud, or the anniversary of the birth of mohammed. each of these festivals lasted for eight days. during that time {56} all labour ceased, the people sent presents to each other, exchanged visits, and offered sacrifices. disunited families, forgetting their differences, pledged themselves to future concord, and consummated their renewed amity by delivering themselves up to the enjoyment of every pleasure permitted by the laws of the koran. at night the city was illuminated, the streets were festooned with flowers, and the promenades and public places resounded with the melody of various musical instruments. the more worthily to celebrate the occasion, alms were lavishly distributed by the wealthy, and the benedictions of the poor mingled with the songs of rejoicing that everywhere ascended around them. abderamus, having imbibed with his oriental education a fondness for these splendid fêtes, first introduced a taste for them into spain. uniting, in his character of caliph, the civil and the sacerdotal authority in his own person, he regulated the religious ceremonies on such occasions, and caused them to be celebrated with all the pomp and magnificence displayed under similar circumstances by the sovereigns of damascus. though the caliph of cordova was the enemy {57} of the christians, and numbered many of them among his subjects, he refrained from persecuting them, but deprived the bishoprics of their religious heads and the churches of their priests, and encouraged marriages between the moors and spaniards. by these means the sagacious moslem inflicted more injury upon the true religion than could have been effected by the most rigorous severity. under the reign of abderamus, the successors of pelagius, still retaining possession of asturia, though weakened by the internal dissensions that already began to prevail among them, were forced to submit to the payment of the humiliating tribute of a hundred young females, abderamus refusing to grant them peace except at this price. master of entire spain, from catalonia to the two seas, the first caliph died a.d. 788, heg. 172, after a glorious reign of thirty years, leaving the crown to his son hacchem, the third of his eleven sons. after the death of abderamus the empire was disturbed by revolts, and by wars between the new caliph and his brothers, his uncles, or other princes of the royal blood. these civil wars {58} were inevitable under a despotic government, where not even the order of succession to the throne was regulated by law. to be an aspirant to the supreme authority of the state, it was sufficient to belong to the royal race; and as each of the caliphs, almost without exception, left numerous sons, all these princes became the head of a faction, every one of them established himself in some city, and, declaring himself its sovereign, took up arms in opposition to the authority of the caliph. from this arose the innumerable petty states that were created, annihilated, and raised again with each change of sovereigns. thus also originated the many instances of conquered, deposed, or murdered kings, that make the history of the moors of spain so difficult of methodical arrangement and so monotonous in the perusal. hacchem, and, after him, his son abdelazis-el-hacchem retained possession of the caliphate notwithstanding these unceasing dissensions. the former finished the beautiful mosque commenced by his father, and carried his arms into france, in which kingdom his generals penetrated as far as narbonne. the latter, abdelazis-el-hacchem less fortunate than his predecessor, did not {59} succeed in opposing the spaniards and his refractory subjects with unvarying success. his existence terminated in the midst of national difficulties, and his son abderamus became his successor. abderamus ii. was a great monarch, notwithstanding the fact that, during his reign, the power of the christians began to balance that of the moors. the christians had taken advantage of the continual divisions which prevailed among their former conquerors. alphonso the chaste, king of asturia, a valiant and politic monarch, had extended his dominions and refused to pay the tribute of the hundred young maidens. ramir, the successor of alphonso, maintained this independence, and several times defeated the mussulmans. navarre became a kingdom, and aragon had its independent sovereigns, and was so fortunate as to possess a government that properly respected the rights of the people.[8] the governors of catalonia, until then subjected to the kings of france, took advantage of the feebleness of louis le debonnaire to render themselves independent. in fine, all the north of spain declared itself in opposition to the moors, {60} and the south became a prey to the irruptions of the normans. abderamus defended himself against all these adversaries, and obtained, by his warlike talents, the surname of _elmonzaffer_, which signifies _the victorious_. and, though constantly occupied by the cares of government and of successive wars, this monarch afforded encouragement to the fine arts, embellished his capital by a new mosque, and caused to be erected a superb aqueduct, from which water was carried in leaden pipes throughout the city in the utmost abundance. abderamus possessed a soul capable of enjoying the most refined and elevated pleasures. he attracted to his court poets and philosophers, with whose society he frequently delighted himself; thus cultivating in his own person the talents he encouraged in others. he invited from the east the famous musician ali-zeriab, who established himself in spain through the beneficence of the caliph, and originated the celebrated school[9] whose pupils afterward afforded such delight to the oriental world. the natural ferocity of the moslems yielded to the influence of the chivalrous example of {61} the caliph, and cordova became, under the dominion of abderamus, the home of taste and pleasure, as well as the chosen abode of science and the arts. a single anecdote will serve to illustrate the tenderness and generosity that so strongly characterized this illustrious descendant of the ommiades. one day a favourite female slave left her master's presence in high displeasure, and, retiring to her apartment, vowed that, sooner than open the door for the admittance of abderamus, she would suffer it to be walled up. the chief eunuch, alarmed at this discourse, which he regarded as almost blasphemous, hastened to prostrate himself before the prince of believers, and to communicate to him the horrible purpose of the rebellious slave. abderamus smiled at the resolution of the offended beauty, and commanded the eunuch to cause a wall composed of pieces of coin to be erected before the door of her retreat, and avowed his intention not to pass this barrier until the fair slave should have voluntarily demolished it, by possessing herself of the materials of which it was formed. the {62} historian[10] adds, that the same evening the caliph entered the apartments of the appeased favourite without opposition. this prince left forty-five sons and nearly as many daughters. mohammed, the eldest of his sons, succeeded him, a.d. 852, heg. 238. the reigns of mohammed and his successors, almanzor and abdalla, offer to the historian nothing for a period of fifty years but details of an uninterrupted continuation of troubles, civil wars, and revolts, by which the governors of the principal cities sought to render themselves independent. alphonso the great, king of asturia, profited by these dissensions the more effectually to confirm his own power. the normans, from another side, ravaged andalusia anew. toledo, frequently punished, but ever rebellious, often possessed local sovereigns. saragossa imitated the example of toledo. the authority of the caliphs was weakened, and their empire, convulsed in every part, seemed on the point of dissolution, when abderamus iii., the nephew of abdalla, ascended the throne of cordova, and restored for some time its pristine splendour and power, a.d. 912, heg. 300. {63} this monarch, whose name, so dear to the moslems, seemed to be an auspicious omen, took the title of _emir-al-mumenin_, which signifies _prince of true believers_. victory attended the commencement of his reign; the rebels, whom his predecessors had been unable to reduce to submission, were defeated; factions were dissipated, and peace and order re-established. being attacked by the christians soon after he had assumed the crown, abderamus applied for assistance to the moors of africa. he maintained long wars against the kings of leon and the counts of castile, who wrested madrid, then a place of comparative insignificance, from him, a.d. 931, heg. 319. often attacked and sometimes overcome, but always great and redoubtable notwithstanding occasional reverses, abderamus knew how to repair his losses, and avail himself to the utmost of his good fortune. a profound statesman, and a brave and skilful commander, he fomented divisions among the spanish princes, carried his arms frequently into the very centre of their states, and, having established a navy, seized, in addition, upon ceuta and seldjemessa on the african coast. {64} notwithstanding the incessant wars which occupied him during the whole of his reign, the enormous expense to which he was subjected by the maintenance of his armies and his naval force, and the purchase of military assistance from africa, emir-al-mumenim supported a luxury and splendour at his court, the details of which would seem to be the mere creations of the imagination, were they not attested by every historian of the time. the contemporary greek emperor, constantine xi., wishing to oppose an enemy capable of resisting their power, to the abbassides of bagdad, sent ambassadors to cordova to form an alliance with abderamus. the caliph of the west, flattered that christians should come from so distant a part of the world to request his support, signalized the occasion by the display of a gorgeous pomp which rivalled that of the most splendid asiatic courts. he sent a suit of attendants to receive the ambassadors at jean. numerous corps of cavalry, magnificently mounted and attired, awaited their approach to cordova, and a still more brilliant display of infantry lined the avenues to the palace. the courts were covered with the most {65} superb persian and egyptian carpets, and the walls hung with cloth of gold. the caliph, blazing with brilliants, and seated on a dazzling throne, surrounded by his family, his viziers, and a numerous train of courtiers, received the greek envoys in a hall in which all his treasures were displayed. the _hadjeb_, a dignitary whose office among the moors corresponded to that of the ancient french _mayors of the palace_, introduced the ambassadors. they prostrated themselves before abderamus in amazement at the splendour of this array, and presented to the moorish sovereign the letter of constantine, written on blue parchment and enclosed in a box of gold. the caliph signed the treaty, loaded the imperial messengers with presents, and ordered that a numerous suite should accompany them even to the walls of constantinople. abderamus iii., though unceasingly occupied either by war or politics, was all his life enamoured of one of his wives named zahra.[11] he built a city for her two miles distant from cordova, which he named zahra. this place is now destroyed. it was situated {66} at the base of a high mountain, from which flowed numerous perpetual streams, whose waters ran in all directions through the streets of the city, diffusing health and coolness in their course, and forming ever-flowing fountains in the centre of the public places. the houses, each built after the same model, were surmounted by terraces and surrounded by gardens adorned with groves of orange, laurel, and lime, and in which the myrtle, the rose, and the jasmine mingled in pleasing confusion with all the varied productions of that sunny and delicious clime. the statue of the beautiful zahra[12] was conspicuously placed over the principal gate of this city of love. but the attractions of the city were totally eclipsed by those of the fairy-like palace of the favourite. abderamus, as the ally of their imperial master, demanded the assistance of the most accomplished of the greek architects; and the sovereign of constantinople, which was at that time the chosen home of the fine arts, eagerly complied with his desires, and sent the caliph, in addition, forty columns of granite of the rarest and most beautiful workmanship. independent {67} of these magnificent columns, there were employed in the construction of this palace more than twelve hundred others, formed of spanish and italian marble. the walls of the apartment named the _saloon of the caliphate_, were covered with ornaments of gold; and from the mouths of several animals, composed of the same metal, gushed jets of water that fell into an alabaster fountain, above which was suspended the famous pearl that the emperor leo had presented to the caliph as a treasure of inestimable value. in the pavilion where the mistress of this enchanting abode usually passed the evening with the royal moor, the ceiling was composed of gold and burnished steel, incrusted with precious stones. and in the resplendent light reflected from these brilliant ornaments by a hundred crystal lustres, flashed the waters of a fountain, formed like a sheaf of grain, from polished silver, whose delicate spray was received again by the alabaster basin from whose centre it sprung. the reader might hesitate to believe these recitals; might suppose himself perusing oriental tales, or that the author was indebted for his history to the _thousand and one nights_, were {68} not the facts here detailed attested by the arabian writers, and corroborated by foreign authors of unquestionable veracity. it is true that the architectural magnificence, the splendid pageantry, the pomp of power that characterized the reign of this illustrious saracenic king, resembled nothing with which we are now familiar; but the incredulous questioners of their former existence might be asked whether, had the pyramids of egypt been destroyed by an earthquake, they would now credit historians who should give us the exact dimensions of those stupendous structures? the writers from whom are derived the details that have been given concerning the court of the spanish mussulmans, mention also the sums expended in the erection of the palace and city of zahra. the cost amounted annually to three hundred thousand dinars of gold,[13] and twenty-five years hardly sufficed for the completion of this princely monument of chivalrous devotion. {69} to these enormous expenditures should be added the maintenance of a seraglio, in which the women, the slaves, and the black and white eunuchs amounted to the number of six thousand persons. the officers of the court, and the horses destined for their use, were in equally lavish proportion. the royal guard alone was composed of twelve thousand cavaliers. when it is remembered, that, from being continually at war with the spanish princes, abderamus was obliged to keep numerous armies incessantly on foot, to support a naval force, frequently to hire stipendiaries from africa, and to fortify and preserve in a state of defence the ever-endangered fortresses on his frontiers, it is hardly possible to comprehend how his revenues sufficed for the supply of such immense and varied demands. but his resources were equally immense and varied; and the sovereign of cordova was perhaps the richest and most powerful monarch then in europe.[14] he held possession of portugal, andalusia, the kingdom of grenada, mercia, valencia, and the greater part of new-castile, the most beautiful and fertile countries of spain. {70} these provinces were at that time extremely populous, and the moors had attained the highest perfection in agriculture. historians assure us, that there existed on the shores of the guadalquiver twelve thousand villages; and that a traveller could not proceed through the country without encountering some hamlet every quarter of an hour. there existed in the dominions of the caliph eighty great cities, three hundred of the second order, and an infinite number of smaller towns. cordova, the capital of the kingdom, enclosed within its walls two hundred thousand houses and nine hundred public baths. all this prosperity was reversed by the expulsion of the moors from the peninsula. the reason is apparent: the moorish conquerors of spain did not persecute their vanquished foes; the spaniards, when they had subdued the moors, oppressed and banished them. the revenues of the caliphs of cordova are represented to have amounted annually to twelve millions and forty-five thousand dinars of gold.[15] independent of this income in money, many imposts were paid in the products of the soil; and among an industrious agricultural {71} population, possessed of the most fertile country in the world, this rural wealth was incalculable. the gold and silver mines, known in spain from the earliest times, were another source of wealth. commerce, too, enriched alike the sovereign and the people. the commerce of the moors was carried on in many articles: silks, oils, sugar, cochineal, iron, wool (which was at that time extremely valuable), ambergris, yellow amber, loadstone, antimony, isinglass, rock-crystal, sulphur, saffron, ginger, the product of the coral-beds on the coast of andalusia, of the pearl fisheries on that of catalonia, and rubies, of which they had discovered two localities, one at malaga and another at beja. these valuable articles were, either before or after being wrought, transported to egypt or other parts of africa, and to the east. the emperors of constantinople, always allied from necessity to the caliphs of cordova, favoured these commercial enterprises, and, by their countenance, assisted in enlarging, to a vast extent, the field of their operations; while the neighbourhood of africa, italy, and france contributed also to their prosperity. the arts, which are the children of commerce, and support the existence of their parent, added {72} a new splendour to the brilliant reign of abderamus. the superb palaces he erected, the delicious gardens he created, and the magnificent fêtes he instituted, drew to his court from all parts architects and artists of every description. cordova was the home of industry and the asylum of the sciences. celebrated schools of geometry, astronomy, chymistry, and medicine were established there--schools which, a century afterward, produced such men as averroes and abenzoar. so distinguished were the learned moorish poets, philosophers, and physicians, that alphonso the great, king of asturia, wishing to confide the care of his son ordogno to teachers capable of conducting the education of a prince, appointed him two arabian preceptors, notwithstanding the difference of religious faith, and the hatred entertained by the christians towards the mussulmans. and one of the successors of alphonso, sancho the great, king of leon, being attacked by a disease which it was supposed would prove fatal in its effects, went unhesitatingly to cordova, claimed the hospitality of his national enemy, and placed himself under the care of the mohammedan physicians, who eventually succeeded in curing the malady of the christian king. {73} this singular fact does as much honour to the skill of the learned saracens as to the magnanimity of the caliph and the trusting confidence of sancho. such was the condition of the caliphate of cordova under the dominion of abderamus iii. he occupied the throne fifty years, and we have seen with what degree of honour to himself and benefit to his people. perhaps nothing will better illustrate the superiority of this prince to monarchs generally than the following fragment, which was found, traced by his own hand, among his papers after his death. "fifty years have passed away since i became caliph. riches, honours, pleasures, i have enjoyed them all: i am satiated with them all. rival kings respect me, fear, and envy me. all that the heart of man can desire. heaven has lavishly bestowed on me. in this long period of seeming felicity i have estimated the number of days during which i have enjoyed _perfect happiness_: they amount to _fourteen_! mortals, learn to appreciate greatness, the world, and human life!" the successor of this monarch was his eldest {74} son, aboul-abbas el hakkam, who assumed, like his father, the title of _emir-al-mumenim_. the coronation of el hakkam was celebrated with great pomp in the city of zahra. the new caliph there received the oath of fidelity from the chiefs of the scythe guard, a numerous and redoubtable corps, composed of strangers, which abderamus iii. had formed. the brothers and relations of el hakkam, the viziers and their chief, the _hadjeb_, the white and black eunuchs, the archers and cuirassiers of the guard, all swore obedience to the monarch. these ceremonies were followed by the funeral honours of abderamus, whose body was carried to cordova, and there deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. aboul-abbas el hakkam, equally wise with his father, but less warlike than he, enjoyed greater tranquillity during his reign. his was the dominion of justice and peace. the success and vigilance of abderamus had extinguished, for a time, the spirit of revolt, and prepared the way for the continued possession of these great national blessings. divided among themselves, the christian kings entertained no designs of disturbing their infidel neighbours. {75} the truce that existed between the mussulmans and castile and leon was broken but once during the life of el hacchem. the caliph then commanded his army in person, and completed a glorious campaign, taking several cities from the spaniards, and convincing them, by his achievements, of the policy of future adherence to the terms of their treaty with their saracen opponents. during the remainder of his reign the moorish sovereign applied himself wholly to promoting the happiness of his subjects, to the cultivation of science, to the collection of an extensive library, and, above all, to enforcing a strict observance of the laws. the laws of the moors were few and simple. it does not appear that there existed among them any civil laws apart from those incorporated with their religious code. jurisprudence was reduced to the application of the principles contained in the koran. the caliph, as the supreme head of their religion, possessed the power of interpreting these principles; but even he would not have ventured to violate them. at least as often as once a week, he publicly gave audience to his subjects, listened to their {76} complaints, examined the guilty, and, without quitting the tribunal, caused punishment to be immediately inflicted. the governors placed by the sovereign over the different cities and provinces, commanded the military force belonging to each, collected the public revenues, superintended the administration of the police, and adjudged the offences committed within their respective governments. public officers well versed in the laws discharged the functions of notaries, and gave a juridical form to records relating to the possession of property. when any lawsuits arose, magistrates called _cadis_, whose authority was respected both by the king and the people, could alone decide them. these suits were speedily determined; lawyers and attorneys were unknown, and there was no expense nor chicanery connected with them. each party pleaded his cause in person, and the decrees of the cadi were immediately executed. criminal jurisprudence was scarcely more complicated. the moors almost invariably resorted to the _punishment of retaliation_ prescribed by the founder of their religion. in truth, the wealthy were permitted to exonerate themselves from the charge of bloodshed by the aid {77} of money; but it was necessary that the relations of the deceased should consent to this: the caliph himself would not have ventured to withhold the head of one of his own sons who had been guilty of homicide, if its delivery had been inexorably insisted upon. this simple code would not have sufficed had not the unlimited authority exercised by fathers over their children, and husbands over their wives, supplied the deficiencies of the laws. with regard to this implicit obedience on the part of a family to the will of its chief, the moors preserved the ancient patriarchal customs of their ancestors. every father possessed, under his own roof, rights nearly equal to those of the caliph. he decided, without appeal, the quarrels of his wives and those of his sons: he punished with severity the slightest faults, and even possessed the power of punishing certain crimes with death. age alone conferred this supremacy. an old man was always an object of reverence. his presence arrested disorders: the most haughty young man cast down his eyes at meeting him, and listened patiently to his reproofs. in short, the possessor of a white beard {78} was everywhere invested with the authority of a magistrate. this authority, which was more powerful among the moors than that of their laws, long subsisted unimpaired at cordova. that the wise hacchem did nothing to enfeeble it, may be judged from the following illustration. a poor woman of zahra possessed a small field contiguous to the gardens of the caliph. el hacchem, wishing to erect a pavilion there, directed that the owner should be requested to dispose of it to him. but the woman refused every remuneration that was offered her, and declared that she would never sell the heritage of her ancestry. the king was, doubtless, not informed of the obstinacy of this woman; but the superintendent of the palace gardens, a minister worthy of a despotic sovereign, forcibly seized upon the field, and the pavilion was built. the poor woman hastened in despair to cordova, to relate the story of her misfortune to the cadi bechir, and to consult him respecting the course she should pursue. the cadi thought that the prince of true believers had no more right than any other man to possess himself by violence of the property of another; and he endeavoured to {79} discover some means of recalling to his recollection a truth which the best of rulers will sometimes forget. one day, as the moorish sovereign was surrounded by his court in the beautiful pavilion built on the ground belonging to the poor woman, the cadi bechir presented himself before him, seated on an ass, and carrying in his hand a large sack. the astonished caliph demanded his errand. "prince of the faithful!" replied bechir, "i come to ask permission of thee to fill this sack with the earth upon which thou standest." the caliph cheerfully consented to this desire, and the cadi filled his sack with the earth. he then left it standing, and, approaching his sovereign, entreated him to crown his goodness by aiding him in loading his ass with its burden. el hacchem, amused by the request, yielded to it, and attempted to raise the sack. scarcely able to move it, he let it fall again, and, laughing, complained of its enormous weight. "prince of believers!" said bechir then, with impressive gravity, "this sack, which thou findest so heavy, contains, nevertheless, but a small portion of the field thou hast usurped from one of thy subjects; how wilt thou sustain the weight {80} of this entire field when thou shalt appear in the presence of the great judge charged with this iniquity?" the caliph, struck with this address, embraced the cadi, thanked him, acknowledged his fault, and immediately restored to the poor woman the field of which she had been despoiled, together with the pavilion and everything it contained. the praise due to a despotic sovereign capable of such an action, is inferior only to that which should be accorded to the cadi who induced him to perform it. after reigning twelve years, el hakkam died, a.d. 976, heg. 366. his son hacchem succeeded him. this prince was an infant when he ascended the throne, and his intellectual immaturity continued through life. during and after his minority, a celebrated moor named mohammed almanzor, being invested with the important office of _hadjeb_, governed the state with wisdom and success. almanzor united to the talents of a statesman the genius of a great commander. he was the most formidable and fatal enemy with whom the christians had yet been obliged to contend. he {81} ruled the moorish empire twenty-six years under the name of the indolent hacchem. more than fifty different times he carried the terrors of war into castile or asturia: he took and sacked the cities of barcelona and leon, and advanced even to compostella, destroying its famous church and carrying the spoils to cordova. the genius and influence of mohammed temporarily restored the moors to their ancient strength and energy, and forced the whole peninsula to respect the rights of his feeble master, who, like another sardanapalus, dreamed away his life in the enjoyment of effeminate and debasing pleasures.[16] but this was the last ray of unclouded splendour that shone upon the empire of the ommiades in spain. the kings of leon and navarre, and the count of castile, united their forces for the purpose of opposing the redoubtable almanzor. the opposing armies met near medina-celi. the conflict was long and sanguinary, and the victory doubtful. the moors, after the termination of the combat, took to flight, terrified by the fearful loss they had sustained; and {82} almanzor, whom fifty years of uninterrupted military success had persuaded that he was invincible, died of grief at this first mortifying reverse. with this great man expired the good fortune of the saracens of spain. from the period of his death, the spaniards continued to increase their own prosperity by the gradual ruin of the moors. the sons of the hadjeb almanzor successively replaced their illustrious father; but, in inheriting his power, they did not inherit his talents. factions were again created. one of the relations of the caliph took up arms against him, and possessed himself of the person of the monarch, a.d. 1005, heg. 596; and, though the rebellious prince dared not sacrifice the life of hacchem, he imprisoned him, and spread a report of his death. this news reaching africa, an ommiade prince hastened thence to spain with an army, under pretext of avenging the death of hacchem. the count of castile formed an alliance with this stranger, and civil war was kindled in cordova. it soon spread throughout spain, and the christian princes availed themselves of its disastrous effects to repossess themselves of the cities of {83} which they had been deprived during the supremacy of almanzor. the imbecile hacchem, negotiating and trifling alike with all parties, was finally replaced on the throne, but was soon after forced again to renounce it to save his life. after this event a multitude of conspirators[17] were in turn proclaimed caliph, and in turn deposed, poisoned, or otherwise murdered. almundir, the last lingering branch of the race of the ommiades, was bold enough to claim the restoration of the rights of his family, even amid the tumult of conflicting parties. his friends represented to him the dangers he was about to encounter. "should i reign but one day," replied lie, "and expire on the next, i would not murmur at my fate!" but the desire of the prince, even to this extent, was not gratified; he was assassinated without obtaining possession of the caliphate. usurpers of momentary authority followed. jalmar-ben-mohammed was the last in order. his death terminated the empire of the caliphs {84} of the west, which had been possessed by the dynasty of the ommiades for the period of three centuries, a.d. 1027, heg. 416. with the extinction of this line of princes vanished the power and the glory of cordova. the governors of the different cities, who had hitherto been the vassals of the court of cordova, profiting by the anarchy that prevailed, erected themselves into independent sovereigns--that city was therefore no longer the capital of a kingdom, though it still retained the religious supremacy which it derived from its mosque. enfeebled by divisions and subjected to such diversity of rule, the mussulmans were no longer able successfully to resist the encroachments of the spaniards. the third epoch of their history, therefore, will present nothing but a narrative of their rapid decline. [1] see note a, page 208. [2] the dynasty of the ommiades, whose capital, as m. florian informs us, was damascus, is most familiarly known in history as that of the _caliphs of syria_; and the abbassides, who succeeded them upon the throne of islam, are usually designated as the _caliphs of bagdad_, which city they built, and there established the seat of their regal power and magnificence. it may be observed, in connexion with this subject, that though the authority of the caliphs of damascus continued to be disputed and resisted after the death of ali, yet with that event terminated the temporary division of the civil and sacerdotal power which had been at first occasioned by their usurpation of sovereignty. the political supremacy of the party of ali ceased with his existence, and the authority that had belonged to the immediate successors of mohammed long continued to centre in the family of the ommiade princes.--_trans_. [3] see note b, page 209. [4] a.d. 752, heg. 134. [5] see note c, page 209. [6] it was under the government of the abbassides that the empire of the east possessed that superiority in wealth, magnificence, and learning for which it was once so celebrated. under the sway of the caliphs of bagdad, the mohammedans became as much renowned for their attainments in the higher branches of science as in the elegant and useful arts. to them the civilized world is indebted for the revival of the exact and physical sciences, and the discovery or restoration of most of the arts that afterward lent such beneficial aid to the progress of european literature and refinement. the far-famed capital of the abbassides was adorned with every attraction that the most unbounded wealth could secure, or the most consummate art perfect. there taste and power had combined exquisite luxury with unparalleled splendour, and there all that imagination could suggest to fascinate the senses or enrapture the mind, was realized. these princes of islam, by their unbounded liberality, attracted the learning and genius of other countries to their brilliant court, several of them were the ardent lovers of science as well as the munificent patrons of its devotees. thus bagdad became the favoured and genial home of letters and the arts; and luxury and the pursuit of pleasure were ennobled by a graceful union with the more elevated enjoyments of cultivated intellect and refined taste. nor were these beneficent influences confined to the mohammedan court, or to the period of time when they were so powerfully exercised. the moslem sovereigns gave laws to a wide realm in arts as well as arms; and if the whole of europe did not acknowledge their political superiority, in the world of science their supremacy was everywhere undisputed. that, like the gradually enlarging circles made by a pebble thrown into calm water, continued to spread farther and farther, until it reached the most distant shores, and communicated a generous impulse to nations long sunk in intellectual night. * * * * * * * * such was the celebrated empire of the abbassides in its halcyon days of undiminished power--such the beautiful city of peace, the favoured home of imperial magnificence, ere the despoiling tartar had profaned its loveliness and destroyed its grandeur. yet, when we look beneath the brilliant exterior of these oriental scenes and characters, we discover, under the splendour and elegance by which the eyes of the world were so long dazzled, the corruption and licentiousness of a government containing within itself the seeds of its own insecurity and ultimate destruction. we behold the absence of all fixed principles of legislation; we frequently find absolute monarchs guided solely by passion or caprice in the administration of arbitrary laws, and swaying the destinies of a people who, as a whole, were far from deriving any substantial advantage from the wealth and greatness of their despotic rulers. we are thus led to observe the evils that necessarily result from a want of those principles of vital religion, without which mere human learning is so inadequate to discipline the passions or direct the reason, and of those just and equal laws, the supremacy of which can alone secure the happiness of a people or the permanency of political institutions.--_trans_. [7] see note d, page 212. [8] see note e, page 218. [9] see note f, page 313. [10] cardonne, in his history of spain. [11] this word signifies, in the arabic, _flower_, or _ornament of the world_. [12] see note g, page 213. [13] the _dinar_ is estimated by m. florian to be equal to at least _ten livres_. according to that computation, the aggregate cost of the palace and city of zahra would amount to considerably more than $14,000,000. _trans_. [14] see note h, page 214. [15] about $22,500,000. [16] see note i, page 214. [17] mahadi, suleiman, ali, abderamus iv., casim, jahiah, hacchem iii., mohammed, abderamus v., jahiah ii., hacchem iv., and jalmar-ben-mohammed. {85} third epoch. containing an account of the principal kingdoms that sprang from the ruins of the caliphate. _extending from the commencement of the eleventh to the middle of the thirteenth century._ at the commencement of the eleventh century, when the throne of cordova was daily stained by the blood of some new usurper, the governors of the different cities, as has been already remarked, had assumed the title of kings. toledo, saragossa, seville, valencia, lisbon, huesca, and several other places of inferior importance, each possessed independent sovereigns. the history of these numerous kingdoms would be nearly as fatiguing to the reader as to the writer. it presents, for the space of two hundred years, nothing but accounts of repeated massacres, of fortresses taken and retaken, of pillages and seditions, of occasional instances of heroic conduct, but far more numerous crimes. passing rapidly over two centuries of {86} misfortunes, let it suffice to contemplate the termination of these petty moorish sovereignties. christian spain, in the mean time, presented nearly the same picture as that exhibited by the portion of the peninsula still in possession of the mohammedans. the kings of leon, navarre, castile, and aragon were almost always relatives, and sometimes brothers; but they were not, for that reason, the less sanguinary in their designs towards each other. difference of religion did not prevent them from uniting with the moors, the more effectually to oppress other christians, or other moors with whom they chanced to be at enmity. thus, in a battle which occurred a.d. 1010 between two mussulman leaders, there were found among the slain a count of urgel and three bishops of catalonia.[1] and the king of leon, alphonso v., gave his sister theresa in marriage to abdalla, the moorish king of toledo, to convert him into an ally against castile. among the christians, as among the moors, crimes were multiplied; civil wars of both a local and general nature at the same time distracted spain, and the unhappy people expiated with {87} their property and their lives the iniquities of their rulers. while thus regarding a long succession of melancholy events, it is agreeable to find a king of toledo called almamon, and benabad, the mussulman king of seville, affording an asylum at their courts, the one to alphonso, the young king of leon, and the other to the unfortunate garcias, king of galicia, both of whom had been driven from their kingdoms by their brother sancho, of castile, a.d. 1071 heg. 465. sancho pursued his brothers as though they had been his most implacable enemies; and the moorish monarchs, the natural enemies of all the christians, received these two fugitive princes as brothers. almamon, especially, lavished the most affectionate attention upon the unfortunate alphonso: he endeavoured to entertain him at toledo with such varied pleasures as should banish regret for the loss of a throne: he gave him an income, and, in short, treated the prince as though he had been a near and beloved relative. when the death of the cruel sancho (a.d. 1072, heg. 466) had rendered alphonso king of leon and castile, the generous almamon, who now had the person of the king of his enemies in his {88} power, accompanied the prince to the frontiers of his kingdom, loaded him with presents and caresses, and, at parting, offered the free use of his troops and treasures to his late guest. while almamon lived, alphonso iv. never forgot his obligations to his benefactor. he maintained peace with him, aided him in his campaigns against the king of seville, and even entered into a treaty with hacchem, the son and successor of his ally. but, after a brief reign, hacchem left the throne of toledo to his youthful brother jahiah. that prince oppressed the christians, who were very numerous in his city; and they secretly implored alphonso to make war upon jahiah. the memory of almamon long caused the spanish monarch to hesitate in relation to this subject. gratitude impelled him not to listen to the suggestions of ambition and the prayers of his countrymen; but the arguments of gratitude proved the least strong, and alphonso encamped before toledo. after a long and celebrated siege, to which several french and other foreign warriors eagerly hastened, toledo finally capitulated, a.d. 1085, heg. 478. the conqueror allowed the sons of almamon {89} to go and reign at valencia, and engaged by an oath to preserve the mosques from destruction. he could not, however, prevent the christians from speedily violating this promise. such was the end of the moorish kingdom of toledo. this ancient capital of the goths had belonged to the arabs three hundred and eighty-two years. several other less important cities now submitted to the christian yoke. the kings of aragon and navarre, and the count of barcelona, incessantly harassed and besieged the petty mussulman princes who still remained in the north of spain. the attacks of the kings of castile and leon afforded sufficient occupation for those of the south, effectually to prevent their rendering any assistance to their brethren. above all, the cid, the famous cid, flew from one part of spain to another, at the head of the invincible band with whom his fame had surrounded him, everywhere achieving victories for the christians, and even lending the aid of his arms to the moors when they were internally divided, but always securing success to the party he favoured. this hero, one of the most truly admirable of those whom history has celebrated, since in his {90} character were united the most exalted virtue and the highest qualities of the soldier; this simple castilian cavalier, upon whom his reputation alone bestowed the control of armies, became master of several cities, assisted the king of aragon to seize upon huesca, and conquered the kingdom of valencia without any other assistance than that of his men-at-arms. equal in power with his sovereign, of whose treatment he frequently had reason to complain, and envied and persecuted by the jealous courtiers, the cid never forgot for a moment that he was the subject of the king of castile. banished from court, and even exiled from his estates, he hastened, with his brave companions, to attack and conquer the moors, and to send those of them whom he vanquished to render homage to the king who had deprived him of his rights. being soon recalled to the presence of alphonso, in consequence of the king's needing his military aid, the cid left the scenes of his martial triumphs, and, without demanding reparation for the injuries he had sustained, returned to defend his persecutors; ever ready, while in disgrace, to forget everything in the performance of his duty to his king, and equally ready, when enjoying {91} the favour of the sovereign, to displease him, if it should be necessary to do so, by advocating the cause of truth and justice.[2] while the prowess of the cid maintained the contest, the christians had the advantage; but a few years after his death, which occurred in the year 1099 and the 492d of the hegira, the moors of andalusia changed masters, and became, for a time, more formidable than ever to their spanish foes. after the fall of toledo, seville had increased in power. the sovereigns of that city were also masters of ancient cordova, and possessed, in addition, estremadura and a part of portugal. benabad, king of seville, one of the most estimable princes of his age, was now the only one of its enemies capable of disturbing the safety of castile. alphonso iv., desirous of allying himself with this powerful moor, demanded his daughter in marriage. his proposal was acceded to, and the castilian monarch received several towns as the dowry of the moorish princess; but this extraordinary union, which seemed to ensure peace between the two nations, nevertheless soon became either the cause or the pretext of renewed contests. {92} africa, after having been separated from the vast empire of the caliphs of the east by the fatimite caliphs, and being, during three centuries of civil war, the prey of a succession of conquerors more ferocious and sanguinary than the lions of their deserts,[3] was now subjected to the family of the _almoravides_, a powerful tribe of egyptian origin. joseph-ben-tessefin, the second prince of this dynasty, founded the kingdom and city of morocco. endowed with some warlike talents, proud of his power, and burning to augment it, joseph regarded with a covetous eye the beautiful european provinces which had formerly been conquered by the mussulmans of africa. some historians assert that the king of castile, alphonso iv., and his father-in-law benabad, king of seville, having formed the project of dividing spain between them, committed the capital error of summoning the moors of africa to their assistance in this grand design. but others, founding their assertions upon more plausible reasoning, say that the petty mussulman kings, who were the neighbours or tributaries of benabad, justly alarmed at his alliance with a {93} christian king, solicited the support of the almoravide. but, be that as it may, the ambitious joseph eagerly availed himself of the fortunate pretext presented by the invitation he had received, and crossed the mediterranean at the head of an army. he hastened to attack alphonso, and succeeded in overcoming him in a battle that took place between them, a.d. 1097, heg. 490. then turning his arms against benabad, joseph took cordova, besieged seville, and was preparing for the assault of that city, when the virtuous benabad, sacrificing his crown and even his liberty to save his subjects from the horrors that threatened them, delivered himself up, together with his family of a hundred children, to the disposal of the almoravide. the barbarous african, dreading the influence of a monarch whose virtues had rendered him so justly dear to his people, sent him to end his days in an african prison, where his daughters were obliged to support their father and brothers by the labour of their hands. the unfortunate benabad lived six years after the commencement of his imprisonment, regretting his lost throne only for the sake of his {94} people, and beguiling the period of his protracted leisure by the composition of several poems which are still in existence. in them he attempts to console his daughters under their heavy afflictions, recalls the remembrance of his vanished greatness, and offers himself as a warning and example to kings who shall presume to trust too confidently to the unchanging continuance of the favours of fortune. joseph-ben-tessefin, after he had thus become master of seville and cordova, soon succeeded in subjugating the other petty mussulman states; and the moors, united under a single monarch as powerful as joseph, threatened again to occupy the important position they had sustained during the supremacy of their caliphs. the spanish princes, alarmed at this prospect, suspended their individual quarrels, and joined alphonso in resisting the africans. at this particular juncture, a fanatical love of religion and glory induced many european warriors to take up arms against the infidels. raymond of bourgogne, and his kinsman henry, both french princes of the blood, raymond of saint-gilles, count of toulouse, with some other cavaliers from among their vassals, crossed the {95} pyrenees with their retainers, and fought under the banners of the king of castile. thus assisted, that sovereign put the egyptian commander to flight, and compelled him, soon afterward, to recross the mediterranean. the grateful alphonso gave his daughters as a recompense to the distinguished frenchmen who had lent him the aid of their arms. the eldest, urraca, espoused raymond of bourgogne, and their son afterward inherited the kingdom of castile. theresa became the wife of henry, and brought him as a dowry all the land he had thus far conquered or should hereafter conquer in portugal: from thence originated that kingdom. elvira was given to raymond, count of toulouse, who carried her with him to the holy land, where he gained some possessions by his valour. excited by these illustrious examples, other french cavaliers resorted soon after to the standard of the king of _aragon_, alphonso i., who made himself master of saragossa, and for ever destroyed that ancient kingdom of the moors, a.d. 1118, heg. 512. the son of henry of bourgogne, alphonso i. king of portugal, a prince renowned for his {96} bravery, availed himself of the presence of a combined fleet of english, flemings, and germans, who had anchored in the harbour of that city on their way to the holy land, to lay siege to lisbon. he carried that place by assault, in spite of its great strength, and made it the capital of his kingdom, a.d. 1147, heg. 541. during this period the kings of castile and navarre were extending their conquests in andalusia. the moors were attacked on all sides, and their cities were everywhere compelled to surrender, now that they were no longer materially aided by the almoravides. those african princes were at this time sufficiently occupied at home in opposing some new sectaries, the principal of whom, under pretext of reinitiating the people in a knowledge of the pure doctrines of mohammed, opened for themselves a path to the throne, and, after many struggles, ended by effectually driving the family of the almoravides from its possession. the new conquerors, becoming by these means masters of morocco and fez, destroyed, according to the african custom, every individual of the supplanted race, and founded a new dynasty, which is known under {97} the name of the _almohades_, a.d. 1149, heg. 543. in the midst of these divisions, these wars and combats, the fine arts still continued to be cultivated at cordova. and though they were no longer in the flourishing condition in which they were maintained during the reigns of the several caliphs who bore the cherished name of abderamus, yet the schools of philosophy, poetry, and medicine had continued to exist. these schools produced, in the twelfth century, several distinguished men, among the most celebrated of whom were the learned abenzoar and the famous averroes. the former, equally profound in medicine, pharmacy, and surgery, lived, it is said, to the age of one hundred and thirty-five years. some estimable works which he produced are still extant. averroes was also a physician, but he was more of a philosopher, poet, lawyer, and commentator. he acquired a reputation so profound, that passing centuries have only served more firmly to establish it. the disposition made by this remarkable man of his time during the different periods of his existence, will illustrate his mental character. in his youth he was the passionate votary of {98} pleasure and poetry: in more mature age he burned the verses he had previously composed, studied the principles of legislation, and discharged the duties of a judicial officer: having advanced still farther in life, he abandoned these occupations for the pursuit of medicine, in which he attained very great eminence: at last philosophy alone supplied the place of every earlier taste, and wholly engrossed his attention for the remainder of his life. it was averroes who first created among the moors a taste for greek literature. he translated the works of aristotle into arabic, and wrote commentaries upon them. he also published several other works upon philosophy and medicine, and possessed the united glory of having both enlightened and benefited mankind.[4] as africa, distracted by the long war of the almoravides and the almohades, was unable to offer any opposition to the progress of the christians in spain, these last, availing themselves of this condition of affairs, continued to extend their conquests in andalusia. if the spanish princes had been less disunited, and had acted in concert against the infidels, they would have been able {99} at this period to deprive the mussulmans of their entire dominions in the peninsula. but these ever-contending princes had no sooner taken a moorish city than they began to dispute among themselves about its possession. the newly-created kingdom of portugal, established by the military powers of alphonso, was soon at war with that of leon.[5] aragon and castile, after many bloody quarrels, united in a league against navarre. sancho viii., the sovereign of that little state, was forced to resort to africa for assistance, and implore the aid of the almohades. but they, being but recently established on the throne of morocco, were still employed in exterminating the dismembered fragments of the party of the almoravides, and could not, in spite of their eager desire to do so, establish any claim to their assumed rights in spain. nevertheless, two kings of the race of the almohades, both named joseph, passed the mediterranean more than once with numerous armies. the one was successfully opposed by the portuguese, and did not survive his final defeat; the other was more fortunate, and succeeded in vanquishing the castilians, but {100} was soon after obliged to accept a truce and return in haste to morocco, to which new disturbances recalled him, a.d. 1195, heg. 591. but these useless victories, these ill-sustained efforts, did not permanently disable either the mussulmans or the christians. on both sides, the vanquished parties soon re-entered the field, in utter neglect of the treaties into which they might ever so recently have entered. the sovereigns of morocco, though regarded as the kings of andalusia, nevertheless possessed only a precarious authority in that country, which was always disputed when they were absent, and acknowledged only when necessity forced the mussulman inhabitants to have recourse to their protection. at last mohammed _el nazir_, the fourth prince of the dynasty of the almohades, to whom the spaniards gave the name of the green, from the colour of his turban, finding himself in quiet possession of the moorish empire of africa, resolved to assemble all his forces, to lead them into spain, and to renew in that country the ancient conquests of tarik and moussa. a holy war was proclaimed, a.d. 1211, heg. 608, and an innumerable army {101} crowded around the ensigns of mohammed, left the shores of africa under the guidance of that monarch, and safely arrived in andalusia. there their numbers were nearly doubled by the spanish moors, whom hatred to the very name of christian, arising from the vivid remembrance of accumulated injuries, induced to join the bands of el nazir. the sanguine mohammed promised an easy triumph to his followers, together with the certainty of rendering themselves masters of all that their ancestors had formerly possessed; and, burning to commence the contest, he immediately advanced towards castile at the head of his formidable army, which, according to the reports of historians, amounted to more than six hundred thousand men. the king of castile, alphonso the noble, informed of the warlike preparations of the king of morocco, implored the assistance of the christian princes of europe. pope innocent iii. proclaimed a crusade and granted indulgences most lavishly. rodrique, archbishop of toledo, made in person a voyage to rome, to solicit the aid of the sovereign pontiff; and, returning homeward through france, preached to the people {102} on his route, and induced many cavaliers to proceed at the head of bands of recruits to spain, and join the opponents of the mussulmans. the general rendezvous was at toledo, at which point there were soon collected more than sixty thousand crusaders from italy and france, who united themselves with the soldiers of castile. the king of aragon, peter ii., the same who afterward perished in the war of the albigense, led his valiant army to the place of meeting, and sancho viii., king of navarre, was not backward in presenting himself at the head of his brave subjects. the portuguese had recently lost their king, but they despatched their best warriors to toledo. in short, all spain flew to arms. there was general union for the promotion of mutual safety; for never, since the time of king rodrique, had the christians been placed in such imminent danger. it was at the foot of the sierra morena, at a place named _las navas de toloza_, that the three spanish princes encountered the moors, a.d. 1212, heg. 609. mohammed el nazir had taken possession of the mountain gorges through which it had been the intention of the christians to approach {103} his camp. the adroit african thus designed, either to force his opponents to turn back, which would expose them to the danger of a failure of provisions, or to overwhelm them in the pass if they should attempt to enter it. upon discovering this circumstance, a council was called by the embarrassed christian leaders. alphonso was desirous of attempting the passage, but the kings of navarre and aragon advised a retreat. in the midst of this dilemma, a shepherd presented himself before them, and offered to conduct them through a defile of the mountain, with which he was familiar. this proposal, which was the salvation of their army, was eagerly accepted, and the shepherd guided the catholic sovereigns through difficult paths and across rocks and torrents, until, with their followers, they finally succeeded in attaining the summit of the mountain. there, suddenly presenting themselves before the eyes of the astonished moors, they were engaged for the space of two days in preparing themselves for the conflict, by prayer, confession, and the solemn reception of the holy sacrament their leaders set an example to the soldiers in this zealous devotion; and the prelates and {104} ecclesiastics, of whom there were a great number in the camp, after having absolved these devout warriors, prepared to accompany them into the midst of the conflict. upon the third day, the sixteenth of july, in the year twelve hundred and twelve, the christian army was drawn up in battle array. the troops were formed into three divisions, each commanded by a king. alphonso was in the centre, at the head of his castilians and the chevaliers of the newly-instituted orders of saint james and calatrava; rodrique, archbishop of toledo, the eyewitness and historian of this great battle, advanced by the side of alphonso, preceded by a large cross, the principal ensign of the army; sancho and his navarrois formed the right, while peter and his subjects occupied the left. the french crusaders, now reduced to a small number by the desertion of many of their companions, who had been unable to endure the scorching heat of the climate, marched in the van of the other troops, under the command of arnault, archbishop of narbonne. thus disposed, the christians descended towards the valley which separated them from their enemies. {105} the moors, according to their ancient custom, everywhere displayed their innumerable soldiers, without order or arrangement. an admirable cavalry, to the number of a hundred thousand men, composed their principal strength: the rest of their army was made up of a crowd of ill-armed and imperfectly trained foot-soldiers. mohammed, stationed on a height, from which he could command a view of his whole army, was encompassed by a defence made of chains of iron, guarded by the choicest of his cavaliers on foot. standing in the midst of this enclosure, with the koran in one hand and an unsheathed sabre in the other, the saracen commander was visible to all his troops, of whom the bravest squadrons occupied the four sides of the hill. the castilians directed their first efforts towards this elevation. at first they drove back the moors, but, repulsed in their turn, they recoiled in disorder and began to retreat. alphonso flew here and there, attempting to rally their broken ranks, "archbishop," said he to the prelate who everywhere accompanied him, preceded by the grand standard of the cross, "archbishop, here are we destined to die!" "not {106} so, sire," replied the ecclesiastic; "we are destined here to live and conquer!" at that moment the brave canon who carried the chief ensign threw himself with it into the midst of the infidels; the prelate and the king followed him, and the castilian soldiers rushed forward to protect their sovereign and their sacred standard. the already victorious kings of aragon and navarre now advanced at the head of their wings to unite in the attack upon the height. the moors were assaulted at all points: they bravely resisted their opponents; but the christians crowded upon them--the aragonais, the navarrois, and the castilians endeavouring mutually to surpass each other in courage and daring. the brave king of navarre, making a path for himself through the midst of its defenders, reached the enclosure, and struck and broke the chains by which the moorish commander was surrounded.[6] mohammed took to flight on beholding this catastrophe; and his soldiers, no longer beholding their king, lost both hope and courage. they gave way in all directions, and fled before the christians. thousands of the mussulmans fell beneath the {107} weapons of their pursuers, while the archbishop of toledo, with the other ecclesiastics, surrounding the victorious sovereigns, chanted a _te deum_ on the field of battle. thus was gained the famous battle of toloza, of which some details have been given in consequence of its great importance, and in illustration of the military tactics of the moors. with them the arts of war consisted solely in mingling with the enemy, and fighting, each one for himself, until either the strongest or the bravest of the two parties remained masters of the field. the spaniards possessed but little more military skill than their moslem neighbours; but their infantry, at least, could attack and resist in mass, while the discipline of that of the saracens amounted to scarcely anything. on the other hand, again, the cavalry of the moors was admirably trained. the cavaliers who composed it belonged to the principal families in the kingdom, and possessed excellent horses, in the art of managing which they had been trained from childhood. their mode of combat was to rush forward with the rapidity of light, strike with the sabre or the lance, fly away as quickly, and then wheel suddenly and return again to the {108} encounter. thus they often succeeded in recalling victory to their standard when she seemed just about to desert them. the christians, covered as they were with iron, had in some respects the advantage of these knights, whose persons were protected only by a breastplate and headpiece of steel. the moorish foot-soldiers were nearly naked, and armed only with a wretched pike. it is easy to perceive that, when involved in the _mêlée_, and, above all, during a route, vast numbers of them must have perished. this, too, renders less incredible the seemingly extravagant accounts given by historians of their losses in the field. they assert, for example, that, at the battle of toloza, the christians killed two hundred thousand moors, while they lost themselves but fifteen hundred soldiers. even when these assertions are estimated at their true value, it remains certain that the infidels sustained an immense loss; and this important defeat, which is still celebrated yearly at toledo by a solemn fête, long deprived the kings of morocco of all hope of subjugating the spaniards. the victory of toloza was followed by more fatal consequences to the unfortunate mohammed than to the moors of andalusia; for the {109} latter retired to their cities, defended them by means of the remains of the african army, and successfully resisted the spanish princes, who succeeded in taking but few of their strong places, and, speedily dissolving their league, separated for their respective kingdoms. but mohammed, despised by his subjects after his defeat, and assailed by the treachery of his nearest relations, lost all authority in spain, and beheld the principal moors, whom he had now no power to control, again forming little states, the independence of which they were prepared to assert by force of arms.[7] the discomfited el nazir consequently returned to africa, where he soon after died of chagrin. with mohammed the green vanished the good fortune of the almohades. the princes of that house, who followed el nazir in rapid succession, purchased their royal prerogatives at the expense of continual unhappiness and danger, and were finally driven from the throne. the empire of morocco was then divided, and three new dynasties were established; that of fez, of tunis, and of tremecen. these three powerful and rival sovereignties greatly multiplied the {110} conflicts, crimes, and atrocities, the narration of which alone constitutes the history of africa. about this period some dissensions arose in castile, which, together with the part assumed by the king of aragon in the war of the albigense in france, allowed the moors time to breathe. the moslems were still masters of the kingdoms of valencia, murcia, grenada, and andalusia, with part of algarva and the balearic isles, which last, until that time, had continued to be but little known to the christians of the continent. these states were divided between several sovereigns, the principal of whom was benhoud, a descendant of the ancient kings of saragossa, a sagacious monarch and a great commander, who by his genius and courage had obtained dominion over all the southeastern part of spain. next to benhoud in rank, the most important of these mohammedan princes were the kings of seville and valentia. the barbarian who reigned at majorca was a mere piratical chief, whose enmity was formidable only to the inhabitants of the neighbouring coast of catalonia. such was the condition of moorish spain, {111} when two young heroes seated themselves, nearly at the same time, on the thrones of the two principal christian states; and, after having allayed the commotions created during the period of their minority, directed their concentrated efforts against the mussulmans, a.d. 1224, heg. 621. these princes, who were mutually desirous to emulate each other in fame, but were never rivals in interest, both consecrated their lives to the extirpation of the inflexible enemies of their native land. one of these sovereigns was jacques i., king of aragon (a son of the peter of aragon who distinguished himself on the field of toloza), who united to the courage, grace, and energy of his father, a greater degree of genius and success than fell to the lot of that sovereign. the other was ferdinand iii., king of castile and leon, a discerning, courageous, and enterprising monarch, whom the romish church has numbered with its saints, and history ranks among its great men. this prince was the nephew of blanche of castile, queen of france, and cousin-german of st. lewis,[8] whom he nearly resembled in his {112} piety, his bravery, and the wise laws he framed for the benefit of his subjects. ferdinand carried his arms first into andalusia. when he entered the territories of the infidels, he received the homage of several moorish princes, who came to acknowledge themselves his vassals. as he proceeded, he seized upon a great number of places, and, among others, the town of alhambra, whose frightened inhabitants retired to grenada, and established themselves in a portion of that city, which thus obtained the name by which it was afterward so much celebrated. jacques of aragon, on his part, set sail with an army for the balearic isles. though impeded in his progress by contrary winds, he succeeded at last in reaching majorca, on the shore of which island he defeated the moorish force that attempted to oppose his landing, and then marched towards their capital and laid siege to it. the chivalrous jacques, who, when danger was to be encountered, always took precedence of even his bravest officers and most daring soldiers, was, as usual, the first to mount the walls in the assault upon this city. it was carried, {113} notwithstanding its great strength, the mussulman king driven from the throne, and this new crown permanently incorporated with that of aragon, a.d. 1229, heg. 627. jacques had long been meditating a most important conquest. valencia, after the death of the cid, had again fallen into the hands of the moors. this beautiful and fertile province, where nature seemed to delight herself by covering anew with fruit and flowers the soil that man had so often deluged with blood, was now under the dominion of zeith, a brother of mohammed el nazir, the african king who was vanquished at toloza by the christians. a powerful faction, inimical to the power of zeith, wished to place upon the throne a prince named zean. the two competitors appealed to arms to decide their respective claims. the king of aragon espoused the cause of zeith, and, under pretext of marching to his assistance, advanced into the kingdom of valencia, several times defeated zean, seized upon his strong places, and, with the active intrepidity that rendered him so formidable a foe, invested the capital of his enemy, a.d. 1234, heg. 632. thus pressed by the sovereign of aragon, {114} zean implored the aid of benhoud, the most puissant of the kings of andalusia. but benhoud was at this time occupied in resisting the encroachments of ferdinand. the castilians, under the conduct of that valiant prince, had made new progress against the moors. after possessing themselves of a great number of other cities, they had now laid siege to ancient cordova. benhoud had been often vanquished, but always retained the affections of a people who regarded him as their last support. he had again collected an army, and, though possessed with an equally earnest desire to relieve both cordova and valencia, was about to march towards the latter, from a belief that he was most likely to be there successful, when his life was treacherously terminated by one of his lieutenants. the catholic kings were by this means delivered from the opposition of the only man who was capable of impeding the accomplishment of their wishes. the death of benhoud deprived the inhabitants of cordova of all courage and hope. until then they had defended themselves with {115} equal courage and constancy; but they offered to capitulate upon receiving intelligence of this disastrous event.[9] the christians made the most rigorous use of their victory, granting only life and liberty of departure to the unfortunate disciples of the prophet. an innumerable host of these wretched people came forth from their former homes, weeping, and despoiled of all their possessions. slowly they left the superb city which had been for more than five hundred and twenty years the principal seat of their national greatness, their luxurious magnificence, their cherished religion, and their favourite literature and fine arts. often did these desolate exiles pause on their way, and turn their despairing eyes once again towards the towering palaces, the splendid temples, the beautiful gardens, that five centuries of lavish expense and toilsome effort had served to adorn and perfect, only to become the spoil of the enemies of their faith and their race. the catholic soldiers who were now the occupants of these enchanting abodes, were so far from appreciating their loveliness and value, {116} that they preferred rather to destroy than inhabit them; and ferdinand soon found himself the possessor of a deserted city. he was therefore compelled to attract inhabitants to cordova from other parts of his dominions, by the offer of extraordinary immunities. but, notwithstanding the privileges thus accorded them, the spaniards murmured at leaving their arid rocks and barren fields, to dwell in the palaces of caliphs and amid nature's most luxuriant scenes. the grand mosque of abderamus was converted into a cathedral, and cordova became the residence of a bishop and canons, but it was never restored to the faintest shadow of its former splendour. not long after the fall of cordova, valencia also submitted to the christian yoke. zean, besides being assailed externally by the force of the intrepid jacques, had, in addition, to oppose within his walls the faction of zeith, whom he had dethroned. the king of tunis, too, had been unsuccessful in an attempt to send a fleet to the relief of valencia: it at once took to flight on the appearance of the vessels of jacques. abandoned by the whole world, disheartened by the fate of cordova, and betrayed {117} by the party of his competitor, zean offered to become the vassal of the crown of aragon, and to pay a tribute in acknowledgment of his vassalage; but the christian monarch was inflexible, and would accede to no terms that did not include a stipulation to surrender the city. fifty thousand moors, bearing their treasures with them, accompanied the departure of their sovereign from valencia. jacques had pledged his royal word to protect the rich booty which they so highly valued from the cupidity of his soldiers, and he faithfully performed his promise. after the destruction of the two powerful kingdoms of andalusia and valencia, there seemed to exist no moorish power capable of arresting the progress of the spanish arms. that of seville, which alone remained, was already menaced by the victorious ferdinand. but, just at this period, a new state rose suddenly into importance, which maintained a high degree of celebrity for two hundred years, and long prevented the final ruin of the moors. [1] see note a, page 216. [2] see note b, page 216. [3] see note c, page 218. [4] see note d, page 220. [5] a.d. 1178. [6] see note e, page 221. [7] a.d. 1213, heg. 610. [8] see note f, page 231. [9] a.d. 1236, heg. 634. {118} fourth epoch. the kings of grenada. _extending from the middle of the thirteenth century to the period of the total expulsion of the moors from spain, a.d. 1493._ the unprecedented success of the spaniards, and, above all, the loss of cordova, spread consternation among the moors. that ardent and superstitious people, who were ever equally ready to cherish delusive hopes, and to yield to despondency when those anticipations were disappointed, looked upon their empire as ruined the moment the christian cross surmounted the pinnacle of their grand mosque, and the banner of castile waved over the walls of their ancient capital--those walls on which the standards of the caliphs of the west and of their prophet had for centuries floated in triumph. notwithstanding this national dejection, however, seville, grenada, murcia, and the kingdom of algarva still belonged to the mussulmans. they possessed all the seaports, and the {119} whole maritime coast of the south of spain. their enormous population, and great national wealth and industry, also secured to them immense resources; but cordova, the holy city, the rival of mecca in the west--cordova was in the possession of the christians, and the moors believed that all was lost. but the hopes of these despairing followers of islam were rekindled by the almost magical influence of a single individual, a scion of the tribe of the _alhamars_, named mohammed aboussaid, who came originally from the celebrated arabian city of couffa. several historians, who speak of mohammed under the title of _mohammed alhamar_, assure us that he commenced his career as a simple shepherd, and that, having afterward borne arms, he aspired to the attainment of royal power in consequence of his martial exploits. such an incident is not extraordinary among the arabs, where all who are not descended either from the family of the prophet or from the royal race, possessing none of the privileges of birth, are esteemed solely according to their personal merits. but, be that as it may, mohammed aboussaid {120} possessed sufficient intellectual powers to reanimate the expiring courage of the vanquished moslems. he assembled an army in the city of arjona, and, well knowing the peculiar character of the nation that he wished to control, proceeded to gain over to his interests a _santon_, a species of religious character highly venerated among the moors. this oracular individual publicly predicted to the people of algarva that mohammed alhamar was destined speedily to become their king. accordingly, he was soon proclaimed by the inhabitants, and several other cities followed the example thus set them. mohammed now filled the place of benhoud, to whom he possessed similar talents for government; and, feeling the necessity of selecting a city to replace cordova in the affections of the moors, to become the sacred asylum of their religion, and the centring point for their military strength, he founded a new kingdom, and made the city of grenada its capital, a.d. 1236, heg. 634. this city, powerful from the remotest times, and supposed to be the ancient illiberis of the romans, was built upon two hills, not far distant from the sierra nevada, a chain of {121} mountains whose summits are covered with perpetual snow. the town was traversed by the river darra, and the waters of the xenil bathed its walls. each of the two hills was crowned by a fortress: on the one was that of the alhambra, and on the other that of the albayzin. these strongholds were either of them sufficient in extent to accommodate forty thousand men within their walls. the fugitives from the city of alhambra, as has already been stated, had given the name of their former home to the new quarter that they peopled; and the moors who had been driven from baeca when ferdinand iii. became master of that place, had established themselves, in a similar manner, in the quarter of the albayzin. this city had also received many exiles from valencia, cordova, and other places which the mussulmans had deserted. with a population whose numbers were daily augmented, grenada, at the period of which we now speak, was more than three leagues in circuit, surrounded by impregnable ramparts; defended by many strong towers, and by a brave and numerous people, whose military prowess seemed to ensure their safety and independence. {122} various were the advantages that combined in giving to grenada the supremacy she had assumed. her location was one of the most agreeable and beautiful in the world, and rendered her mistress of a country on which nature had lavished her choicest gifts. the famous _vega_, or plain, by which the city was surrounded, was thirty leagues in length and eight in breadth. it was terminated on the north by the mountains of elvira and the sierra nevada, and enclosed on the remaining sides by hills clothed with the verdure of the olive, the mulberry, the lemon, and the vine. this enchanting plain was watered by five small rivers[1] and an infinite number of gushing springs, whose streams wandered in graceful meanderings through meadows of perpetual verdure, through forests of oak and plantations of grain, flax, and sugar-cane, or burst forth in the midst of gardens, and orchards, and orange-groves. all the rich, and beautiful, and varied productions of the soil required but little attention in their culture. the earth was continually {123} covered with vegetation, in myriads of changing forms, and never knew the repose of winter. during the heat of summer, the mountain breezes spread a refreshing coolness through the air of this lovely vega, and preserved the early brilliancy and beauty of the flowers, that were ever mingled in delightful confusion with the varied fruits of a tropical region. on this celebrated plain, whose charms no description can embellish; on this enchanting vega, where nature seemed to have exhausted her efforts in lavishing all that the heart of man could desire or his imagination conceive, more blood has been shed than on any other spot in the world. there--where, during two centuries of unceasing warfare, whose baleful effects extended from generation to generation, from city to city, and from man to man--there does not exist a single isolated portion of earth where the trees have not been wantonly destroyed, the villages reduced to ashes, and the desolated fields strewn with the mingled corses of slaughtered moors and christians. independent of this _vega_, which was of such inestimable value to grenada, fourteen great cities and more than one hundred of smaller {124} size, together with a prodigious number of towns, were embraced within the boundaries of this fine kingdom. the extent of grenada, from gibraltar (which was not taken by the christians until long after this period) to the city of lorca, was more than eighty leagues. it was thirty leagues in breadth from cambril to the mediterranean. the mountain, by which the kingdom of grenada was intersected, produced gold, silver, granite, amethysts, and various kinds of marble. among these mountains, those of the alpuxaries alone formed a province, and yielded the monarch of grenada more precious treasures than their mines could furnish--active and athletic men, who became either hardy and industrious husbandmen, or faithful and indefatigable soldiers. in addition to all this, the ports of almeria, malaga, and algeziras received into their harbours the vessels of both europe and africa, and became places of deposite for the commerce of the mediterranean and the atlantic. such, at its birth, was the kingdom of grenada, and such it long continued. mohammed alhamar, from the period of its establishment, {125} made useless efforts to unite all the remaining dominions of the mussulmans of spain under one sceptre, as the only means of successfully resisting the encroachments of the christians. but the little kingdom of murcia and that of algarva were each governed by separate princes, who persisted in maintaining their independence. this was the cause of their ruin, for they thus became more readily the prey of the spaniards. alhamar signalized the commencement of his reign by military achievements. in the year 1242, heg. 640, he gained some important advantages over the troops of ferdinand. but repeated revolts in the capital and disturbances in other parts of his new empire, eventually compelled mohammed to conclude a dishonourable peace with the king of castile. he agreed to do homage for his crown to the castilian sovereign, to put the strong place of jaen into his hands, to pay him a tribute, and to furnish him with auxiliary troops for any wars in which he should engage. on these conditions ferdinand acknowledged him king of grenada, and even aided him in subduing his rebellious subjects. the sagacious ferdinand thus established a {126} truce with grenada, that he might the more effectually concentrate his forces against seville, which he had long entertained hopes of conquering. the important city of seville was no longer under the dominion of a king, but formed a kind of republic, governed by military magistrates. its situation at no great distance from the mouth of the guadalquivir, its commerce, its population, the mildness of the climate, and the fertility of the environs, rendered seville one of the most flourishing cities of spain. ferdinand, foreseeing a long resistance, commenced the campaign by seizing upon all the neighbouring towns. finally, he laid siege to seville itself, and his fleet, stationed at the mouth of the guadalquivir, closed the door to any assistance which might be sent from africa in aid of the beleaguered city. the siege was long and bloody. the sevillians were numerous and well skilled in the arts of war, and their ally, the king of algarva, harassed the besiegers unceasingly. notwithstanding the extreme bravery displayed by the christians in their assaults, and the scarcity of {127} provisions which began to be felt within the walls, the city, after an investment of a whole year, still refused to surrender. ferdinand then summoned the king of grenada to come, in accordance with their treaty, and serve under his banners. alhamar was forced to obey, and soon presented himself in the christian camp at the head of a brilliant army. the inhabitants of seville lost all hope after this occurrence, and surrendered to the castilian monarch. the king of grenada returned to his own dominions with the humiliating glory of having contributed, by his assistance, to the ruin of his countrymen. ferdinand, with more piety than policy, banished the infidels from seville. one hundred thousand of that unfortunate people left the city, to seek an exile's home in africa or in the provinces of grenada. the kingdom of grenada now became the sole and last asylum of the spanish moslems. the little kingdom of algarva was soon obliged to receive the yoke of portugal, and murcia, in consequence of its separation from grenada, became the prey of the castilians. {128} during the life of ferdinand iii., nothing occurred to interrupt the good understanding that existed between that monarch and mohammed alhamar. the king of grenada wisely took advantage of this peaceful period more effectually to confirm himself in the possession of his crown, and to make preparations for a renewal of hostilities against the christians, who would not, he foresaw, long remain his friends. mohammed, by this means, ultimately found himself in a condition that would enable him long to defend his power and dominions. he was master of a country of great extent, and he possessed considerable revenues, the amount of which it is now difficult correctly to estimate, in consequence of the ignorance which prevails on the subject of the peculiar financial system of the moors, and the different sources from which the public treasury was supplied. every husbandman, for example, paid the seventh part of the produce of his fields to his sovereign; his flocks even were not exempted from this exaction. the royal domain comprised numerous valuable farms; and, as agriculture was carried to the highest degree of perfection, the revenues from {129} these, in so luxuriant a country, must have amounted to a very large sum. the annual income of the sovereign was augmented by various taxes levied on the sale, marking, and passage from one point to another of all kinds of cattle. the laws bestowed on the king the inheritance of such of his subjects as died childless, and gave him, in addition, a portion in the estates of other deceased persons. he also possessed, as has been already shown, mines of gold, silver, and precious stones; and though the moors were but little skilled in the art of mining, still there was no country in europe in which gold and silver were more common than among them. the commerce carried on in their beautiful silks, and in a great variety of other productions; their contiguity to the mediterranean and atlantic; their activity, industry, and astonishing population; their superior knowledge of the science of agriculture; the sobriety natural to all the inhabitants of spain; and that peculiar property of a southern climate, by which much is produced from the soil, while very little suffices for the maintenance of its possessor; all these, united with their other national {130} advantages, will furnish some idea of the great power and resources of this singular people. their standing military force--it can scarcely be said in times of peace, for they rarely knew the blessings of that state--amounted to nearly a hundred thousand men; and this army, in case of necessity, could easily be increased to double that number. the single city of grenada could furnish fifty thousand soldiers. indeed, every moor would readily become a soldier to oppose the christians. the difference of faith rendered these wars sacred in their eyes; and the mutual hatred entertained by these two almost equally superstitious nations never failed to arm, when necessary, every individual of both sides, even from children to old men. independent of the numerous and brave, but ill-disciplined troops, who would assemble for a campaign, and afterward return to their homes without occasioning any expense to the state, the moorish monarch maintained a considerable corps of cavaliers, who were dispersed along the frontiers, particularly in the directions of murcia and jaen, those parts of the country being most exposed to the repeated incursions of the spaniards. upon each of these cavaliers the king {131} bestowed for life a small habitation, with sufficient adjoining ground for his own maintenance, and that of his family and horse. this method of keeping soldiers in service, while it occasioned no expense to the public treasury, served to attach them more firmly to their country, by identifying their interests with hers; and it held out to them the strongest motives faithfully to defend their charge, inasmuch as their patrimony was always first exposed to the ravages of the enemy. at a time when the art of war had not reached the perfection it has now attained, and when large bodies of troops were not kept continually assembled and exercised, the system of stationing this peculiar guard along the frontiers was of admirable effect. the knights who composed this unrivalled cavalry were mounted on african or andalusian chargers, whose merits in the field are so well-known, and were accustomed from infancy to their management; treating them with the tenderest care, and regarding them as their inseparable companions: by these means they acquired that remarkable superiority for which the moorish cavalry is still so celebrated. {132} these redoubtable squadrons, whose velocity of movement was unequalled; who would, almost at the same moment, charge in mass, break into detached troops, scatter, rally, fly off, and again form in line; these cavaliers, whose voice, whose slightest gesture, whose very thoughts, so to speak, were intelligible to their docile and sagacious steeds, and who were able to recover a lance or sabre that had fallen to the earth while in full gallop, constituted the principal military force of the moors. their infantry was of little value; and their ill-fortified towns, surrounded only by walls and moats, and defended by this worthless infantry, could offer but an imperfect resistance to that of the spaniards, which began already to deserve the reputation it afterward so well sustained in italy, under gonzalvo, the great captain. after the death of st. ferdinand, his son alphonso the sage[2] mounted the throne, a.d. 1252, heg. 650. the first care of mohammed alhamar after this event was to go in person to toledo, followed by a brilliant retinue, to renew the treaty of alliance, or, rather, of dependance, by which he was united to ferdinand. {133} the new king of castile remitted on this occasion a part of the tribute to which the moors had been subjected. but this peace was not of long continuance; and the two contending nations now recommenced the war with nearly equal advantages. an incident is related as having occurred during this war, which reflects equal honour on the humanity of the moors and the courage of the spaniards. it refers to garcias gomes, governor of the city of xeres. he was besieged by the grenadians, and his garrison nearly destroyed, but still he refused to surrender; and, standing on the ramparts covered with blood, and literally bristling with arrows, he sustained alone the onset of the assailants. the moors, on seeing him in this situation, agreed, with one accord, to spare the life of so brave a man. garcias then threw himself from the walls upon some iron hooks; but he was rescued alive in spite of his efforts to prevent it, treated with respect by his captors, and, after his wounds were healed, dismissed with presents. alhamar could not prevent alphonso from adding the kingdom of murcia to his dominions; and the fortunes of war compelled him to obtain {134} peace by submitting anew to the payment of tribute to the catholic sovereign, a.d. 1266, heg. 665. but some dissensions which soon after arose between the castilian monarch and some of the grandees of his kingdom, inspired the grenadian king with the hope of repairing the loss he had sustained. the brother of alphonso, together with several noblemen belonging to the principal castilian families, retired to grenada in open defiance of the authority of the spanish monarch, and materially aided mohammed alhamar in repressing the insurrectionary movements of two of his rebellious subjects, who were countenanced in their attempts by the christians. but, just at this juncture, the wise and politic king of grenada died, leaving the throne that he had acquired and preserved by his talents to his son mohammed ii., el fakik, a.d. 1273, heg. 672. the new mussulman king, who took the title of _emir al mumenim_, adopted in all respects the policy of his father. he took every advantage in his power of the discord which reigned at the castilian court, and of the ineffectual voyages undertaken by alphonso in the hope of {135} being elected emperor.[3] finally, during the absence of his enemy, mohammed formed an offensive league with jacob, the king of morocco, a prince of the race of the _merines_, the conquerors and successors of the almohades. the grenadian sovereign ceded to his african ally the two important places of tariffe and algeziras, on condition of his crossing the mediterranean to the peninsula. jacob, in accordance with this agreement, arrived in spain, at the head of an army, in the year 1275 (the 675th of the hegira); and the two moorish leaders, by acting in concert, gained some important advantages. but the criminal revolt of sancho, the infant of castile, against his father alphonso the sage, soon afterward divided these mussulman monarchs. the king of grenada took the part of the rebellious son, while alphonso, reduced to extremity by the abandonment of his subjects, implored the assistance of the king of morocco. jacob recrossed the sea with his troops, and met alphonso at zara. at that celebrated interview, the unfortunate castilian wished to concede the place of honour to the king, who was there as {136} his defender. "it belongs to you," said jacob to him, "because you are unfortunate! i came here to avenge a cause which should be that of every father. i came here to aid you in punishing an ingrate, who, though he received life from you, would still deprive you of your crown. when i shall have fulfilled this duty, and you are again prosperous and happy, i will once more become your enemy, and contest every point of precedence with you." the soul of the christian prince was not sufficiently noble, however, to prompt him to confide himself to the monarch who had uttered these sentiments, and he escaped from the camp. alphonso died soon after this event, disinheriting his guilty son before he expired, a.d. 1284, heg. 683. sancho[4] reigned in his father's stead, however, notwithstanding this prohibition, and international troubles convulsed castile anew. mohammed seized this moment to enter andalusia. he gained several battles, and took some important places in that kingdom, and thus victoriously terminated a long and glorious reign, a.d. 1302, heg. 703. {137} this mohammed _emir al mumenim_, the principal political events of whose life have now been briefly narrated, was a munificent patron of the fine arts. he added their charms to the attractions of a court which poets, philosophers, and astronomers alike contributed to render celebrated. as an illustration of the scientific superiority that the moors still maintained over the spaniards, the fact may be mentioned that alphonso the sage, king of castile, availed himself, in the arrangement of his astronomical tables (still known as the _alphonsine tables_), of the assistance of some contemporary moslem _savans_. grenada began by this time to replace cordova. architecture, above all, made great advances. it was during the reign of mohammed ii. that the famous palace of the alhambra was commenced, a part of which still remains to astonish travellers, whom its name alone suffices to attract to grenada. to prove to what a height of perfection the moors had succeeded in carrying the art, then so little known to europeans, of uniting the magnificent and the luxurious, a few details may perhaps be pardoned concerning this {138} singular edifice, and as an illustration, also, of the particular manners and customs of the moors. the alhambra, as has been said, was at first only a vast fortress, standing upon one of the two hills enclosed within the city of grenada. this hill, though environed on every side by the waters either of the darra or the xenil, was defended, in addition, by a double enclosure of walls. it was on the summit of this elevation, which overlooked the whole city, and from which one might behold the most beautiful prospect in the world, in the midst of an esplanade covered with trees and fountains, that mohammed selected the site of his palace. nothing with which we are familiar in architecture can give us a correct idea of that of the moors. they piled up buildings without order, symmetry, or any attention to the external appearance they would present. all their cares were bestowed upon the interior of their structures. there they exhausted all the resources of taste and magnificence, to combine in their apartments the requisites for luxurious indulgence with the charms of nature in her most enchanting forms. there, in saloons adorned with the most beautiful marble, and paved with a {139} brilliant imitation of porcelain, couches, covered with stuffs of gold or silver, were arranged near _jets d'eau_, whose waters glanced upward towards the vaulted roof, and spread a delicious coolness through an atmosphere embalmed by the delicate odours arising from exquisite vases of precious perfumes, mingled with the fragrant breath of the myrtle, jasmine, orange, and other sweet-scented flowers that adorned the apartments. the beautiful palace of the alhambra, as it now exists at grenada,[5] presents no _façade_. it is approached through a charming avenue, which is constantly intersected by rivulets, whose streams wander in graceful curves amid groups of trees. the entrance is through a large square tower, which formerly bore the name of the _hall of judgment_. a religious inscription announces that it was there that the king administered justice after the ancient manner of the hebrew and other oriental nations. several buildings, {140} which once adjoined this tower were destroyed in more recent times, to give place to a magnificent palace erected by charles v., a description of which is not necessary to our subject. upon penetrating on the northern side into the ancient palace of the moorish kings, one feels as if suddenly transported to the regions of fairyland. the first court is an oblong square, surrounded on each side by a gallery in the form of an arcade, the walls and ceiling of which are covered with mosaic work, festoons, arabesque paintings, gilding, and carving in stucco, of the most admirable workmanship. all the plain spaces between these various ornaments are filled with passages transcribed from the alkoran, or by inscriptions of a similar character to the following, which will suffice to create some idea of the figurative style of moorish composition. "oh nazir! thou wert born the master of a throne, and, like the star that announces the approach of day, thou art refulgent with a brilliancy that belongs to thee alone! thine arm is the rampart of a nation; thy justice an all-pervading luminary. thou canst, by thy valour, subdue those who have given companions to {141} god! thy numerous people are thy children, and thou renderest them all happy by thy goodness. the bright stars of the firmament shine lovingly upon thee, and the glorious light of the sun beams upon thee with affection. the stately cedar, the proud monarch of the forest, bows his lofty head at thy approach, and is again uplifted by thy puissant hand!" in the midst of this court, which is paved with white marble, is a long basin always filled with running water of sufficient depth for bathing. it is bordered on each side by beds of flowers, and surrounded by walks lined with orange-trees. the place was called the _mesuar_, and served as the common bathing-place of those who were attached to the service of the palace. from thence one passes into the celebrated _court of lions_. it is a hundred feet in length and fifty in breadth. a colonnade of white marble supports the gallery that runs around the whole. these columns, standing sometimes two and sometimes three together, are of slender proportions and fantastic design; but their lightness and grace afford pleasure to the eye of the wondering beholder. the walls, and, above all, the ceiling of the circular gallery, are covered {142} with embellishments of gold, azure, and stucco, wrought into arabesques, with an exquisite delicacy of execution that the most skilful modern workmen would find it difficult to rival. in the midst of these ornaments of ever-changing variety and beauty are inscribed passages from the koran, such as the following, which all good mussulmans are required frequently to repeat: _god is great: god alone is supreme: there is no god but god: celestial enjoyment, gratifications of the heart, delights of the soul to all those who believe_. at either extremity of the court of lions are placed, within the interior space enclosed by the gallery, and, like it, supported by marble columns, two elegant cupolas of fifteen or sixteen feet in circumference. these graceful domes form a covering for beautiful _jets d'eau_. in the centre of the lengthened square, a superb alabaster vase, six feet in diameter, is supported in an elevated position in the midst of a vast basin by the forms of twelve lions sculptured from white marble. this vessel, which is believed to have been modelled after the design of the "molten sea" of the temple of solomon, is again surmounted by a smaller vase, from which shoot {143} forth innumerable tiny cascades, which together present the form of a great sheaf; and, falling again from one vase into another, and from these into the large basin beneath, create a perpetual flow, whose volume is increased by the floods of limpid water which gush in a continual stream from the mouth of each of the marble lions. this fountain, like each of the others, is adorned with inscriptions; for the moors ever took pleasure in mingling the eloquence of poetry with the graces of sculpture. to us their conceptions appear singular and their expressions exaggerated; but our manners are so opposite to theirs; the period of their existence as a nation is so far removed, and we know so little of the genius of their language, that we have, perhaps, no right to judge the literature of the moors by the severe rules of modern criticism. and, indeed, the specimens we possess of the french and spanish poetry of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries are, many of them, little superior to the verses engraven on the fountain of lions, of which the following, is a translation.[6] {144} "oh thou who beholdest these lions! dost thou not perceive that they need only to breathe to possess the perfection of nature! oh mohammed! oh potent sovereign! god originated and prolonged thy existence, that thou mightest be inspired with the genius to conceive and accomplish these novel and beautiful embellishments! thy soul is adorned by the most ennobling qualities of humanity. this enchanting spot pictures thy admirable virtues. like the lion, thou art terrible in combat; and nothing can be more justly compared to the bountiful and unceasing profusion of the limpid waters which gush from the bosom of this fountain, and fill the air with glittering and brilliant particles, than the liberal hand of mohammed." we will not attempt a description in detail of such other portions of the palace of the alhambra as still exist. some of these served as halls of audience or of justice; others enclosed the baths of the king, the queen, and their children. sleeping apartments still remain, where the couches were disposed either in alcoves, or upon platforms covered with the peculiar pavement {145} already alluded to; but always near a fountain, the unceasing murmur of whose dreamy voice might sooth the occupants to repose. in the music saloon of this once luxurious royal abode are four elevated galleries, which, ere the glory of the alhambra had passed away, were often filled by moorish musicians, the delightful strains of whose varied instruments enchanted the court of grenada. then the fair and the brave reclined in graceful groups in the centre of the apartment, upon rich oriental carpets, surrounding the alabaster fountain, whose balmy breath diffused refreshing coolness, and whose softly gurgling sounds mingled with the gentle music which was ever the accompaniment of repose and enjoyment. in an apartment which was at the same time the oratory and dressing-room of the queen of this magnificent residence, there still exists a slab of marble, pierced with an infinite number of small apertures, to admit the exhalations of the perfumes that were incessantly burning beneath the lofty ceiling. from this part of the palace, too, the views are exquisitely beautiful. the windows and doors opening from it are so arranged, that the most agreeable prospects, the {146} mellowest and most pleasing effects of light, perpetually fall upon the delighted eyes of those within, while balmy breezes constantly renew the delicious coolness of the air that breathes through this enchanting retreat. upon leaving the marble halls and lofty towers of the alhambra, one discerns, on the side of a neighbouring mountain, the famous garden of the _generalif_, which signifies, in the moorish tongue, the _home of love_. in this garden was the palace to which the kings of grenada repaired to pass the season of spring. it was built in a style similar to that of the alhambra: the same gorgeous splendour, the same costly magnificence reigned there. the edifice is now destroyed; but the picturesque situation, the ever-varied and ever-charming landscape, the limpid fountains, the sparkling _jets d'eau_, and tumbling waterfalls of the _generalif_, are still left to excite admiration. the terraces of this garden are in the form of an amphitheatre, and the lingering remains of their once beautiful mosaic pavements are still to be seen. the walks are now darkly umbrageous, from the interwoven branches of gigantic cypresses and aged myrtles, beneath whose {147} grateful shades the kings and queens of grenada have so often wandered. then blooming groves and forests of fruit-trees were agreeably intermingled with graceful domes and marble pavilions: then the sweet perfume of the countless flowers that mingled their varied dyes in delightful confusion, floated in the soft air. then the delicate tendrils of the vine clasped the supporting branches of the orange, and both together hung the mingled gold and purple of their clustering fruits over the bright waters that from marble founts "gushed up to sun and air!" then valour and beauty strayed side by side, beneath embowering branches, the fire of the one attempered to gentleness by the softer graces of the other, and the souls of both elevated and purified by nature's holy and resistless influences. but now the luxuriant vine lies prostrate, its climbing trunk and clinging tendrils rudely torn from their once firm support: even the voice of the fountain no longer warbles in the same gladsome tone as of yore; the mouldering fragments of the polished column and sculptured dome are now strewed on the earth; the sighing of the gentle breeze no longer awake: is the soft breath {148} of responding flowers; the loveliness and the glory of the _home of love_ are vanished away for ever; and the crumbling stones of the tesselated pavements echo naught but the lingering footfall of the solitary stranger, who wanders thither to enjoy those mournful charms of which the destroyer cannot divest a spot that must ever appeal so strongly to the vision and the heart, to the memory and the imagination. it is painful to quit the alhambra and the generalif, to return to the ravages, incursions, and sanguinary quarrels of the moors and christians. it was the fate of mohammed iii. (surnamed the blind) to be obliged at the same time to repress the rebellious movements of his own subjects and repel the invasions of his catholic neighbours. compelled by the infirmity from which he derived his appellation to choose a prime minister, he bestowed that important post upon farady, the husband of his sister, a judicious statesman and a brave soldier, who for some time prosperously continued the war against the castilians, and finally concluded it by an honourable peace. but the courtiers, jealous of the glory and {149} envious of the good-fortune of the favourite, formed a conspiracy against his master, and instigated revolts among the people. to complete his calamities, foreign war again broke forth; the king of castile, ferdinand iv., surnamed _the summoned_,[7] united with the king of aragon in attacking the grenadians.[8] gibraltar was taken by the castilians, and the conqueror expelled its moorish inhabitants from its walls. among the unfortunate exiles who departed from the city was an old man, who, perceiving ferdinand, approached him, leaning on his staff: "king of castile," he said to him, "what injury have i done to thee or thine? thy great-grandfather ferdinand drove me from my native seville: i sought an asylum at xeres; thy grandfather alphonso banished me from thence: retiring within the walls of tariffe,[9] thy father sancho exiled me from that city. at last i came to find a grave at the extremity of spain, on the shore of gibraltar; but thy hatred hath pursued me even here: tell me now of one place on earth where i can die unmolested by the christians!" {150} "cross the sea!" replied the spanish prince; and he caused the aged petitioner to be conveyed to africa. vanquished by the aragonians, harassed by the castilians, and alarmed by the seditious proceedings which the grandees of his court were encouraging among his own subjects, the king of grenada and his prime minister were forced to conclude a shameful peace. the intestine storm, whose gathering had long disturbed the domestic security of the kingdom, soon after burst forth. mohammed abenazar, brother to mohammed the blind, and the head of the conspiracy, seized the unfortunate monarch, put him to death, and assumed his place, a.d. 1310, heg. 710. but the usurper himself was soon driven from his throne by farady, the ancient minister, who, not daring to appropriate the crown to himself, placed it on the head of his son ismael, the nephew of mohammed the blind, through his mother, the sister of that monarch. this event took place a.d. 1313, heg. 713. from that period the royal family of grenada was divided into two branches, which were ever after at enmity with each other; the one, called {151} the _alhamar_, included the descendants of the first king through the males of the line, and the other, named _farady_, was that of such of his offspring as were the children of the female branches of the royal race. the castilians, whose interests were always promoted by cherishing dissensions among their moorish neighbours, lent their countenance to abenazar, who had taken refuge in the city of grenada. the infant don pedro, uncle to the youthful king of castile, alphonso _the avenger_, as he was surnamed, took the field against ismael, and several times gave battle to the followers of the crescent. then joining his forces to those of another infant named don juan, the two friends carried fire and sword to the very ramparts of grenada. the infidel warriors did not venture to sally from their walls to repel the invaders; but when, loaded with booty, the christians had commenced their return to castile; ismael followed on their route with his army, and, soon overtaking his ruthless foes, fell suddenly upon their rear. it was now the 26th of june,[10] and the time chosen by the mussulmans for the attack was the hottest hour of a {152} burning day. the two spanish princes made such violent efforts to reorganize their scattered bands and to recover their lost authority, that, exhausted at last by thirst and fatigue, they both fell dead without having received a wound. the dismayed and exhausted spaniards could now no longer offer any resistance to their furious enemies. they betook themselves to flight, leaving their baggage, with the bodies of the two unfortunate infants, on the field of battle. ismael caused the remains of these princes to be conveyed to grenada and deposited in coffins covered with cloth of gold: he then restored them to the castilians, after having bestowed on them the most distinguished funeral honours.[11] this victory was rapidly followed by the conquest of several cities and the establishment of an honourable truce. but ismael did not live to enjoy the fruits of his success: being enamoured of a young spanish captive, who had fallen, in the division of the spoils, to the share of one of his officers, the king so far forgot the laws of justice and honour as to possess himself {153} by force of the beautiful slave. such an insult among the followers of islam can only be expiated by blood: the monarch was assassinated by his exasperated officer. his son mohammed v. mounted the throne in his stead, a.d. 1322, heg. 722. the reign of mohammed v. and that of his successor joseph i., both of whom perished in the same manner (being murdered in their palace), present nothing during thirty years but an unbroken series of ravages, seditions, and combats. at the request of the grenadians, abil-hassan, king of morocco, of the dynasty of the _merinis_, landed in spain at the head of innumerable troops, with whom he joined the army of joseph. the kings of castile and portugal unitedly gave battle to this immense army on the shores of salado, not far from the city of tariffe. this encounter, equally celebrated with the victory of toloza in the history of spain, terminated in the defeat of the moors. abil-hassan returned hastily to morocco, to conceal within his own dominions his chagrin at its unexpected and disastrous issue. the strong place of algeziras, the bulwark of {154} grenada, and the magazine in which was deposited the necessary supplies received by that kingdom from africa, was besieged by the castilians a.d. 1342, heg. 742. several french, english, and navarrois cavaliers resorted on this occasion to the camp of the beleaguering army. the mussulmans availed themselves of the use of cannon in the defence of their city; and this is the first time that the employment of that description of ordnance is spoken of in history. we are told that it was used at the battle of cressy by the english; but that event did not take place until four years after the date of the present siege. it is, then, to the spanish moors that we owe, not the discovery of gunpowder (for that is attributed by some to the chinese, by others to a german monk named schwartz, and by others again to roger bacon, an englishman), but the terrible invention of artillery. it is at least certain, that the moors planted the first cannon of which we have any account. but, in spite of the advantages it thus possessed, algeziras was taken by the christians, a.d. 1344, heg. 745. about ten years after this event, the unfortunate joseph, who had been so often attacked by {155} foreign enemies, met his death from the hands of his own subjects. it may have been remarked by the reader, that no established law regulated the regal succession among the moors. yet, notwithstanding the perpetual conspiracies and intrigues which rendered the possession of the crown so insecure and of such uncertain duration, a prince of the royal race always occupied the throne. we have seen grenada divided, since the violent termination of the reign of ismael, between the factions of the _alhamar_ and the _farady_, and the former deposed by the latter, who always regarded the alhamars as usurpers. this unhappy contest was the source of numberless disorders, conspiracies, and assassinations. the monarch next in order to joseph i. on the throne of grenada was his uncle, a farady prince named mohammed vi., and called _the old_, in consequence of his succeeding at a somewhat advanced period of life. mohammed the red, a scion of the alhamar race, drove his cousin, mohammed the old, from the throne, a.d. 1360, heg. 762, and retained it for some years, through the protection of the king of aragon. {156} peter the cruel, then king of castile, espoused the cause of the banished farady, supported his claims by warlike arguments, and so closely pressed mohammed the alhamar, that he adopted the resolution of repairing to seville, and abandoning himself to the magnanimity of his royal foe. mohammed arrived at the court of seville accompanied by a suite composed of his most faithful friends, and bearing with him vast treasures. he presented himself with noble confidence in the presence of the monarch. "king of castile!" said he to peter, "the blood alike of christian and moor has too long flowed in my contest with the farady. you protect my rival; yet it is you whom i select to adjudge our quarrel. examine my claims and those of my enemy, and pronounce who shall be the sovereign of grenada. if you decide in favour of the farady, i demand only to be conducted to africa; if you accord the preference to me, receive the homage that i have come to render you for my crown!" the astonished peter lavished honours upon the mussulman king, and caused him to be seated at his side during the magnificent feast by {157} which he signalized the occasion. but, when the alhamar retired from the entertainment, he was seized and thrown into prison. from thence he was afterward conducted through the streets of the city, seated, half naked, upon an ass, and led to a field termed the _tablada_, where thirty-seven of his devoted followers were deprived of their heads in his presence. the execrable peter, envying the executioner the pleasure of shedding his blood, then thrust through the unfortunate king of grenada with his own lance. the dying sovereign uttered only these words as he expired, "oh peter, peter, what a deed for a cavalier!" by a very extraordinary fatality, every throne in spain was at this period occupied by princes whose characters were blackened by the most atrocious crimes. peter the cruel, the nero of castile, assassinated the kings who confided themselves to his protection, put to death his wife blanche of bourbon, and, in short, daily imbrued his hands in the blood of his relatives or friends. peter iv. of aragon, less violent than the castilian, but equally unfeeling and even more perfidious, despoiled one of his brothers of his kingdom, commanded another to be {158} put to death, and delivered his ancient preceptor to the executioners. peter i., king of portugal, the lover of the celebrated inez de castro,[12] whose ferocity was doubtless excited and increased by the cruelty that had been exercised against his mistress, tore out the hearts of the murderers of inez, and poisoned a sister with whom he was displeased. finally, the contemporary king of navarre was that charles the bad, whose name alone is sufficient still to cause a shudder. all spain groaned beneath the iron rule of these monsters of cruelty, and was inundated by the blood of their victims. if it be remembered that, at the same time, france had become a prey to the horrors which followed the imprisonment of king john; that england witnessed the commencement of the troubled reign of richard ii.; that italy was delivered up to the contentions of the rival factions of the guelfs and ghibelines, and beheld two occupants at the same time upon the papal throne; that two emperors disputed the right to the imperial crown of germany; and that timurlane ravaged asia from the territories of the usheks to the borders of india, it will not be disputed {159} that the history of the world records the annals of no more unhappy epoch in its affairs. grenada was at last tranquil after the crime of peter the cruel. mohammed the old, or the farady, being now freed from the rival claims of his competitor, remounted the throne without opposition. mohammed was the only ally of the king of castile who remained faithful to that inhuman monster up to the period of his death. peter was at last the victim of a crime similar to those of which he had so often himself been guilty: his illegitimate brother, henry de transtamare, deprived him of his crown and his life, a.d. 1369, heg. 771. the king of grenada made peace with the new sovereign of castile, maintained it for several years, and finally left his kingdom in a flourishing condition to his son mohammed viii., abouhadjad, called by the spanish historians mohammed gaudix. this prince commenced his reign a.d. 1379, heg. 782. he was the best and wisest of the spanish mohammedan kings. intent only upon promoting the happiness of his people, he was desirous of securing to them the enjoyment of {160} that foreign and domestic peace to which they had so long been almost utter strangers. the more effectually to ensure this, abouhadjad commenced his reign with fortifying his towns, raising a strong army, and allying himself with the king of tunis, whose daughter cadiga he espoused. when well prepared for war, the moorish sovereign sent ambassadors to the king of castile, to solicit his friendship. don juan, the son and successor of henry de transtamare, being sufficiently occupied by his quarrels with portugal and england, readily signed a treaty with the royal follower of the crescent; and abouhadjad, on his part, kept it unbroken. secured from the inroads of the christians, this wise monarch now occupied himself in promoting the increase of agriculture and commerce: he likewise diminished the rates of imposts, and soon found his income increased in consequence of this judicious measure. beloved by a people whom he rendered happy, respected by foreign neighbours whom he had no reason to fear, and possessed of an amiable wife, who alone engaged his affections, this excellent mussulman prince spent the wealth and leisure that he could with propriety devote to such objects, in {161} adorning his capital, in cherishing the fine arts, and in cultivating architecture and poetry. several monuments of his munificence existed at grenada, and at gaudix, a city in favour of which he entertained strong predilections. his court was the favoured abode of genius and elegance. the moors of spain still possessed poets, physicians, painters, sculptors, academies, and universities. and these were all liberally encouraged and endowed by mohammed gaudix. most of the productions of the grenadian authors of this period perished at the final conquest of their country;[13] but some of them have been preserved, and still exist in the library of the escurial. they chiefly treat of grammar, astrology (then greatly esteemed), and, above all, of theology, a study in which the moors excelled. that people, naturally gifted with discriminating minds and ardent imaginations, produced many distinguished theologians, who may easily be supposed to have introduced into europe the unfortunate scholastic taste for subtle questions and disputes, which once rendered so celebrated, men whose names and achievements have since sunk for ever into oblivion. the {162} pretended secrets of the cabal, of alchymy, of judicial astronomy, of the divining rod, and all the accounts, formerly so common, of sorcerers, magicians, and enchanters, are derived from these descendants of the arabs. they were a superstitious race from the remotest times; and it is probable that to their residence in spain, and their long intercourse with the spaniards, is owing that love for the marvellous, and that well-deserved reputation for superstitious credulity, with which philosophy still reproaches a sprightly and intellectual nation, upon whom nature has bestowed the germes of the best qualities that adorn humanity. a kind of literature which was common among these saracens, and for which the spaniards were indebted to them, was that of novels or romances. the arabs were ever, as they still are, passionate lovers of story-telling. as well in the tents of the wild bedouin as in the palaces of the east, alike under the gilded domes and peasant roofs of grenada, this taste prevailed. everywhere they assembled nightly to listen to romantic narratives of love and valour. everywhere they listened in silent attention, or wept from sympathetic interest in the fate {163} of those whose adventures formed the subject of the tale. the grenadians joined with this passion for exciting incident, a taste for music and singing. their poets imbodied in verse these favourite recitals of love and war. musicians were employed in composing suitable airs for them, and they were thus sung by the youthful moors with all the enthusiasm that passion, poetry, and dulcet harmony can unitedly inspire. from this national custom are derived the multitude of spanish romances, translated or imitated from the arabic, which, in a simple and sometimes touching style, recount the fierce combats of the moors and christians, the fatal quarrels of jealous and haughty rivals, or the tender conversation of lovers. they describe with great exactness everything relating to the peculiar manners and amusements of this interesting and extinguished nation: their fêtes, their games of the ring and of canes, and their bull-fights, the latter of which they adopted from the spaniards, are all portrayed. thus we learn that their war-like equipments consisted of a large cimeter, a slender lance, a short coat of mail, and a light leathern buckler. we have descriptions of superb horses, with their richly-jewelled and {164} embroidered housings sweeping the earth in ample folds, and of the devises emblazoned on the arms of the graceful moorish cavaliers. these last consisted frequently of a heart pierced by an arrow, or perhaps of a star guiding a vessel, or of the first letter of the name of the fair recipients of their vows of love. we learn, too, that their colours each bore a peculiar signification: yellow and black expressed grief; green, hope; blue, jealousy; violet and flame colour, passionate love. the following abridged translation of one of these little compositions will produce a more correct idea of them in the mind of the reader than any description could convey.[14] gonzulo and zelinda. a moorish romance. in a transport of jealousy and pride, zelinda spurned her lover from her side! {165} his cruel doom gonzulo heard with bosom wrung; and disappeared! but the fair maid soon deeply felt the torturing wound herself had dealt; as glides the snow from mountain crest, so fled resentment from her breast. they tell her that the moor's proud heart is pierced by grief's most poisoned dart, and that he'd doffed, when flying from her side, the tender colours that were once his pride; that green, of hope the cherished emblem gay, to sorrow's mournful hues had given way. a badge of crape his lance's point now wears, a blackened crown his shield as emblem bears! {166} to proffer gifts with different meaning fraught, zelinda now her errant lover sought: the blue of jealousy she had united with all the hues most dear to lovers plighted; a violet gem, entwined with gold, gleamed mid a broidered turban's fold, and every silken riband that she bore, of lovely innocence the symbol wore. zelinda reached the soft retreat where gonzulo his fate must meet! o'erwhelmed with doubt, the dark-eyed maid reclined beneath a myrtle shade, and sent a faithful page to guide her banished lover to her side. gonzulo scarce the message would receive, for wo had taught his heart to disbelieve! {167} but soon he flew, on wing of love, to seek zelinda's chosen grove. then tearful glances of regret by words of tenderness were met; and ne'er did guardian nymphs record more ardent vows than there were poured! 'twas thus triumphant love repaired the cruel wrongs that each had shared! the delicate and peculiar gallantry, which rendered the moors of grenada famous throughout europe, formed a singular contrast to the ferocity that is so natural to all nations of african origin. these islamites, whose chief glory it was dexterously to deprive their enemies of their heads, attach them to their saddle-bows, and afterward display them as trophies on the {168} battlements of their towers or at the entrance of their palaces; these restless and ungovernable warriors, who were ever ready to revolt against their rulers, to depose or to murder them, were the most tender, the most devoted, the most ardent of lovers. their wives, though their domestic position was little superior to that of slaves, became, when they were beloved, the absolute sovereigns, the supreme divinities of those whose hearts they possessed. it was to please these idolized beings that the moorish cavaliers sought distinction in the field; it was to shine in their eyes that they lavished their treasures and their lives--that they mutually endeavoured to eclipse each other in deeds of arms, in the splendour of their warlike exploits, and the oriental magnificence of their fêtes. it cannot now be determined whether the moors derived this extraordinary union of softness and cruelty, of delicacy and barbarity--this generous rivalry in courage and in constancy from the spaniards, or whether the spaniards acquired these characteristics from the moors. but when it is remembered that they do not belong to the asiatic arabs, from whom these gallant knights originally sprang; that they are {169} found, even in a less degree, if possible, among these followers of mohammed in that portion of africa where their conquests have naturalized them; and, that after their departure from spain, the grenadians lost every trace of the peculiarly interesting and chivalrous qualities by which they had previously been so remarkably distinguished, there is some ground for the opinion that it was to the spaniards that their moslem neighbours were indebted for the existence of these national attributes. in truth, before the invasion of spain by the arabs, the courts of the gothic kings had already offered knightly examples of a similar spirit. and after that event we find the cavaliers of leon, navarre, and castile equally renowned for their achievements in war and their romantic devotion to the fair sex. the mere name of _the cid_ awakens in the mind recollections alike of tenderness and bravery. it should be remembered, too, that, long after the expulsion of the moors from the peninsula, the spaniards maintained a reputation for gallantry far superior to that of the french, some portion of the spirit of which, though extinct among every other european nation, still lingers in spain. {170} but, be this point decided as it may, it is not to be disputed that the daughters of grenada merited the devotion which they inspired: they were perhaps the most fascinating women in the world. we find in the narrative of a moorish historian, who wrote at grenada during the reign of mohammed the old, the following description of his countrywomen: "their beauty is remarkable; but the loveliness which strikes the beholder at first sight afterward receives its principal charm from the grace and gentleness of their manners. in stature they are above the middle height, and of delicate and slender proportions. their long black hair descends to the earth. their teeth embellish with the whiteness of alabaster, vermillion lips, which perpetually smile with a bewitching air. the constant use which they make of the most exquisite perfumes, gives a freshness and brilliancy to their complexions possessed by no other mohammedan women. their walking, their dancing, their every movement, is distinguished by a graceful softness, an ease, a lightness, which surpasses all their other charms. their conversation is lively and sensible, and their fine intellects are {171} constantly displayed in brilliant wit or judicious sentiments." the dress of these elegant females was composed, as that of the turkish women still is, of a long tunic of linen confined by a cincture, of a _doliman_ or turkish dress with close sleeves, of wide trousers and morocco slippers. the materials of their clothing were of the finest fabric, and were usually woven in stripes: they were embroidered with gold and silver, and profusely spangled with jewels. their waving tresses floated over their shoulders; and a small cap, adorned with the richest gems, supported an embroidered veil, which fell nearly to the feet. the men were clothed in a similar manner: with them were carried in the girdle the purse, the handkerchief, and the poniard: a white, and sometimes a coloured, turban covered the head; and over the turkish doliman they wore in summer a wide and flowing white robe, and in winter the _albornos_ or african mantle. the only change made in their dress by the moorish cavaliers when preparing for battle was the addition of a coat of mail, and an iron lining within their turbans. it was the custom of the grenadians to repair {172} every year, during the autumn, to the charming villas by which the city was surrounded. there they yielded themselves up to the pursuit of pleasure. the chase and the dance, music and feasting, occupied every hour. the manners of those who participated in these national dances were in a high degree unreserved, as was the language of the songs and ballads in which they joined. were it not for the contradictions in the human character, one might be surprised at this want of delicacy in a people who were capable of so much refinement of feeling. but, in general, nations of oriental origin possess but little reserve in their manners: they have more of passion than sentiment, more of jealousy than delicacy in their haughty and excitable natures. in giving these details, we have perhaps trespassed too long on the period of calm repose enjoyed by the kingdom of grenada during the reign of abouhadjad. that excellent sovereign, after having filled the throne for thirteen years, left his flourishing dominions to his son joseph, who succeeded him without opposition, a.d. 1392, heg. 795. joseph ii. was desirous, in imitation of the {173} course pursued by his father, of maintaining the truce with the christians. it was, however, soon disturbed by a fanatical hermit, who persuaded the grand-master of alcantara, martin de barbuda, a portuguese, that he had been selected by heaven as the chosen instrument for expelling the infidels from spain. he promised the credulous martin, in the name of god, that he should succeed in conquering the enemies of the cross, and in carrying the city of grenada by assault, without the loss of a single soldier. the infatuated grand-master, convinced of the certainty of the fulfilment of this promise, immediately sent ambassadors to joseph, with orders to declare to that sovereign, in his name, that, since the religion of mohammed was false and detestable, and that of jesus christ the only true and saving faith, he, martin de barbuda, defied the king of grenada to a combat of two hundred mussulmans against one hundred christians, upon condition that the vanquished nation should instantly adopt the faith of the conquerors. the reception these ambassadors met with may be easily imagined. joseph could scarcely restrain the indignation of his people. the {174} envoys, driven contemptuously away, returned to the presence of the grand-master, who, surprised at receiving no response to his proposal, soon assembled a thousand foot-soldiers and three hundred cavaliers, and hastened to the conquest of grenada under the guidance of the prophetic hermit. the king of castile, henry iii., who desired to preserve peace with the followers of the prophet at the commencement of a reign during which his own dominions were but ill at rest, was no sooner informed of the enterprise of barbuda, than he sent him positive orders not to cross the frontiers; but that dignitary replying that he ought to obey the commands of jehovah rather than those of any earthly master, proceeded on his way. the governors of the different cities through which he passed on his route endeavoured, though vainly, to arrest his progress; but the people overwhelmed him with homage, and everywhere added to the number of his forces. the army of the grand-master amounted to six thousand men, when, in a.d. 1394, heg. 798, he entered the country which his folly taught him to regard as already in his possession. in attacking the first castle at which he {175} arrived, three soldiers were killed and their fanatical commander himself wounded. surprised beyond measure at beholding his own blood flow and three soldiers fall, he summoned the anchorite into his presence, and sedately demanded what this meant, after his express promise that not a single champion of the true faith should perish. the fanatic replied, that the word he had pledged extended only to regular battles. barbuda complained no more, and presently perceived the approach of a moorish army composed of fifty thousand men. the conflict soon commenced: the grand-master and his three hundred mounted followers perished in the field, after having performed prodigies of valour. the remainder of the spanish army were either taken prisoners or put to flight; and the silence of historians respecting the hermit, leads to the opinion that he was not among the last to seek safety at a distance from the scene of action. this foolish enterprise did not interrupt the good understanding subsisting between the two nations. the king of castile disavowed all approval of the conduct of martin de barbuda, and joseph long continued to reign with honour and tranquillity. but he was at last poisoned, {176} it is said, by a magnificent robe which he received from his secret enemy, the king of fez through the ambassadors of that sovereign. historians assert that this garment was impregnated with a terrible poison, which caused the death of the unfortunate joseph by the most horrible torments. the peculiar effects it produced was that of detaching the flesh from the bones, the misery of the wretched sufferer enduring for the protracted period of thirty days. mohammed ix., the second son of this hapless monarch, who, even during the lifetime of his father, had excited commotions in the realm, usurped the crown that of right belonged to his elder brother joseph, whom he caused to be confined in prison. mohammed was courageous, and possessed some talents for war. allied with the king of tunis, who joined his fleet with that of grenada, he broke the truce maintained with castile during the two preceding reigns, and at first gained some advantages over his adversaries, but the infant don ferdinand, the uncle and tutor of the young king john ii., was not long in avenging the cause of spain. mohammed ix. died in the year 1408, {177} heg. 811. when the expiring monarch became conscious that his end was rapidly approaching, desirous of securing the crown to his son, he sent one of his principal officers to the prison of his brother joseph, with orders to cut off the head of the royal occupant. the officer found joseph engaged in a game of chess with an iman:[15] he sorrowfully announced the mournful commission with which he was charged. the prince, without manifesting any emotion at the communication, only demanded time to conclude his game; and the officer could not refuse this slight favour. while the philosophical mussulman continued to play, a second messenger arrived, bearing the news of the death of the usurper, and of the proclamation of joseph as his successor to the throne. the people of grenada were happy under the rule of the good king joseph iii. so far was he from avenging himself upon those who had aided his brother in depriving him of his rights, that he lavished favours and offices on them, and educated the son of mohammed in the same manner as his own children. when his councillors blamed him for a degree of indulgence {178} which they regarded as hazardous, "allow me," replied the sovereign, "to deprive my enemies of all excuse for having preferred my younger brother to me!" this excellent prince was often obliged to take arms against the christians. he was so unfortunate as to lose some cities, but he preserved the respect and affection of his subjects, and died lamented by the whole kingdom, after a reign of fifteen years, a.d. 1423, heg. 927. after the death of joseph the state was distracted by civil wars. mohammed x. abenazar, or the _left-handed_, the son and successor of that benevolent king, was banished from the throne by mohammed xi. _el zugair_, or the little, who preserved his ill-gotten power but two years. the abencerrages, a powerful tribe[16] at grenada, re-established mohammed the left-handed in his former place, and his competitor perished on the scaffold. about four years after the death of joseph, the spaniards renewed their inroads into grenada, and carried fire and sword to the very gates of the capital. all the neighbouring fields were devastated; the crops were burned and the {179} villages destroyed. john ii., who then reigned in castile, wishing to add to the miseries he had already occasioned these unhappy people the still greater misfortune of civil war, instigated the proclamation at grenada of a certain joseph alliamar, a grandson of that mohammed the red so basely assassinated at seville by peter the cruel. all the discontented spirits in the kingdom joined the faction of joseph alhamar; and the zegris, a powerful tribe, who were at enmity with the abencerrages, lent their aid to the usurper. mohammed abenazar was again driven from the capital, a.d. 1432, heg. 836, and joseph iv. alhamar possessed his dominions six months. at the termination of that time he expired. mohammed the left-handed once more resumed his royal seat; but, after thirteen years of misfortune, this unhappy prince was again deposed for the third time, and imprisoned by one of his nephews, named mohammed xii. the osmin, who was himself afterward dethroned[17] by his own brother ismael, and ended his days {180} in the same dungeon in which his uncle mohammed abenazar had languished. all these revolutions did not prevent the christian and moorish governors who commanded on their respective frontiers from making incessant irruptions into the enemy's country. sometimes a little troop of cavalry or infantry surprised a village, massacred the inhabitants, pillaged their houses, and carried away their flocks. sometimes an army suddenly appeared in a fertile plain, devastated the fields, uprooted the vines, felled the trees, besieged and took some town or fortress, and retired with their booty. this kind of warfare was ruinous, most of all, to the unfortunate cultivator of the soil. the grenadian dominions suffered so much during the reign of ismael ii., that the king was compelled to cause immense forests to be cleared for the support of his capital, which then drew scarcely any supplies from the vast and fertile _vega_ which had been so often desolated by the spaniards. ismael ii. left the crown to his son mulei-hassem, a young and highly courageous prince, who, profiting by the disastrous condition of castile under the deplorable reign of henry iv. the {181} impotent, carried his arms into the centre of andalusia. the success that marked the commencement of the reign of this sovereign, together with his talents and warlike ardour, tempted the moors to believe that they might yet recover their former greatness. but the occurrence at this juncture of a great and unlooked-for event, arrested the victorious progress of mulei-hassam, and prepared the way for the total ruin of his kingdom. isabella of castile, the sister of henry the impotent, notwithstanding the opposition of her brother and the intervention of almost insurmountable obstacles, espoused ferdinand the catholic, the king of sicily, and heir presumptive of the kingdom of aragon.[18] this marriage, by uniting the two most powerful monarchs of spain, gave a fatal blow to the prosperity of the moors, which they had been able to maintain, even in the degree in which it now existed, only through the divisions which had hitherto perpetually prevailed among their christian opponents. either of the two enemies, now unitedly arrayed against them, had been singly sufficient {182} to overwhelm the mussulmans. ferdinand was alike politic, able, and adroit. he was pliant, and, at the same time, firm; cautious to a degree sometimes amounting to pusillanimity; cunning even to falsehood, and endowed in an extraordinary degree with the power of discerning at a single glance all the various means of attaining a particular end. isabella was of a prouder and more noble nature; endowed with heroic courage and the most unyielding constancy of purpose, she was admirably qualified for the pursuit and accomplishment of any enterprise to which she might direct the energies of her powerful mind. the exalted endowments of one of these royal personages have been employed to ennoble the character of the other. ferdinand often played the part of a weak, perfidious woman, negotiating only to deceive; whereas isabella was always the high-souled sovereign, advancing openly to her purposes, and marching directly to honourable conflict and generous triumph. no sooner had these distinguished individuals secured possession of their respective kingdoms, suppressed all domestic disturbances, and effected peaceful arrangements with foreign powers, {183} than they mutually resolved to concentrate all their efforts for the annihilation of the mohammedan dominion in spain. this century seemed destined to be marked by the glory of the spaniards. in addition to the immense advantages afforded them by the union of their forces, ferdinand and isabella were surrounded by the wisest and most experienced advisers. the celebrated cardinal ximenes, at one time a simple monk, was now at the head of their councils; and that able minister "_led_," as he himself averred, "_all spain by his girdle!_" the civil wars with which the peninsula had been so long disturbed, had created among the christian powers a host of brave soldiers and excellent commanders. among the latter were particularly distinguished the count de cabra, the marquis of cadiz, and the famous gonzalvo of cordova, whose just claim to the surname of _the great captain_, given him by his countrymen, the lapse of time has only served to confirm. the public treasury, which had been exhausted by the lavish prodigality of henry, was soon replenished by the rigid economy of isabella, aided by a bull from the pope, permitting the royal appropriation of the {184} ecclesiastical revenues. the troops were numerous and admirably disciplined, and the emulation which existed between the castilians and aragonians redoubled the valour of both. everything, in short, prognosticated the downfall of the last remaining throne of the moors. its royal champion, mulei-hassem, was not dismayed, however, even by such an accumulation of danger. he was the first to break the truce, by taking forcible possession of the city of zahra, a.d. 1481, heg. 886. ferdinand despatched ambassadors to the moslem court to complain of this breach of faith; with orders, at the same time, to demand the ancient tribute which had been paid by the kings of grenada to the sovereigns of castile. "i know," replied mulei-hassem, when the envoys of the spanish prince had delivered their message, "i know that some of my predecessors rendered you tribute in pieces of gold; but _this_ is the only metal now coined in the national mint of grenada!" and, as he spoke, the stern and haughty monarch presented the head of his lance to the spanish ambassadors. the army of ferdinand first marched upon alhamar, a very strong fortress in the {185} neighbourhood of grenada, and particularly famous for the magnificent baths with which it had been embellished by the moorish kings. the place was taken by surprise, and thus a war was lighted up that was destined to be extinguished only with the last expiring sigh of grenada. victory seemed at first to be equally poised between the two contending powers. the king of grenada possessed ample resources in troops, artillery, and treasure. he might have long maintained the contest, but for an act of imprudence which precipitated him into an abyss of misfortune from which he was never afterward able to extricate himself. the wife of mulei-hassem, named aixa, belonged, before her marriage with the king, to one of the most important of the grenadian tribes. the offspring of this marriage was a son named boabdil, whose right it was to succeed to his father's throne. but the reckless mulei repudiated his wife at the instance of a christian slave, of whom he became enamoured, and who governed the doting monarch at will. this act of cruelty and injustice was the signal for civil war. the injured aixa, in concert with her son, excited her relatives and friends, {186} and a large number of the inhabitants of the capital, to throw off their allegiance to their sovereign. mulei-hassem was eventually driven from the city, and boabdil assumed the title of king. thus father and son were involved in a contest for the possession of a crown, of which ferdinand was seeking to deprive them both. to add to the misfortunes which were already fast crushing this distracted and miserable country beneath their weight, another aspirant to the throne presented himself, in the person of a brother of mulei-hassem named zagel. this prince, at the head of a band of moorish adventurers, had succeeded in obtaining some important advantages over the spaniards in the defiles of malaga, a.d. 1483, heg. 888. his achievements having won for him the hearts of his countrymen, zagel now conceived the design of dethroning his brother and nephew, and of appropriating the dominions of both to himself. thus a third faction arose to increase the dissensions of the state. boabdil still held insecure possession of the capital; and, desirous of attempting some action, the brilliancy of which would reanimate the {187} hopes and confidence of a party that was ready to abandon him, he sallied forth at the head of a small force, with the intention of surprising lucena, a city belonging to the castilians. but the ill-fated boabdil was made a prisoner in this expedition. he was the first moorish king who had ever been a captive to the spaniards. ferdinand lavished on him the attentions due to misfortune, and caused him to be conducted to cordova, attended by an escort. the old king, mulei-hassem, seized this opportunity to repossess himself of the crown of which his rebellious son had deprived him, and, in spite of the party of zagel, he again became master of his capital. but the restored monarch could oppose but a feeble resistance to the progress of the spaniards, who were rapidly reducing his cities and advancing nearer to his devoted capital. within the walls of that city the wretched inhabitants were madly warring against one another, as if unconscious of the destruction that was fast approaching them from without. to increase the sanguinary feuds which already so surely presaged their destruction, the catholic sovereigns had become the {188} allies of the captive boabdil, engaging to assist him in his efforts against his father on condition that he should pay them a tribute of twelve thousand crowns of gold, acknowledge himself their vassal, and deliver certain strong places into their hands. the base boabdil acceded to everything; and, aided by the politic spanish princes, hastened again to take arms against his father. the kingdom of grenada was now converted into one wide field of carnage, where mulei-hassem, boabdil, and zagel were furiously contending for the mournful relics of their country. the spaniards, in the mean time, marched rapidly from one conquest to another, sometimes under pretext of sustaining their ally boabdil, and often in open defiance of the treaty they had formed with that prince; but always carefully feeding the fire of discord, while they were despoiling each of the three rival parties, and leaving to the vanquished inhabitants their laws, their customs, and the free exercise of their religion. in the midst of these frightful scenes of calamity and crime, old mulei-hassem died, either worn out by grief and misfortune, or through {189} the agency of his ambitious brother. this event occurred a.d. 1485, heg. 890. ferdinand had now rendered himself master of all the western part of the kingdom of grenada, and boabdil agreed to divide with zagel the remnant of this desolated state. the city of grenada was retained by boabdil, while gaudix and almeria fell to the share of zagel. the war was not the less vigorously prosecuted in consequence of this arrangement; and the unprincipled zagel, doubting his ability long to retain the cities in his possession, sold them to king ferdinand in consideration of an annual pension. by virtue of this treaty, the catholic sovereigns took possession of the purchased cities; and the traitor zagel even lent the aid of his arms to the christian army, the more speedily to overthrow the royal power of his nephew, and thereby terminate the existence of his expiring country. all that now remained to the mussulmans was the single city of grenada. there boabdil still reigned; and, exasperated by misfortune, he vented his rage and despair in acts of barbarous cruelty towards its wretched inhabitants. {190} ferdinand and isabella, disregarding the conditions of their pretended alliance with this now powerless prince, summoned him to surrender his capital, in compliance, as they said, with the terms of a secret treaty, which they affirmed had been concluded between them. boabdil protested against this perfidious conduct. but there was no time allowed for complaint: he must successfully defend himself, or cease to reign. the moorish prince adopted, therefore, to say the least, the most heroic alternative; and resolved to defend to the last what remained to him of his once beautiful and flourishing country. the spanish sovereign, at the head of an army of sixty thousand men, the flower and chivalry of the united kingdoms of castile and aragon, laid siege to grenada on the 9th of may, 1491, and in the 897th year of the hegira. this great city, as has been already mentioned, was defended by strong ramparts, flanked by a multitude of towers, and by numerous other fortifications, built one above the other. notwithstanding the civil wars which had inundated it with blood, grenada still enclosed within its walls more than two hundred thousand {191} inhabitants. every brave moorish cavalier who still remained true to his country, its religion, and its laws, had here taken refuge. despair redoubled their strength in this last desperate struggle; and had these fierce and intrepid warriors been guided by a more worthy chief than boabdil, their noble constancy might still have saved them; but this weak and ferocious monarch hesitated not, on the slightest suspicion, to consign his most faithful defenders to the axe of the executioner. thus he became daily more and more an object of hatred and contempt to the grenadians, by whom he was surnamed _zogoybi_; that is to say, _the little king_. the different tribes now grew dissatisfied and dispirited, especially the numerous and powerful tribe of the abencerrages. the alfaquis and the imans, also, loudly predicted the approaching downfall of the moorish empire; and nothing upheld the sinking courage of the people against the pressure of a foreign foe and the tyranny of their own rulers but their unconquerable horror of the spanish yoke. the catholic soldiers, on the other hand, elated by their past success, regarded themselves as invincible, and never for a moment doubted the {192} certainty of their triumph. they were commanded, also, by leaders to whom they were devotedly attached: ponce de leon, marquis of cadiz, henry de guzman, duke of medina, mendoza, aguillar, villena, and gonzalvo of cordova, together with many other famous captains, accompanied their victorious king. isabella, too, whose virtues excited the highest respect, and whose affability and grace won for her the affectionate regard of all, had repaired to the camp of her husband with the infant and the infantas, and attended by the most brilliant court in europe. this politic princess, though naturally grave and serious, wisely accommodated herself to the existing circumstances. she mingled fêtes and amusements with warlike toil: jousts and tournaments delighted at intervals the war-worn soldiery; and dances, games, and illuminations filled up the delicious summer evenings. queen isabella was the animating genius that directed everything; a gracious word from her was a sufficient recompense for the most gallant achievement; and her look alone had power to transform the meanest soldier into a hero. abundance reigned in the christian camp; {193} while joy and hope animated every heart. but within the beleaguered city, mutual distrust, universal consternation, and the prospect of inevitable destruction, had damped the courage and almost annihilated the hopes of the wretched inhabitants. the siege, nevertheless, lasted for nine months. the cautious commander of the christian army did not attempt to carry by assault a place so admirably fortified. after having laid waste the environs, therefore, he waited patiently until famine should deliver the city into his hands. satisfied with battering the ramparts and repelling the frequent sorties of the moors, he never engaged in any decisive action, but daily hemmed in more closely the chafed lion that could not now escape his toils. accident one night set fire to the pavilion of isabella, and the spreading conflagration consumed every tent in the camp. but boabdil derived no advantage from this disaster. the queen directed that a city should supply the place of the ruined camp, to convince the enemies of the cross that the siege would never be raised until grenada should come into possession of the conquering spaniards. this great and {194} extraordinary design, so worthy the genius of isabella, was executed in eighty days. the christian camp thus became a walled city; and santa fe still exists as a monument of the piety and perseverance of the heroic queen of castile. at last, oppressed by famine, less frequently successful than at first in the partial engagements that were constantly taking place under the walls, and abandoned by africa, from which there were no attempts made to relieve them, the moors now felt the necessity of a surrender. gonzalvo of cordova was empowered by the conquerors to arrange the articles of capitulation. these provided that the people of grenada should recognise ferdinand and isabella, and their royal successors, as their rightful sovereigns; that all their christian captives should be released without ransom; that the moors should continue to be governed by their own laws; should retain their national customs, their judges, half the number of their mosques, and the free exercise of their faith; that they should be permitted either to keep or sell their property, and to retire to africa, or to any other country they might choose, while, at the same time, they should not be compelled to leave their {195} native land. it was also agreed that boabdil should have assigned to him a rich and ample domain in the alpuxares, of which he should possess the entire command. such were the terms of capitulation, and but ill were they observed by the spaniards. boabdil fulfilled his part of the stipulations some days before the time specified, in consequence of being informed that his people, roused by the representations of the imans, wished to break off the negotiations, and to bury themselves beneath the ruins of the city rather than suffer their desolate and deserted homes to be profaned by the intruding foot of the spoiler. the wretched moslem prince hastened therefore to deliver the keys of the city, and of the fortresses of the albazin and the alhambra, into the hands of ferdinand. entering no more, after this mournful ceremony, within the walls where he no longer retained any authority, boabdil took his melancholy journey, accompanied by his family and a small number of followers, to the petty dominions which were now all that remained to him of the once powerful and extensive empire of his ancestors. {196} when the cavalcade reached an eminence from which the towers of grenada might still be discerned, the wretched exile turned his last sad regards upon the distant city, amid ill-suppressed tears and groans. "_you do well_," said aixa, his mother, "_to weep like a woman for the throne you could not defend like a man!_" but the now powerless boabdil could not long endure existence as a subject in a country where he had reigned as a sovereign: he crossed the mediterranean to africa, and there he ended his days on the battle-field. ferdinand and isabella made their public entrance into grenada on the 1st of january, 1492, through double ranks of soldiers, and amid the thunder of artillery. the city seemed deserted; the inhabitants fled from the presence of the conquerors, and concealed their tears and their despair within the innermost recesses of their habitations. the royal victors repaired first to the grand mosque, which was consecrated as a christian church, and where they rendered thanks to god for the brilliant success that had crowned their arms. while the sovereigns fulfilled this pious duty, the count de tendilla, the new governor {197} of grenada, elevated the triumphant cross, and the standards of castile and st. james, on the highest towers of the alhambra. thus fell this famous city, and thus perished the power of the moors of spain, after an existence of seven hundred and eighty-two years from the first conquest of the country by tarik. it may now be proper briefly to remark upon the principal causes of the extinction of the national independence of the kingdom of grenada. the first of these arose from the peculiar character of the moors: from that spirit of inconstancy, that love of novelty, and that unceasing inquietude, which prompted them to such frequent change of their rulers; which multiplied factions among them, and constantly convulsed the empire with internal discords, expending its strength and power in dissensions at home, and thus leaving it defenceless against foreign enemies. the moors may also be reproached with an extravagant fondness for architectural magnificence, splendid fêtes, and other expensive entertainments, which aided in exhausting the national treasury at times when protracted warfare scarcely ever permitted this most fertile region of the earth to reproduce the {198} crops the spaniards had destroyed. but, more than all, they were a people without an established code of laws, that only permanent basis of the prosperity of nations. and then, too, a despotic form of government, which deprives men of patriotism, induced each individual to regard his virtues and attainments merely as affording the means of personal consideration, and not, as they should be considered, the property of his country. these grave defects in the national character of the moors were redeemed by many excellent qualities, which even the spaniards admitted them to possess. in battle they were no less brave and prudent than their christian antagonists, though inferior in skill and discipline. they excelled them, however, in the art of attack. adversity never long overwhelmed them; they saw in misfortune the will of heaven, and without a murmur submitted to it. their favourite dogma of fatalism doubtless contributed to this result. fervently devoted to the laws of mohammed, they obeyed with great exactness his humane injunctions respecting almsgiving:[19] they bestowed on the poor not only food and {199} money, but a portion of their grain, fruit, and flocks, and of every kind of merchandise. in the towns and throughout the country, the indigent sick were collected, attended, and nursed with the most assiduous care. hospitality, so sacred from the remotest time among the arabs, was not less carefully observed among the people of grenada, who seemed to take peculiar pleasure in its exercise. the following touching anecdote is told in illustration of the powerful influence of this principle. a stranger, bathed in blood, sought refuge from the officers of justice under the roof of an aged moor. the old man concealed him in his house. but he had scarcely done so before a guard arrived to demand possession of the murderer, and, at the same time, to deliver to the horror-stricken mussulman the dead body of his son, whom the stranger had just assassinated. still the aged father would not give up his guest. when the guard, however, were gone, he entreated the assassin to leave him. "_depart from me_," he cried, "_that i may be at liberty to pursue thee!_" these moslems were but little known to the historians by whom they have been so often calumniated. polished, enthusiastic, hospitable, {200} brave, and chivalrous, but haughty, passionate, inconstant, and vindictive, their unfortunate fate entitles them, at least, to compassion and sympathy, while their virtues may well excite respect and interest. after their final defeat, many of the followers of the prophet retired to africa. those who remained in grenada suffered greatly from the persecution and oppression to which they were subjected by their new masters. the article in their last treaty with the spaniards, which formally ensured their religious freedom, was grossly violated by the catholics, who compelled the mussulmans to abjure their national faith by force, terror, and every other unworthy means. at last, outraged beyond endurance by this want of good faith, and wrought to desperation by the cruelties they were compelled to endure, in the year 1500 the moors attempted to revolt against their oppressors. their efforts were, however, unavailing: ferdinand marched in person against them, repressed by force of arms the struggles of a people whom he designated as rebels, and, sword in hand, administered the rite of baptism to more than fifty thousand captive moslems. {201} the successors of ferdinand, charles v. and especially philip ii., continued to harass the moors.[20] the inquisition was established in the city of grenada, and all the terrors of that dreaded institution were added to gentler means for the conversion of the infidels to christianity. their children were taken from them to be educated in accordance with the precepts of that religion whose adorable founder enjoined peace, mercy, and forbearance upon his followers, and forbade the practice of injustice and cruelty in every form. yielding to the promptings of despair, this crushed and wretched remnant of a once powerful and glorious nation again flew to arms in the year 1569, and executed the most terrible vengeance upon the catholic priesthood. mohammed-ben-ommah, the new king whom they chose to direct their destinies, and who was {202} said to have sprung from the cherished race of the ommiades, several times gave battle to his opponents in the mountains of the alpuxares, where he sustained the cause of his injured countrymen for the space of two years. at the end of that time he was assassinated by his own people. his successor shared the same fate, and the mussulmans were again compelled to submit to a yoke their revolt had rendered even more intolerable than before. finally, king philip iii. totally banished the moors from spain. the depopulation thus produced inflicted a wound upon that kingdom, from the effects of which it has never since recovered. more than one hundred and fifty thousand of this persecuted race took refuge in france, where henry iv. received them with great humanity. a small number also concealed themselves in the recesses of the alpuxares; but the greatest part of the expatriated islamites sought a home in africa. there their descendants still drag out a miserable existence under the despotic rule of the sovereigns of morocco, and unceasingly pray that they may be restored to their beloved grenada. [1] the darra, xenil, dilar, vagro, and monachil. [2] see note a, page 222. [3] see note b, page 222. [4] see note c, page 222. [5] it should be borne in mind, that the description given by m. florian of the remains of the once gorgeous splendours of this palace was written nearly half a century ago; and that time, and the yet more ruthless destroyer man, may have wrought great changes since that period amid the ruins of the alhambra.--_trans._ [6] the translator has adopted the literal french version of this inscription, given in a note by m. florian, from the impression that the spirit of the original would thus be better preserved than by attempting to render into rhyme his poetical interpretation. [7] see note d, page 223. [8] see note e, page 224. [9] a.d. 1302, heg. 703. [10] a.d. 1319, heg. 719. [11] the mountains of grenada, in the neighbourhood of which this action took place, have, ever since that event, borne the name of la sierra de los infantes. [12] see note f, page 224. [13] see note g, page 225. [14] the translator ventures to offer an imitation of m. florian's french version of this moorish ballad, and appends the spanish original with which he presents his readers. ganzul y zelinda. romance moro. en el tiempo que zelinda cerro ayrada la ventana a la disculpa a los zelos que el moro ganzul le daya, confusa y arrepentida de averse fingido ayrada, for verle y desagravialle, el corazon se le abraza; que en el villano de amor es mui cierta la mudanza, etc. y como supo que el moro rompio furioso la lanca, etc. y que la librea verde avia trocado en leonada; saco luego una marlota de tufetan roxo y plata, un bizarro capellar de tela de oro morada, etc. con une bonete cubierto de zaphires y esparaldas, que publican zelos muertos, y vivas las esperancos, con una nevada toça; que el color de la veleta tambien publica bononça informandose primero. a donde ganzul estava, a una caza de plazer aquella tarde le llama y diziendole a ganzul. que zelinda le aguardava, al page le pregunto tres vezes si so burlava; que son malaas de creer las nuevas mui desseadas, etc. hollola en un jardin, entre mosquetta y jasmine, etc. viendose moro con ella, a penas los ojos alça; zelinda le asio la mano, un poco roxa y turbada; y al fin de infinitas guexas que en tales passes se passan, vistio se las ricas presas con las manos de su dama, etc. [15] mohammedan priest. [16] see note h, page 225. [17] a.d. 1453, heg. 857. [18] a.d. 1469, heg. 874. [19] see note i, page 226. [20] the edicts of charles v., which were renewed and rendered more severe by philip ii., directed an entire change in the peculiar domestic habits and manners of the moors, prescribed their adoption of the spanish costume and language, forbade their women to wear veils, interdicted the use of the oath and the celebration of their national dances, and ordered that all their children from the age of five to fifteen should be registered, that they might be sent to catholic schools. {203} notes. first epoch. a, page 25. _until they embrace islamism, &c._ the word _islamism_ is derived from _islam_, which signifies _consecration to god_. the brief synopsis given in the text of the principles of the mohammedan religion, is literally rendered by the author from several different chapters of the koran. these precepts are there to be found almost lost amid a mass of absurdities, repetitions, and incoherent rhapsodies. yet, throughout the entire work, there are occasionally bright gleams of fervid eloquence or pure morality. mohammed never speaks on his own authority; he pretends always to be prompted by the angel gabriel, who repeats to him the commands of the most high: the prophet does but listen and repeat them. the angelic messenger has taken care to enter into a multitude of details, not only in relation to religion, but also to legislation and government. and thus it happens that the koran is regarded by the mussulmans as their standard, no less for civil than for moral law. one half of this book is written in verse, and the remainder in poetical prose. mohammed possessed great poetical talent; an endowment so highly esteemed by his countrymen, that they were in the habit of assembling at mecca to pronounce judgment on the different poems affixed {204} by their respective authors to the walls of the temple of tie caaba; and the individual in whose favour the popular voice decided was crowned with great solemnity. when the second chapter of the koran, _labia ebn rabia_, appeared on the walls, the most famous poet of the time, who had previously posted up a rival production of his own, tore it down, and acknowledged himself conquered by the prophet. mohammed was not altogether the monster of cruelty so many authors represent him to have been. he often displayed much humanity towards offenders who were in his power, and even forgave personal injuries. one of the most unrelenting of his enemies, named caab, on whose head a price had been set, had the audacity suddenly to appear in the mosque at medina while mohammed was preaching to the multitude. caab recited some verses which he had composed in honour of the prophet. mohammed listened to them with pleasure, embraced the poet, and invested him with his own mantle. this precious garment was afterward bought by one of the caliphs of the east, from the family of caab, for the sum of twenty thousand drachms, and became the pride of those asiatic sovereigns, who wore it only on the occasion of some solemn festival. the last moments of mohammed would seem to prove that he was far from possessing an ignoble mind. feeling his end approaching, he repaired to the mosque, supported by his friend ali. mounting the tribune, he made a prayer, and then, turning to the assembly, uttered these words: "mussulmans, i am about to die. no one, therefore, need any longer fear me; if i have struck any one among you, here is my breast, let him strike me in return: if i have wrongfully taken the property of any one, here is my purse, let him remunerate himself: if i have humbled any one, let him now {205} spurn me: i surrender myself to the justice of my countrymen!" the people sobbed aloud: one individual alone demanded three drachms of the dying prophet, who instantly discharged the debt with interest. after this he took an affectionate leave of the brave medinians who had so faithfully defended him, gave liberty to his slaves, and ordered the arrangements for his funeral. his last interview with his wife and daughter, and omar and ali, his friends and disciples, was marked by much tenderness. sorrow and lamentation were universal throughout arabia on this occasion; and his daughter fatima died of grief for his loss. the respect and veneration entertained by his followers for mohammed is almost inconceivable. their doctors have gravely asserted in their writings that the world was created for him; that the first thing made was light, and that that light became the substance of the soul of mohammed, etc. some of them have maintained that the alcoran was uncreated, while others have adopted a contrary opinion; and out of these discordant views have arisen numerous sects, and even wars that have deluged asia with blood. the life of mohammed was terminated by poison, which had been administered to him some years before by a jewess named zainab, whose brother had been slain by ali. this woman, to avenge the death of her brother, poisoned some roasted lamb which she served up for the prophet. scarcely had he put a morsel of it into his mouth, when, instantly rejecting it, he exclaimed that the meat was poisoned. notwithstanding the prompt use of antidotes, the injurious consequences were so severe, that he suffered from them during the remainder of his life, and died four years after, in the sixty-third year of his age. {206} b, page 27. _kaled, surnamed the sword of god, &c._ the feats of arms ascribed by historians to kaled resemble those of a hero of romance. he was at first the enemy of the great arabian leader, and vanquished that commander in the conflict of _aheh_, the only battle which mohammed ever lost. having afterward become a zealous mussulman, he subjugated such parts of the mohammedan dominions as had revolted after the death of the prophet, opposed the armies of heraclius, conquered syria, palestine, and a part of persia, and came off victor in numerous single combats in which he was at different times engaged: always challenging to an encounter of this kind the general of the hostile army. the following anecdote will illustrate his character. kaled besieged the city of bostra. the greek governor, named romain, under pretence of making a sortie, passed the walls with his troops, and arranged them in order of battle in front of the mussulman army. at the moment when he should have given the signal for the onset, the valiant greek demanded an interview with kaled. the two commanders, therefore, advanced into the centre of the space which separated the opposing armies. romain declared to the saracen general that he had determined not only to deliver the city to him, but to embrace the religion of the crescent; he at the same time expressed a fear that his soldiers, among whom he was by no means popular, intended to take his life, and intreated kaled to protect him against their vengeance. "the best thing you can do," replied the moslem leader, "is immediately to accept a challenge to a single combat with me. such an exhibition of courage will gain for you the respect of your troops, and we can treat together afterward!" {207} at these words, without waiting for a reply from the governor, the champion of islamism drew his cimeter and attacked the unfortunate romain, who defended himself with a trembling hand. at each blow inflicted by the redoubtable follower of the prophet, remain cried out, "do you then wish to kill me?" "no," replied the mussulman; "my only object is, to load you with honour; the more you are beaten, the more esteem you will acquire!" at last, when he had nearly deprived the poor greek of life, kaled gave up the contest, and shortly after took possession of the city: when he next saw the pusillanimous governor, he politely inquired after his health. c, page 30. _the warlike tribes of the bereberes, &c._ the name of the portion of africa called _barbary_ is derived from the bereberes. this people regarded themselves, with much appearance of truth, as the descendants of those arabs who originally came into the country with malek yarfric, and who are often confounded with the ancient numidians. their language, which differs from that of every other people, is, in the opinion of some authors, a corruption of the punic or carthaginian. divided into tribes and wandering among the mountains, this peculiar race still exists in the kingdom of morocco. the bereberes were never allied with the moors, for whom they always entertained a feeling of enmity. though at present under the dominion of the kings of morocco as their religious head, they brave his displeasure and authority at will. they are formidable in consequence of their numbers, courage, and indomitable spirit of independence; and still preserve unimpaired the peculiar simplicity of their ancient manners and habits. {208} d, page 34. _tarik, one of the most renowned captains of his time, &c._ tarik landed at the dot of the calpe mountain, and took the city of herculia, to which the arabs gave the name of _djebel tarik_, of which we have made gibraltar. e, page 38. _during the remainder of the caliphate of yezid ii., &c._ this caliph, the ninth of the ommiades, ended his existence in a manner that at least merits pity. he was amusing himself one day with throwing grapes at his favourite female slave, who caught them in her mouth. this fruit, it must be remembered, is much larger in syria than in europe. unfortunately, one of the grapes passed into the throat of the slave and instantly suffocated her. the despairing yezid would not permit the interment of this dearest object of his affections, and watched incessantly beside the corpse for eight successive days. being compelled at last, by the condition of the body, to separate himself from it, he died of grief, entreating, as he expired, that his remains might be interred in the same tomb with his beloved hubabah. second epoch. a, page 46. _he was soon after assassinated, &c._ three karagites (a name applied to a pre-eminently fanatical sect of mussulmans), beholding the disorders created in the arabian empire by the contentions of ali, moavias, and {209} amrou, believed that they should perform a service that would be acceptable to god, and restore peace to their country, by simultaneously assassinating the three rivals. one of them repaired to damascus, and wounded the usurper moavias in the back; but the wound did not prove mortal. the confederate charged with the murder of amrou, stabbed, by mistake, one of the friends of that rebel. the third, who had undertaken to despatch ali, struck him as he was about to enter the mosque, and the virtuous caliph was the only one who fell a victim to the design of the assassins. b, page 48. _mervan ii., the last caliph of the race, &c._ this ommiade was surnamed _alhemar_, that is to say, _the ass_: an appellation which, in the east, is considered highly honourable, from the singular regard there entertained for that patient and indefatigable animal. ariosto derived his touching episode of isabella of gallicia from the history of this prince. mervan, being at one time in egypt, became enamoured of a religious recluse whom he chanced to see there, and endeavoured to persuade her to break her monastic vows. effectually to relieve herself from his persecutions, the young devotee promised him an ointment which would render him invulnerable, and volunteered to prove its efficacy on her own person. after having anointed her neck with the mixture, she requested the caliph to test the keenness of his cimeter on it, which the barbarian did; and the result may be easily imagined. c, page 48. _the names of haroun al raschid, &c._ haroun al raschid (which signifies haroun the just) was {210} greatly renowned in the east. he undoubtedly, in part, owed his fame, as well as his surname, to the protection he afforded to men of letters. his military exploits and his love of science prove this caliph to have been no ordinary man; but then the glory of his achievements was tarnished by his cruelty to the barmacides. these were a distinguished tribe or family, descended from the ancient kings of persia. they had rendered the most signal services to the successive caliphs, and won the respect and affection of the whole empire. giaffar barmacide, who was considered the most virtuous of mussulmans and the most eminent author of the age, was the vizier of haroun. he entertained a passionate regard for abassa, the beautiful and accomplished sister of the caliph, and the princess reciprocated his affection; but the sovereign made the most unreasonable opposition to the celebration of their nuptials. this they effected, however, without his knowledge; and for some time haroun remained ignorant of the union of the lovers. but, at the end of some years, the caliph made a pilgrimage to mecca, to which city, the more effectually to secure the inviolability of his secret, the bermacide had sent his infant son to be reared. there the representative of the prophet, through the instrumentality of a perfidious slave, became acquainted with all the circumstances of the deception that had been practised on him. it would be difficult to believe the account of what followed, but that the facts were so well authenticated throughout asia. haroun caused his sister to be thrown into a well, commanded that giaffar should lose his head, and ordered every relative of the unfortunate bermacide to be put to death. the father of the vizier, a venerable old man, respected throughout the empire, which he had long governed, met his fate with the most heroic firmness. before he expired, he wrote these {211} words to the sanguinary despot: "_the accused departs first; the accuser will shortly follow. both will appear in the presence of a judge whom no arguments can deceive!_" the implacable haroun carried his vengeance so far as to forbid that any one should mention the names of his hapless victims. one of his subjects, named mundir, had the courage to brave this edict, and publicly to pronounce the eulogy of the beloved bermacides. the tyrant commanded that the offending mussulman should appear before him, and threatened him with punishment for what he had done. "you can silence me only by inflicting death upon me!" replied mundir: "that you have the power of doing; but you cannot extinguish the gratitude entertained by the whole empire for those virtuous ministers: even the ruins you have made of the monuments which they erected, speak of their fame in spite of you!" it is said that the monarch was touched by the words of this fearless defender of the dead, and that he commanded a golden plate to be presented to him. such was the famous caliph who bore the name of _the just_. almamon, his son, received no surname; but he deserved to be ranked with the wisest and the most virtuous of men. some idea of his character may be formed from the following anecdote. it is recorded of him, that his viziers urged him to punish with death one of his relations who had taken arms against him, and caused himself to be proclaimed caliph. almamon, however, rejected this sanguinary counsel, saying at the same time, "alas! if they who have injured me, knew how much pleasure i experience in forgiving my enemies, they would hasten to appear before me to confess their faults!" this excellent prince was the munificent {212} patron of science and the arts, and his reign formed the most brilliant epoch of the glorious days of the arabs. d, page 54. _wars with the kings of leon, and incursions into catalonia, &c._ historians do not agree concerning the precise period when charlemagne entered spain. it would appear, however, that it was during the reign of abderamus that the emperor crossed the pyrenees, took pampeluna and saragossa, and was attacked, during his retreat, in the defiles of roncevaux, a place rendered famous in romantic literature by the death of roland. e, page 59. _a government that properly respected the rights of the people, &c._ the ancient laws of aragon, known under the name of _fore de sobarbe_, limited the power of the sovereign by creating a balance for it in that of the _ricos hombres_, and of a magistrate who bore the name of justice. f, page 60. _the celebrated school, &c._ the musical school, founded at cordova by ali-zeriab, produced the famous moussali, who was regarded by the orientals as the greatest musician of his time. the music of the moors did not consist, like ours, in the concord of different instruments, but simply in soft and tender airs, which the musicians sung to the accompaniment of the lute. sometimes several voices and lutes executed the same air in unison. this simple style of music satisfied a people who were {213} such passionate lovers of poetry, that their first desire, when listening to a singer, was to hear the words he uttered. moussali, who was the pupil of ali-zeriab at cordova, became afterward, in consequence of his musical talents, the favourite of haroun al raschid, the celebrated caliph of the east. it is related that this prince, in consequence of a misunderstanding with one of his favourite wives, fell into such a slate of melancholy that fears were entertained for his life. giaffar, the bermacide, at that time the principal vizier of the caliph, entreated the poet abbas-ben-ahnaf to compose some verses on the subject of this quarrel. he did so, and they were sung in the presence of the prince by moussali; and the royal lover was so softened by the sentiments of the poet and the melody of the musician, that he immediately flew to the feet of his fair enslaver, and a reconciliation took place between the disconsolate monarch and the offended beauty. the grateful slave sent twenty thousand drachms of gold to the poet and moussali, and haroun added forty thousand more to her gift. g, page 66. _the statue of the beautiful zahra, &c._ mohammed, to discourage idolatry, forbade his followers, in the koran, to make images in any form; but this injunction was very imperfectly observed. the oriental caliphs adopted the custom of stamping their coins with an impression of their own features, as is proved by specimens still existing in the collections of the curious. on one side of these was represented the head of the reigning caliph, and on the other appeared his name, with some passages from the alcoran. in the palaces of bagdad, cordova and grenada, figures of animals, and sculpture of various kinds, both in gold and marble, abounded. {214} h, page 69. _the richest and most powerful, &c._ some conception of the opulence of the caliphs of the west, during the palmy days of their prosperity, may be formed from the value of the gifts presented to abderamus iii. by one of his subjects, abdoumalek-ben-chien, on the occasion of his being appointed to the dignity of chief vizier. the articles composing this present are thus enumerated: four hundred pounds of virgin gold; four hundred and twenty thousand sequins, in the form of ingots of silver; four hundred and twenty pounds of the wood of aloes; five hundred ounces of ambergris; three hundred ounces of camphor; thirty pieces of silk and cloth of gold; ten robes of the sable fur of korassan; one hundred others, of less valuable fur; forty-eight flowing housings for steeds; a thousand bucklers; a hundred thousand arrows; gold tissues, from bagdad; four thousand pounds of silk; thirty persian carpets; eight hundred suits of armour for war horses; fifteen arabian coursers for the caliph; a hundred for the use of his officers; twenty mules, saddled and caparisoned; forty youths and twenty young maidens, of rare beauty. i, page 81. about this time occurred the famous adventure of the seven sons of lara, so celebrated in spanish history and romance, and of which, as in some degree connected with moorish history, we may briefly narrate the particulars. these young warriors were brothers, the sons of gonzalvo gustos, a near relative of the first counts of castile, and lords of salas de lara. ruy velasquez, brother-in-law of gonzalvo gustos, instigated by his wife, who pretended to {215} have some cause of offence against the youngest of the seven brothers, meditated the execution of a horrible scheme for their destruction. ho commenced by sending their father gonzalvo on an embassy to the court of cordova, making him, at the same time, the bearer of letters, in which he prayed the caliph to put the envoy to death, as the enemy of the crescent and its followers. the mussulman sovereign, being unwilling to commit so barbarous an act, contented himself with retaining gonzalvo as a prisoner. in the mean time, the perfidious velasquez, under pretence of conducting an attack against the moors, led his nephews into the midst of an ambuscade, where, overpowered by numbers, they all perished, after a most heroic defence, accompanied by circumstances which render their end truly affecting. the barbarous uncle sent the gory heads of the murdered youths to the royal palace of cordova, and caused them to be presented to the unhappy father, in a golden dish covered with a veil. no sooner did gonzalvo behold the ghastly contents of the dish, than he fell to the earth, deprived of sense. the caliph of the west, filled with indignation at the demoniac cruelty of velasquez, restored his captive to liberty. but the foe of his race was too powerful to permit the childless gonzalvo to avenge the murder of his offspring. he attempted, indeed, to do so; but old age had deprived him of his former strength and vigour. with his wife, therefore, he mourned in solitude over the untimely fate of his sons, and entreated heaven to permit him to follow them to the tomb: but a champion of his cause unexpectedly arose in the person of an illegitimate son of gonzalvo's at the moorish court. when this boy had attained the age of twelve years, he was informed of his parentage by his mother, who was the sister of the sovereign of cordova, and of the wrongs which his father had suffered. {216} the heroic youth, who bore the name of _mendarra gonzalvo_, resolved to become the avenger of his brothers. hastening to execute his purpose, he left cordova, challenged valasquez, and slew him. cutting off the head of his father's foe, he sought with his burden the presence of the old man, demanded to be acknowledged as his son, and admitted into the christian church. the wife of gonzalvo joyfully consented to receive the brave mendarra as her son, and he was solemnly adopted by the venerable pair. the wife of velasquez, who, it will be remembered, had instigated the ferocious uncle to his murderous deed, was stoned to death and afterward burned. it is from this valiant mendarra gonzalvo that the mauriques de lara, one of the most important spanish families, seek to trace their descent. third epoch. a, page 86. _three bishops of catalonia, &c._ these three bishops of catalonia, who died fighting for the mussulmans at the battle of albakara, which took place in the year 1010, were arnaulpha, bishop of vic; accia, bishop of barcelona; and othon, bishop of girona. b, page 91. _and equally ready, when enjoying the favour of the sovereign, to displease him, if it should be necessary to do so, &c._ rodrigue dias de bivar, surnamed _the cid_, so well known by his affection for chimena and his duel with the count gormas, has been the subject of many poems, novels {217} and romances in the spanish tongue. without crediting all the extraordinary adventures ascribed to this hero by his countrymen, it is proved by the testimony of reputable historians, that the cid was not only the bravest and most dreaded warrior of his time, but one of the most virtuous and generous of men. de bivar was already famed for his exploits while castile was still under the dominion of ferdinand i. when the successor of that monarch, sancho ii., endeavoured to despoil his sister uraque of the city of zamora, this champion of the oppressed, with noble firmness, represented to the king that he was about being guilty of an act of injustice, by which he would violate, at the same time, the laws of honour and the ties of blood. the offended sancho exiled the cid, but was soon after obliged by necessity to recall him. when the treacherous assassination of sancho, while encamped before zamora, entitled his brother alphonso to the throne, the castilians were anxious that their new sovereign should disavow, by a solemn oath, having had any agency in the murder of his brother. no one dared demand of the king to take this oath except the cid, who constrained him to pronounce it aloud at the same altar where his coronation was celebrated; adding, at the same time, the most fearful maledictions against perjury. alphonso never forgave the liberty thus taken with him, and soon after banished the spanish hero from court, under pretence of his having trespassed on the territories of an ally of castile, the king of toledo, into whose dominions the cid had inadvertently pursued some fugitives from justice. the period of his exile became the most glorious epoch in the history of the chevalier de bivar: it was then that he achieved so many triumphs over the moors, aided solely by the brave companions in arms whom his reputation drew to his standard. after a time alphonso recalled the cid, and {218} received him into apparent favour; but rodrigo was too candid long to enjoy the royal smiles. banished from court anew, he hastened to accomplish the conquest of valencia; and master of that strong city, with many others, and of a territory of great extent, to make the cid a monarch it was only necessary that he himself should desire it. but the noble spaniard never for a moment indulged the wish, and ever continued the faithful subject of the ungrateful and often-offending alphonso. this celebrated hero died at valencia a.d. 1099, crowned with years and honours. he had but one son, and of him he was early deprived by death. the two daughters of the cid espoused princes of the house of navarre; and, through a long succession of alliances, formed at length the root whence is derived the present royal race of bourbons. c, page 92. _more ferocious and sanguinary than the lions of their deserts, &c._ the history of africa, during the period referred to in the text, is but a narrative of one continued succession of the most atrocious murders. were we to judge of humanity by these sanguinary annals, we should be tempted to believe, that, of all ferocious animals, man is the most bloodthirsty and cruel. amid the multitude of these african tyrants, there was one, of the race of the _aglhebites_, named _abon ishak_, who was particularly distinguished for the demoniac barbarity of his character. having butchered eight of his brothers, he next indulged his horrid thirst for blood in the sacrifice of his own offspring. the mother of this monster succeeded with difficulty in preserving from his fury a part of his family. one {219} day, while dining with ishak, upon his expressing some feeling of momentary regret that he had no more children, his mother tremblingly ventured to confess that she had preserved the lives of six of his daughters. the sanguinary wretch appeared softened, and expressed a desire to see them. when they were summoned to his presence, their youth and loveliness touched the ferocious father; and while ishak lavished caresses upon his innocent children, his mother retired, with tears of joy, to render thanks to heaven for this apparent change in the temper of her son. an hour afterward, a eunuch brought her, by order of the emperor, the heads of the young princesses. it would be easy to cite other parallel deeds, attested by historians, which were perpetrated by this execrable monster. suffice it to say, he escaped the violent death due to such a life, and long maintained his hateful rule. time has not softened the sanguinary ferocity, which seems like an inherent vice produced by the climate of africa. mulei-abdalla, the father of sidi mohammed, the recent king of morocco, renewed these scenes of horror. one day, while crossing a river, he was on the point of drowning, when one of his negroes succeeded in rescuing him from the waves. the slave expressed his delight at having had the good fortune to serve his master. his words were heard by abdalla, who, drawing his cimeter, and crying, "behold an infidel, who supposes that god required his assistance in preserving the life of an emperor," instantly struck off the head of his preserver. this same monarch had a confidential domestic who had been long in his service, and for whom the savage abdalla appeared to entertain some affection. in a moment of good-nature he entreated this aged servant to accept two thousand ducats at his hand and leave his service, lest he should be {220} seized with an irrepressible desire to kill him, as he had so many others. the old man clung to the feet of the king, refused the two thousand ducats, and assured him that he preferred perishing by his hand rather than abandon so beloved a master. mulei, with some hesitation, consented to retain his aged servant. some days afterward, impelled by that thirst for blood whose impulses were sometimes uncontrollable, and without the slightest provocation to the deed, the fiendish despot struck the unfortunate man dead at his feet, saying, at the same moment, that he had been a fool not to accept his permission to leave him. it is painful to relate these shocking details; but they present a true picture of the character of these african sovereigns, while they inspire us with a horror of tyranny, and a veneration for the restraints of civilization and law, so indispensable to the well-being of every community. d, page 98. _and possessed the united glory of having both enlightened, &c._ averroes belonged to one of the first families in cordova. his version of the writings of aristotle was translated into latin, and was for a long time the only translation of the works of that author. the other productions of averroes are still esteemed by the learned. he is justly regarded as the chief of the arabic philosophers: a class of men not numerous in a nation abounding in prophets and conquerors. the principles he entertained exposed him to much persecution. his indifference to the religious creed of his countrymen excited the enmity of the imans or priests against him, and afforded a pretext for the animosity of all whom his genius inspired with envy. he was accused of heresy before the {221} emperor of morocco; and the punishment decreed against him was, that he should do homage at the door of the mosque, while every true mussulman who came thither to pray for his conversion should spit in his face. he submitted patiently to the humiliating infliction, merely repeating the words _moriatur anima mea morte philosophorum_ (_let me die the death of a philosopher_). e, page 106. _and broke the chains, &c._ this king of navarre was sancho viii., surnamed _the strong_. it was in commemoration of the chains broken by him at the battle of toloza that sancho added the chains of gold to the arms of navarre, which are still to be seen on the field of gules. f, page 111. _cousin-german of st. lewis, &c._ blanche, the mother of st. lewis, was the daughter of alphonso the noble of castile. she had a sister named beringira, who became the wife of the king of leon, and the mother of ferdinand iii. several historians, among others mariana and garibai, maintain that blanche was older than beringira. if it were so, st. lewis was the rightful heir to the throne of castile. france long asserted the pretensions thus created. it is surprising that historians have not settled this disputed point. one thing, however, is certain: the claims of ferdinand, sustained as they were by the partiality of the castilians, prevailed over those of his cousin. {222} fourth epoch. a, page 132. _alphonso the sage, &c._ alphonso the sage was a great astronomer: his _alphonsine tables_ prove that the happiness of his people occupied his attention as much, at least, as his literary pursuits. it is in this collection that this remarkable sentence occurs--remarkable when it is considered that it expresses the sentiments of a monarch of the thirteenth century: "_the despot uproots the tree: the wise sovereign prunes it._" b, page 135. _in the hope of being elected emperor, &c._ alphonso the sage was elected emperor of germany in the year twelve hundred and fifty-seven: but he was at too great a distance from that country, and too much occupied at home, to be able to support his claims to the imperial throne. sixteen years afterward, however, he made a voyage to lyons, where pope gregory x. then was, to advocate his rights before that dignitary. but the sovereign pontiff decided in favour of rodolph of hapsburg, a scion of the house of austria. c, page 136. _sancho reigned in his father's stead, &c._ this sancho, surnamed _the brave_, who took up arms against his father and afterward obtained his throne, was the second son of alphonso the sage. his elder brother, ferdinand de la cerda, a mild and virtuous prince, died in the {223} flower of his age, leaving two infant sons, the offspring of his marriage with blanche, the daughter of st. lewis of france. it was to deprive these children of their reversionary right to the crown of castile that the ambitious sancho made war upon his father. he succeeded in his criminal designs; but the princes of la cerda, protected by france and aragon, rallied around them all the malecontents of castile, and the claims they were thus enabled to support long formed a pretext or occasion for the most bloody dissensions. d, page 149. _ferdinand iv., surnamed the summoned, &c._ ferdinand iv., the son and successor of sancho the brave, was still in his infancy when he succeeded to the throne. his minority was overshadowed by impending clouds; but the power and influence of queen mary, his mother, enabled her eventually to dissipate the dangers which threatened the safety of her son. this prince obtained his appellation of _the summoned_ from the following circumstance. actuated by feelings of strong indignation, ferdinand commanded that two brothers, named carvajal, who had been accused, but not convicted, of the crime of assassination, should be precipitated from a rocky precipice. both the supposed criminals, in their last moments, asserted their innocence of the crime alleged against them, appealed to heaven and the laws to verify the truth of their protestations, and summoned the passionate ferdinand to appear before the great judge of all men at the end of thirty days. at the precise time thus indicated, the castilian king, who was marching against the moors, retired for repose after dinner, and was found dead upon his couch. the spaniards attributed this sudden death to the effects of divine justice. it had been well if the {224} monarchs who succeeded ferdinand, peter the cruel in particular, had been convinced of the truth of this sentiment. e, page 149. _retiring within the walls of tariffe, &c._ after sancho the brave became master of tariffe, it was besieged by the africans. it was during this siege that alphonso de guzman, the spanish governor of the city, exhibited an example of invincible firmness and self-command, of which none but parents can form a just estimate. the son of de guzman was taken prisoner during a sortie. the africans conducted their captive to the walls, and threatened the governor with his immolation unless the city should be immediately surrendered. the undaunted spaniard replied only by hurling a poniard at his enemies, and retired from the battlements. in a moment loud cries burst from the garrison. hastily demanding the cause of this alarm, the unhappy father was told that the africans had put to death his son. "god be praised," said he, "i thought that the city had been taken!" f, page 158. _the celebrated inez de castro, &c._ the passion of peter the cruel for inez de castro was carried to such excess as, perhaps, in some degree, to account for the atrocity of his revenge upon her murderers. these were three distinguished portuguese lords, who themselves stabbed the unfortunate inez in the arms of her women. peter, who, at the time this barbarous deed was committed, had not yet attained regal power, seemed from that period to lose all command of himself: from being gentle and virtuous, he became ferocious and almost insane. he openly rebelled against his father, carried fire and sword into those {225} parts of the kingdom in which the domains of the assassins of inez were situated, and, when he afterward came into possession of the crown, insisted that the king of castile should deliver up gonzales and coello, two of the guilty noblemen, who had taken refuge at his court. thus master of the persons of two of his victims (the third had fled into france, where he died), peter subjected them to the most dreadful tortures. he caused their hearts to be torn out while they were yet living, and assisted himself at this horrible sacrifice. after thus glutting his vengeance, the inconsolable lover exhumed the body of his murdered mistress, clothed it in magnificent habiliments, and, placing his crown upon the livid and revolting brow, proclaimed inez de castro queen of portugal; compelling, at the same time, the grandees of his court to do homage to the insensible remains which he had invested with the attributes of royalty. g, page 161. _most of the productions of the grenadian authors, &c._ after the surrender of grenada, cardinal ximenes caused every copy of the koran of which he could obtain possession to be burned. the ignorant and superstitious soldiery mistook for that work everything written in the arabic language, and committed to the flames a multitude of compositions both in prose and verse. h, page 178. _the abencerrages, &c._ the inhabitants of grenada, and, indeed, the whole moorish people, were divided into tribes, composed of the different branches of the same family. some of these tribes were more numerous and important than others: but two distinct {226} races were never united together, nor was one of them ever divided. at the head of each of these tribes was a chief who was descended in a direct male line from the original founder of the family. in the city of grenada there existed thirty-two considerable tribes. the most important of these were the abencerrages, the zegris, the alcenabez, the almorades, the vanegas, the gomeles, the abidbars, the gauzuls, the abenamars, the aliatars, the reduans, the aldoradins, etc. these separate races were, many of them, at enmity with each other; and their animosity being perpetuated from one generation to another, gave rise to the frequent civil wars which were attended with such disastrous consequences to the nation at large. i, page 198 _his humane injunctions respecting almsgiving, &c._ almsgiving is one of the leading principles of the mohammedan religion. it was enjoined upon the followers of the prophet by a variety of allegories, among which is the following: "the sovereign judge shall, at the last great day, entwine him who has not bestowed alms with a frightful serpent, whose envenomed sting shall for ever pierce the avaricious hand that never opened for the relief of the unfortunate!" {227} a brief account of the rise and decline of the mohammedan empire; the literature, science, and religion of the arabs; and the present condition of mohammedanism {229} a brief account of the mohammedan empire. chapter i. extent of the arabian empire.--causes which led to that extent.--continuance of mohammedanism.--decay of the empire.--what led to it.--spain revolts and sets up a separate caliph.--africa.--egypt.--bagdad.--fall of the house of the abbassides. the first battle in which the arabs tried their power against the disciplined forces of the roman empire was the battle of muta. though on that occasion they were successful, the most sanguine could not have ventured to predict that, before the close of a century, their empire would become more extensive than any that had ever before existed. yet such was the fact. it overthrew the power of the romans, and rendered the successors of the prophet the mightiest and most absolute sovereigns on earth. under the last monarch of the ommiade race, {230} the arabian empire, excepting only an obscure part of africa, of little account, embraced a compact territory equal to six months' march of a caravan in length and four in breadth, with innumerable tributary and dependant states. in the exercise of their power, the caliphs were fettered neither by popular rights, the votes of a senate, nor constitutional laws: the koran was, indeed, their professed rule of action; but, inasmuch as they alone were its interpreters, their will was in all cases law. the loss of spain to the empire was more than made up by conquests in india, tartary, and european turkey. samarcand and timbuctoo studied with equal devotion the language and religion of the koran, and at the temple of mecca the moor and the indian met as brother pilgrims. throughout the countries west of the tigris, the language of arabia became the vehicle of popular intercourse; and, although in persia, tartary, and hindostan the native dialects continued in common use, the arabic was also there the sacred tongue. we will advert to some of the causes which led to this astonishing success. the leading article of the mohammedan faith, the unity of god, harmonized with what jews and christians universally believed. mohammed propounded this doctrine, by excluding the deity of jesus christ, so as {231} to fall in with the views of the greater number of the christian sectaries. he moreover enjoined practices which, in the then corrupt state of religion, were beginning widely to prevail. to the untutored mind of the desert wanderer, his doctrine would thus possess all the attractiveness he might have heard ascribed to christianity, while his being of the same country would secure for him the greater attention. systems in which truth and error have been combined are by no means unwillingly received, especially by those who are already superstitious and fanatical, and such was pre-eminently the character of the arabians. mohammed's religious, moral, and juridical system was in general accordance with asiatic opinions; it provided a paradise exactly suited to the imagination and taste of the orientals; and, as the superstitious are always more powerfully influenced by that which awakens apprehension and appeals to fear than by what enkindles hope, his hell contributed even more than his heaven to multiply disciples. still, had no resort been had to arms, the mohammedan faith would in all probability have been confined to the deserts of arabia. the whole of asia was at that time in a state of unprecedented military inactivity, and opportunity was thus afforded for the success of his enterprise. empires {232} were tottering and powerless; political wisdom had almost disappeared; and to military talents and courage the arabs alone could make any pretensions. previous contentions between the persian and byzantine empires had entirely destroyed what little remains of internal vigour those governments might otherwise have possessed. civil revolts, tyranny, extortion, sensuality, and sloth, had annihilated the ambition of universal rule which the greek and roman governments had once cherished; and their provinces, neglected or oppressed, became an easy prey to the moslem power. the nations were the more rapidly subdued, since to the indomitable ferocity of the desert wanderer the saracens added those other features which complete a warlike character. they despised death, and were self-denying and energetic to a degree far beyond the soldiers of civilized countries, while they were scarcely less familiar with the military art. the lieutenants of the caliphs soon vied with the roman generals in skill; and it is by no means difficult to explain their almost uniform superiority, when we bear in mind the character of the armies they respectively commanded. terror, moreover, is epidemic; and a force already successful commonly finds its victorious progress greatly aided by the prevailing notion of its prowess. thus we have witnessed, {233} in the wars of more disciplined troops, the tremendous effect of a name alone. it may be added, also, that the saracen success is greatly attributable to that ardent and impetuous spirit of religious enthusiasm with which they fought. they deemed their cause the cause of god; heaven, they were persuaded, was engaged in their behalf; every one who fell in their wars was a martyr; and cowardice was tantamount to apostacy. the religious ardour of the crusaders, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, to exterminate mohammedanism, did not exceed, if it even equalled, that of the arab soldiers by whom that system had been originally propagated. whatever secular principles and ambition influenced them, they took credit for fighting in the support of truth and virtue. the sword and the koran were equally the companions and the instruments of their wars. "the circumstance," says paley, in his admirable exhibition of the evidences of christianity,[1] "that mohammed's conquests should carry his religion along with them, will excite little surprise when we know the conditions which he proposed to the vanquished: death or conversion was the only choice offered to idolaters. to the jews and christians was left the somewhat milder {234} alternative of subjection and tribute if they persisted in their own religion, or of an equal participation of the rights and liberties, the honours and privileges of the faithful if they embraced the religion of their conquerors." literature, in the days of mohammed, was as little regarded as was pure and practical christianity. his followers everywhere met with an ignorant and easily deluded people. both the monuments of science and the means of freedom had been abolished by the barbarians of the north. philosophy and the liberal arts found no patrons among indolent and luxurious emperors and nobles. superstition, therefore, naturally took possession of the minds of men, and, as neither fears nor hopes were moderated by knowledge, idle, preposterous, and unnecessary ceremonies easily obtained currency. mohammed merely changed one set of ceremonies for another; and in this there was little difficulty, since, in the almost universal darkness of mankind, terror and credulity everywhere prevailed. the continuance of the religion of mohammed in countries after the arab dominion over them had ceased, may be also easily accounted for. "everything in asia is a matter of regulation; and freedom of opinion being but little permitted or encouraged in the despotic governments of the {235} east, mohammedanism, when once received, became stationary. the human code is mingled with the divine, and the ideas of change and profanation are inseparable. as the unsettling of the political and social fabric might ensue from a change of modes of faith, all classes of men are interested in preserving the national religion." [2] besides this, in their own nature religious doctrines are more permanent in their hold than forms of civil government: it may be questioned, for in stance, whether, whatever civil changes scotland might undergo, presbyterianism would ever cease to be the prevalent faith of its inhabitants. a people may, with the overthrow of usurped civil power, return to their ancient religion, whatever it is: but when once a religion has become, so to speak, indigenous, it is likely to be permanent. such is the religion of the koran both in asia and africa. the elements of political weakness and decay soon began to be developed in the chief seat of the saracen empire. in the earliest days of the caliphate, after the accession of the ommiade dynasty, the princes of damascus were regarded as the heads of the moslem faith; while the governors of arabia successively obtained, as to civil rule, their independence. to this the widely-extended wars in which the caliphs were engaged no doubt {236} contributed. other provinces followed the example; and, as the empire enlarged, the remoteness and degeneracy of the syrian court encouraged the governors to assume to themselves everything except the name of king, and to render their dignities hereditary. all the provinces were nominally connected with the empire by the payment of tribute; but means were easily devised to withhold this, under pretence of prosecuting the wars of the caliph, though really to strengthen his rebellious deputies against him. if in this we discover a want of efficiency in the government, we need not be surprised: the systems of the macedonian hero and of the roman conquerors were equally defective; and perhaps we should attribute such deficiency to a wise and beneficent arrangement of providence, which, that oppression may never become permanent and universal, permits not any empire for a very long time to hold dominion over countries dissimilar in their habits and character and independent of each other. to the establishment of these separate states, the luxury and effeminacy of the court at damascus in no small degree contributed. in the early periods of the caliphate, simplicity and charity chiefly distinguished their rulers; but, as the wealth and power of the saracens increased, they imitated the splendour and magnificence of the monarchs of persia {237} and greece. abulfeda says of the court in the year 917: "the caliph moctadi's whole army, both horse and foot, were under arms, which together made a body of one hundred and sixty thousand men. his state officers stood near him in the most splendid apparel, their belts shining with gold and gems. near them were seven thousand black and white eunuchs. the porters or doorkeepers were in number seven hundred. barges and boats, with the most superb decorations, were swimming on the tigris. nor was the palace itself less splendid, in which were hung thirty-eight thousand pieces of tapestry, twelve thousand five hundred of which were of silk embroidered with gold. the carpets on the floor were twenty-two thousand. a hundred lions were brought out, with a keeper to each lion. among the other spectacles of rare and stupendous luxury was a tree of gold and silver, which opened itself into eighteen larger branches, upon which and the other smaller branches sat birds of every sort, made also of gold and silver. the tree glittered with leaves of the same metals; and while its branches, through machinery, appeared to move of themselves, the several birds upon them warbled their natural notes." when, moreover, decline had once commenced, its progress was accelerated by the means taken {238} to arrest it. after the regular troops had been corrupted by faction, the caliphs, for the defence of their person and government, formed a militia; but the soldiers composing this force, not unfrequently foreigners, soon governed with a military despotism similar to that of the janizaries of turkey, the mamelukes of egypt, or the praetorian guards of rome; and, in addition to these causes of decay, a furious spirit of sectarianism tore asunder the very strength and heart of the empire. the colossal power of the successors of mohammed, suddenly towering to its awful height, almost as suddenly fell, as if to yield more perfect confirmation of the truth, that all earthly things are destined to pass away, while the word of the living god abideth for ever. spain, as has been seen, was the first distant province of the arabian empire which succeeded in separating itself and setting up an independent caliph. as this country had been brought under the moslem yoke by means chiefly furnished from the northern states of africa, its independence was likely to produce a corresponding effect upon those states. they were governed in the name of the bagdad caliphs; but for nearly a century they had been growing into independence, under rulers usually known, from the name of their progenitor, as the aglabite dynasty. early in the ninth century, {239} the throne of mauritania, massilia, and carthage was seized by obeidollah, whose successors assumed the title of mihidi, or directors of the faithful. the districts of fez and tangiers, which had been already wrested from the princes of bagdad by the real or pretended posterity of ali, were soon brought under his dominion; and, before the end of the tenth century, all acknowledgment of the abbassidan rule was obliterated by the suppression of public prayers for the princes of that race. a succession of changes distracted the country for some five centuries afterward; but, about the year 1516, the descendants of mohammed were raised to the throne of morocco, which has been transmitted, without interruption, in the same line, to its present possessors. moez, the last of the african princes of the house of obeidollah, who seems to have depended for his dominion more on his prowess than on his supposed descent from mohammed,[3] transferred his court to grand cairo, a city which he had built in egypt after his conquest of that country. africa was to be held as a fief of this new empire. large tracts of syria and the whole of palestine acknowledged the {240} supremacy of his descendants, commonly known as fatimites, from their supposed relationship to ali, and to fatima, the prophet's daughter. they possessed also the sovereignty of the holy land; against them, therefore, the crusades of europe were chiefly directed. during these formidable wars the caliphs of egypt sought assistance from those of bagdad; and noureddin, a prince of that empire, protected them against their western assailants. the weakness of egypt, however, came thus to be known to the crafty and powerful caliphs of bagdad, and in a short time its asiatic dominions were seized upon by noureddin and saladin. as adhed, the last caliph of egypt, was dying in the mosque of cairo, these generals proclaimed morthadi, the thirty-third caliph of bagdad, as his successor. saladin, whose name, from his activity, courage, and success against the crusaders, is better known to the readers of european history than that of almost any other mohammedan prince, soon made himself master of egypt; but his successors could not maintain the power he had acquired. the country is now governed by the celebrated mohammed ali, nominally as viceroy of the turkish emperor, though he is in reality a sovereign and independent prince. the caliphs of the house of abbas, having built the city of bagdad soon after their accession to the {241} throne, transferred thither their court and the seat of power. for five centuries they reigned there with various degrees of authority; but foreign wars and domestic revolts gradually dissolved the empire, and their dominion at length passed away. badhi, the twentieth caliph of the race, was "the last," says abulfeda, "who harangued the people from the pulpit; who passed the cheerful hour of leisure with men of learning and taste; whose expenses, resources, and treasures, whose table and magnificence, had any resemblance to those of the ancient caliphs." "during the next three centuries," says a modern historian of the arabian empire, "the successors of mohammed swayed a feeble sceptre. sometimes their state was so degraded that they were confined in their palaces like prisoners, and occasionally were almost reduced to the want of corporeal subsistence. the tragic scenes of fallen royalty at length were closed; for, towards the middle of the seventh century of the hegira, the metropolis of islamism fell into the hands of houlagou khan, the grandson of zenghis khan, and emperor of the moguls and tartars, who reigned at that period with absolute and unmixed despotism over every nation of the east. the caliph mostasem, the thirty-seventh of his house, was murdered under circumstances of peculiar barbarity, and the caliphate of bagdad {242} expired. though the dignity and sovereignty of the caliphs were lost by this fatal event, and the soul which animated the form had fled, yet the name existed for three centuries longer in the eighteen descendants of mostanser billah, a son, or pretended son, of daker, the last but one of this race of princes. "mostanser billah and his successors, to the number of eighteen, were called the second dynasty of the abbassides, and were spiritual chiefs of the mohammedan religion, but without the slightest vestige of temporal authority. when selim, emperor of the turks, conquered egypt and destroyed the power of the mamelukes, he carried the caliph, whom he found there a prisoner, to constantinople, and accepted from him a renunciation of his ecclesiastical supremacy. on the death of the caliph, the family of the abbassides, once so illustrious, and which had borne the title of caliph for almost eight hundred years, sunk with him from obscurity into oblivion." [4] [1] vol. ii., section 3. [2] mills, p. 179. [3] when it was demanded of moez from what branch of mohammed's family he drew his title, "this," said he, showing his cimeter, "is my pedigree; and these," throwing gold among his soldiers, "are my children." [4] mill's history, 160. {243} chapter ii. literature and science of the arabs.--their facilities for literary and scientific pursuits.--patronage of literature by the princes of the house of abbas.--almamoun.--arabian schools.--eloquence.--poetry.--the arabian tales.--history.--geography.--speculative sciences.--astrology.--mathematical knowledge of the arabs.--astronomy.--architecture.--the fine arts.--agriculture.--medicine.--chymistry.--our obligations to arab literature. the early followers of the arabian prophet were only enthusiastic military adventurers, subduing in their wide and rapid progress most of the nations of the then known world. the lust of power, and successful military enterprise, are commonly unfavourable to the cultivation of the liberal arts, so that a conquering people usually exhibit but little taste for science or literature. the goths and the huns, for instance, were among the most implacable foes of knowledge. nor did the early arabs regard it with more favour. mohammed found his countrymen sunk in the deepest barbarism: he was incapable of any direct effort to raise them; and, from the ruthless destruction of the alexandrean library by omar, one of his earliest successors, they appear not to have been in a much {244} better condition after the close than at the commencement of his eventful career. their settlement in the countries they had subdued, the unlimited resources which their wide-spread conquests placed within their reach, and probably the leisure which their almost universal dominion afforded, speedily led to a change in their character in relation to literary pursuits, of which the more enlightened nations of the west are still reaping the advantage. it was about the middle of the seventh century that omar committed the famous library of alexandrea to the flames: before the end of the eighth, literature began to enjoy the munificent patronage of the caliphs of the abbassidan race, who superinduced upon the stern fanaticism of the followers of the prophet the softening influences of learning; and, by an anomaly in the history of mankind, the most valuable lessons in science and the arts have been received from a people who pursued with relentless hostility the religion and liberties of every other nation. the greeks were the most distinguished patrons of literature and science. among them philosophy found its earliest home, and the arts are commonly supposed to have sprung up chiefly under their fostering care, though modern researches have shown that much of their knowledge was derived from still more ancient sources. their {245} philosophy, though greatly improved by them, was borrowed from the mysteries of the egyptian priests and the persian magi. their system of the universe, which made the nearest approach to the more correct discoveries of modern times, was previously known to the learned hindus; and it may admit of question whether their whole mythology, allowing for the additions which a chastened and vivid imagination would make to it, had not its prototype in some asiatic religio-philosophical system. a learned writer on the erudition of the asiatics says, that the whole of the theology of the greeks, and part of the philosophy of modern scientific research, may be found in the hindu vedas. he adds, "that most subtile spirit which newton suspected to pervade natural bodies, and to lie concealed in them so as to cause attraction and repulsion, the emission, reflection, and refraction of light, electricity, calefaction, sensation, and muscular motion, is described by the hindus as a fifth element, endued with those very powers; and the vedas abound with allusions to a force universally attractive, which they chiefly attribute to the sun." the extension, therefore, of the arabian victories over the eastern world, and their entire command, after the overthrow of the greek empire, of the resources possessed by that people, {246} gave them access to all the literary stores then in existence. it has been said, and probably not without good reason, that mohammed himself saw and felt the importance of literary distinction. among the sayings attributed to him, the following has been considered as evincing his sense of the value of learning: "a mind without erudition is like a body without a soul. glory consists not in wealth, but in knowledge;" and, as the koran affords abundant proof, he was by no means unmindful of that mental cultivation, of which the means were within his reach. his immediate followers, occupied only with the ideas of conquest and conversion, despised equally the religion and learning of the nations they subdued; but when the age of rapine and violence yielded at length to comparative security and quiet, and the fair and splendid city of the oriental caliphs arose, the muses were courted from their ancient temples, and by the milder and more graceful achievements of literature and science, efforts were made to expiate the guilt of former conquest, and to shed a purer lustre over the mohammedan name. almansor, the second of the dynasty of the abbassides, whose reign commenced a.d. 754, and lasted twenty-one years, was among the first of the arab princes to foster learning and the arts. {247} jurisprudence and astronomy were the principal subjects of his study, which, however, through the instruction of a greek physician in his court, he extended to the art of healing, and probably to those kindred arts with which, in all ages and countries, medical science has been connected. what progress was made by himself or his subjects, we cannot now ascertain. his two immediate successors seem not to have trodden in his steps, though it is probable they did not undo what he had done; for the next caliph, haroun al raschid, is renowned as one of the most munificent patrons that literature ever enjoyed. he was fond of poetry and music: he is said to have constantly surrounded himself with a great number of learned men; and to him the arabs were deeply indebted for the progress in knowledge which they were enabled to make. every mosque in his dominions had a school attached to it by his order; and, as if his love of learning were superior even to his hereditary faith, he readily tolerated men of science who refused to yield to the bold pretensions of the prophet. a nestorian christian presided over his schools, and directed the academical studies of his subjects. his successor imitated his wise and generous course; and thus knowledge extended from the capital to the most distant extremities of the empire. {248} but it was during the reign of almamoun, the seventh of the abbassidan princes, a.d. 813-833, that literature flourished most among the arabs. learned men, professors of the christian faith, had multiplied at bagdad under the tolerant reigns of his predecessors, and they were now liberally encouraged to unfold their ample stores of knowledge. the copious language of arabia was employed to communicate whatever that of the greeks had hitherto concealed, though, with a barbarism for which it is difficult to account, many of the original works were destroyed as soon as translations of them were made. almamoun in his youth had associated with the most eminent scholars of greece, persia, and chaldea; and he now invited them to his court. bagdad was resorted to by poets, philosophers, and mathematicians, from every country and of every creed. armenia, syria, and egypt were explored by his agents for literary treasures, which were amassed with infinite care, and presented at the foot of the throne as the richest and most acceptable tribute that conquered provinces could render. camels, hitherto employed exclusively in traffic, were seen entering the royal city laden with hebrew, persian, and grecian manuscripts. the court assumed the appearance rather of an academy than of a council guiding the affairs of a luxurious and warlike {249} government, and all classes were encouraged to apply themselves to the acquisition of knowledge with a zeal commensurate to the advantages thus afforded. "i chose," said almamoun, when remonstrated with for appointing a learned christian to an office of no small influence over the intellectual pursuits of his people, "i chose this learned man, not to be my guide in religious affairs, but to be my teacher of science; and it is well known that the wisest men are to be found among the jews and christians." [1] under such favourable auspices, it is not to be wondered at that the saracens became a literary people. the caliphs of the west and of africa imitated their brethren of the east. "at one period, six thousand professors and pupils cultivated liberal studies in the college of bagdad. twenty schools made grand cairo a chief seat of letters; and the talents of the students were exercised in the perusal of the royal library, which consisted of one hundred thousand manuscripts. the african writers dwell with pride and satisfaction on the literary institutions which adorned the towns on the northern coast of their sandy plain. the sun of science arose even in africa, and the manners of the moorish savage were softened by philosophy. {250} their brethren in europe amassed numerous and magnificent collections; two hundred and eighty thousand volumes were in cordova, and more than seventy libraries were open to public curiosity in the kingdom of andalusia." we know but little of the internal government of the arabian schools, or of the studies actually pursued. aristotle, no doubt, was the great master to whom, in philosophy, all deference was paid. the prophet had prescribed their religion. their schools were of two kinds, or rather classes; the one comprehending the inferior institutions, in which elementary branches of instruction, such as reading, writing, and religious doctrine were chiefly attended to; the other, called _madras_, mostly connected with the mosques, as were all the schools of the former class, included those institutions in which the higher departments of knowledge were explored. here grammar, logic, theology, and jurisprudence were studied. the management of each school was confided to a principal of known ability, and not always, a mohammedan. the professors lectured on the several sciences; and the pupils, if not in every department, of which there is some doubt, certainly in that of medicine, were publicly examined, and diplomas were given under the hand of the chief physician. of elegant composition, the koran was {251} universally esteemed the model. hence it was studied with the most diligent care by all who sought to distinguish themselves in the art of eloquence, one of the leading acquirements of arab scholars. subordinate to this pre-eminent composition, their schools of oratory boasted of models scarcely inferior to the celebrated orators of antiquity. malek and sharaif, the one for pathos, the other for brilliancy, are the chief of these. horaiai was esteemed as the compeer of demosthenes and cicero. bedreddin, of grenada, was their "torch of eloquence;" and sekaki obtained the honourable designation of the arabian quinctilian. the ancient arabs were much inclined to poetry. the wild, romantic scenery of the land they inhabited, the sacred recollections of their earliest history, the life they led, everything around them, contributed to poetic inspiration. after the revival of letters, this art was cultivated with enthusiasm. the heroic measures of ferdousi, the didactic verses of sadi, and the lyric strains of hafiz, even through the medium of imperfect translations, discover animated descriptions, bold metaphors, and striking expressions, that at once delight and surprise us. in splendour, if not in strength, the poets of the courts of haroun and almamoun, or those of the ommiades of spain, have, perhaps, in no age been excelled. in this art, as among other {252} people, so among the arabs, the fair sex have distinguished themselves. valadata, aysha, labana, safia, and others, have obtained the highest encomiums. so great is the number of arabian poets, that abul abbas, a son of motassem, who wrote an abridgment of their lives in the ninth century, numbers one hundred and thirty. other authors have occupied twenty-four, thirty, and one no less than fifty volumes, in recording their history. the arabs, however, are entirely without epic poetry, so important a department of the art; nor have they anything that may be properly ranked as dramatic composition. sophocles, euripides, terence, and seneca, the classic models of greece and rome, they despised as timid, constrained, and cold; and under whatever obligation to these ancient nations the arabs may have been in other departments of literature, they owe them nothing, or next to nothing, in this. their poetry was original and local; their figures and comparisons were strictly their own. to understand and properly appreciate them, we must have a knowledge of the productions of their country, and of the character, institutions, and manners of its inhabitants. the muse delights in illustrations and figures borrowed from pastoral life; that of judea revels among the roses of sharon, the verdant slopes of {253} carmel, and the glory of lebanon; while the arab muse selects for her ornaments the pearls of omar, the musk of hadramaut, the groves and nightingales of aden, and the spicy odours of yemen. if these appear to us fantastic, it must be remembered they are borrowed from objects and scenes to which we are almost utter strangers. who is not familiar with the alif lita wa lilin, or the thousand and one tales, commonly known as the arabian nights' entertainment? some have questioned whether they are an original work, or a translation from the indian or persian, made in the augustan age of arab literature: a doubt certainly not warranted by any want of exactness in their description of arabian life and manners. they seem to have been originally the legends of itinerant story-tellers, a class of persons still very numerous in every part of the mohammedan world. the scenes they unfold, true to nature; the simplicity displayed in their characters, their beauty and their moral instruction, appeal irresistibly to the hearts of all; while the learned concede to them the merit of more perfectly describing the manners of the singular people from whom they sprung, than the works of any traveller, however accomplished and indefatigable. of history the ancient arabs were strangely negligent; but, by the more modern, this {254} department of knowledge has been cultivated with greater care and success. annals, chronicles, and memoirs, almost numberless, are extant among them: kingdoms, provinces, and towns are described, and their history is narrated in volumes, a bare catalogue of which would extend to a wearisome length. they abound, however, more in the fanciful than in the substantial and correct. of this, the titles of some of the most approved works of this kind may be taken as specimens: a chronology of the caliphs of spain and africa is denominated "a silken vest, embroidered with the needle;" a history of grenada, "a specimen of the full moon;" ibu abbas and abu bakri are authors of historical collections, entitled respectively, "mines of silver," and "pearls and picked-up flowers." yet some of their writers, as ibn katibi, are chiefly remarkable for the extent and accuracy of their historical knowledge; and some of their works are exceedingly voluminous. a full history of spain occupied six authors in succession, and cost the labour of one hundred and fifteen years to complete. their biography was not confined to men. ibn zaid and abul mondar wrote a genealogical history of distinguished horses; and alasucco and abdolmalec performed the same service for camels worthy of being had in remembrance. encyclopaedias and gazetteers, {255} with dictionaries of the sciences and other similar works, occupied arabian pens long before they came into vogue among more modern literati. every species of composition, indeed, and almost every subject, in one age or another, have engaged the attention of learned mohammedans. geography they did not so well understand, their means of acquiring knowledge on this subject being exceedingly limited. yet their public libraries could boast of globes, voyages, and itineraries, the productions of men who travelled to acquire geographical information. with statistics and political economy they had but an imperfect acquaintance; yet so early as the reign of omar ii. we find a work devoted to these subjects, giving an account of the provinces and cities of spain, with its rivers, ports, and harbours; of the climate, soil, mountains, plants, and minerals of that country; with its imports, and the manner in which its several productions, natural and artificial, might be manufactured and applied to the best advantage. money, weights, and measures, with whatever else political economy may be understood to include, were also subjects which employed their ingenious speculations, and, in some cases, their laborious research. the speculative sciences, scarcely less than polite literature, flourished among the arabs. {256} indeed, what superstitious, enthusiastic people has ever neglected these? their ardour in the more dignified of these pursuits was badly regulated; subtleties were preferred to important practical truths; and, frequently, the more ingenious the sophism, constructed after the rules of aristotle, the more welcome was it to men who rendered to that philosopher a homage almost idolatrous. the later arabs, and the turks of the present day, pay no little attention to astrology, though it is strongly prohibited by their prophet. this science was universally employed by the idolaters, against whom his denunciations are scarcely less inveterate than are those of the inspired volume; and doubtless he apprehended that its prevalence would hazard the integrity, if not the very existence, of his own system of religion. for many ages, therefore, it was discountenanced; but, at length, the habit of consulting the stars on important public occasions became frequent, and was attended with as much anxiety and as many absurd ceremonies as disgraced the nations of antiquity. among the modern mohammedans, no dignity of state is conferred; no public edifice is founded, except at a time recommended by astrologers. these pretenders to knowledge are supported by persons of rank; and in vain do the more enlightened part of the community exclaim that astrology is a false {257} science. "do not think," said a prime minister, who had been consulting a soothsayer as to the time of putting on a new dress, "that i am such a fool as to put faith in all this nonsense; but i must not make my family unhappy by refusing to comply with forms which some of them deem of consequence." after these references to the polite literature of the arabs, it will be expected that they should have paid attention to the natural sciences. they were not, indeed, discoverers and inventors, but they considerably improved upon what they acquired in their extensive intercourse with other nations; and, as forming the link which unites ancient and modern letters, they are entitled to our respect and gratitude. we derive our mathematics from them; and to them, also, we owe much of our astronomical knowledge. almamoun, by a liberal reward, sought to engage in his service a famous mathematician of constantinople; and ibn korrah enriched the stores of his country in this department with translations of archimedes and the conics of apollonius. some have said that, on the revival of european literature in the fifteenth century, mathematical science was found nearly in the state in which it had been left by euclid; and the justly celebrated brucker contends, that the arabs made no progress whatever in this {258} most important branch of knowledge; later writers, however, and particularly montucia, the author of the histoire des mathematiques, have done ample justice to their researches. numerical characters, without which our study of the exact sciences were almost in vain, beyond all doubt came to us from the arabs: not that they invented them--it is probable they were originally words, perhaps hindu words, expressing the quantities they respectively represent, but abbreviated and brought to their present convenient form by the followers of the prophet. trigonometry and algebra are both indebted to their genius. the sines of the one of these sciences instead of the more ancient chord, and the representatives of quantities in the other, descend through the arabs to us, if they did not at first invent them. original works on spherical trigonometry are among the productions of ibn musa and geber, the former of whom is accounted the inventor of the solution of equations of the second degree. the university of leyden still retains a manuscript treatise on the algebra of cubic equations, by omar ibn ibrahim; and casiri, who, preserved and classed 1851 manuscripts, even after a fire had destroyed the magnificent collection or the escurial, informs us, that the principles and praises of algebraic science were sung in an elaborate poem by alcassem, a native of grenada. {259} these departments of knowledge were studied by the arabs as early as the eighth and ninth centuries. astronomy, the science of a pastoral people, and eminently so in regions with an almost cloudless sky, like the east, was studied with great eagerness by arabian philosophers. almamoun, who has been before mentioned, was ardently devoted to it: at his cost the necessary instruments of observation were provided, and a complete digest of the science was made. the land where, many ages before, this science had been successfully studied by the chaldeans, was in his power, and upon its ample plains a degree of the earth's circle was repeatedly measured, so as to determine the whole circumference of the globe to be twenty-four thousand miles. the obliquity of the ecliptic they settled at twenty-three degrees and a half: the annual movement of the equinoxes and the duration of the tropical year were brought to within a very little of the exact observations of modern times, the slight error they admitted resulting from the preference they gave to the system of ptolemy. albathani, or, as his name has been latinized, albatenius, in the ninth century, after continuing his observations for forty years, drew up tables, known as the sabean tables, which, though not now in very high repute because of more accurate calculations, {260} were for a long time justly esteemed. other arabian astronomers have rendered considerable service to this science. mohammedanism did not, like ancient paganism, adore the stars; but its disciples studied them with a diligence, without which, perhaps, newton, flamstead, and halley had observed and calculated almost in vain. architecture was an art in which the arabs greatly excelled; their wide extension gave them command of whatever was worthy of observation, and their vast revenues afforded the most abundant means of indulging a taste thus called into exercise. the history of arabian architecture comprises a period of about eight centuries, including its rise, progress, and decay: their building materials were mostly obtained from the ruined structures and cities that fell into their hands; and if no one particular style was followed by them, it was because they successfully studied most of the styles then known. on their buildings but little external art was bestowed; all their pains were exhausted on the interior, where no expense wag spared that could promote luxurious ease and personal comfort. their walls and ceilings were highly embellished, and the light was mostly admitted in such manner as, by excluding all external objects, to confine the admiration of the spectator to the beauties produced within. with the art {261} of preserving their structures from decay they must have had an adequate acquaintance. their stucco composition may still be found as hard as stone, without a crack or flaw: the floors and ceilings of the alhambra, the ancient palace of grenada, have been comparatively uninjured by the neglect and dilapidation of nearly seven centuries; while their paint retains its colour so bright and rich as to be occasionally mistaken for mother-of-pearl. sir christopher wren derives the gothic architecture from the mohammedans; and the crescent arch, a symbol of one of the deities anciently worshipped throughout the heathen world, was first adopted by the arabs of syria, and invariably used in all the edifices erected during the supremacy of the ommiades. the succeeding dynasty declined following this model; but, during the reign of the house of moawiyah, in spain, it was imitated from the atlantic to the pyrenees. the fine arts, painting, and sculpture, were not so much cultivated among the early mohammedans: they were thought to involve a breach of the divine law. in this particular they agreed with the jews. subsequently, however, these scruples were, by degrees, overcome; that style of embellishment denominated arabesque, which rejects figures of men and animals, being first adopted, and afterward sculpture, more nearly resembling {262} that of modern times. the alhambra, or palace of that suburb, had its lions, its ornamented tiles, and its paintings. abdalrahman iii. placed a statue of his favourite mistress over the palace he erected for her abode. music was ardently cultivated. at first, in the desert, its strains were rude and simple; subsequently, the professors of the art were as much cherished, honoured, and rewarded, as were the poets in the courts of the arab sovereigns. many were celebrated for their skill in this art, especially isaac almouseli. al farabi has been denominated the arabian orpheus: by his astonishing command of the lute, he could produce laughter, or tears, or sleep in his auditors at pleasure. he wrote a considerable work on music, which is preserved in the escurial. abul faragi is also a famous writer among the mohammedans on this subject. to them we are indebted for the invention of the lute, which they accounted more perfect than any other instrument; the use, also, of many of our modern instruments, as the organ, flute, harp, tabor, and mandoline, was common among them. some say that the national instrument of the scottish highlander is taken from them. in many of the useful arts of modern days the arabs were proficients; as agriculture, gardening, metallurgy, and the preparing of leather. the {263} names morocco and cordovan are still applied, in this latter art, to leather prepared after the arabian method. they manufactured and dyed silk and cotton, made paper, were acquainted with the use of gunpowder, and have claims to the honour of inventing the mariner's compass. but perhaps there is no art in which their knowledge is so much a subject of curious inquiry as medicine. their country was salubrious, their habits simple, and their indulgences few; so that large opportunities of practically studying the art, at least among the arabs of earlier date, would not occur. anatomy, except that of the brute creation, was shut up from their study by the prejudices of their creed; yet they excelled in medical skill. hareth ibn kaldar, an eminent practitioner settled at mecca, was honoured with the conversation and applause of mohammed. honain was an eminent arab physician in the middle of the sixth century; messue, the celebrated preceptor of almamoun, belonged to this profession; and a host of others adorn the early annals of the saracens. al rhagi, or ullages, as commonly called, and abdallah ibn sina, or avicenna, are names to which, for centuries, deference was paid by professors of the healing art throughout europe, though it would not be difficult to show that their doctrines and practice must have been beyond measure absurd. they {264} administered gold, and silver, and precious stones to purify the blood. of chymistry, so far as it relates to medicine, the arabs may be considered as the inventors; and botany, in the same connexion, they cultivated with great success. geber, in the eighth century, is known as their principal chymical writer; he is said to have composed five hundred volumes, almost every one of which is lost. the early nomenclature of the science indicates how much it owes to this people. alcohol, alembic, alkali, aludel, and other similar terms, are evidently of arabic origin; nor should it be forgotten that the characters used for drugs, essences, extracts, and medicines, the import of which is now almost entirely unknown (and which are consequently invested, in vulgar estimation, with occult powers), are all to be traced to the same source. it may be impossible now to estimate accurately the extent of our obligations to arabian literature. an empire so widely spread, by the encouragement it gave to letters, must have had a beneficial influence on almost every country. europeans, whether subject to its sway or only contemplating it from a distance, copied or emulated the example. gerbert, who subsequently occupied the papal chair as silvester ii., acquired the arabic method of computation during his travels in spain, {265} previously to his elevation. leonardo, a pisan merchant, obtained a knowledge of the same art in his intercourse with the mohammedans on the coast of africa; and by him it was introduced into his own native republic, from whence it was soon communicated to the western world. in the city of salernum, a port of italy, mussulmans and christians so intermixed as to communicate insensibly the literature of the saracens to the italians, and in the schools of that city students were collected from every quarter of europe. arabic books, by command of charlemagne, were translated into latin for the use of learned men throughout his vast empire; and, without exaggerating the merits of the followers of the prophet, it may be admitted that we are indebted to them for the revival of the exact and physical sciences, and for many of those useful arts and inventions that have totally changed the aspect of european literature, and are still contributing to the civilization, freedom, and best interests of man. [1] abulferage, p. 160. {266} chapter iii. the present condition of mohammedanism.--in turkey.--the doctrines believed there.--their forms of devotion.--lustrations.--prayer.--mohammedan sabbath.--fast of ramadan.--meccan pilgrimage.--proselytism.--mohammedan hierarchy.--islamism in tartary.--in hindustan.--in china.--in persia.--in africa.--in the indian archipelago.--the sooffees.--the wahabees. the present condition of the mohammedan faith, with some account of the standing it maintains in the world, will not be deemed an inappropriate subject for the closing pages of this volume. its votaries have long ceased to spread alarm through the nations by their victorious and devastating progress; the fire of its fanaticism is almost extinct; nevertheless, its doctrines prevail over a larger number of mankind than any other system of false religion: they are professed in nations and countries remote from each other, and having no other mutual resemblance than that involved in their common superstition. in spain, indeed, christianity has triumphed over islamism; and in the inhospitable regions of siberia, a part of the ancient tartary, its advance has been somewhat checked; but in middle and lower asia, and in africa, the {267} number of mohammed's followers has increased. we cannot state with accuracy the number either of mohammedan or of nominal christians; but, looking at religion geographically, while christianity has almost entire dominion in europe, in asia islamism is the dominant faith: in america the cross is rapidly becoming the symbol of faith throughout both its vast continents; but in africa the crescent waves to the almost entire exclusion of every other emblem. it is in turkey that mohammedanism exists at the present day in its most perfect form. to this country, therefore, our attention shall be first directed. constantinople, anciently called byzantium, and the countries over which the greek emperors residing in that city reigned, were subdued by the powerful caliphs of bagdad, while those of spain and the west were endeavouring to push their conquests over the fairest portions of europe. the situation of constantinople and the surrounding empire lay especially open to the eastern mohammedans, whose warlike incursions were incessant. tartars from asia overran the empire. othman, in the early part of the thirteenth century, laid the foundation of turkish greatness. orchan, amurathi and bajazet, his successors, amid both foreign and domestic wars, greatly contributed to its {268} establishment and increase. the children of the last of these conquerors threw the empire into a frightful state of distraction by their unnatural quarrels, till, at last, the youngest of them, named after the prophet, restored its integrity, and established something like domestic tranquillity. under a grandson of his, mohammed ii., whom bayle describes as one of the greatest men recorded in history, the morea was subjugated, and the greek empire, so long shaken by internal dissensions, and tottering to dissolution by its luxury, was trampled in the dust by the moslem conquerors. constantinople at last yielded to their power, and a palace for the victor was erected on the very spot which constantine had chosen for his magnificent abode. from this time to that of solyman the magnificent, to whom the turks owe their laws and police, the empire continued to prosper, but immediately afterward its decline commenced. letters and science have made but little progress among that people, and their sultans have possessed none of the martial enterprise and energy of their early predecessors; still the faith of mohammed has maintained, and down to this day continues to maintain, a hold which it enjoys in almost no other country. the turks generally repose the most implicit faith in the two leading articles of the mohammedan {269} creed, that there is but one god, and that mohammed is his prophet; and since, in the opinion of the moslems, a simple assent to these doctrines comprises all that is valuable in religion, and will be surely followed by the possession of heaven, either immediately or remotely, it is readily conceivable that infidelity will be exceedingly rare. in religious matters, the heart opposes not so much what is to be believed as what is to be done. minor points of their theology have been from time to time disputed, but these may be regarded as generally settled. predestination is one of the chief dogmas on which the faith of the turk is as firmly fixed as on the most momentous article in his creed. fatalism was the great engine employed by mohammed in establishing his religion; and among the turks this doctrine is received as regulating their destiny, controlling all events, and determining the results of every individual's actions; thus unnerving the soul for generous and manly enterprise, and casting a lethargy on the whole nation. in everything the operations of reason are checked, and even made to wait for the imagined manifestations of deity. according to the creed of the turks, not only is everything foreknown to god, but everything is predetermined, and brought about by his direct and immediate agency. {270} the turk is keen and wise in his ordinary transactions: in promoting his own interests, he knows how to exercise the powers of his mind, but, when difficulty or doubt overtakes him, he makes no effort. the thick cloud of his misfortunes is suffered to remain; his troubles are yielded to with sullen indifference; he considers it impious to oppose the determinations of the most high. to all improvement, such a doctrine is a decided and invincible foe; in some circumstances, however, it appears to have its advantages. does a mohammedan suffer by calamity? is he plundered or ruined? he does not fruitlessly bewail his lot. his answer to all murmuring suggestions is, "it was written;" and to the most unexpected transition from opulence to poverty, he submits without a sigh. the approach of death does not disturb his tranquillity; he makes his ablution, repeats his prayers, professes his belief in god and his prophet, and in a last appeal to the aid of affection, he says to his child, "turn my head towards mecca," and calmly expires. a people's religion is traced in their established and common forms of devotion, and none are more attentive to these than the turks. to neglect any ceremony which their religion prescribes, is deemed a mark either of inferior understanding or of depraved character. public decorum is {271} everywhere observed; and though both moral and religious precepts are violated with impunity and without remorse, they are always spoken of with great respect. a mohammedan is never ashamed to defend his faith; and of his sincerity and firmness, the earnestness of his vindication may be taken as sufficient proof: he not unfrequently interrupts the progress of conversation by repeating his religious formula. in the turkish towns, travellers are incessantly met with the cry of allah ackbar; and by mussulmans, who would be esteemed pious, the divine name is as frequently repeated as if reverent and devout thoughts were habitually uppermost in their minds. purifications are constantly, and with great strictness, performed by the mussulmans of every country, but especially by those of turkey. their professed object is to render the body fit for the decorous performance of religious duties; no act being praiseworthy or acceptable, in their estimation, unless the person of the performer be in a condition of purity. some have thought, but without sufficient grounds, that these external purifications are believed to supersede an inward cleansing of the heart. fountains placed round their mosques, and numerous baths in every city, enable the devout to perform their five prayers daily, during which, if they chance to receive pollution {272} from anything accidentally coming in contact with them, their devotions are suspended till the offensive inconvenience is removed by water or other means. at the appointed hour, the maazeens or criers, with their faces towards mecca, their eyes closed, and their hands upraised, pace the little galleries of the minarets or towers of the mosques, and proclaim in arabic, the moslem language of devotion, that the season of prayer has arrived. instantly, every one, whatever may be his rank or employment, gives himself up to it. ministers of state suspend the most important affairs, and prostrate themselves on the floor; the tradesman forgets his dealings, and transforms his shop into a place of devotion; and the student lays aside his books, to go through his accustomed supplications. "never to fail in his prayers" is the highest commendation a turk can receive; and so prejudicial is the suspicion of irreligion, that even libertines dare not disregard the notices of the maazeen. the mosques, like chapels in catholic countries, are always open, and two or three times every day prayers are offered within their walls. it has often been remarked, that the devotions of christians might acquire something valuable from the gravity, the decorum, and the apparently intense occupation of mind in turkish worship. the jews trod {273} their holy place barefoot: the turks, on the contrary, keep on their boots and shoes. christians uncover their heads in prayer; the moslems seldom lay aside their turbans; but for hours they will remain prostrate, or standing in one position, as if absorbed in the most intense abstraction. they have neither altars, pictures, nor statues in their places of worship. verses of the koran, the names and personal descriptions of their prophet, of ali and his two sons, hassan and hosein, with other moslem saints, are sometimes inscribed in letters of gold on their walls. all distinctions of rank and profession are forgotten when they pray. persons of every class, on the first sound of the accustomed cry, cast themselves on the ground, and thus declare their belief in the equality of mankind, in the sight of the great father of all. the mohammedans of turkey have a sabbath, for which the jewish or christian may be supposed to have furnished the model. friday is their day of rest, which commences on the preceding evening, when the illuminated minarets and colonnades of the mosques give to their cities the appearance of a festival. at noon, on friday, all business is suspended, the mosques are filled, and prayers are read by the appointed officers, accompanied by the prostrations of the people. discourses are likewise frequently delivered on {274} practical points in their theology; and sometimes, in the ardour of excitement, political corruption and courtly depravity are fiercely assailed. a voluptuous sultan has been known, under the effect of these discourses, to tear himself from the soft indulgences of his harem and court, to lead his martial subjects to war and victory on the plains of their enemies. as soon as the public religious services are concluded, all return to their ordinary pursuits; the day, however, is strictly observed by all classes in the manner prescribed by law, it being a received maxim that he who, without legitimate cause, absents himself from public devotion on three successive fridays, abjures his religion. it is worthy of observation, that the prayers of the turks consist chiefly of adoration, of confessions of the divine attributes and the nothingness of man, and of homage and gratitude to the supreme being. a turk must not pray for the frail and perishable blessings of this life; the health of the sultan, the prosperity of his country, and divisions and wars among the christians alone excepted. the legitimate object of prayer they hold to be spiritual gifts, and happiness in a future state of being. no one of their religious institutions is more strictly observed by the turks than the fast of ramadan. he who violates it is reckoned either {275} an infidel or an apostate; and if two witnesses establish his offence, he is deemed to have incurred the severest penalty of the law. abstinence from food, and even from the use of perfumes, from sunrise to sunset, is enjoined. the rich pass the hours in meditation and prayer, the grandees sleep away their time, but the labouring man, pursuing his daily toil, most heavily feels its rigour. "when the month of ramadan happens in the extremities of the seasons, the prescribed abstinence is almost intolerable, and is more severe than the practice of any moral duty, even to the most vicious and depraved of mankind." during the day all traffic is suspended; but in the evening, and till late at night, it is actively carried on in the streets, shops, and bazars, most splendidly illuminated. from sunset to sunrise, revelry and excess are indulged in. every night there is a feast among the great officers of the court: the reserve of the turkish character is laid aside, and friends and relations cement their union by mutual intercourse. sumptuous banquets and convivial hilarity are universal; and, were not women everywhere excluded from the tables of the men, the pleasure of the festivals would amply compensate the rigorous self-denial of their fasts. the pilgrimage to mecca is with the turks more a matter of form than of reality. its {276} importance as a part of the moslem ritual is admitted, and apparently felt, but the number of pilgrims annually decreases. the sultan, having dominion over the country through which the pilgrims must pass, preserves the public ways leading to the venerated city; the best soldiers of his empire are charged with the protection of the caravans, which are sometimes numerous; but of his own subjects, properly so called, few comparatively accompany them; they are made up of devotees from a greater distance. the sultan, no doubt, encourages the pilgrimage as much on commercial as on religious grounds. the koran has determined it to be very proper to intermingle commerce and religion: "it shall be no crime in you," it says, "if ye seek an increase from your lord by trading during the pilgrimage." accordingly, articles of easy carriage and ready sale are brought by the pilgrims from every country. the productions and manufactures of india thus find their way into other parts of asia and throughout africa. the muslins and chintses of bengal and the deccan, the shawls of cashmere, the pepper of malabar, the diamonds of golconda, the pearls of kilkau, the cinnamon of ceylon, and the spices of the moluccas, are made to yield advantage to the ottoman empire, and the luxury of its subjects is sustained by contributions from the most distant nations. {277} mohammedans of the present day, at least those of turkey, are less anxious to make proselytes than were those of a former age. those of india and africa may, to some extent, still retain the sentiment, that to convert infidels is an ordinance of god, and must be observed by the faithful in all ages; but in turkey little desire of this kind is felt, chiefly because, by a refinement of uncharitableness, the conversion of the world is deemed unworthy of their endeavours. now and then a devout moslem, instigated by zeal or personal attachment, may offer up this prayer for a jew or a christian: "great god, enlighten this infidel, and graciously dispose his heart to embrace thy holy religion;" and perhaps to a youth, esteemed for his talents or knowledge, the language of persuasion may occasionally be addressed with an air of gentleness and urbanity; but the zeal of the missionary is in such cases commonly subject to what are conceived to be the rules of good breeding, and a vague reply or silence is regarded as an indication that the subject is disagreeable, and should not be continued. a mussulman may pray for the conversion of infidels, but, till they are converted, no blessing may be supplicated in their behalf. "their death is eternal, why pray for them?" is the language of the mohammedan creed: do not {278} "defile your feet by passing over the graves of men who are enemies of god and of his prophet." of the mohammedan hierarchy, some idea may be obtained from the form it assumes in turkey. the koran is considered the treasure of all laws, divine and human, and the caliphs as the depositaries of this treasure; so that they are at once the pontiffs, legislators, and judges of the people, and their office combines all authority, whether sacerdotal, regal, or judicial. to the grand sultan titles are given, styling him the vicar, or the shadow of god. the several powers which pertain to him in this august capacity are delegated to a body of learned men, called the oulema. in this body three descriptions of officers are included: the ministers of religion, called the imams; the expounders of the law, called the muftis; and the ministers of justice, called the cadis. the ministers of religion are divided into chief and inferior, the former of whom only belong to the oulema. both classes are made up of sheiks, or ordinary preachers; the khatibs, readers or deacons; the imams, a title comprising those who perform the service of the mosque on ordinary days, and those to whom pertain the ceremonies of circumcision, marriage, and burial; the maazeens, or criers, who announce the hours of prayer; and the cayuns, or common attendants of the mosque. the {279} idea of this classification was, perhaps, taken from the mosaic priesthood; the khatib being the aaron, and the next four the several orders of the levites, with their servants or helpers. the imperial temples have one sheik, one khatib, from two to four imams, twelve maazeens, and twenty cayuns, among whom, except in a few of the chief mosques of constantinople, the khatibs have the pre-eminence. all these ministers are subject to the civil magistrate, who is looked upon as a sort of diocesan, and who may perform at any time all the sacerdotal functions. the ministers of religion are not distinguishable from other people; they mix in the same society, engage in similar pursuits, and affect no greater austerity than marks the behaviour of mussulmans generally. their influence depends entirely on their reputation for learning and talents, for gravity and correct moral conduct; their employment is, for the most part, very simple, as chanting aloud the public service, and performing such offices as every master of a family may discharge. as mohammedanism acknowledges no sacrifices, it appoints no priests; the duties performed by the ministers of religion being seemingly devolved on them more as a matter of convenience than on account of any sacredness attaching to their order. the vast country to which the general name of {280} tartary has been given, is that from whence mohammedanism has gone forth to the east, the west, and the south. in thibet, the grand lama and various national idols hold divided empire with the prophet; and in the inhospitable regions of siberia, the churches of greece and russia have successfully promulgated the christian doctrines; while the circassians, with some other tartar races, are almost without religion. in the crimea, the people are mussulmans, as rigid and devoted as the turks; and over the vast tract called by modern geographers independent tartary, the crescent triumphantly waves. from these regions sprung, in the earlier ages of mohammedan conquest, those vast empires which, in the east, comprise so large a number of the professors of the faith of islam. the first sovereign of this country, to whom the title of sultan was awarded early in the tenth century, conducted several expeditions into hindustan, and secured the homage of many of the cities. the ancient indian superstition was in a great measure overturned by his victorious arms. long and fierce contests ensued: the princes of the subdued provinces, often throwing off their forced allegiance, endeavoured to regain their independence and re-establish their ancient faith, till, at length, the great timurlane, having overrun the country with his legions, received at agra the title {281} of emperor of hindustan. scarcely, however, had two centuries and a half rolled away, when his successors fell in their turn under the persian power; and the empire he established was weakened, and ultimately destroyed. as the result of these conquests, mohammedanism prevailed to a great extent, but rather nominally than really, among the millions of india: it was the religion of the court and government; but, either from indifference or timidity in the moslem conquerors, the ancient idols still held extensive influence, and were at length gradually restored. in the twelfth century, benares, the ancient seat of brahminical learning and of hindu idolatry, fell into the hands of the conqueror, who destroyed its numerous objects of popular adoration. yet, soon afterward, the religious character of the place was restored, and the demolished idols were replaced by others, that were as eagerly resorted to as had been their predecessors. to this consecrated metropolis, a pilgrimage was regarded by the millions of india as imperatively commanded, and as necessary as was a visit to mecca by the mohammedans; and the weakness or the policy of its moslem conquerors did not long withhold from them this valued privilege; the government of the city was committed to the hindus, and their conquerors, in the plenitude of their bigotry, pride, and power, never {282} thought of suffering their own magistrates to exercise authority within its walls. thus mohammedanism is the religion, not of the ancient inhabitants of india, but of the descendants of the millions of tartars, persians, and arabians who, at various periods, have left their native seats to participate in the riches of these far-famed plains. the north and northwestern parts are filled with them, and from thence they have wandered over the whole of that vast country. perhaps their numbers may now amount to nearly twenty millions, among whom, however, though they are mostly of foreign extraction, are many converts from hinduism. they form separate communities, amalgamating in some parts of the country, and living as sociably with hindus as the differences in their respective faiths will permit. hindu princes have at times paid their devotions at mohammedan shrines, and observed their feasts; while mohammedans have relaxed somewhat the strictness of their observances, and manifested an inclination to conform, as far as possible, to their hindu neighbours. some five centuries ago, the borahs, a people who once occupied the kingdom of guzerat, were converted _en masse_ to islamism. the arab traders to the coasts of malabar have always been exceedingly earnest in their endeavours to convert the natives, in which they have {283} been greatly aided by the facility with which they have been allowed to purchase the children of the poorer classes, to educate them in the principles of their faith, and also by the frequency with which the inhabitants of those districts lose caste. this badge of the hindu faith is often forfeited by the people mixing with those of other countries, and when it is lost they easily become moslems. it has been maintained that the native inhabitants of india are absolutely unchangeable in their sacred, domestic, and political institutions, and, at first sight, there would appear to be much to warrant such an opinion; but the history of many of them, and especially of the sikhs, who inhabit the provinces of the panjab, between the rivers jumna and indus, may be alleged as proofs to the contrary. still, in the religion of the sikhs, mohammedan fable and hindu absurdity are mixed; its founder wishing to unite both these prevalent systems in one. he had been educated in a part of the country where these two religions appeared to touch each other, if not commingle, and he was no stranger to the violent animosity existing between their respective professors; he sought, therefore, to blend the jarring elements of both in peaceful union. the hindu was required to abandon his idols, and to worship the one supreme deity whom his religion acknowledged; while the mohammedan {284} was to abstain from such practices (especially the killing of cows) as were offensive to the superstition of the hindus. this plan so far prevailed, that, without acknowledging the prophet, the sikhs became more mohammedans than hindus; and though the institutions of brahma are not admitted among them, they insult and persecute true moslems more fiercely and cruelly than any other people. they compel them to eat that which is forbidden by their law; animals which they account unclean are frequently thrown into their places of public assembly, and they are prohibited from proclaiming the hour of prayer to the faithful. china is one of those countries to which mohammedanism was carried by the hordes of tartary. from the scrupulous jealousy with which this vast empire is guarded from observation, it is difficult to say to what extent the mohammedan faith, or, indeed, any other, prevails among its numberless inhabitants; but, beyond question, it is tolerated. the irruption of the saracens into china under walid can scarcely be termed a conquest. subsequently, the successors of zenghis khan seated themselves on the throne of pekin, and opened the country to an intercourse with all nations. the commercial arabs had visited the ports and cities in the south of china; and, now that access to the {285} capital was unrestrained, multitudes of them repaired thither. they acquired the language, and adopted the dress and manners of the people, to whom also they rendered valuable aid in adjusting their chronology, and making the necessary calculations for their calendar. intercourse with the chinese made the mohammedans desirous of effecting their conversion, the means adopted for which were both wise and humane. deserted children were taken under their protection, and educated in islamism; while in other ways they sought to commend themselves to confidence, and their religion to respect, by alleviating the wretchedness induced by a cruel superstition. the mohammedans of china seem to partake of the mild and quiet character of the inhabitants generally, and are therefore tolerated; though there have been some exceptions to this encomium. about sixty years ago they were instrumental in promoting an unsuccessful rebellion, and the emperor kien long, after suppressing it, ordered one hundred thousand of them to be put to death. persia, from an early period, has been almost entirely a mohammedan country. on its conquest by the saracens, the religion of zoroaster, which had till then prevailed, was nearly abolished. those who persevered in retaining it were obliged to flee to the mountains or to the western parts {286} of india, where their old forms of worship still linger. in the disputes which ensued on the death of mohammed concerning the caliphate, the persians espoused the cause of ali, the prophet's son-in-law, and to his memory they are still attached. "may this arrow go to the heart of omar," is a frequent expression among them in drawing a bow; and not long since, when mr. malcolm, during his travels in persia, was praising omar, the antagonist of ali, as the greatest of the caliphs, a persian, overcome by the justice of his observations, yet still adhering to his rooted prejudices, replied, "this is all very true, but he was a dog after all." here mohammedanism exists in a less rigorous form than in turkey. its ceremonies are observed by those who are little disposed to practice its moral code: they say their prayers at the appointed season, and make a show of devotion to prevent their being suspected of irreligion; but the people generally are little concerned about the pilgrimage to mecca, and other matters on which, in the koran, much stress is laid. they choose rather to resort to the tomb of ali, and to that of his son hosein, whose name is reverenced among them with a feeling approaching to adoration. in africa, mohammedanism has very widely prevailed. algiers, tunis, tripoli, all the northern parts of this continent, acknowledge its sway. {287} from arabia and egypt it spread west and south nearly to the great rivers. it is the established religion of morocco; and in western barbary and several kingdoms of the interior the arabic language is spoken, the koran believed, and the prophet almost worshipped. the senegal, up to the small moorish state of gedumah, is the line of division between the mohammedans and the negroes: from thence the line passes eastward of north, through nigritia and nubia to the nile. as yet, however, it is but indistinctly marked, it being doubtful whether timbuctoo is a mohammedan or negro town. the courts of bornou and cassina are mohammedan, but a majority of their subjects are pagans. islamism in these vast territories is in an exceedingly degenerate state when compared with either its first development in the arabian desert, or with what now obtains in turkey. it is said that but little more than its exclusive persecuting spirit remains: the oriental lustrations are almost unknown, mohammedan temperance is neglected, and the great doctrine of the unity of god is confounded with, or supplanted by, the polytheism of the native inhabitants. the mussulman is more depraved than the pagan; so that, while travellers frequently mention the hospitality they received from the latter, by the former they were constantly insulted and annoyed on account of {288} their religion. in no quarter of the world does the faith of the prophet wear so frightful an aspect as in africa. the region from which mohammedanism first sprung has not remained in all respects faithful to the precepts of the prophet. in mecca and medina, indeed, his name and system are held in the profoundest veneration; and no wonder, since both these cities are mainly supported by the superstitious observances enjoined in the koran; but the bedouins are as licentious in their religion as in their policy and habits. on the turkish frontiers they keep up an appearance of respect for the name of the prophet and his doctrines; but, in answer to all reproaches for their unfaithfulness, they say in words worthy a better taught and more civilized race, "the religion of mohammed could never have been intended for us. we have no water in the desert. how, then, can we make the prescribed ablutions? we have no money. how, then, can we give alms? the fast of ramadan is a useless command to persons who fast all the year round; and, if god be everywhere, why should we go to mecca to adore him?" from the southernmost part of hindustan, mohammedanism made its way to the malayan peninsula; to sumatra, java, borneo, the manillas, and the celebes: goram, one of the spice islands, is {289} its eastern boundary. in the interior of these islands it prevails less than on the shores. to these remote regions islamism has been carried more by the commercial than the military enterprise of its votaries. what is its present condition there, it is difficult, perhaps impossible, accurately to ascertain. in java it was the established religion; but, when the dutch settled that island early in the seventeenth century, many of the natives were converted. little respect is paid by the javans of the present day either to their ancient paganism, or to mohammedanism which took its place; though some of the forms of the latter are still in force, and its institutions are said to be gaining ground. the reader of mohammedan history will meet with the terms sooffee and wahabee, as designating certain divisions of the disciples of the religion of the prophet. it will not, therefore, be inappropriate to close with a brief account of these respective sects. sooffee is a term originating in persia, meaning enthusiasts or mystics, or persons distinguished by extraordinary sanctity. the object of the sooffee is to attain a divine beatitude, which he describes as consisting in absorption into the essence of deity. the soul, according to his doctrine, is an emanation from god, partaking of his nature; just {290} as the rays of light are emanations from the sun, and of the same nature with the source, from whence they are derived. the creature and the creator are of one substance. no one can become a sooffee without strictly conforming to the established religion, and practising every social virtue; and when, by this means, he has gained a habit of devotion, he may exchange what they style practical for spiritual worship, and abandon the observance of all religious forms and ceremonies. he at length becomes inspired, arrives at truth, drops his corporeal veil, and mixes again with that glorious essence from which he has been partially and for a time separated. the life of the sooffees of persia, though generally austere, is not rendered miserable, like that of the visionary devotees of hinduism, by the practice of dreadful severities, their most celebrated teachers have been famed for knowledge and devotion. the persians are a poetic people, and the very genius of sooffeeism is poetry. its raptures are the raptures of inspiration; its hopes are those of a highly sensitive and excited imagination; its writers in the sweetest strains celebrate the divine love, which pervades all nature: everything, from the very highest to the lowest, seeking and tending towards union with deity as its object of supreme desire. they inculcate forbearance, abstemiousness, and {291} universal benevolence. they are unqualified predestinarians. the emanating principle, or the soul, proceeding from god, can do nothing, they say, without his will, nor refuse to do anything which he instigates. some of them, consequently, deny the existence of evil; and the doctrine of rewards and punishments is superseded by their idea of re-absorption into the divine essence. the free opinions of this class of enthusiasts subvert the doctrines of islamism, yet they pay an outward respect to them; they unsettle the existing belief, without providing an intelligible substitute; they admit the divine mission of the prophet, but explain away the dogmas he uttered; and while they affect to yield him honour as a person raised up by god, to induce moral order in the world, they boast their own direct and familiar intercourse with deity, and claim, on that account, unqualified obedience in all that relates to spiritual interests. the similarity of sooffeeism to the ancient pythagorean and platonic doctrines will occur to every one at all acquainted with the religion and philosophy of antiquity. it as closely resembles some of the distinguishing tenets of the brahminical faith. in fact, it seems as if designed, in conjunction with the refined theology of ancient, and the sublime visions of modern idolaters, to teach us that, without divine guidance, the loftiest human {292} conceptions on subjects connected with god and religion invariably err; the ignorant and the instructed are equally wrong; "the world by wisdom knows not god." the wahabees are a modern sect of mohammedan reformers, whose efforts have considerably changed the aspect of the religion of the prophet. perhaps to them may be owing much of that rigid adherence to mohammedan doctrine and practice which prevails in those parts where their influence has been felt. they are the followers of abdol wahab, who commenced his career in the region where, during the lifetime of the prophet, moseilama had threatened a considerable division among his followers. wahab was an ambitious fanatic, who aimed, nevertheless, at reforming the national religion. he was aided by powerful princes of the province of nejed; and, within a short time, the tenets he maintained spread throughout the peninsula. his fundamental principle, like that of mohammed, was the unity of god. the koran he regarded as divine, rejecting all the glosses which ignorance and infatuation had put upon it, and holding in utter contempt all the traditions and tales concerning its author, which the devout of every generation had eagerly received. the reverence, approaching to adoration, which the arabs were wont to pay to the name of mohammed, all visits to his tomb, and all {293} regard to the tombs and relics of arab saints, he denounced; and the costly ornaments with which a mistaken piety had enriched these sacred spots, he thought might be appropriated to ordinary purposes. wahab would not suffer the common oath of, by mohammed, or by ali, to be used among his followers, on the very rational ground that an oath is an appeal to a witness of our secret thoughts, and who can know these but god? the title of lord, generally given to the prophet by his followers, wahab rejected as impious. he was commonly mentioned by this zealous reformer and his adherents by his simple name, without the addition of "our lord, the prophet of god." all who deviated in any degree from the plain sense of the koran, either in belief or practice, were infidels in their esteem; upon whom, therefore, according to its directions, war might be made. thus was the martial spirit of the early saracens again called into exercise; and with the ardour that characterized the days of the immediate successors of the prophet, they were prepared at once to assail the consciences and the property of men not exactly of their own faith. at the call of their leader, they assembled first in the plain of draaiya, some 400 miles east of medina, armed and provided at their own expense for war. bagdad and mecca in vain attempted to {294} suppress them; the seraglio itself was filled with their formidable war-cry; the sultan trembled on his throne; and the caravans from syria suspended their usual journeys. the imperial city suffered from their ravages in its usual supplies of coffee; and the terror of their name was widely spreading among devout mohammedans of every country, for they had violated the shrines of saints, and levelled to the ground the chapels at mecca, which devotion had consecrated to the memory of the prophet and his family. at the commencement of the present century, however, mecca was recovered from them by the turkish arms, and the plague, with the smallpox, breaking out just at this time among the followers of wahab, probably saved the mighty fabric of islamism. these reverses did not quench, however, the ardour of the wahabees. their leader had been assassinated, but his son, already distinguished for his prudence and valour, succeeded him in the command. medina fell beneath his power, and from thence to the persian gulf he seemed likely to reign lord paramount. in 1805 he was able to impose a heavy tax on the caravan of pilgrims from damascus to the holy city, and declared that thenceforth it should consist of pilgrims alone, without the pride and pomp of a religious procession. soon afterward they again entered mecca, and immediately threatened with destruction every {295} sacred relic; but they did not put their threats into execution. various conflicts between them and the orthodox mohammedans have since ensued, the general result of which has been to break the martial and fanatical spirit of the wahabees, and to re-establish the power of the grand sultan in cities and districts where it had been placed in jeopardy. they are still, indeed, dreaded as plunderers, but no great national convulsion has resulted from their efforts. some writers regret the suppression of this once powerful sect of mohammedans, believing that, if continued, they would have been instrumental in overthrowing the moslem faith, and making way for a purer religion; but for ourselves, we see little occasion for these regrets. the wahabees must not be supposed more favourable to a pure faith than are those by whom they have been overthrown. if they must be regarded as reformers, they only attempted to correct a few absurd and scandalous practices: the impious and abominable dogmas of the koran they left untouched; or, if they touched them, it was only to enforce their observance with greater rigour. their creed was even more sanguinary and intolerant than that of the ancient mohammedans, and probably the continuance of their power would have been nothing more than the continuance of injustice, cruelty, and {296} persecution. we do not look for the overthrow of mohammedanism by such means. one system of error may sometimes destroy another, but the pure faith, which blesses a miserable world by directing men in the path of safety, knowledge, and happiness, will extend only as the sacred volume is diffused, and as that holy influence from god accompanies it by which the understanding is illuminated and the heart renewed. fanaticism is no auxiliary of the religion of the bible; it neither prepares its way nor accelerates its progress. violence and war are utterly rejected by this divine system, as alien from its spirit and character. "my kingdom," says its founder, "is not of this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight; but now is my kingdom not from hence." the end. gutenberg department of the interior ethnological survey publications volume iv, part ii the history of sulu by najeeb m. saleeby manila bureau of public printing 1908 contents part ii page. preface 117 chapter i geographical description of the sulu archipelago 121 in general 121 island of sulu 127 geographical features 127 principal coast settlements 129 districts of the island 131 town of jolo 133 general plan, buildings and streets 133 trade 137 population 144 chapter ii genealogy of sulu 147 translator's introduction 147 sulu author's introduction 147 descendants of asip 148 descendants of tuan masha'ika 149 original and later settlers of sulu 149 sulu historical notes 151 introduction 151 sulu notes 152 chapter iii rise and prosperity of sulu 155 sulu before islam 155 introduction of islam and the rise of a mohammedan dynasty in sulu 158 establishment of the mohammedan church in sulu and the reign of abu bakr 161 early days of the sultanate 163 successors of abu bakr 163 figueroa's expedition against sulu 164 reasons for hostilities 168 rule of batara shah tangah 171 figueroa's expedition against mindanao 172 moro raids 175 first spanish conquest and occupation of sulu 177 sulu supremacy in the archipelago 179 successors of bungsu 179 reign of sultan alimud din i 180 reign of sultan israel 187 moro pirates 191 treaty of 1836 with the sultan of sulu 194 text of the treaty 194 ratification of the treaty by the queen regent of spain 196 expedition of governor claveria 199 visits to jolo of captain henry keppel and sir james brooke 201 chapter iv decline of sulu 205 expedition against jolo 205 treaty of april 30, 1851 209 translation of the sulu text of the treaty of 1851 212 politico-military government of mindanao and adjacent islands 214 chapter v sulu under spanish sovereignty 221 occupation of jolo 221 rule of sultan jamalul a'lam 224 cession of possessions in borneo to british north borneo company 225 treaty of july, 1878 226 translation of the spanish copy of the treaty 227 translation of the sulu text of the treaty 229 rule of sultan badarud din ii 233 struggle for the sultanate 237 rule of sultan harun 240 rule of sultan jamalul kiram ii 244 chapter vi conclusion 247 political status of sulu at the time of spanish evacuation 247 spanish policy 249 attitude of the moros 249 mistakes and difficulties of spanish rule 251 report of baltasar giraudier 254 views of espina 255 purpose of spain 256 resources of spain 260 appendixes appendix i. the pacification of mindanao by ronquillo 269 ii. the pacification of mindanao 275 iii. the moro raids of 1599 and 1600 279 iv. gallinato's expedition to jolo 283 v. olaso's expedition in 1629 289 vi. corcuera's campaign in jolo 291 vii. obando's report on the preparations to be undertaken to return alimud din to sulu 305 viii. obando's report on the circumstances attending the attempt to return alimud din to sulu 307 ix. report on the occupation of palawan and balabak 313 x. a brief report on the expedition to take possession of palawan 317 xi. the letter of the king of spain to sultan israel 319 xii. letter from the captain-general of the philippines forwarding a copy of the treaty of peace, protection, and commerce with sulu 321 xiii. royal directions relative to commerce with sulu, and the advisability of making zamboanga a free port 325 xiv. camba's report on the circumstances attending the treaty of 1836 and its bases 333 xv. camba's report on commerce with sulu and the advisability of making zamboanga a free port 339 xvi. communication from the governor of zamboanga to the supreme government of the philippines, relative to the treaty of sir james brooke with the sultan of sulu 345 xvii. communication from the supreme government of the philippines to the secretary of state, relative to the treaty of sir james brooke with the sultan of sulu 355 xviii. regulations relative to taxes and imposts on natives and immigrants in sulu 359 xix. the protocol of sulu, of 1877, between spain, germany, and great britain 367 xx. the protocol of sulu of 1885, between spain, germany, and great britain 371 xxi. decree of the general government in regard to payment of tribute by sulus 375 xxii. royal communications relative to the rights of foreigners to the pearl fisheries of sulu 377 xxiii. royal directions relative to the treatment of foreigners engaged in pearl fishing in the sulu waters 383 xxiv. la torre's views on the policy that should be adopted in mindanao and sulu 385 maps and diagrams map i. the sulu archipelago frontispiece facing page- ii. sulu island 128 iii. sketch of jolo before 1888 134 iv. sketch of jolo at the present time 134 diagram 1. sultans and royal datus of sulu 158 2. datus of sulu not descended from abu bakr 158 preface the first object sought in the search for the genealogy of sulu was a knowledge of those significant historical events of sulu which antedated the spanish discovery and conquest of the philippine islands, the connection which those events might have had with the earlier history of the other islands and the light that they might throw upon the subject of prehistoric malayan immigration to the archipelago. the tarsila (genealogies) [1] of mindanao show that events of considerable importance had occurred in the archipelago, especially in the south, long before the portuguese or the spaniards reached malaysia. some tribes, such as the samals, we were told, had emigrated from western malaysia to the sulu archipelago and mindanao, and indications were not wanting that probably other tribes, now inhabiting the philippine islands, came from the same place. further, information was desired relative to the mohammedanization of sulu and the possible connection that such a movement might have had with the introduction of islam into sumatra and malacca. the research so conducted was well rewarded. the history of sulu was traced as far back as the early days of its oldest settlements, and the organization of the nation was followed back to the primitive communities out of which the sulu nation has grown. records of early malayan expeditions and of communication between sulu and mindanao were traced to the earliest missionaries who reached these islands by the way of malacca, and through whom the sultanates of mindanao and sulu were organized on plans similar to those of malacca and palembang. a fuller account of the life history and work of these missionaries will be given in a later paper of this series. we here give only a narrative of the events in which they participated and the part they played in making the history of sulu proper. many difficulties were encountered in the effort to secure an authentic copy of the genealogy of sulu. several trips of 20 to 40 miles were made in small moro sailing craft to visit datus who were said to have copies of this document. the sulu authorities who had the manuscript or copies of it denied this fact from time to time, but after two years and a half of persistent endeavor and inquiry, the original manuscript was procured from the prime minister of the sultan of sulu, whose confidence was gained by a long period of intimate acquaintance and frequent communication. soon after that, the annals of sulu (the luntar) were obtained from the sultan and some facts of importance were learned and made use of in the course of this work. diligent effort was further made to collect all interesting sulu traditions and documents, and most of the best informed sulus living were interviewed. of these the author feels under special obligation to mention sheikh mustafa bin ahmad, formerly prime minister to sultan harun; hadji butu, prime minister of the present sultan of sulu; datu pangiran; and hadji mohammed tayib, one of the principal advisers of the present sultan. after the first object sought had been gained, it became apparent that a general public interest in sulu and mindanao had been growing rapidly. it therefore seemed advisable to complete the history of sulu up to the date of spanish evacuation, for no such work has as yet been published in the english language. it is of special interest to americans living in mindanao and sulu and of general interest to americans and others elsewhere to have a better understanding of the moros in general and to acquire some idea of the history of islam in the philippine islands. this the history of sulu makes possible for the reader in a most vivid and realistic manner. the history is written without prejudice or bias, and events are related as they appear in the light of facts, and by one capable of seeing things from the standpoint of a sulu as well as of a spaniard. nothing reveals the true character of a nation, its capabilities, tendencies, and resources, better than its history. there is no time when such general intimate knowledge of a people is more interesting and more needed than during the period of their regeneration, and there can be no time when the history of the sulus will be more interesting than at present. besides the moro sources above referred to, several authors in spanish and english have been consulted and quoted with due credit. special indebtedness must however be expressed to col. miguel s. espina, author of "apuntes sobre jolo," whose admirable work has been our chief authority for the majority of the events which occurred after the spanish invasion of sulu in 1578. espina saw considerable service in sulu, was intimately acquainted with the spanish administration of sulu affairs, and most of his information was derived from official documents and other sources of equal authenticity. most of the events relating to the late period of spanish occupation of sulu have been confirmed by personal investigation, and the sulu view of every matter of significance has been studied and understood. a chapter on the geography of the archipelago is presented first to give a general idea of the geographical relations of the archipelago of sulu, the location of its various islands and settlements, and its commercial resources. special attention has been given to accurate spelling of names and the correct location of settlements and small islands. unusual pains have been taken to get satisfactory maps of the archipelago and island of sulu and sketches of the town of jolo. these will help the reader and add interest to the succeeding chapters. in the appendixes will be seen reprints of various documents, reports, quotations and letters of direct and significant bearing on the history of sulu and mindanao. they are arranged in chronological order and are intended to complete the record and description of important events in moro history so as to throw light on the actual conditions of life among the moros, the political motives of the interested powers, and the real state of affairs in mindanao at the time of the spanish evacuation. the source from which each article is derived is given in connection therewith. a considerable number of quotations or chapters have been taken from "the philippine islands," by blair and robertson, for which special obligation is hereby expressed. many of the official documents given could not be conveniently incorporated in the text of the history proper, and are herein published, probably for the first time. they include protocols, capitulations, official letters, decrees, and correspondence relative to sulu obtained from the division of archives of the philippine islands. the originals of the copies can be seen in spain in the indies archives. some liberty has been taken in correcting the spelling of geographical and other proper names in order to render the history uniform in its orthography and to avoid confusion and misconnection of events, persons, and places. the same system of orthography has been used here as that used and described in part 1 of volume iv, ethnological survey publications. diacritical signs to denote the long sounds of vowels have, however, been very rarely used. the arabic "hamzat," occurring in moro words has been expressed by an apostrophe; while an inverted apostrophe has been used to represent the arabic sound or character "`ain," the eighteenth letter of the arabic alphabet. annotations which occur in the original documents have generally been indicated by letters, while those made by the author are denoted by figures. manila, january, 1907. chapter i geographical description of the sulu archipelago [2] in general the sulu archipelago is a series of small volcanic islands which extends in a northeast and southwest direction between the meridians of 119â° 10' and 122â° 25' east, and the parallels of 4â° 30' and 6â° 50' north. it forms a continuous chain of islands, islets, and coral reefs, which connects the peninsula of zamboanga with the northeastern extremity of borneo and separates the sulu sea from the celebes sea. it marks the southern line of communication between the philippine islands and borneo and is probably the chief route of former emigrations and travel from borneo to mindanao and the southern bisayan islands. the islands of the archipelago are so disposed as to form several smaller groups, the most important of which are the following: the basilan group, the balangingi or samal group, the sulu group, the pangutaran group, the tapul or siasi group, and the tawi-tawi group. the basilan group is the first on the north and includes the island of basilan and fifty-six small adjacent islands, all of which lie north of the parallel of 6â° 15' north and east of the meridian of 121â° 19' east. this group, under the name of basilan, constituted the sixth district of the politico-military government of mindanao, organized by the spanish government in 1861. since that date the islands forming this group have not been recognized politically as a part of the sulu archipelago. basilan is the largest island in the archipelago. its northernmost point is about 10 miles directly south of zamboanga. the island is more or less circular in outline and has a radius approximately 11 miles long. its area is about 400 square miles. two prominent headlands projecting, one on the east and one on the west, give the island a maximum length of 36 miles. the greatest width, north and south, is 24 miles. the eastern headland is long and has a picturesque, conical peak, called mount matangal, which rises about 648 meters above sea level. this peak is a very prominent landmark, visible to a great distance from all points in the celebes sea and in the straits of basilan. the western headland is less prominent. it has an isolated peak about 287 meters above the sea, immediately north of the settlement of pangasa'an. the position of this peak makes it a conspicuous landmark to vessels entering the straits of basilan from the sulu sea. the surface of the island is high and hilly. twenty-three peaks are recognized, forming two distinct series or ranges, central and peripheral. the central region of the island is an elevated tableland, out of which rise a number of peaks forming the central series and ranging from 609 to 1,019 meters above sea level. a thick forest covers this region. the rivers are small and dry up in the dry season. few yakans are to be found there, and their houses are isolated and far apart. no cultivation is carried on in the interior. on the outside of this region rises the peripheral series of hills or peaks which lies parallel and near to the coast. with the exception of two, all of these peaks are below 304 meters in height. the drop from this line of hills to the coast is rapid in some places, and in general the shore line is low and swampy and covered with mangrove trees. the three largest valleys in the island are those of gubawan or lamitan on the northeast, kumalarang on the northwest, and malusu on the west. this region is generally considered fertile, but it has a marked dry season and droughts are not rare. the island is very rich in timber; all its hills and mountains are forest-clad to their summits. excellent boats are constructed on the south and west coasts of the island which rival the tawi-tawi boats in every particular. a few americans have started hemp and coconut plantations on the north coast, but native cultivation is not extensive and compares very poorly with that of the islands of sulu, tapul, and siasi. most of the cultivation on the island is carried on by yakans, the samals living chiefly on the products of the sea. the staple products of the soil are rice, tapioca, and corn. ubi (a kind of tuber used as food), camotes (sweet potatoes), and wild fruits abound. the number of cattle is not inconsiderable, but horses are few. most of the settlements on the island are on the sea coast and lie on the north and west coasts. the larger ones, beginning at isabela and going east, are, on the north, isabela, patasan or balaktasan, malu'ung, nipa, lamitan, tagima, and kandi'is; on the east, tambunan, buhi-lubung, and ubung; on the south, amalwi, giyung, and mangal; on the west, libuk, kabkaban, kanas, malusu, and pangasa'an; on the north, bulansa, atung-atung, batanay, and panigayan. [3] the prominent chiefs of the island live at lamitan, ubung, and malusu, which form the principal centers of native power. the old name of basilan was tagima, so called after the name of the old settlement of tagima mentioned above. isabela may be considered as the capital of basilan. its old name is pasangan, which is still the name of the stream at the mouth of which it is built. the town is situated 4 miles inland, on the narrow channel which separates basilan from the small island of malamawi. the channel widens a little at this point and forms an excellent harbor. under spanish jurisdiction it was a naval station with a dry dock for gunboats. an aqueduct furnishes the town with fresh water brought from a small stream in the neighborhood. the stone fort isabel ii, built on the hill in 1842, commands both entrances of the channel. it was designed to defend the town against the moros. the abandonment of the town as a naval station has led to its present decline. an american sawmill planted there has been the chief source of lumber supply for the town of zamboanga and neighborhood. the largest islands in this group, excepting basilan, are baluk-baluk and pilas, both of which lie west of basilan. a narrow channel which lies in the direct route leading from zamboanga to jolo separates these two islands. tapiantana, salupin, bubwan, and lanawan are the largest islands of the group south of basilan. the population of this whole group is generally estimated at 25,000. of these, 15,000 live in basilan itself. the inhabitants of basilan proper are yakans and samals, while the adjacent islands are occupied entirely by samals. the yakans are the aborigines of basilan and extend farther into the interior than the samals. basilan never enjoyed political independence. before spanish rule it was governed by sulu datus and paid tribute to the sultan of sulu. under the datus, subordinate samal panglimas [4] and maharajas [5] had charge of the various communities or settlements. the samals of basilan are at present stronger than other samals and enjoy a greater degree of liberty and self-government than their brothers in the tawi-tawi group. the balangingi group lies east of the meridian of 121â° 28' east, and to the south of the basilan group. it has nineteen islands, the principal ones of which are tonkil, balangingi, simisa, tatalan, bukutwa, bulim, bangalaw. the islands of this group are small and low and do not exceed 38 square miles in area. their inhabitants are samals. the people of balangingi and tonkil were notorious pirates. they built strong forts and once surpassed all other samals in power, political organization, and prosperity. the sulu group lies west of the balangingi group and north of the parallel of 5â° 46' north. its western boundary may be sent at the meridian of 120â° 46' east. it consists of about twenty-nine islands with a total area of 380 square miles. the principal island of this group is sulu. to the north of sulu lie pangasinan, marongas, kabukan, bubwan, minis, hegad, and a few others; to the east lie tulayan, kapwal, and bitinan; to the south, pata and patyan. tulayan lies north of tandu and is separated from it by a narrow strait. it has a good harbor on the southern side. it was ceded to the english in 1763 by sultan alimud din i out of appreciation of the favor done in releasing him from prison in manila and reinstating him as sultan of sulu. the english, however, never made any use of the island. pata is, next to sulu, the largest island of the group. it is mountainous and well populated. the description of the island of sulu is given separately at the end of this chapter. the pangutaran group lies west of the sulu group and north of the sixth parallel. it has fourteen islands and an area of 72 square miles. the principal members of the group are pangutaran, pandukan, north ubian, laparan, and tababas or cap. they are all low and flat with little more than trees visible from the sea. they are surrounded by coral reefs and sand banks, which in places form lagoons which can be entered only at high water. the drinking water in these islands is brackish in the hot season and has a black color during rains. very often the people go as far as the island of sulu to get good water. pangutaran is the fifth island in the archipelago in size, being 11 miles long, north and south, and 8 miles wide, from east to west. its chief settlement is maglakub. its northern and eastern coasts are the best populated. the inhabitants of this group are chiefly samals; few sulus are found mixed with them. coconut trees and tapioca plants grow well in places. the siasi group lies to the south and west of the sulu group, east of the meridian of 120â° 33' east, and north of the parallel of 5â° 24' north. it has thirty-eight islands with an aggregate area of 77 square miles. its population is estimated at 20,000. the principal islands of this group are siasi, pandami, lugus, tapul, laminusa, and kabinga'an. the first four are volcanic islands of some size; the last two are low and flat. tapul is the nearest island of the group to sulu. it is more or less round in circumference and rises in the middle to a picturesque conical peak 505 meters above the sea. it is about 5 miles in diameter and is separated from lugus by a very narrow channel. the island is 8 miles south of sulu island, is well cultivated, and appears very attractive from the sea. it supports a considerable population and has several fairly prosperous settlements. the people are mostly sulus; they are very warlike and take great pride in their traditions. the chief settlement of this island is kanawi, where lives sharif alawi, the strongest chief on the island. buhangin hawpu, pangpang, and pagatpat lie on the southern coast, east of kanawi. the settlements on the western coast are, beginning at the south, suba pukul, kawimpang, tigbas, banting, kutabatu, bagus; on the northern coast, kawimpang, pangdan; on the eastern coast, sampunay, tulakan. lugus is a larger island. its long diameter extends 9 miles east and west, and it has an area of 18 square miles. it is hilly and rough; but the northern shore is fairly well cultivated. the chief settlements are on the western coast. they are basbas, where datu amilusin used to live, and bulipungpung. on the north lie, beginning at the east, gapas, ba'it-ba'it, and hawit, the place of maharaja sharafud din; on the east kalu'ukan, the residence of panglima salahud din; and on the south aluduyung, and the island of munupunu. siasi and pandami are separated by a narrow channel which forms a good anchorage for vessels. siasi is prettier than tapul in form and is larger, but not equally wooded. it has an isolated, conical, and beautiful peak in the center rising to a height of 509 meters above sea level. the island is about 7 miles in diameter and has an area of 39 square miles. reefs and numerous islets form a fringe off the east and south coasts and these teem with samal houses. it is thickly settled, fairly well cultivated, and has, in proportion to its size, a considerable number of horses and cattle. the majority of the people are samals, but the chief rulers and some of their retinues are sulus. in this respect this island follows the general rule governing all the larger islands of the archipelago outside of sulu island. the town of siasi is on the western side. it lies on the pandami channel and has a good harbor. a spring rising at the base of the western slope of the mountain supplies the town with fresh water. a detachment of spanish troops occupied the town in 1882 and built a stone fort and barracks. american troops were there from 1900 to 1904, when they were relieved by a detachment of the philippine constabulary. an effort was made in 1899 by the present sultan, jamalul kiram ii, to retain siasi under his own jurisdiction for the establishment of a custom-house where he could collect duties on foreign goods, as was formerly done by his father; but no such rights were conceded to him. siasi is a closed port at present. the residents of the town are samals and chinese traders. they vary from 500 to 700 in number. the other settlements on the island are, on the north, siyundu, pagatpat, and manta; on the east, pamungunan, tanjun, sipanding, and bulikulul; on the south, dugu, latung, and musu; on the west, nipanipa, jambanganan, dungus, and sablay; in the interior, kabubu, ju, and kungatad. siasi and laminusa are important centers of pearl and shell fishing. about 2,000 samals live on laminusa. pandami is an attractive island. its long diameter runs north and south. two round peaks, one at each end of the island, give it the shape of a saddle and make a picturesque sight from the sea. the people are chiefly samals ruled by sulu datus. its best settlements are on the west and south. the name given to this island on spanish maps is lapak, which is the name of one of its southern settlements. the northern extremity of the island is diadia point, the northeast projection is butun point. the chief settlements on the west are, beginning at the north, subasuba, tabunan, pari'an pandami, tubig-shina, lahi, and sibawud, which lies on a reef off the southern point of the island. on the east lie ambilan, bakal, and lapak. laminusa and kabinga'an lie to the east of siasi. they are small but thickly populated by samals. the chief settlements of laminusa are tampan on the north and kungkung on the south. the tawi-tawi group lies to the south and west of the tapul group and extends as far west as the sibutu passage. this is the largest group in number and area, including eighty-eight islands with a combined area of 462 square miles. its population is estimated at 25,000. these islands form two distinct divisions or subgroups, differing in both extent and population. the first or northern division includes bangao, sangasanga, tawi-tawi, tandu-batu, and a large number of smaller islands, all of which are rough, volcanic, mountainous, and very sparsely populated. the second or southern division is a series of low, flat islands which are smaller in area but more thickly populated than those of the northern division. the principal names, beginning at the east, are the following: kinapusan, bintulan, tabawan, south ubian, tandubas, sikubun, lata'an, mantabwan, banaran, bilatan, manuk-manka, and simunul. extensive reefs and narrow channels and shoals separate these islands from one another and from those of the northern division, rendering navigation between them impossible except in vessels of very light draft. bangao, sanga-sanga, and tawi-tawi are separated by very narrow channels and are practically one island. bangao forms the southwest extremity and is substantially one solid rock which rises perpendicularly to a height of 228 meters. it is a conspicuous landmark to vessels going through the sibutu passage. the town of bangao is a military station and an open port; it has an excellent landlocked harbor and a very poor water supply. the town has been occupied by troops since 1882, but it has never attained any size or importance. tawi-tawi island is a continuous range of hills covered by thick and rich forests. the highest points in the range are the dromedary peaks (591 meters) lying about the center of the island. the length of the island is about 34 miles and its greatest width 14 miles. it is next in size to the island of sulu, but it is very sparsely populated. its chief settlements are tungpatung, balimbang, lissum, and bu'an on the south coast, and tawi-tawi, tata'an, butung, tumhubung, tumbaga'an, languyan, and bas on the north. at balimbang are built the best types of sulu and samal boats. good timber abounds in the neighboring hills, and the little bay is transformed into a shipyard. the town used to be a famous rendezvous for samal pirates. tata'an had formerly a spanish garrison; the present moro town is a little distance to the south of the ruins of the fort and is called butung. it is built on the hillside and commands a pretty view of the sea. it lies 100 miles east of lahat datu, east borneo. the anchorage is deep and safe, being well protected by a large semicircle of reefs. a boa 30 feet long was killed on the island in 1903. rubber and gutta-percha are found on this island. tapioca and ubi are the staple products. sibutu lies in a little group of the same name, situated between the tawi-tawi group and borneo and at a distance of about 15 miles from each. the sibutu passage separates it from manuk-manka, the southernmost island of the tawi-tawi group, and the alice channel from borneo. this island did not lie within the limits of the philippine islands as defined in the treaty of peace of december 10, 1898. it was ceded by spain with kagayan sulu, by a separate treaty in november, 1900. its close proximity to borneo renders it a convenient stopping place for small moro boats navigating between borneo and sulu. sitanki, an island and town, is the trade center of this group, and has just lately been made an open port. island of sulu geographical features sulu is an island of irregular shape and among the islands of the archipelago is next in size to basilan. its longest diameter runs east and west and approximates 37 miles, while its average length does not exceed 32 miles. its greatest width is 14 miles and its average width about 10 miles. the main structure of the island is volcanic, but it is surrounded with a coral reef formation, which is most extensive in the bays and on the south. two indentations of the northern shore at jolo and si'it and two corresponding indentations of the southern shore at maymbung and tu'tu', divide the island into three parts--western, middle, and eastern. the bay of jolo is quite open and faces the northwest. it is very shallow near the shore and its head constitutes the roadstead of jolo. the bay of maymbung is a deeper indentation, but it is narrower and shallower than the bay of jolo. the town of maymbung lies at the head of the bay and is about 9 miles south of jolo in a direct line. the bays of si'it and tu'tu' indent the island to such an extent as to leave only a neck of land, less than 4 miles wide, connecting the middle and eastern parts of the island. the settlement of si'it lies at the head of the bay and in the immediate vicinity of a small lake of the same name. the shores of the bay of tu'tu' are marshy and are covered with mangrove trees. the bay is very shallow to a considerable distance from shore. tu'tu' is the principal settlement near the head of the bay. the backbone of the island is a mountain range which runs east and west and lies nearer to the northern shore. the highest point is mount tumangtangis, at the western extremity of the range. this mountain reaches a height of 853 meters above sea level and descends very rapidly to the western coast near timahu. a spur of the mountain terminates in point pugut at the northwestern extremity of the island. [6] toward the east, the ridge descends to a much lower level at bud datu, bud agad, and bud pula, which lie immediately to the south of jolo. it rises again in mount dahu to an altitude of 716 meters. mount dahu is a prominent landmark and forms the most picturesque landscape in the background of jolo. it is a steep and conical extinct volcano, similar to, but smaller and more regular in form than mount tumangtangis. east of mount dahu is another gap in which lies tambang pass. beyond this the range rises again at mount tambang and continues uninterrupted to mount sinuma'an, at the extreme end of lati, and mount bagshag. after mount bagshag the range descends gradually toward su' and si'it. the northern slopes of mount tumangtangis and mount dahu, and the crest of bud datu are covered with grand forests, while the crests and lower slopes of bud agad and bud pula are partly cultivated and partly covered with tall grass. from the shores of the bay of jolo the land rises gradually and presents a beautiful green appearance. the northern aspect of this whole range and its beauty were appropriately described by mr. hunt, as follows: there are few landscapes in the world that exhibit a more delightful appearance than the seacoasts of sulu; the luxuriant variety of the enchanting hills exhibits a scenery hardly ever equaled and certainly never surpassed by the pencil of the artist. some with majestic woods that wave their lofty heads to the very summits; others with rich pasturage delightfully verdant, with here and there patches burnt for cultivation, which form an agreeable contrast with enameled meads; others, again, exhibit cultivation to the mountain top, checkered with groves affording a grateful variety to the eye--in a word, it only requires the decorations of art and civilized life to form a terrestrial paradise. [7] to the south of bagshag [8] lies a small extinct volcano called panamaw or pandakan, whose crater is now a lake. east of si'it rise the lu'uk mountains of urut, upao, and tayungan. from these the range extends to bud tandu at the eastern extremity of the island. the highlands near the southern coast of the island divide into three separate regions. the first and westernmost lies west of maymbung and forms the principal highlands of parang. the highest points in this region are mount tukay, east of the town of parang, and mount mabingkang, east of tukay. to the east of maymbung rise mount talipao and mount kumaputkut, which form the middle and second region. the third region is the southern part of the lu'uk country. its highest point is mount bulag, to the north of tandu-panu'an. between mount tukay and mount tumangtangis lies bud gapang. midway between mount talipao and bud datu is mount kumuray, in the neighborhood of langhub. the largest streams on the island are tubig palag and bina'an. the first is generally known as the maymbung river. it passes through the settlement of maymbung and empties into the head of the bay of the same name. it drains the southern slopes of mounts tumangtangis, pula, dahu, and kumuray. the bina'an stream drains the southern slopes of mount sinuma'an and the northern slopes of mounts talipao and kumaputkut and empties into the bay of tu'tu'. principal coast settlements beginning at jolo and going west along the northern coast we pass the following points of interest: the first is point baylam, the western limit of the bay of jolo. at the head of the small bay that follows lies the settlement of matanda, where a spanish blockhouse marks the western limit of the jolo line of fortifications. next comes point mangalis and the receding beach of bwansa, the old capital of sulu. here and in the next bay, at malimbay and kansaya, samal boats assemble in favorable weather for fishing. back of these settlements the land rises rapidly to mount tumangtangis. a teak forest of considerable size lies between tumangtangis and jolo. outside of the wall of jolo and to the east lies the settlement of busbus, where criminals formerly were chopped to death after being tied to a tree. a mile beyond is mubu, where the old residence of sultan harun stands out prominently. copious springs of fresh water issue at this place at a point near the high-water mark. a mile farther east we come to tandu (point or cape), where datu kalbi lives. this point is generally known as tandu dayang ipil [9] and marks the eastern limit of the bay of jolo. the isolated hill of patikul rises immediately behind tandu. the settlement of patikul lies still farther away on the beach. here lives datu julkarnayn (alexander the great), the brother of datu kalbi. the beautiful region lying between patikul and the mountains of tambang and sinuma'an is called lati. buhanginan lies about midway between patikul and higasan. at the latter place or tandu manuk-manuk the shore line recedes toward the south. opposite this point lies the island of bakungan. next comes the larger settlement of taglibi, above which rises mount ta'ung; then bunbun, near a point which marks the western entrance into the bay of si'it. midway between bunbun and the head of the bay is su', which may be said to mark the boundary line between lati and lu'uk. si'it is a small settlement near the head of the bay. beyond si'it the shore line turns north until it reaches kansipat. about 2 miles farther, a semicircular reef off the shore makes the excellent and well-protected small harbor of bwal. a large spring of pure, fresh water adds to this place another natural advantage, one which gave it the prominence it had in former days. the entrance into the harbor is very shallow and allows only sailboats of light draft. the channel lies close to the shore on the west side. opposite the island of tulayan lie tandu-batu and a little farther inland kuta makis. limawa lies about 3 miles farther on near a point opposite the island of buli kuting. behind this island and at the head of a shallow cove lies patutul, the chief settlement of tandu. east of bud tandu is tandu pansan, the easternmost point of the island. the eastern coast is exposed to storms and appears rocky and barren, though the hills behind it are well cultivated. the first point on the southern coast is tandu panu'an, behind which lies the settlement of sukuban. this marks the southern extremity of the boundary line between tandu and lu'uk. the country behind kuta sihi' and pitugu appears rich and well tilled. the hills come down to the beach. near the point at the eastern limit of tu'tu' bay lies kambing. the neighboring country is rich and prosperous. it is governed by maharaja bayrula, one of the wisest and best chiefs of sulu. west of kambing lie pandang-pandang, tubu-manuk, and tu'tu'. the shore is a continuous mangrove marsh, while the country behind is about the richest and best tilled land on the whole island. the western side of tu'tu' bay has few places of importance. the country behind is picturesque and hilly, but not as well populated as other parts of the island. lubuk, kabungkul, and lumapit are the chief settlements. beyond the point of buhangin puti', the shore line bends again north and the bay of maymbung begins. here mangrove swamps are extensive and extend a good distance inland. the greater part of maymbung is built on piles over the water. it is surrounded by swamps on all sides. after the tide recedes, strong odors arise from the muddy bottom to such an extraordinary degree as to render the atmosphere of the place very disagreeable and often unbearable to strangers. the center of the town is a small, open square of reclaimed land filled with coral rocks. around this square were built the houses of sultan jamalul a`lam and his ministers of state. the present sultan lives on a hill about half a mile inland from the town. the square was probably the site of the maymbung fort which was destroyed by general arolas in 1887. some chinese traders live in the town and export hemp, pearls, pearl shells, etc., through jolo. the population of the town and its immediate suburbs varies considerably, but it is generally estimated at 1,000. beyond maymbung the coast bends sharply to the south. in the immediate vicinity of maymbung lies bwalu. a mile west of this place begins the district of parang. after lipid and lapa comes kabali'an, the western limit of the bay of maymbung. the shore line then takes a more westerly direction. passing dandulit and lakasan, we reach tandu put, where the western coast of the island begins. this southern region of parang is well populated and is very pretty and productive. cultivated areas are seen on the side of the mountains everywhere and they reach the very summit of mount tukay. the town of parang is one of the largest settlements on the island and has, at present, an estimated population of 1,000. it is situated at the head of a small open bay facing the southwest and commands a beautiful view of tapul and lugus and the intervening sheet of water. it is the capital of the district and has one of the best markets in the archipelago for fish, shells, and pearls. the drinking water in this neighborhood is brackish. an islet lies off the shore near tandu bunga. beyond this point the shore line turns north to bwisan, which is one of the most prosperous settlements in the district. beyond alu pangku' the coast inclines a little east and runs to silankan and timahu. extensive coconut groves and well-cultivated fields and fruit trees of various kinds abound all along the coast from parang to timahu. districts of the island the districts of the island conform in a great measure to its natural divisions. however, political reasons have modified the natural boundaries and increased the districts to six by division. these districts are parang, pansul, lati, gi'tung, lu'uk and tandu. the first district on the west is parang. a line joining the western limit of bwalu on the south coast, with a point slightly east of the summit of mount tumantangis, and projected to the sea on the north, delimits this district on the east and carves out of the western natural division the district of pansul. the eastern boundary of pansul is a line running from a point 2 or 3 miles east of maymbung to mount pula and busbus. the chief reason for separating pansul from parang was to reserve for the sultan direct control over jolo and maymbung. this district has more foreigners residing in it than any other. a line joining su' and lubuk marks the eastern limit of both lati and gi'tung, the third and fourth districts. the watershed line joining the summits of mounts dahu, tambang, and sinuma'an and falling on the east to the vicinity of su', divides lati on the north from gi'tung on the south. for all practical purposes the district of lati may be said to lie between jolo and su', and the district of gi'tung or talipao between maymbung and tu'tu'. the land joining si'it and tu'tu' is low. sulu traditions say that when the samals arrived in the island this neck of land was submerged and the island was divided by a channel of water. the extinct volcano of pandakan, generally spoken of as the "crater lake," which lies in this vicinity, may be of late origin and may have been the source of the geologic deposits which helped to fill the channel. spanish records speak of a volcanic eruption in the vicinity of jolo as late as 1840, and it is very likely that other volcanic action occurred prior to that date and after the arrival of the samals in the fourteenth century. a line joining limawa on the north and sukuban or tandu panu'an on the south, divides lu'uk from tandu, thus forming the fifth and sixth districts respectively. a line joining mount tayungan and bud tandu divides both lu'uk and tandu into a northern and a southern part. in both cases the southern parts are more fertile and better cultivated and probably more thickly populated than the northern. the sulus are principally agriculturists. the greater part of the people are farmers and a considerable portion of the interior of the island is under cultivation. they raise a good number of cattle, carabaos, and horses, which they utilize for tilling the soil and transporting its products. trails cross the island in all directions and the interior is in easy communication with the sea. fruits are good and abundant. the forests are rich in jungle products and in timber. some copra and hemp is raised and the amount is being increased annually. the staples are tapioca, rice, and corn. sugar cane is raised in small quantities. ubi and taro are fairly abundant. some coffee is produced, but disease destroyed most of the plantations. some tobacco and vegetables are raised for home consumption only. jolo is one of the best fish markets in the philippine islands. the varieties of fish in sulu waters are innumerable and of excellent quality. the island of sulu surpasses mindanao in the quality and proportional amount of its fruit. there is an abundance of mangostins, durians, nangkas (jack-fruit), lanã§ones, [10] marangs, [10] mangos of several varieties (mampalam, bawnu, and wanni), oranges, custard apples, pineapples, bananas, etc. in the extent and quality of cultivation the district of lu'uk ranks first, parang second, and lati third. good fresh water abounds everywhere except on the western coast. considerable irrigation is possible in many localities. town of jolo. general plan, buildings and streets jolo is the spanish representation (or rather misrepresentation) of the word sulu, sometimes written sooloo. the early spaniards wrote it "xolo," which later changed to jolã³. the complete form of the word is sulug, as it is rendered in magindanao. the sulus pronounce it and write it sug. sug means a sea current. the flow of the tide through the innumerable narrow channels separating the numerous islands of the archipelago gives rise to unusually strong currents which figure prominently in the seafaring life of the people. therefore the term is an appropriate designation for the archipelago as a whole. the rulers of the island state have changed their capital four times. the most ancient capital was maymbung, the second was bwansa, which lies on the north coast of the island about 3 miles west of jolo. here ruled raja baginda and the first three sultans of sulu. the fourth sultan moved to sug, the third capital, and the town remained the capital of the sultanate until 1876, the date of the spanish conquest and occupation. sultan jamalul a`lam then moved to maymbung and the spaniards occupied the town. since then the term jolo has become so intimately associated with it, that it is deemed preferable to use it as a name for the town, while the term sulu, which is more correct and more commonly used, is retained in all other applications. the town of jolo has been so closely identified with the history of the sultanate as to claim considerable attention. the spanish buildings and improvements were sufficiently extensive to obscure the ancient landmarks of the town and to render a complete and intelligent understanding of the early history and traditions of the place impracticable. a few words describing the location of jolo, its ancient landmarks, and the spanish improvements will therefore be of primary interest. the town as it stands at present is divided into four distinct parts. the main or central part is jolo proper or the "walled town." this is known to the moros as tiyangi sug meaning the "shops or market of sulu." the western half of this part bordering on suba' bawang formerly was termed luway. the second part, called san remondo, lies back and south of the walled town and is separated from it by a little stream called tubig hasa'an. the third part is tulay and lies on the west side; the fourth is busbus, on the east side. at the head of the roadstead separating the pueblo nuevo or tulay from jolo proper or luway is a small tidal stream formerly called suba' bawang. some maps designate it as rio del sultan. this stream extends back into a swamp and divides into two branches. the main or direct branch extends in a more or less southerly direction to a point about 700 meters from the mouth of the stream, where it rises in copious springs of fresh water at the edge of the swamp. the other branch is formed by the junction of the rivulet that rises in the springs of san remondo with tubig hasa'an. the latter has its origin at the foot of the hills above the cemetery and blockhouse no. 2. hasa'an means grindstone, and the springs are said to have burst out of the spot where a grindstone was set for use. another stream, termed suba' ligayan, drains the northern slopes of buds datu and agad, and running north, passes by fort asturias and through tulay, and empties into the roadstead of jolo at a point about 250 meters west of the mouth of suba' bawang. a branch of this stream formerly issued at asturias and connected with the main stream of suba' bawang. the land which thus lay between suba' bawang and suba' ligayan was a delta. it was called by the moros u-laya (that is, the head of the net) because of its triangular shape. it was mostly marshy, but it had a central longitudinal strip of dry land which practically connected tulay with the base of the hills, at asturias. at the upper end of this strip there existed at one time a well-defined, sandy spot, different in formation from the surrounding land, which was considered sacred and was supposed to be the first land formed on the island. this spot was sug proper; after it was named the whole settlement which was built along the banks of suba' bawang and at the head of the roadstead. the sultan's palace, termed istana, his kuta (fort) and stockades were built along the lower left bank of the stream bawang; hence the name rio del sultan. on the right bank lay the houses and stockades of the other datus of high rank. two bridges connected one side of the stream with the other. on the outskirts of the town lay various kuta belonging to subordinate datus, which defended the approaches to the town. the most famous of these kuta was daniel's fort, the best stronghold of sulu. on the site of this fort was built in 1878 the fort or redoubt of alfonso xii, which was lately replaced by the present headquarters building of the military post of jolo. another strong fort was built at the foot of the hills just above the head of the delta above described; it defended the inland approach to the town. this was panglima arabi's kuta, on the site of which fort asturias was erected. another kuta was located on point baylam. the principal part of the town was formerly built over the shoal and beach at the head of the bay. extensive rows of buildings stretched out into the roadstead and in front of the buildings now occupied as the clubhouse and military hospital. the present "chinese pier" is constructed on the same plan. this extensive row of houses and shops begins at the lower point of the tulay delta and stretches straight out into the sea. the bay is very shallow here and appears to be fairly well protected from severe storms. a variety of fish called tulay, after which the moro town of tulay is named, is caught in the bay. a swamp bounds the town on the south and west, affording it considerable protection from assault. however, it is open to attack from the sea and from the east. the land on the east is high and affords the only desirable site for residences. here the strongest forts and defenses were erected. the spaniards built the central part of jolo first. they raised it considerably above sea level by extensive fillings, and surrounded it by a loop-holed wall, 8 feet high and 1 1/2 feet thick, for protection from moro assaults. the new town was beautifully laid out with broad, clean streets lined with double rows of arbol de fuego (fire trees), ylang-ylang, [11] acacia, and other varieties of trees, some of which are large and magnificent. three parks, each one block in size, added considerable picturesqueness to the place. substantial quarters were built for the officers, all houses were painted white or whitewashed, and none of them had the nipa roofs so common in the archipelago. business places, storehouses, a large market place, a church, a theater, two schoolhouses, and a hospital were erected and a public water supply provided. a stone pier was built extending 120 meters into the sea, and provided with a light-house at its outer end. the town wall had five gates, two of which lay on the northwest or sea front, one at the foot of the pier, and the other close to it. through the latter gate cargo was admitted from small boats, which can always come up to this point at high water. the three other gates lay on the land side, one at the south end of the town toward tulay, another at the opposite extremity facing busbus, and a third one at the southern end of calle [12] buyon, directly facing san remondo. this last is the only gate of the three kept open at present and is the only entrance into the town from the land side. a tower called torre de la farola surmounts the gate. near the busbus gate and forming the northeast angle of the town was the fort or redoubt termed alfonso xii. it was built on a prominent eminence and commanded an extensive view of the bay, the town, and the surrounding country. in the immediate vicinity lay the cuartel espaã±a, which was a large and substantial building occupying the northern extremity of the town, facing the bay on the side of busbus. at the extreme end of the wall beyond the barracks was the tower or blockhouse called torre norte. another similar tower at the south gate was termed torre sur. at the intersection of the south wall and the beach line was a strong building called cuartel defensivo de las victorias. the block lying diagonally between this cuartel and the market had eight buildings which were known as casas de la colonia para deportados. two roads and two bridges connected the south and southeast gates with san remondo. the continuation of these roads formed the two main streets of this part of the town. san remondo has six small town blocks, nearly all of which are on reclaimed swamp land. the buildings here are mere nipa huts and the streets are muddy and narrow, unlike those of the walled town. back of the town lies a large coconut grove which extends to blockhouse no. 2 on one side and asturias on the other. a straight and well laid out road directly connects these two latter points and marks the southern limit of the town. a good road runs outside the wall connecting busbus and tulay. later usage has applied the term tulay to all parts of the town lying west of suba' bawang. formerly the name tulay was applied only to that part lying west of suba' ligayan, while the intermediate section was known as pueblo nuevo. the bridge across the mouth of suba' bawang was termed puente del sultan. on the other side of the bridge this street extends through pueblo nuevo and along the central strip of u-laya, or the delta, to fort asturias, thus separating the waters of suba' bawang from suba' ligayan. midway between tulay and asturias stands an obelisk-like monument erected by general arolas and bearing the date 1892. further fillings in tulay have provided for several streets, the chief one of which is the direct street running to the chinese pier and then on to the blockhouse of the playa [13] and the ligayan river. a large bridge crosses this river to tulay proper. the road ends at the beach a little beyond the bridge. in the central plaza at tulay stands a monument erected by general arolas in 1891 in memory of the three renowned conquerors of jolo. on one side the monument bears the inscription "a la gloria de los que con su esfuerzo hicieron esta tierra espaã±ola;" the second side bears the inscription "corcuera, 17 de abril de 1638;" the third side, "urbistondo, 28 de febrero de 1851;" the fourth side, "malcampo, 29 de febrero de 1876." a straight road about three-fourths of a mile long called the asturias road directly connects asturias with the main entrance of the walled town. another road starts at this latter point and running along the right bank of tubig hasa'an reaches the cemetery on the opposite side of blockhouse no. 2. the old bridge connecting a branch of this road with the one running from asturias to blockhouse no. 2 was washed away by a severe freshet in 1904, thus breaking what had formerly been a complete circle of roads around the town. busbus is wholly occupied by moros. its houses are dilapidated nipa huts built on piles over the water. back of the town is a marsh which extends a little way toward the base of the hills. the water from the marsh escapes into the bay by two rivulets, the first of which runs through the settlement and is known as tubig uhang; the other is artificial, forms the outer limit of the town, and is called buyung canal. persons convicted of capital crimes in the days of the independent sultanate were tied to a tree at this place and there their bodies were chopped to pieces; hence the name "busbus" which means to "chop up" or "dress wood." trade jolo lies about 4 miles from the point of intersection of latitude 6â° north and longitude 121â° east. it is about 540 nautical miles due south from manila and 81 nautical miles distant from zamboanga. the harbor is deep and free from currents. the bay is well protected on the north by the islands of pangasinan and marongas and is safe from all storms except those from the northwest. sulu occupies the most nearly central position of any island in eastern malaysia. it lies between mindanao on the east and borneo on the west, and separates the sulu sea from the celebes sea. the commercial advantages of this position are unique. to the north lie the bisayas, palawan, luzon, formosa, china, and japan; to the east mindanao and basilan; to the south, the moluccas, celebes, and java; to the west, borneo, sumatra, and the malay peninsula. besides, the sulus are natural-born sailors, and their famous pearl industry has prompted them to trade since time immemorial. their boats brought silk, amber, silver, scented woods, and porcelain from china and japan; gold dust, wax, dyes, saltpeter, slaves, and food stuffs from luzon, the bisayas, and mindanao; gunpowder, cannon, brass, copper, iron, rubies, and diamonds from malacca and bruney; [14] pepper and spices from java, the moluccas, and celebes. chinese merchants traded with sulu long before the arrival of legaspi, and while manila and cebu were still small and insignificant settlements jolo had reached the proportions of a city and was, without exception, the richest and foremost settlement in the philippine islands. jolo, with the exception of bruney, had no rival in northeast malaysia prior to the seventeenth century. such commercial importance naturally attracted the attention of the early spanish governors-general and was one of the causes which led to the early invasion of sulu. the long period of warfare which followed this invasion retarded the progress of jolo and reduced its trade. again, the rise of spanish commerce in the north tended to restrict the trade of jolo. the growth of manila, cebu, and iloilo naturally diverted the commerce of luzon and the bisayas and the north coast of mindanao to those cities. the later commercial decline of jolo was probably brought about more in this way than as a result of actual clash of arms. jolo, however, remained an important port and a transshipping station to mindanao until a late date. at present trade has assumed new proportions and is following new routes. zamboanga, kotabato, and davao are directly connected with manila by regular steamship lines, and jolo is fast losing its importance as a transshipping port. zamboanga, on the other hand, is rising in importance and seems destined to become the port of mindanao. it is the capital of the moro province and lies in the direct route connecting china, manila, and australia. it has direct communication with manila, hongkong, singapore, and australia, and is gradually diverting the trade of mindanao from jolo. in spite of overwhelming odds, however, jolo will maintain considerable commercial importance. it has well-established trade relations with borneo, the malay peninsula, china, and luzon, and is connected by regular steamship lines with sandakan, singapore, manila, and zamboanga. practically the whole trade of the sulu archipelago passes through this port, and it stands now, as ever before, as the center of business, power, and importance of the whole district of sulu. in the early days the trade of sulu was carried on by moros and chinese. the chinese appear to have entered the archipelago prior to its mohammedanization, and the commercial relations of china and sulu are really prehistoric. as hostilities between spain and sulu increased, sulu traders became less daring and grew fewer and fewer. chinese traders, on the other hand, were less molested and conditions encouraged their increase. the "chinese pier" is a very old business establishment, and chinese traders and merchants have resided in jolo for many generations. their number, in 1851, exceeded 500. at present chinese merchants have complete control of the trade of the sulu archipelago. they are found everywhere and command all the avenues of commerce. the sulus have abandoned commerce as a trade and apparently have no inclination to resume it on any large scale. this is due mainly to the decline of their power and the present abeyance of their national life. a new political revival will no doubt change their attitude and may bring about a surprising development in arts and trades as well as of commerce. the trade between jolo and various islands and settlements of the archipelago is carried on by means of innumerable small moro boats and sloops termed sapits. formerly such boats traded with bruney, sandakan, the celebes, java, and all the various islands of the philippine archipelago, but the stricter enforcement of the customs regulations, which followed the establishment of open ports at sitanki, bangao, and kagayan sulu, had the effect of checking trade with foreign countries in such small boats and tended to concentrate the whole trade of the archipelago at jolo. a review of the imports and exports of the port of jolo will therefore throw considerable light on the material resources of the archipelago, its industries, and the enterprise of the natives. port of jolo imports ==================================================================== | | fiscal year- | | commodity |-----------------------| | | 1905 | 1906 | |------------------------------------------|-----------+-----------| | animals, etc | $214 | $71 | | brass, manufactures of | 6,402 | 2,548 | | breadstuffs | 4,881 | 3,870 | | cement | 745 | 989 | | coal | 4,208 | | | coffee | 621 | 872 | | cotton cloths, close woven | 82,999 | 80,381 | | cotton cloths, loose woven | 14,053 | 14,338 | | carpets | 5,379 | | | yarn and thread | 18,059 | 19,594 | | knit fabrics | 2,688 | 3,564 | | cotton cloths, all other manufactures of | 949 | 2,079 | | dyes | 2,691 | 3,807 | | opium | 14,578 | 6,601 | | earthen and stone ware | 1,494 | 2,419 | | fibers, vegetable | 308 | 153 | | dried fish | 216 | 456 | | shell fish | 375 | 497 | | fruits, canned | 272 | 254 | | fruits, not canned | 362 | 407 | | glass and glassware | 694 | 415 | | iron, steel, and manufactures of | 3,640 | 2,916 | | malt liquors | 2,020 | 822 | | matches | 956 | 372 | | mineral oils | 742 | 1,339 | | vegetable oils | 536 | 503 | | paints | 979 | 299 | | paper and manufactures of | 2,123 | 1,816 | | condensed milk | 1,516 | 1,363 | | rice | 76,172 | 57,416 | | silk and manufactures of | 1,614 | 1,318 | | soap | 724 | 610 | | spirits, distilled | 1,643 | 1,108 | | sugar, refined | 4,314 | 2,987 | | tea | 646 | 489 | | tobacco and manufactures of | 586 | 367 | | vegetables | 1,204 | 1,919 | | wearing apparel | | 3,699 | | wood and manufactures of | 2,270 | 1,646 | | wool and manufactures of | 2,282 | 206 | | all others | 8,126 | 7,262 | | |-----------+-----------| | total in u. s. currency | $274,281 | $231,772 | | total in philippine currency | p548,562 | p463,544 | ==================================================================== exports ========================================================== | | fiscal year- | | commodity |-----------------------| | | 1905 | 1906 | |--------------------------------+-----------+-----------| | animals | $42 | $70 | | hemp | 486 | 5,561 | | cordage | 5,084 | 5,054 | | fish | 7,893 | 13,151 | | copra | 17,870 | 30,052 | | copal | 3,793 | 4,458 | | gutta-percha | 108 | 3,939 | | hides | 839 | 867 | | mother-of-pearl (shells) | 88,516 | 60,051 | | tortoise shell | 1,971 | 2,856 | | shells, all others | 4,249 | 11,864 | | all others | 8,033 | 4,610 | | |-----------+-----------| | total in u. s. currency | $138,884 | $142,533 | | total in philippine currency | p277,768 | p285,066 | ========================================================== port of zamboanga [15] imports ============================================================ | agricultural imports | p250 | p40 | | wheat flour | 6,048 | 18,378 | | cement | 3,088 | 12,966 | | coffee | 5,656 | 10,646 | | copper, manufactures of | 838 | 686 | | cotton cloths, close woven | 92,254 | 97,866 | | cotton cloths, loose woven | 9,628 | 33,714 | | cotton wearing apparel | 2,136 | 5,152 | | cotton yarn and thread | 25,032 | 34,862 | | cotton, knit fabrics | 6,278 | 4,380 | | cotton, all other manufactures | 1,840 | 5,118 | | opium | 8,928 | 26,254 | | earthen and stone ware | 1,406 | 5,016 | | china ware | 262 | 388 | | hats and caps | 1,164 | 598 | | iron, sheet | 6,470 | 12,786 | | cutlery, table | 76 | 142 | | cutlery, all other | 120 | 96 | | nails, wire | 500 | 530 | | boots and shoes | 762 | 2,884 | | beer in wood | none. | 198 | | beer in bottles | 8,410 | 42,618 | | other malt liquors | 1,902 | 548 | | matches | 60 | 988 | | tin, manufactures of | 188 | 40 | | oil, petroleum | 4,850 | 8,600 | | milk, condensed | 3,200 | 5,972 | | rice, husked | 119,572 | 161,642 | | brandy | 814 | 3,212 | | whiskey, bourbon | 822 | 1,240 | | whiskey, rye | 1,030 | 376 | | whiskey, all other | 6,668 | 19,566 | | sugar, refined | 3,566 | 5,488 | | tea | 1,346 | 2,484 | | zinc, manufactures of | 880 | 834 | | all other imports | 49,712 | 86,807 | | |------------+------------| | total in philippine currency | 375,756 | 613,115 | ============================================================ exports ====================================================== | | fiscal year- | | commodity |---------------------| | | 1905 | 1906 | |------------------------------+----------+----------| | bejuco (rattan) | p700 | p1,594 | | fish | 60 | 1,886 | | coconuts | none. | 2,258 | | copra | 125,734 | 157,398 | | almaciga [16] | 632 | 288 | | copal | 19,906 | 31,582 | | gutta-percha | 2,282 | 28,370 | | rubber | none. | none. | | all other gums and resins | 910 | none. | | hides, carabao | 362 | 316 | | beeswax | none. | 3,024 | | shells, mother-of-pearl | 2,440 | 2,420 | | shells, tortoise | 8,708 | 7,638 | | shells, all other | 2,224 | 10,320 | | salt | none. | 1,508 | | wood, all kinds | 1,346 | 1,076 | | all other exports | 9,590 | 9,860 | | |----------|----------| | total in philippine currency | 174,894 | 259,538 | ====================================================== the above statements of the imports and exports of the port of jolo for the fiscal years 1905 and 1906 have been obtained through the kindness and help of mr. e. b. cook, collector of customs for jolo. they represent the total value of the imports and exports of the town to and from foreign ports only. they do not, however, give an idea of the grand total of the imports and exports of the archipelago. account must also be taken of the large amount of commodities smuggled into the country by means of small boats which continually run between the tawi-tawi group and kagayan sulu on the one side and borneo and palawan on the other. moreover, it is difficult to tell what part of the trade of basilan and the samal group of islands is retained by jolo and what part has lately been drawn away by zamboanga. besides, some trade between sulu and basilan, on one side, and mindanao, negros, and cebu on the other, is carried on by sailing craft; no account of this is taken either at jolo or zamboanga. since july 1, 1905, all boats under 15 tons register have not been required to present at the custom-house manifests of goods carried. it is clear, therefore, that no correct estimate or opinion can be rendered on the strength of these figures, unless one is aided by personal observation and knowledge of actual conditions previous to july 1, 1903. estimating the population affected by the trade of jolo, at 100,000, we note that the importation of cloths and woven materials amounted to p204,431 in 1905 and p196,836 in 1906, or 37 per cent and 42 per cent of total imports, respectively. there is no doubt that the weaving industry among sulus and samals is far from being adequate to furnish clothing material, and european cotton cloths are therefore extensively used throughout the archipelago. the importation of rice amounted to p152,344 in 1905 and p114,832 in 1906, or 27 and 24 per cent of the total imports, respectively. the sulus are agriculturists and should be able to raise sufficient rice for themselves and the samals. the islands most fitted for this purpose are sulu, basilan, tapul, siasi, pata, and pandami. the samals are not agriculturists as a rule and seldom raise anything except tapioca and corn. they generally live on flat, low islands, unfit for the cultivation of rice. the archipelago as a whole should produce sufficient rice, tapioca, corn, and camotes to feed the whole population. the importation of rice in 1905 was probably in excess of the average amount; less rice was raised that year because of war and general disturbances. the commodities of next importance are yarn and thread for weaving purposes. importation of these articles amounted to p36,118 in 1905 and p39,188 in 1906, or 7 and 8 per cent, respectively. the country does not produce silk, cotton, or wool. all other imports may be regarded as accessories. of these opium comes first, then dyes, breadstuffs, sugar, iron, steel, brass, paper, and earthenware. a considerable amount of tobacco is imported by the government free of duty, and quantities of tobacco, opium, and cloths formerly were smuggled in. the reduction of imports in 1906 may be due to increased production, to the depression that followed the disturbances of 1904 and 1905, and to a diversion of certain parts of the trade to zamboanga. the exports, on the other hand, show a light increase in 1906. they distinctly represent those resources of the country which are most capable of development. at the head of the list stands the shell industry, particularly the pearl shell, which amounted to p189,472 in 1905 and p149,542 in 1906, or 64 and 52 per cent of total exports, respectively. the exportation of shell has lately been greatly affected by the falling of the price of pearl shell in the market of singapore. the exportation of other shells seems, on the contrary, to have increased. pearl fishing is the principal industry of the country and forms the main source of its riches. the fishing is done exclusively by natives, but the trade seems to be wholly in the hands of chinese. the figures given above do not include pearls. it is very difficult to obtain any statistics for this valuable product, but on the whole it is reckoned by merchants as equivalent to the whole output of shell. second in importance comes copra, which amounted to p35,740 in 1905 and p60,104 in 1906, or 12 and 21 per cent of total exports, respectively. the marked increase of this export in 1906 may be explained partly by increased production and partly by the general damage done to the trees in 1905 by locusts. increase in the cultivation of coconut trees is not perceptible and can not account for the increase in exportation. dried fish comes third in order, amounting to p15,786 in 1905 and p26,302 in 1906. this industry is capable of unlimited development. the fertility of the sulu sea is unusual and can hardly be surpassed. nothing but enterprise and organized effort is needed to render this trade a source of enormous wealth to the country. the natives are exceedingly skillful in fishing, but lack ambition and initiative. the trade in fish is mostly in the hands of chinese merchants. fourth in importance comes hemp. both in fiber and cordage its exports amounted to p11,140 in 1905 and p21,230 in 1906. hemp culture has markedly improved during the last year, and the increased production is sufficient to explain the increase in exportation. coconut trees and hemp grow splendidly on all the larger islands of the archipelago, and their cultivation is capable of extensive development. copal and gutta-percha are the products of sulu, basilan, and the tawi-tawi islands. although sufficiently important in themselves, they sink into insignificance when compared with the four primary staple products and the immense possibilities that lie in the line of their development. the greater part of the trade of jolo is handled by the jolo trading company, the firm of hernandez & co., and the commercial houses of chaun lee and ban guan, all of which are controlled and managed by chinese merchants. the following list compiled in the office of the jolo trading company, for the far eastern review, is a fair estimate of the prospective exports of the town for the coming two years: =================================================================== | article | amount | price | total | |---------------------------------+-----------+-------+-----------| | | piculs. | | | | hemp | 1,000 | p21 | p21,000 | | pearl shells | 150 | 45 | 6,750 | | trepang or beche-de-mar | 50 | 30 | 1,500 | | shark fins | 20 | 45 | 900 | | hemp rope | 30 | 25 | 750 | | caracoles (sea shells | | | | | for buttons, etc.) | 40 | 12 | 480 | | black shells | 10 | 8 | 80 | | copra | 500 | 7 | 3,500 | | seaweeds | 40 | 4 | 160 | | hides | 10 | 20 | 200 | | cacao | 10 | 50 | 500 | | tortoise shells | 1-1/2 | 1,800 | 2,700 | | sea horses | | | 240 | |---------------------------------+-----------+-------+-----------| | grand total | | | 38,760 | |=================================================================| hemp is generally exported to manila, while the other articles mentioned in the above table are generally exported to singapore. trepang, shark fins, seaweed, and sea horses are foods highly prized by the chinese. if the value of pearls taken is estimated on the basis suggested by the president of the jolo trading company, it will bring the total up to p58,760 per month. population the present population of jolo is less than 2,000. this includes all the natives and foreigners living in tulay and busbus; but the united states troops are excepted. the bulk of the inhabitants is made up of filipinos, chinese, and moros. the census report of 1903 gives the following statistics, which include tulay and san remondo, but not busbus: ==================================== | color | males | females | |================+=======+=========| | brown | 309 | 306 | | |=================| | ilokano | 10 | 4 | | moro | 9 | 98 | | tagalog | 103 | 66 | | bisayan | 161 | 132 | | foreign born | 26 | 6 | | mixed | 74 | 48 | | yellow | 429 | 56 | | white | 31 | 17 | | |=======+=========| | total | 843 | 427 | ==================================== walled town 541 tulay 615 san remondo 114 ---- total 1,270 males of voting age brown: filipino 189 ilokano 9 moro 4 tagalog 75 bisayan 101 english 14 french 1 all others 5 mixed: filipino 1 chinese 8 english 2 yellow: chinese 392 japanese 1 english 3 white: american 22 spanish 2 all others 1 -- total 641 as the great majority of the "mixed" population have chinese fathers, they, as a rule, follow chinese custom and trade and may be regarded as chinese. the chinese element may therefore be classified as follows: ======================================= | chinese | males | females | total | |-----------+-------+---------+-------| | pure | 429 | 56 | 485 | | mixed | 70 | 45 | 115 | | |-------+---------+-------| | total | 499 | 101 | 600 | ======================================= the filipinos may be classified as follows: ======================================= | filipinos | males | females | total | |-----------+-------+---------+-------| | brown | 274 | 202 | 476 | | mixed | 4 | 3 | 7 | | |-------+---------+-------| | total | 278 | 205 | 483 | ======================================= the census statistics give a full and clear idea of the composition of the resident population of the town in 1903. the chinese and their offspring, amounting to 600, undoubtedly form the preponderant element. the filipinos come next, amounting to 483 only. considerable change has, however, occurred since the census was taken, and necessitates a revision of the above figures. the increase of the garrison and the construction of many new buildings for the military post has caused an influx of filipinos from zamboanga and kotabato, and more chinese have undoubtedly come in since 1903. the census figures again do not include moros, some hundreds of whom live at present in tulay and busbus. the following, based on close personal observation, is considered a fair estimate of the present population: ============================================================== | | walled | san remondo | tulay | busbus | jolo | | | town | | | | | |-----------+---------+-------------+-------+--------+-------| | moros | [17] 30 | 30 | 300 | 350 | 710 | | chinese | 250 | 10 | 400 | 20 | 680 | | filipinos | 170 | 100 | 250 | | 520 | | |---------+-------------+-------+--------+-------| | total | 450 | 140 | 950 | 370 | 1,910 | ============================================================== the inhabitants of the town are more or less migratory in character. the population is constantly changing. few are property owners. the majority are traders, carpenters, and domestic servants. the filipinos were originally "camp followers" and still feel as strangers in the land. many of the moros living at tulay and busbus are of mixed origin. the mixture is chiefly of sulus and samals, with each other and with chinese. the jolo type of moros is by no means pure sulu and has consequently misled many authors and ethnologists. a large number of samals frequent tulay and busbus and often temporarily reside there, but because of their strong migratory habits no estimate has been made of them. a few arabians, malays, and indian traders are married in the country, but their proportion is small and insignificant at present. chapter ii genealogy of sulu translator's introduction the manuscript of which a translation follows is an exact copy of the original, which is in the possession of hadji butu abdul baqi, the prime minister of the sultan of sulu. the genealogy proper begins on page 6 of the manuscript and is written entirely in malay. this was the rule among all old moro writers and is a decided indication of the authenticity of the document. hadji butu maintains that his ancestry goes back to mantiri [18] asip, one of the ministers of raja baginda, the sumatra prince who emigrated to sulu prior to the establishment of mohammedanism in the island. the sulu ministry seems to have remained in asip's lineage down to the present time. the first five pages of the original manuscript are the genealogy of asip's descendants. this part is written in sulu and was probably composed at a later period than the malay part of the book. it is written by utu abdur rakman, the nephew of imam halipa, who is the son of nakib adak, the last person mentioned in the genealogy. abdur rakman is a cousin of hadji butu. the addition of these five pages to the genealogy of sulu is for the purpose of giving prominence and recognition to the sons of asip, who have been the right-hand men of the sultans of sulu since the organization of the sultanate. sulu author's introduction this is the genealogy of the sultans and their descendants, who lived in the land of sulu. the writing of this book was finished at 8 o'clock, friday the 28th of thul-qa`idat, [19] 1285 a. h. it belongs to utu [20] abdur rakman, [21] the son of abu bakr. it was given to him by his uncle tuan [22] imam [23] halipa [24] abdur rakman. this is the genealogy of the sulu sultans and their descendants. descendants of asip this is the genealogy of mantiri [25] asip, the hero and learned man of menangkabaw. [26] mantiri asip had the title of orangkaya [27] at the time he came to sulu with raja [28] baginda. [29] he married a woman from purul [30] called sandayli and begot orangkaya sumandak. sumandak begot orangkaya manuk [31] and orangkaya hamba. [32] manuk begot orangkaya buddiman [33] and orangkaya akal [34] and orangkaya layu and satya [35] akum. his daughters were santan, satan, ambang, duwi, sitti, [36] and tamwan. orangkaya buddiman begot orangkaya salimin [37] and dayang [38] saliha. [39] the former begot hinda da'ar maputra and utu undik, dayang [40] patima, [41] dayang bahira, [42] and dayang sawira. dayang saliha bore idda. akal begot orangkaya muhaddi, who begot hinda human. orangkaya layu begot dayang jawsul [43]-manalum, who became famous. manalum bore ma'asum, bulaying and jamila. [44] jamila bore itang. ma'asum begot bayi. bulayin begot inda and duwalang. jawsul begot na'ika and rajiya. [45] the former begot orangkaya sila. rajiya bore tuan aminud [46] din. [47] santan bore ma'mun. [48] ma'mun begot orangkayas utung and amang. satan bore palas and bahatul. bahatul begot abdul hadi. [49] ambang bore orankayas amin and bunga. [50] orangkaya amin begot rajiya and zakiya. [51] zakiya is the mother of orangkaya sila. rajiya is the mother of tuan aminud-din. bunga begot aliya and salima. [52] salima bore hinda baying gumantung. duwi bore manduli and immang. manduli is the mother of tuan iman anda and na'ima. [53] immang bore mali. sitti bore orangkayas ugu, garu, abu bakr, abu samma, manawun, sayda, and suda. allak begot ila and malum. [54] ila bore andungayi. malum is the father of imming. tamwan bore ima. ima begot angkala. angkala begot inung. inung begot hinda nakib [55] adak. descendants of tuan masha'ika this is the genealogy of tuan masha'ika. it was said by the men of old that he was a prophet who was not descended from adam. he was born out of a bamboo and was esteemed and respected by all the people. the people were ignorant and simple-minded in those days and were not mohammedans of the sunni sect. some of them worshiped tombs, and some worshiped stones of various kinds. masha'ika married the daughter of raja sipad the younger, who was a descendant of sipad the older. his wife's name was idda [56] indira [57] suga. [58] she bore three children, tuan hakim, [59] tuan pam, and 'aisha. [60] tuan hakim begot tuan da'im, [61] tuan buda, tuan bujang, tuan muku, and a girl. da'im begot saykaba. saykaba begot angkan. angkan begot kamalud [62] din, and katib [63] mu`allam [64] apipud [65] din, and pakrud [66] din, and many girls. tuan may begot datu tka, who was surnamed dina, lama and timwan. dina begot abi [67] abdul wakid [68] and maryam. [69] original and later settlers of sulu this chapter treats of the original inhabitants of the island of sulu. the first dwellers of the land of sulu were the people of maymbung, whose rulers were the two brothers, datu sipad and datu narwangsa. after them came the people of tagimaha, who formed another party. after these came the bajaw (samals) from juhur. these were driven here by the tempest (monsoon) and were divided between both parties. some of the bajaw were driven by the tempest to bruney and some to mindanao. after the arrival of the bajaw, the people of sulu became four parties. [70] some time after that there came karimul [71] makdum. [72] he crossed the sea in a vase or pot of iron and was called sarip. [73] he settled at bwansa, [74] the place where the tagimaha nobles lived. there the people flocked to him from all directions, and he built a house for religious worship. ten years later raja baginda [75] came from menangkabaw to sambuwangan. [76] from there he moved to basilan and later to sulu. when he arrived at sulu the chiefs of bwansa tried to sink his boats and drown him in the sea. he therefore resisted and fought them. during the fight he inquired as to the reason why they wanted to sink his boats and drown him. he told them that he had committed no crime against them and that he was not driven there by the tempest, but that he was simply traveling, and came to sulu to live among them because they were mohammedans. when they learned that he was a mohammedan, they respected him and received him hospitably. the chiefs of sulu who were living at that time were datu layla [77] ujan, datu sana, datu amu, datu sultan, [78] datu basa, and datu ung. another class of chiefs called mantiri were tuan jalal, [79] tuan akmat, [80] tuan saylama, tuan hakim, tuan buda, tuan da'im, and tuan bujang. the tagimaha chiefs were sayk [81] ladun, sayk sahdu, and sayk bajsala. the baklaya chiefs were orangkaya simtu and orangkaya ingsa. all the above chiefs were living at the time raja baginda came to sulu. there also came to sulu from bwayan, [82] sangilaya bakti and sangilaya mansalah. the latter's wife was baliya'an ã�yaga. five years after raja baginda's arrival at sulu the raja of jawa [83] sent a messenger to sulu with a present of wild elephants. the messenger's name was jaya. he died at ansang, and two elephants only arrived at sulu. after that time there came sayid [84] abu bakr from palembang [85] to bruney and from there to sulu. when he arrived near the latter place he met some people and asked them: "where is your town and where is your place of worship?" they said, "at bwansa." he then came to bwansa and lived with raja baginda. the people respected him, and he established a religion for sulu. they accepted the new religion and declared their faith in it. after that sayid abu bakr married paramisuli, the daughter of raja baginda, and he received the title of sultan sharif. [86] he begot children, and his descendants are living to the present day. he lived about thirty years in bwansa. after abu bakr, his son kamalud din succeeded to the sultanate. alawad [87] din did not become sultan. putri [88] sarip lived with her brother alawad din. alawad din married tuan mayin, the daughter of tuan layla. after the death of sultan kamalud din, maharaja [89] upu succeeded to the sultanate. after the death of upu, pangiran [90] buddiman became sultan. he was succeeded by sultan tanga. the sultans who followed are, in the order of their succession, sultan bungsu, [91] sultan nasirud [92] din, sultan karamat, [93] sultan shahabud [94] din, sultan mustafa [95] called shapiud [96] din, sultan mohammed nasarud [97] din, sultan alimud [98] din i, sultan mohammed mu`izzid [99] din, sultan isra'il, [100] sultan mohammed alimud din ii, sultan mohammed sarapud [101] din, sultan mohammed alimud din iii. sulu historical notes introduction these notes were copied by the author from a book in the possession of hadji butu, prime minister to the sultan of sulu. pages 1, 2, and 3 form a separate article. they appear to be a supplement to the genealogy of sulu, but they were undoubtedly derived from a different source. their contents are well known to the public and are probably an attempt on the part of hadji butu to register what seemed to him a true and interesting tradition of his people. page 4 was copied by the author from an old, dilapidated document which was torn in many places. it no doubt formed part of an authentic genealogy of sulu, older and more reliable than that of the manuscripts on pages 148 and 149. it is written in malay. page 5 is a copy of a sulu document issued by sultan jamalul-kiram i in the year 1251 a. h., or about seventy-three years ago. it confers the title of khatib or katib [102] on a sulu pandita [103] named adak. in conferring a title of this sort it is customary among the sulus to give the person so honored a new name, generally an arabic one, such as abdur razzak. [104] the same custom is observed in the case of accession to the sultanate and other high offices. the writing at the top of the page is the seal of jamalul kiram. the date given in the seal is the date of his sultanate. the flourish at the end of the signature below is the mark of the writer. sulu notes translation of page 1 of the original manuscript.--the first person who lived on the island of sulu is jamiyun kulisa. [105] his wife was indira [106] suga. [107] they were sent here by alexander the great. [108] jamiyun kulisa begot tuan masha'ika. [109] masha'ika begot mawmin. [110] mawmin's descendants multiplied greatly. they are the original inhabitants of sulu and chief ancestors of the present generation. translation of page 2 of the original manuscript.--in the days of the timway [111] orangkaya su'il the sulus received from manila four bisayan captives, one silver agong, [112] one gold hat, one gold cane, and one silver vase, as a sign of friendship between the two countries. one of the captives had red eyes, one had black eyes; one, blue eyes; and one, white eyes. translation of page 3 of the original manuscript.--the red-eyed man was stationed at parang, [113] and is the forefather of all the people of parang. the white-eyed man was stationed at lati, [114] and is the forefather of all the people of lati. the black-eyed man was stationed at gi'tung, [115] and is the forefather of the people of gi'tung. the blue-eyed man was stationed at lu'uk, [116] and is the forefather of the people of lu'uk. at that time the religion of mohammed had not come to sulu. translation of page 4 of the original manuscript.--the first inhabitants of the island of sulu were the people of maymbung. [117] they were followed by the tagimaha [118] and the baklaya. [119] later came the bajaw (samals) from juhur. some bajaws were taken by the sulus and were distributed among the three divisions of the island, while others drifted to bruney and magindanao. some time after that there came karimul [120] makdum. [121] he sailed in a pot of iron and the ancients called him sharif [122] awliya. [123] the sulus adopted the mohammedan religion and brought makdum to bwansa. [124] there the tagimaha chiefs built a mosque. ten years later there arrived raja baginda, who emigrated from menangkabaw. [125] baginda came to zamboanga first. from there he moved to basilan and sulu. the natives met him on the sea for the purpose of fighting him. he asked them, "why do you wish to fight a mohammedan who is coming to live with you?" he married there. the commission of khatib abdur razzak. the conqueror. by the order of the omniscient king, the sultan mohammed jamalul kiram. the year 1239. translation of page 5 of the original manuscript.--dated wednesday, the tenth of ramadan, in the year "d," the first, which corresponds to the year 1251 of the hegirah of the prophet mohammed, may the best of god's mercy and blessing be his. this day his majesty our master, the sultan jamalul [126] kiram [127] has granted adak an official title by virtue of which he will be known as khatib [128] abdur [129] razzak. [130] this is done in conference and consultation and with the consent of all the people, without dissent. by the will of god the most high. (signed) the sultan jamaul kiram. [the end.] chapter iii rise and prosperity of sulu sulu before islam the genealogy of sulu is a succinct analysis of the tribes or elements which constituted the bulk of the early inhabitants of the island and is the most reliable record we have of the historical events which antedated islam. the original inhabitants of the island are commonly referred to as buranun or budanun, which means "mountaineers" or "hill people." this term is occasionally used synonymously with gimbahanun, which means "people of the interior," and with manubus in the sense of "savage hill people" or "aborigines." some of the old foreign residents of sulu maintain that they recognize considerable similarity between the buranun and the dayaks of borneo, and say that the home utensils and clothes of the sulus in the earlier days closely resembled those of the dayaks. the capital of the buranun was maymbung. the earliest known ruler of maymbung was raja sipad the older, of whom nothing is related except that he was the ancestor of raja sipad the younger. in the days of the latter there appeared tuan masha'ika, about whose ancestry there seems to be considerable ambiguity and difference of opinion. according to the genealogy of sulu he was supposed to have issued out of a stalk of bamboo, and was held by the people as a prophet. the traditions state that tuan masha'ika was the son of jamiyun kulisa and indira suga, who came to sulu with alexander the great. jamiyun kulisa and indira suga are mythological names [131] and in all probability represent male and female gods related to the thunderbolt and the sun, respectively. the former religion of the sulus was of hindu origin. it deified the various phenomena of nature and assigned the highest places in its pantheon to indra, the sky; agni, the fire; vayu, the wind; surya, the sun. the ancient sulus no doubt had many myths relating to the marriages and heroic deeds of their gods by which natural phenomena were explained, and it is not unlikely that the above story of jamiyun kulisa was one of those myths. taken in this light, the above legend may express the belief of the ancient sulus that, by the marriage of the gods, jamiyun kulisa and indira, rain fell and life was so imparted to the soil that plants grew. the word masha'ika is so written in the malay text as to suggest its probable formation from two words masha and ika. the sanskrit word masha means "pulse" or "plant." ika or eka means "one." on the other hand masha-ika may represent the two parts of the sanskrit mashika which means "five mashas." it may not therefore be improbable that masha-ika refers to the subordinate deity which assumes the form of a plant or signifies the first man, whom the deity created from a plant. it is not an uncommon feature of malay legends to ascribe a supernatural origin to the ancestor of the tribe, and tuan masha'ika probably represents the admission into the buranun stock of foreign blood and the rise of a chief not descended from rajah sipad the older. the tarsila [132] adds that he married the daughter of raja sipad the younger, iddha, [133] and became the forefather of the principal people of sulu. the common belief among the sulus that alexander the great invaded their island is one of many indications which lead one to think that most of their knowledge and traditions came by the way of malacca or juhur, and possibly tuan masha'ika came from the same direction. it does seem therefore as if the dynasty of sipad was supplanted by a foreign element represented by tuan masha'ika. these two elements were later augmented by the tagimaha who settled at bwansa and along the coast west of that point, and by the baklaya who settled on the same coast east of the present site of jolo. the four tribes thus brought so closely together mixed very intimately and later lost their identity in the development of a single nation, which reached its maturity under the guiding hand of a mohammedan master. in spite of later immigrations to the island and in spite of conquest and defeat, the national character thus formed has remained unchanged throughout history and the sulu of to-day still maintains that same individuality which he acquired in his earlier days. the noted emigration of the bajaws or samals of juhur must have begun in the earlier parts of the fourteenth century, if not earlier. these sea nomads came in such large numbers and in such quick succession as to people the whole tawi-tawi group, the pangutaran and siasi groups, all available space on the coast of sulu proper, the balangingi group, and the coasts of basilan and zamboanga, before the close of the century and before the arrival of the first mohammedan pioneers. the samals exceeded the sulus in number, and the effect of such overwhelming immigration must have been considerable; but, nevertheless, the sulu maintained his nationality and rose to the occasion in a most remarkable manner. the newcomers were taken into his fold and were given his protection, for which they rendered noteworthy service; but their relation was never allowed to exceed that of a slave to his master or that of a subject to his ruler, and the samals thus remained like strangers or guests in the land until a late date. besides the samals, some bugis [134] and ilanun emigrants gained a foothold on the northern and northeastern coast of sulu. the bugis appear to have lost their identity, but the ilanun are still recognizable in many localities, and some of the principal datus of sulu still trace their origin to mindanao. the numerous and extensive piratical expeditions undertaken by the sulus from time immemorial must have been a great source of further influx of foreign blood. the earliest traditions say that, in the days of the timway, [135] orangkaya su'il, slaves or hostages were sent by the raja of manila to secure the friendship of the sulus. these slaves were, according to some accounts, of six colors, but the written records give them as four--red-eyed, white-eyed, blue-eyed, and black-eyed. the people do not entertain any doubt relative to the truth of these statements, and the custom is current even among the samals of referring to the origin of some person as descended from the red-eyed slave, in making distinction as to whether he comes from a noble or is of low birth and as to the part of the country to which he belongs. according to general opinion the red-eyed slaves lived at parang, the western section of the island; the white-eyed at lati, the northern section lying to the east of jolo; the black-eyed at gi'tung, the middle and southern section; the blue-eyed at lu'uk, the eastern section. this color distinction is difficult to explain, but it must have arisen out of the established custom of dividing slaves and captives, after returning from a piratical expedition, among the great chiefs of the various parties which composed the expedition. these parties as a rule belonged to four sections representing the four great districts of the island, over each of which one chief formerly was in authority. [136] the number of elements which have thus entered into the constitution of the sulu people must be great, for there was not a single island in the philippine archipelago which was spared by these marauders. indeed, the nation owes its origin and its chief characters to piracy. as pirates these people took refuge in this island and lived in it, and as pirates they have stamped their reputation on the annals of history. however, the sulus do not differ in this particular point from the malays of other countries. all malays were equally addicted to piracy. "it is in the malay's nature," says an intelligent dutch writer, "to rove on the seas in his prau, as it is in that of the arab to wander with his steed on the sands of the desert. it is as impossible to limit the adventurous life of a malay to fishing and trading as to retain a bedouin in a village or in a habitation. * * * this is not merely their habit; it may be termed their instinct." [137] "as surely as spiders abound where there are nooks and corners," says another, "so have pirates sprung up wherever there is a nest of islands offering creeks and shallows, headlands, rocks, and reefs--facilities, in short, for lurking, for surprise, for attack, and for escape. the semibarbarous inhabitant of the archipelago, born and bred in this position, naturally becomes a pirate. it is as natural to him to consider any well-freighted, ill-protected boat his property as it is to the fishing eagle above his head to sweep down upon the weaker but more hardworking bird and swallow what he has not had the trouble of catching." so we are told that before the days of makdum and raja baginda, sulu had long been an emporium not only of regular traders from most nations, but the headquarters of those piratical marauders who there found a ready market for enslaved victims. introduction of islam and the rise of a mohammedan dynasty in sulu, 1380-1450 to this period belongs the mohammedan invasion of the archipelago. if the buranun [138] were dayaks in origin, they certainly did not keep their dayak characteristics very long. for in all probability tuan masha'ika, the tagimahas, and the baklayas were malays [139] who came into sulu from the west, and the dynasty established by masha'ika must have exercised due influence on the buranun. whatever religion or customs these malay conquerors had in their original land, they no doubt continued to practise in their new home. it does not appear that the samals produced any change in this respect, and the same worship and social organization which the sulus had remained unchanged until the mohammedans reached the archipelago. the two prominent characters who mark this era are makdum and raja baginda. makdum was a noted arabian judge or scholar who arrived at malacca about the middle of the fourteenth century, converted sultan mohammed shah, the ruler, to islam and established this religion throughout the state of malacca. he evidently practised magic and medicine and exerted an unusually strong influence on the people of malacca. continuing farther east, he reached sulu and mindanao about the year 1380. [140] in sulu, it is said, he visited almost every island of the archipelago and made converts to islam in many places. the island of sibutu claims his grave, but the places at which he was most successful are bwansa, the old capital of sulu, and the island of tapul. it is said that the people of bwansa built a mosque for him, and some of the chiefs of the town accepted his teachings and faith. the tapul people claim descent from him, and some of them still regard him as a prophet. makdum's success in preaching a new faith to people as independent in their individual views and as pertinacious in their religious practices, beliefs, and customs as the sulus must have been in his time, is certainly remarkable and creditable to a high degree. the results of his mission to malacca and sulu throw a new light on the history of islam in the philippine islands and modify the opinion formerly held relative to its introduction by the sword. how much of a lasting effect the teachings of makdum could have had on sulu is very difficult of estimation, but in all probability the new sapling planted in the soil of sulu would have withered before long had it not been for the future current of events which watered it and reared it to maturity. some time after makdum (the genealogy of sulu says ten years) there came into sulu a prince from menangkabaw called raja baginda. menangkabaw [141] is a rich, high region in central sumatra, from which many malayan dynasties seem to have come. raja was the usual title applied to all malayan kings. baginda is said to have touched at sambuwangan (zamboanga) and basilan before reaching sulu. the nature of such a move can not be explained unless he followed the northern route leading from borneo to kagayan sulu, pangutaran, and zamboanga, which route seems to have been taken by all mohammedan missionaries and invaders mentioned in the tarsila. the written records of baginda's arrival and his later history are exceedingly brief. when he arrived at bwansa, the sulus came out to engage him in battle, as we would naturally expect; but, the tarsila continues, on learning that he was a mohammedan, they desisted from fighting, invited him to stay with them, and seem to have entertained him very hospitably. such an account is absurd on the face of it. raja baginda was not a trader nor a traveler touring the archipelago. he was accompanied by ministers and no doubt came to bwansa to stay and rule. his coming was an ordinary kind of invasion, which proved successful. when abu bakr reached bwansa, as we will learn later, he was directed to raja baginda, who must have been the supreme ruler of bwansa. accordingly we find all the chiefs of sulu enumerated in the tarsila at the day of baginda's arrival subordinate in rank, having no "rajas" among them. the genealogy of sulu is as misleading as the tarsila of magindanao in that it pictures the arrival of baginda as peaceful as that of kabungsuwan. some of the chiefs who were mohammedans possibly intrigued against their former overlords, and, joining baginda's forces, defeated their opponents; but the dearth of information relative to this early philippine history renders it impracticable to secure any more light on the subject. it may not, however, be out of place to remind the reader that the fourteenth century was marked by unusual activity in methods of warfare. gunpowder, which was known and used as an explosive long before that date, had not been made use of in throwing projectiles in battle. the arabs, we know, used firearms early in the fourteenth century, and we may conjecture that they introduced such weapons into malacca and other parts of malaysia as they moved east. it is not improbable then that a prince coming from sumatra was provided with firearms which overawed the ignorant inhabitants of bwansa and subdued the valor and courage of the sulu and samal pirates of those days. the statement made in the tarsila of magindanao that, after the people of slangan came down the river to where kabungsuwan was anchored, "he beckoned (or pointed his finger) to them, but one of them died on that account, and they were frightened and returned," is the only kind of evidence found which can possibly be interpreted to indicate that a firearm was used. lacking confirmation as this may be, yet we positively know that when the spaniards reached these islands, these people had an abundance of firearms, muskets, lantaka [142] and other cannon, and we may be justified in saying that probably firearms existed in the land in the century preceding the arrival of the spaniards. this brings us approximately down to baginda's days. in considering the etymology of the titles of the sulu chiefs mentioned in the time of baginda, we observe that they are of three classes. the first class were the datus. these had mantiri or ministers and probably represented the descendants of raja sipad and tuan masha'ika. the second class were the sayk. "sayk" is probably derived from the arabic "sheikh" meaning "chief." these were the tagimaha chiefs, and their rank was evidently subordinate to that of datu. the third class were the orangkaya, the baklaya chiefs. these are also subordinate in grade and could not have been higher than the sayk. the words datu and orangkaya it must be remembered are of malay origin, while raja and baginda are sanskrit, baginda being the highest and being often used as equivalent to emperor, while raja means only king. jawa is the malay term for java. the incident related in the tarsila relative to the gift of two elephants sent by the raja of java to the raja of sulu is interesting, in that it explains the existence in jolo of the elephants found there during the earlier spanish invasions. it further indicates that raja baginda was not an insignificant chief and that he kept up some kind of communication with the rajas of western malaysia. the elephants received by baginda were let loose, the story says, and they lived and multiplied on mount tumangtangis. on the declivity of this mountain there is a place still called lubluban-gaja, which means the "habitat or lying-place of the elephant." the people relate several stories which make mention of the elephant, one of which declares that the chief who killed the last wild elephant was given the hand of the sultan's daughter in marriage, in admiration of his strength and bravery. establishment of the mohammedan church in sulu and the reign of abu bakr, 1450-1480 brevity is without exception a marked characteristic of all moro writings. their letters, unlike those of the malays and arabs, are brief and devoid of compliment or detail. it is very difficult to pick out a superfluous word or phrase from the text of the sulu tarsila. in fact, the narrative of events throughout the manuscript is so curtailed as to be reduced to a mere synopsis of headlines. it gives a very dim view of the general subject and leaves out much that is desired. thus, the whole question of establishing islam in sulu and organizing its sultanate is dispensed with in one short paragraph briefly enumerating the following facts: that sayid abu bakr came to bwansa from palembang by the way of bruney; that he lived with raja baginda and taught and established a new religion for sulu; that he was greatly respected by the people; and that he married paramisuli, the daughter of baginda, and became sultan. the traditions of the country, notwithstanding their brevity, add some further but less reliable information. it is the common belief that abu bakr was born in mecca and that he lived some time at juhur (or malacca). others state that it was his father, zaynul abidin, who came from mecca and that abu bakr was born of the daughter of the sultan of juhur at malacca. he came to pangutaran first, the narrative continues, then to zamboanga and basilan. his younger brother, who had accompanied him, continued eastward to mindanao, while he remained at basilan for a short while. having heard of abu bakr, the people of sulu sent orangkaya su'il to basilan to invite him to bwansa to rule over them. this invitation was accepted and abu bakr was inaugurated sultan over sulu soon after his arrival there. from the annals of malacca we know that abu bakr was a famous authority on law and religion and that his mission to malaysia was prompted by enthusiasm for the promulgation of the doctrines of abu ishaq, which were embodied in a book entitled "darul-mazlum, or the house of the oppressed or ignorant." after preaching these doctrines in malacca with success, he evidently proceeded farther east, stopping at palembang and bruney and reaching sulu about 1450. the hospitality with which he was received at bwansa points to success in his mission to a degree that enabled him later to marry the princess paramisuli, the daughter of raja baginda. he established mosques there and taught religion and law; and the people and chiefs actually abandoned their former gods and practiced the new religion and observed its commandments. this process of reformation and conversion was no doubt slow and gradual, but it was real and sure. there is no evidence to show that abu bakr had any military forces by virtue of which he could assume military authority and rule after baginda's death. but it is perfectly credible that raja baginda, being without a male heir, appointed abu bakr, his son-in-law and chief judge and priest, as his heir, and delegated to him all the authority he exercised over bwansa and the island of sulu. this it appears was acquiesced in by the native chiefs who accepted abu bakr as their temporal overlord, as well as their spiritual master. claiming descent from mohammed, he assumed the powers of a caliph and entitled himself sultan. the sulus as a rule refer to him as as-sultan ash-sharif al-hashimi, meaning the sultan, the hashimite sharif or noble. the words mohammed and abu bakr are generally left out when he is mentioned in prayer or in ordinary discourse. having established the church, his next aim, after ascending the throne of sulu, was the political reorganization of the government. this he undertook to frame on the same principles as those of an arabian sultanate, giving himself all the power and prerogatives of a caliph. in enforcing such claims of absolute sovereignty, abu bakr declared to the people and their local chiefs that the widows, the orphans, and the land were his by right. this the people hesitated to submit to, and another measure was adopted which reconciled the interests of all parties. they agreed that all the shores of the island and all that territory within which the royal gong or drum could be heard should be the sultan's personal property, and that the rest of the island should be divided among the subordinate chiefs and their people. the island was accordingly divided into five administrative districts, over each one of which one panglima exercised power subject to the supervision and superior authority of the sultan. these districts were again divided into smaller divisions, which were administered by subordinate officers or chiefs called maharaja, orangkaya, laksamana, parukka, etc. the districts were called parang, pansul, lati, gi'tung, and lu'uk. the boundaries which it seemed necessary at that time to define were marked by large trees, none of which is living at present. thus a sangay [143] tree separated parang from pansul. the location of this tree was at a point near bud agad and the stream agahun, which runs down from tumangtangis toward maymbung. a bawnu [143] tree separated pansul from lati. this tree was located at a place called indung, intermediate between asturias and the walled town of jolo. a mampalam [143] tree called tarak separated lati from lu'uk. it was in the vicinity of the settlement of su'. a variety of durian tree named siggal-saggal formed the boundary of lati and gi'tung. according to later usage, these districts are defined as follows: parang is the western district lying west of a line passing through a point east of the summit of tumangtangis and a point on the southern coast 3 miles west of maymbung. a line passing through mount pula and a point a little east of maymbung marks the boundary between pansul on the west and lati and gi'tung on the east. the watershed is generally considered as the dividing line between lati and gi'tung. a line joining su' on the north and lubuk on the south separates lati and gi'tung from lu'uk. a sixth district has lately been carved out and termed tandu, forming the easternmost part of the island. a line joining sukuban on the south and limawa on the north divides tandu and lu'uk. the government thus organized was conducted in conformity with local customs and laws modified to such an extent as not to be repugnant and contrary to mohammedan laws and the precepts of the quran. to preserve this consistency, a code of laws was made and promulgated by abu bakr. this, once established, became the guide of all the subordinate officers of the state, who, as a rule, observed it and carried out its instructions. the general lines on which abu bakr conducted his government seem to have been followed very closely by all his successors. such an adventurous and aggressive man as he was could not have stopped within the limits of the island. in all probability he pushed out in various directions, but no records have so far been found which give any account of the conquests he made or the limits of his empire. abu bakr lived thirty years in sulu and died about 1480. early days of the sultanate, 1480-1635 successors of abu bakr the dynasty founded by abu bakr ruled with a firmer hand and attained considerable power and fame. the new organization establishing law and order, consolidated the forces of the state and increased its influence on the outside world. islam added a new element of strength and another stimulus to campaign and conquest. the sulus never exceeded 60,000 in number, yet we learn that, prior to the arrival of magellan, their power was felt all over luzon and the bisayan islands, the celebes sea, palawan, north borneo, and the china sea, and their trade extended from china and japan, at the one extreme, to malacca, sumatra, and java at the other. abu bakr was succeeded by his second son, kamalud-din. alawad-din, the elder son, was weak-minded and was evidently not supported by the ministers of the state. the next three sultans who followed were diraja, upu, and digunung. their full names are, the sultan amirul umara [144] maharaja diraja, the sultan mu`izzul mutawadi`in [145] maharaja upu, the sultan nasirud-din awal [146] digunung [147] (or habud [148]). the sixth sultan was mohammedul halim [149] pangiran buddiman. during his reign governor sandã© equipped and directed large expeditions to borneo and sulu. the armada sent to sulu was commanded by capt. esteban rodriguez de figueroa and reached the town of jolo in june, 1578. it is asserted that rodriguez defeated pangiran and exacted tribute from the sulus. rodriguez, however, did not occupy jolo, and no permanent advantage was derived from his victory. figueroa's expedition against sulu this invasion marked the beginning of a state of war between sulu and spain, which covered a period of three hundred years and caused considerable devastation and loss of life. it cost spain an immense loss of men and money and finally brought on the decline of sulu and its end as an independent state. the magnitude of this strife, its far-reaching effects, and its bearing on the spanish and american occupation of sulu, invites special attention to the causes of the war and the sulu character which it depicts. the expedition to jolo formed part of and immediately followed the expedition which was directed by governor sandã© against borneo. there is no doubt that, besides the reasons sandã© gave for the expedition to borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the portuguese, whose influence had reached bruney and the moluccas, and by a strong desire to conquer borneo, sulu, mindanao, and the moluccas. his reasons for sending the expedition against sulu are best given in his letter of instructions to capt. rodriguez de figueroa, which is extremely interesting and is herein quoted in full: [150] that which you, capt. esteban rodriguez de figueroa, shall observe on the expedition which you are about to make, god our lord helping, is as follows: from this city and island of borneo, god willing, you shall go to the islands of sulu, where you shall endeavor to reduce that chief and his people to the obedience of his majesty. you shall bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they are wont to give to the king of bruney. you shall exercise great care and, if possible, much mildness; for it is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated; therefore, in case they receive you peaceably, you shall treat them well. and, in addition to the above, you must order that, besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the spaniards or castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us from now on; that every year castilians will go to their lands with cloths and merchandise from china, of whatever they shall declare that they may need. you shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to go freely to manila and to come to borneo, although not to steal. item: you shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and you shall seek it and see that it be brought you with all haste. you shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels, sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and you shall deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious that those people are common marauders. and because of my information that the chief who calls himself lord of sulu is a bornean, and owns houses in this city of bruney; that he fought against us in the naval battle, and that he fled to sulu, where he is now; and since i am told that he took two galleys and three small vessels, artillery and ammunition, you shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, artillery, and ammunition. if he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. you shall see whether he has any children; and if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to see me in bruney in february. and, as i have said, this must be done if possible gently, in order that no people may be killed. you shall tell him that it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his majesty and our allies. if they do not act respectfully, and it shall be necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. and inasmuch as the sulus, as is well known, are open pirates, whose only ambition is to steal, and to assault men in order to sell them elsewhere--especially as they go annually for plunder among all the pintados [151] islands, which are under his majesty's dominion--you shall try to ascertain the pintados slaves among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those who are christians. and, as i have said, you shall deprive them of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their fishing vessels, so that if the said lord of sulu so desire, he can come to confer reasonably with me. thus you shall ascertain who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you shall command them expressly to settle down on their land, to cultivate, sow, and harvest, develop the pearl industry, and cease to be pirates. you shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. you shall try to ascertain their number, and bring it to me in writing, in order that i may see it, together with the distance from these islands to the sulu islands, information regarding the food, water, and healthfulness of that land, and other things that may occur to you. and you shall tell the people in my name that they shall tame for me a couple of elephants, and that i shall send for those animals and pay for them. after having finished affairs in sulu, if time permits, you shall, god willing, go to the island of mindanao. there you shall try, by the most convenient methods and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of the river of mindanao, and the other chiefs of that island, and of those near by, to the obedience of his majesty, giving him to understand what they will gain in becoming his majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us. and, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making peace with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they are willing to give. thus you shall suit their convenience in everything pertaining to them, and cause them to understand the great expenses of his majesty in this land. you shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we come to teach them our civilization, and most of all the service of god, our lord, who created and redeemed them, and of whom they are ignorant; and how to live in accord with natural law, as is their obligation. for this purpose you shall tell them that you are going to their land for two principal reasons: the first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and harry the weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can, selling their captives outside of their own island, and separating them from their wives and children; and that they must cease to commit other like cruelties and thefts, and must become good and virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second and principal reason for going to their lands. you shall give them to understand that they are ignorant of god, our lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become good. it is quite evident that they will gain very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us something. this shall be at their own will, as above said. item: you shall order them not to admit any more preachers of the doctrine of mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that of the christians alone is good. and because we have been in these regions so short a time, the lord of mindanao has been deceived by the preachers of bruney, and the people have become moros. you shall tell them that our object is that he be converted to christianity; and that he must allow us freely to preach the law of the christians, and the natives must be allowed to go to hear the preaching and to be converted, without receiving any harm from the chiefs. and you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of mohammed, and shall seize and bring them before me and you shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has been preached, and you shall order that it be not rebuilt. item: you shall order that the indians [152] shall not go outside of their island to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your judgment, are used for trade and fishing. you shall take also what artillery and ammunition they have. you shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land; the gold mines and the places where they wash gold; the number of inhabitants and their settlements; and their customs. you must especially secure information regarding cinnamon, in order to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go to cavite for it, and why it is not as good as that which the portuguese take to castilla. you shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from the tree, and if it be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated, for i have been told that that obtained from these districts in the past has not been good and has not a good sale in spain. and, since it might happen that the people will not make peace, and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them; for it is evident that before all else they will, if possible, commit some treachery. you must not await such an occasion, for we know already their treachery against his majesty's fleet commanded by villalobos, certain of whose men they killed under assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. in that treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat, which contained four or five spaniards. likewise many people took part in the killing of the said villalobos's master-of-camp, and other soldiers, in that same year. you shall remind them of these things, and warn them; for, from now on, we shall destroy them and their generation. and, since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or peace, the said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that certain of the said natives summon them; and, when they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. if they refuse to come, you shall, in conformity with your orders, remain there a given time. and if they continue to refuse to come down, you shall leave them, and shall return, without permitting their houses to be burned or their palm trees to be cut down. neither shall anything be stolen from them; but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food and the food and other things necessary to provision your vessels for the return trip. you shall try to secure information of the island of linboton, as well as of batachina and celebes, so as to advise me thereof; and you shall do this in accord with the time limit i have set for you to make this exploration, and you shall observe the same rule as in that of mindanao. in order that we may allot in encomiendas [153] whatever people are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ. thus, as those lands have no other owner, the natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his majesty, according to his will--and by war, if the natives begin it, so that war on our part may be just, and that the same justice may continue, so that we can compel them to obey, and impose tributes upon them. you shall exercise much diligence in this and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently. god willing, i shall be in bruney by the end of the month of january next--or, at the latest, by the eighth of february--with the fleet and all the necessaries that must be brought from manila, and that which is here. and at that time your grace shall come to bruney with the fleet that you have, and with all the people that you have or shall have in the pintados, so that we may do here whatever is proper for the service of his majesty, to which we are bound. these instructions must not be disregarded in any point, unless i advise you to the contrary by letter. and to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned for the above, in addition to their own duties. given at bruney, may twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight. if the natives of mindanao or of any other place shall give tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom in these islands--namely, you shall take one-half and place it to the account of his majesty, while the other half shall be distributed among the soldiers. given ut supra. doctor francisco de sandã©. before me: alonso beltran, his majesty's notary. reasons for hostilities the above shows clearly that governor sandã© intended, first, to reduce sulu to a vassal state; second, to exact tribute in pearls; third, to secure the trade of sulu for the spaniards; fourth, to punish the sultan of sulu for the help he rendered the sultan of bruney against the spanish forces; fifth, to rescue the christian slaves in sulu; sixth, to deprive the sulus of their artillery and ammunition and of all vessels except fishing vessels, in order to stop their piracy; seventh, to compel the sulus to become peaceful agriculturists; eighth, to uproot the "accursed doctrine" of mohammed and to convert the sulus to the christian religion. the leader of the expedition was directed to carry out these instructions as carefully and as gently as possible; and there is no reason to think that he failed to comply with his orders to the letter. but no matter how careful and faithful captain rodriguez could have been, it was not difficult for the sulus to understand the purpose of the expedition and the motives of the spanish government, and it does not stand to reason that such people would yield to vassalage and receive a direct insult to their religion without resentment and without a struggle. governor sandã© knew the reputation of the sulus, but he must have underestimated their strength and failed to provide garrisons for the occupation of the conquered territory and the protection of peaceful natives. in january, 1579, governor sandã© sent an expedition to mindanao, commanded by capt. gabriel de ribera, under instructions similar to those given to captain rodriguez. ribera had additional orders to visit jolo and collect the tribute for that year, and special stress was laid on procuring from the sultan of sulu "two or three tame elephants." ribera accomplished nothing in mindanao; the natives abandoned their villages and fled to the interior. on his return to kawite or caldera, he met a deputation from jolo, which brought insignificant tribute and informed him of the existence of famine in sulu and the extreme distress of the people. he returned their tribute, receiving in its place a cannon, which the sulus had obtained from a wrecked portuguese galley. ribera then returned to cebu, without producing any significant effect on conditions in sulu. in april, 1580, governor sandã© was relieved by governor gonzalo ronquillo, who did not take the same interest in borneo and sulu. in the same year the kingdom of portugal and its rich eastern colonies were annexed to the spanish domain. no danger could then be expected from the direction of borneo and sulu, and the ambitious new governor-general turned his attention to more desirable fields of conquest. piracy was not the primary cause of this invasion of sulu. public sentiment was not so strong against slavery in those days as it is now; for the spaniards and other leading civilized nations were then diligently pursuing a profitable trade in it between the west coast of africa and the west indies and america. piracy is always a crime among nations, but it can not be urged as the principal and leading cause of this war or as sufficient reason in itself for the early precipitation of such a deadly conflict between sulu and spain. religion, on the other hand, was declared by governor sandã© to be the "principal reason for going to their lands." he ordered the sulus not to admit any more preachers of islam, but to allow the spanish priests to preach christianity to them. the mohammedan preachers he directed to be arrested and brought to him, and the mosques to be burned or destroyed and not to be rebuilt. part of the instructions the adelantado [154] miguel lopez de legaspi received before embarking on his expedition to the philippines read as follows: and you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the natives of those regions some of the religious accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold the religious in great respect. this will be of great moment, so that, when the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand our holy catholic faith, the indians shall put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by his majesty is the increase of our holy catholic faith, and the salvation of the souls of those infidels. [155] in 1566, a petition was sent from cebu to the king of spain, bearing the signatures of martin de goiti, guido de labezari, and the other leading officers under legaspi, setting forth, among other requests, the following: that the moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives and preach to them the religion of mohammed," may be enslaved and lose their property. that slave traffic be allowed, "that the spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of those regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." [156] in a letter addressed to legaspi king philip ii said: we have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the moro islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing you. we give you permission to make such moros slaves and to seize their property. you are warned that you can make them slaves only if the said moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come to preach their mohammedan doctrine or to make war against you or against the indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service. in a letter addressed to king philip ii bishop salazar writes, june 27, 1588, as follows: the second point is that, in the island of mindanao, which is subject to your majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute, the law of mohammed has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more than three years, by preachers from bruney and ternate who have come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from mecca. they have erected and are now building mosques, and the boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the quran. i was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire should not spread in these islands. i could not persuade them to go, and thus the hatred of christianity is there; and we are striving no more to remedy this than if the matter did not concern us. such are the calamities and miseries to which we have come, and the punishments which god inflicts upon us. [157] in drawing a contract with capt. esteban rodriguez de figueroa, in 1591, for the pacification and conquest of mindanao, the governor and captain-general gomez perez dasmariã±as makes the following declarations: his majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands, to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true god, and their reduction to the obedience of his holy church and of the king, our sovereign. * * * moreover, the island of mindanao is so fertile and well inhabited, and teeming with indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, * * * and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in wax, cinnamon, and other valuable drugs. and although the said island has been seen, discussed, and explored, * * * no effort has been made to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished with instruction or justice--quite to the contrary being, at the present time, hostile and refusing obedience to his majesty; and no tribute, or very little, is being collected. * * * besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said island greater wrongs, to the offense and displeasure of god and of his majesty, are resulting daily; for i am informed that the king of that island has made all who were paying tribute to his majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after putting many of them to death while doing it; so that now each indian pays him one tae [158] of gold. i am also told that he destroyed and broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when told that it was adored by the christians; and that in magindanao, the capital and residence of the said king, are bornean indians who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of mohammed, and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from ternate--gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in their trades--who at divers times have killed many spaniards when the latter were going to collect the tribute, * * * without our being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of troops. by reason of the facts above recited, and because all of the said wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and, when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of bruney, sulu, java, and other provinces, will become obedient to his majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be pacified, subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the natives; and that justice may be established among them, and they be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize god and his holy law, i have tried to entrust the said pacification to a person of such character that he may be entrusted with it. [159] it is plain, therefore, that the sentiment of the times justified war on the moros for the cause of religion alone, and that, though the primary object was conquest, no doubt the religious motives of the spaniards were stronger than their desire to check piracy. but, of all the christian nations, the spaniards should have been most aware of the tenacity, determination, and courage with which the mohammedans defend their faith, and the sulus were no exception to the rule, for they had been born and reared in that religion for more than four generations. a wiser policy on the part of governor sandã© would have either let the moros of sulu and mindanao alone, or effected a complete reduction of the state of sulu and immediate occupation of the coasts of mindanao with strong forces; for it appears from all accounts that neither the sulus nor the magindanaos were as strongly organized then as they were a generation later, and either alliance or war should have been easier then than afterwards. the spaniards at that time were excellent warriors. their conquests of the bisayan islands and luzon were rapid and brilliant, but it appears that the system of government which they inaugurated there met with distinct failure the minute it was extended to the more organized communities and the greater forces they encountered in the south. the sulus, on the other hand, fought in the defense of their national independence and religion, and never found life too dear to sacrifice in that cause. they resented the treatment of spain, and in their rage and desire for revenge built stronger forts and fleets and became fiercer pirates. rule of batara shah tangah pangiran must have died about 1579 and was followed by sultan batara shah tangah, who is in all probability the paquian or paguian tindig of the spanish writers. tangah's claim to the sultanate was strongly contested by his cousin, abdasaolan [160] who ruled over basilan. the latter attacked jolo with a strong force, but failed to reduce its forts. tangah, however, felt insecure and went to manila to request governor sandã©'s aid and returned to sulu with two spanish armed boats (caracoas). [161] abdasaolan, whose power had in the meantime increased, prepared for defense and watched for the advance of the sultan's boat. finding that the caracoas were at a considerable distance from the sultan's boat he manned two light salisipans [162] with a strong force and dispatched them, with speed to intercept tangah. the sultan's party was completely surprised, and in the fight that resulted tangah was killed. on reaching jolo the spanish forces attacked the town. the sulus fought valiantly, but their fort was reduced. the officers in command of the caracoas assembled the people and had raja bungsu, who was wounded in the fight, elected sultan to succeed tangah. the full title of bungsu was "the sultan muwallil wasit bungsu." [163] figueroa's expedition against mindanao in 1596 capt. esteban rodriguez led an expedition into mindanao, for its conquest and pacification. it is maintained that he proceeded up the mindanao river as far as bwayan, the capital of the upper mindanao valley. don esteban rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was necessary for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots, frigates, vireys, [164] barangays, [164] and lapis, [165] set out with two hundred and fourteen spaniards for the island of mindanao, in february of the same year, of 1596. he took capt. juan de la xara as his master-of-camp, and some religious of the society of jesus to give instruction, as well as many natives for the service of the camp and fleet. he reached mindanao river after a good voyage, where the first settlements, named tampakan and lumakan, both hostile to the people of bwayan, received him peacefully and in a friendly manner, and joined his fleet. they were altogether about six thousand men. without delay they advanced about 8 leagues farther up the river against bwayan, the principal settlement of the island, where its greatest chief had fortified himself on many sides. arrived at the settlement, the fleet cast anchor and immediately landed a large proportion of the troops with their arms. but before reaching the houses and fort, and while going through some thickets [cacatal] [166] near the shore, they encountered some of the men of bwayan, who were coming to meet them with their kampilan, [167] carazas [168] and other weapons, and who attacked them on various sides. the latter [i.e., the spaniards and their allies], on account of the swampiness of the place and the denseness of the thickets [cacatal], could not act unitedly as the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and the captains that led them exerted themselves to keep the troops together and to encourage them to face the natives. meanwhile governor esteban rodriguez de figueroa was watching events from his flagship, but not being able to endure the confusion of his men, seized his weapons and hastened ashore with three or four companions and a servant who carried his helmet in order that he might be less impeded in his movements. but as he was crossing a part of the thickets [cacatal] where the fight was waging, a hostile indian stepped out unseen from one side and dealt the governor a blow on the head with his kampilan that stretched him on the ground badly wounded. [169] the governor's followers cut the mindanao to pieces and carried the governor back to the camp. shortly after the master-of-camp, juan de la xara, withdrew his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several spaniards who had fallen in the encounter. the governor did not regain consciousness, for the wound was very severe, and died next day. the fleet after that loss and failure left that place, and descended the river to tampakan, where it anchored among the friendly inhabitants and their settlements. the master-of-camp, juan de la xara, had himself chosen by the fleet as successor in the government and enterprise. he built a fort with arigues [170] and palms near tampakan, and founded a spanish settlement to which he gave the name of murcia. he began to make what arrangements he deemed best, in order to establish himself and run things independently of, and without acknowledging the governor of manila, without whose intervention and assistance this enterprise could not be continued. [171] bwayan was 30 miles up the river and 25 miles above magindanao or kotabato where bwisan, the sultan of magindanao, was strongly fortified. it is difficult to believe that rodriguez could advance so far even with a small scouting party. a careful review of the spanish reports referring to these early campaigns in mindanao indicates that bwayan has been erroneously used in place of magindanao, the ancient capital of the sultanate of magindanao. bent on the conquest of mindanao, governor tello prepared another expedition under gen. juan ronquillo [172] and dispatched it by the way of cebu. at caldera, it was joined by the fleet of mindanao and the whole force proceeded east in the direction of the mindanao river, on the 6th of february, 1597. captain chaves arrived with his frigates at the river on the 8th of january. in a battle fought at simway to capture moro vessels going to seek aid from ternate he had a leg cut off and received a shot in the helmet above the ear. ronquillo arrived at the mouth of the river on february 21, and on the 17th of april he engaged a moro fleet with 40 arquebusiers and defeated them, killing a number of their brave men and some ternatans without losing any of his men except 5 bisayans. leaving a guard of 34 men under chaves at the fort of tampakan he advanced up the river with a force of 230 sailors and gunners. the enemy retired behind some parapets as soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some artillery to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could not retard the spanish advance. "i answered their fire with so great readiness," said ronquillo in his report, "that i forced them to withdraw their artillery. but, as if they were goblins, they remained here behind a bush or a tree, firing at us without being seen." reinforced by the chief of the hill tribes, lumakan, with 500 natives, ronquillo resumed the fighting after the delay of a few days. "finally," continued ronquillo, "i planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over 100 paces from the fort. although i battered the fort hotly, i could not effect a breach through which to make an assault. all the damage that i did them by day, they repaired by night. * * * "i was very short of ammunition, for i had only 3,000 arquebus bullets left, and very few cannon balls; and both would be spent in one day's fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort, we would be lost--and with no power to defend ourselves while withdrawing our artillery and camp. * * * "i reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located at the entrance of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back, and swampy and marshy ground at the sides. it has a frontage of more than 1,000 paces, is furnished with very good transversals, and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. moreover it has a ditch of water more than 4 brazas [173] wide and 2 deep, and thus there was a space of dry ground of only 15 paces where it was possible to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and with the greatest force of the enemy. the inner parts were water, where they sailed in vessels, while we had no footing at all." "again, i reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had waited with the determination to die in defense of the fort; and if they should see the contest ending unfavorably for them, no one would prevent their flight. further, if they awaited the assault it would cost me the greater part of my remaining ammunition, and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly war would be entered upon. hence, with the opinion and advice of the captains, i negotiated for peace, and told them that i would admit them to friendship under the following conditions: "first, that first and foremost they must offer homage to his majesty, and pay something as recognition" (a gold chain). second, "that all the natives who had been taken from the pintados islands [bisayan islands] last year, must be restored." third, "that they must break the peace and confederation made with the people of ternate, and must not admit the latter into their country." fourth, "that they must be friends with danganlibor and lumakan, * * * and must not make war on their vassals." fifth, "that all the chiefs must go to live in their old villages." [174] ronquillo later reported the place indefensible and was authorized to retire to caldera. ronquillo must have advanced as far as the settlement of kalangnan or possibly magindanao (kotabato), the capital of sultan bwisan. the report he rendered relative to the country, its people and chiefs, is very interesting and an excerpt of the same is herewith quoted because of its bearing on conditions throughout moroland: the leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals. * * * these indians are not like those in luzon, but are accustomed to power and sovereignty. some collect five or six thousand tributes. * * * hitherto it has not been possible to tell your lordship anything certain of this country except that it will be of but little advantage to his majesty, but a source of great expense. it has far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and all are very poor, so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning their arms, and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land, which is low and swampy in this river. there is no chief who can raise 20 taes of gold. rice is very scarce; in the hills is found a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. there are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less fruit. [175] these early expeditions of the spaniards against the moros undoubtedly aroused in the latter a great desire for vengeance. the forces the spaniards sent to conquer mindanao and sulu were very small. such forces would have been strong enough to reduce any island of the bisayan group, or even luzon, but against the moros they proved insufficient and inadequate. they however succeeded in provoking bitter hostilities and marked the beginning of a long period of terror and bloodshed. moro raids [176] in 1599 combined moro fleets invaded and plundered the coasts of the bisayan islands, cebu, negros, and panay. captain paches, who was in command of the fort of caldera, attacked the northern coast of the island of sulu. after landing at some point, it was observed by the sulus that his fuses were wet and that his guns could not fire well. they then rushed his position, killed him, and dispersed his forces. the following year saw the return of a larger and still more dreadful expedition. the people of panay abandoned their towns and fled into the mountains under the belief that these terrible attacks had been inspired by the spaniards. to check these pirates, juan gallinato, with a force of 200 spaniards, was sent against sulu, but like so many expeditions that followed his, he accomplished nothing. * * * "from this time until the present day" (about the year 1800), wrote zuã±iga, "these moros have not ceased to infest our colonies; innumerable are the indians they have captured, the towns they have looted, the rancherias they have destroyed, and the vessels they have taken. it seems as if god has preserved them for vengeance on the spaniards that they have not been able to subject them in two hundred years, in spite of the expeditions sent against them, the armaments sent almost every year to pursue them. in a very little while we conquered all the islands of the philippines, but the little island of sulu, a part of mindanao, and the other islands nearby, we have not been able to subjugate to this day." [177] gallinatos's expedition occurred in 1602. [178] after three months of protracted fighting at jolo, he was unable to reduce the fortifications of the town and retired to panay. in 1616 a large sulu fleet destroyed pantao in the camarines and the shipyards of cavite and exacted large sums for the ransom of spanish prisoners. moro fleets in 1625 sacked katbalogan in samar. in 1628 governor tavora sent an expedition to sulu under cristobol de lugo. cristobol disembarked half of his infantry, sacked the town of jolo, set part of it on fire and sailed back to cebu. in 1629 the moros raided samar and leyte. in 1630 an armada composed of 70 vessels and having 350 spanish and 2,000 native soldiers, under lorenzo de olaso ochotegui, arrived at jolo. olaso misdirected his forces and, advancing too near to the wall of the fort, was wounded in his side and fell. he was rescued by the officers who followed him, but the troops were demoralized and retired. the expedition, however, landed at various points on the coast and burned and pillaged small settlements. [179] in the same year p. gutierrez came to mindanao on a mission to corralat. [180] on his return he met tuan baluka, wife of raja bungsu, at zamboanga. baluka urged p. gutierrez to delay his departure from zamboanga and warned him of the danger of meeting the sulu expedition under datu ache. he, however, continued on his way and was overtaken by datu ache's force, but on account of the message and flag he delivered to ache from tuan baluka, he was allowed to proceed safely. for some time the jesuits had been urging upon the philippine government the occupation of the southern coast of mindanao. this meant an advance into the enemy's camp and a bloody struggle for supremacy in the southern seas. the consequences of such a step were foreseen by the government and very few governors would have dared undertake such a grave responsibility. in 1635, governor juan cerezo de salamanca was petitioned by the jesuits to establish an advance post of the spanish forces at zamboanga for the protection of missionaries and the christians who had to navigate in the southern seas. salamanca granted their request and sent capt. juan de chaves, who disembarked at zamboanga on the 6th of april, 1635. the force under captain chaves consisted of 300 spanish and 1,000 native soldiers. in june they began the construction of a stone fort on a plan designed by the jesuit missionary p. melchor de vera, who was an expert engineer. the advantages to be derived from the position of this garrison were demonstrated before the year was over. as a piratical fleet was returning from cuyo, mindoro, and the kalamian islands, the favorable opportunity was watched for, and as the two divisions of the fleet separated, the spanish forces pursued corralat's pirates and dealt them a deadly blow in the neighborhood of point flechas, killing about 300 moros and saving 120 christian captives. [181] first spanish conquest and occupation of sulu, 1635-1646 gen. sebastian hurtado de corcuera relieved salamanca before the end of the year 1635 and continued the same policy with additional vigor and great ability. he quickly resolved upon attacking the moros in their own strongholds, and thought that by crushing their power at home he would be able to put an end to their piratical raids. he arrived at zamboanga february 22, 1636, proceeded first to mindanao, fought corralat and destroyed some of his forts and sailed back to manila. [182] corcuera returned to zamboanga in december, 1637, and prepared for an expedition against sulu. on january 1, 1638, he embarked for sulu with 600 spanish soldiers, 1,000 native troops, and many volunteers and adventurers. he had 80 vessels all told and arrived at jolo on the 4th. [183] anticipating an invasion, sultan bungsu had strengthened his garrisons and called for aid and reã«nforcements from basilan, tapul, and tawi-tawi. on his arrival corcuera found the town well fortified and the enemy strongly intrenched. the moros were well disciplined and had a well organized guard. the forts occupied strategic points and were strongly defended; the trenches were well laid, and the moros shot well and fought fearlessly. corcuera besieged the town with all his forces and attacked it repeatedly and valiantly using powerful artillery, but he could not reduce it. several efforts to tunnel the walls or effect a breach in them by mines were frustrated by the vigilance and intrepidity of the sulus. the siege lasted three months and a half, at the end of which time the sulus evacuated the town and retired to the neighboring hills, where they intended to make the next stand. corcuera, taking possession of the town, reconstructed its forts and established three posts, one on the hill, one at the river, and one on the sandbank in front of the town. the garrison he established there consisted of 200 spanish soldiers and an equal number of pampangans, under the command of capt. ginã©s ros and gaspar de morales. in may corcuera returned to manila with all the triumph of a conqueror, leaving gen. pedro almonte, the senior officer next to himself in command of the expedition, as governor of zamboanga and ternate and chief of the forces in the south. soon after the establishment of the jolo garrison, the sulus under datu ache attacked the soldiers in the quarry and killed a few spaniards and captured 40 chinese and negroes (galley slaves). this and other depredations committed by the sulus from time to time, some of which were provoked by the ill behavior of the spanish officers and troops, forced almonte in june, 1639, to come over to sulu and take the field a second time. with 3 captains and 1,200 spanish and native soldiers, he marched over the island, attacked the sulus in their homes, burned their houses and killed every man he could reach. it is said that he hung 500 heads on the trees, liberated 112 christian captives, and captured quantities of arms. when he asked the gimbaha sulus (at one of the settlements of parang) to submit to the sovereignty of spain, they refused to recognize his authority, challenged his forces, and fought him desperately. they wore helmets and armor and used spears and swords. on one occasion, captain cepeda engaged them in battle and returned with 300 captives, leaving on the field 400 dead, a fearful lesson to those who survived. cepeda lost 7 spaniards and 20 natives only, but he had a large number wounded. not satisfied with the havoc he wrought on the island of sulu, and desiring to follow and catch the fugitive sultan, almonte invaded the other large islands and followed the sultan and the datus all over the archipelago. at tawi-tawi, however, he met with a reverse, and the captain who led the expedition returned with considerable loss. soon after almonte's departure, the sulus who had fled returned and lost no time or opportunity in harassing the garrison. several piratical excursions invaded the bisayas and camarines. soon dutch vessels, invited by sulu emissaries sent to java, appeared in the vicinity of zamboanga and jolo and threatened the spanish garrison and incited the moros to resist the spaniards and attack their forces. anticipating trouble with the dutch, and foreseeing the danger of maintaining a garrison at jolo under the circumstances, the spaniards planned to evacuate the town. accordingly on the 14th of april, 1646, they left jolo. before withdrawing their troops, they managed to make a treaty with the sulus, which took the form of an alliance both offensive and defensive. the purpose of the treaty was declared to be the maintenance of peace between both parties and mutual aid against foreign enemies. in case of assistance against a foreign nation, the expenses of the war were to be defrayed by the party requesting aid. the spanish government recognized the supreme authority of the sultan of sulu from tawi-tawi to tutup and pagahak, reserving sovereignty rights for the king of spain over tapul, siasi, balangingi, and pangutaran only. in return for the evacuation of jolo, and as a sign of brotherhood, the sultan of sulu promised to send yearly to zamboanga three boats, 8 fathoms long, full of rice, and to allow the jesuit priests to come to jolo unmolested. other provisions were inserted in the treaty for the exchange and redemption of slaves, criminals, or others who happened to run away from zamboanga to sulu and vice versa. this treaty did not remain in force for any great length of time, for we hear again in 1647 that the sulus invaded the bisayas and harassed the vicinity of zamboanga. sulu supremacy in the archipelago, 1647-1850 successors of bungsu bungsu had a very long reign marked with reverses and misfortunes. he died before 1640, and was succeeded by sultan nasirud din ii and sultan salahud din karamat. the latter was known to the spanish writers as baktial, which was his sulu name before the sultanate. during the reign of karamat the philippines were threatened by a chinese invasion from the north and by war with holland, and the government, under the circumstances, decided to abandon zamboanga and the moluccas. this purpose they carried out in 1663. in the days of karamat the sulus became very active and made many raids in various directions. the decline of spain's political power and her inactivity in the century that followed the evacuation of zamboanga caused obscurity in the spanish records of the history of sulu and mindanao. the events of this century are, with few exceptions, lacking in significance and interest. [184] the sultans who followed karamat are, in the order of their succession, shahabud din, mustafa shafi`ud din, badarud din i, nasarud din, and alimud din i, better known as amirul mu'minin (ferdinand i of sulu). the first three were brothers, the sons of karamat, while the last two were the sons of badarud din. in 1718 governor bustamante reoccupied zamboanga for the purpose of waging war against piracy. "the citadel (fuerza del pilar) was rebuilt on an elaborate plan under the direction of the engineer, juan sicarra. besides the usual barracks, storehouses, and arsenals, there were, within the walls, a church, a hospital, and quarters for the pampangan soldiers. sixty-one cannon were mounted upon the defenses." in 1725, a chinese named ki kuan was sent to manila to arrange for peace and returned with two spanish commissioners, who made a treaty with the sultan of sulu providing for trade between manila and jolo, the return or ransom of captives, and the ceding to spain of the island of basilan. notwithstanding this treaty moro raids continued either by toleration of the sultan and datus or at their instigation. in 1730 a brother of the sultan commanded an expedition of 31 vessels, which attacked the fort of taytay and ravaged the coast of palawan. another expedition spent nearly a whole year cruising and destroying among the bisayas. in retaliation a large spanish fleet united at zamboanga and, under ignacio de irebri and manuel del rosal, invaded the shores of sulu and ravaged and burned some settlements. at bwal they found the settlement well protected and extensively fortified, so they contented themselves with destroying some plantations and burning outlying houses. at tapul considerable damage was inflicted. a force of 600 disembarked, dispersed the sulus, burned their settlements, destroyed many farms, the salt works, and many boats, and returned to zamboanga. in 1732 similar raids were made and hostilities continued until 1737. reign of sultan alimud din i one of the earliest events in the reign of alimud din i was his ratification of the treaty of 1737. the sultan was represented in manila by datu mohammed ismael and datu ja`far, who signed the document. the treaty was drawn in january, 1737, by governor-general fernando valdã©s y tamon and contained five articles. the first article declared the determination of both parties to preserve permanent peace between the two states, all differences or grievances to be settled amicably, and hostilities between subjects or vassals to be strictly prohibited and punished; the second provided for alliance and mutual aid against any foreign foe. european nations were, however, excluded from the provisions of this article; the third provided for free trade between the two states, restricted by the use of passports to be issued by superior authority; the fourth provided that each state should be held responsible for all infractions of the peace committed by its subjects and should be bound to punish the same and make proper amends to the proper party; the fifth provided for the exchange of captives and return of all church images and ornaments in the possession of the sulus. to all appearances alimud din i was a man of peace and a reformer. he kept his part of the treaty faithfully and piracy was actually suppressed during the whole period in which he held the reins of government. he revised the sulu code of laws and system of justice. he caused to be translated into sulu parts of the quran and several arabic texts on law and religion. he strongly urged the people to observe faithfully their religion and the ordained five daily prayers. he even went so far as to prescribe punishment for failure to observe this rule. he wanted all pandita to learn arabic and prepared arabic-sulu vocabularies as a preliminary step to making the arabic the official language of the state. he coined money, organized a small army, and tried to establish a navy. his name is foremost in the memory of the sulus, partly because of his able administration and partly on account of the fact that he is the grandfather of all the present principal datus of the sulus. in september, 1746, a special commission from manila carried to alimud din a letter written by king philip v in 1744, requesting the admission of jesuit missionaries to jolo with permission to preach the christian religion to the sulus. the sultan entertained the commission very hospitably and gave in their honor a royal reception and a review of the troops. a council was held in which the sultan conferred with the leading datus of sulu and granted the request of king philip v. he further authorized the building of a church and recommended the erection of a fort at some convenient locality for the safe protection of the missionaries. in return for this favor he requested that the spanish government give him, as an aid in building a navy, the sum of p6,000, 12 piculs [185] of gunpowder, 12 piculs of nails, and 1 picul of steel. this, he represented, was needed to enable him to suppress piracy and to check the depredations of his enemies in borneo. this request the spanish government granted, and jesuit missionaries entered jolo, translated the catechism into sulu, and distributed it freely among the people. the liberties exercised by the jesuits in their endeavor to proselyte the sulus and the strong friendship the sultan manifested toward them created great dissatisfaction among the people, and an opposition party was formed, under the leadership of prince bantilan, for the purpose of expelling the missionaries and deposing alimud din. bantilan was the son of sultan shahabud din and had as much right to the sultanate of sulu as any son of sultan badarud din. after the death of the latter the sultanate should have reverted to the line of shahabud din; but it happens very often that the sons of the last sultan are either older than those of the former or meet with more favor and are, as a rule, supported by the majority of the council of datus; thus the regular order of descent changes in favor of the stronger person. probably bantilan was preceded by both nasarud din and alimud din for some such reason as the above. this he resented at heart, but suppressed his resentment until this favorable opportunity offered itself. he then headed the opposition to the sultan and the missionaries and won the majority of the datus and panditas to his side. hostilities soon increased and civil war was imminent. in an effort to assassinate the sultan, bantilan thrust a spear at alimud din and inflicted a severe wound in his side or thigh. during the disturbances and confusion which followed it became dangerous for the missionaries to remain at jolo. one of the ministers of the sultan provided them with a salisipan in which they escaped without harm and withdrew to zamboanga. this occurred late in 1748. overpowered, disheartened, and grieved, alimud din left jolo with his family and numerous escort and came to zamboanga, seeking the aid of spain against bantilan. the latter proclaimed himself sultan with the title of mu`izzud din, [186] strengthened the defenses of his capital, and waged war on all the datus who had supported alimud din. his power soon became supreme, and he reigned with a strong hand. at zamboanga alimud din is said to have given the officers many presents and offered the governor zacharias 40 male papuan slaves, who were well dressed. zacharias, unreasonably prejudiced and distrustful, suspected some ill design and refused the present. not receiving sufficient attention and consideration at zamboanga, alimud din asked leave to go to manila. this granted, he sailed and arrived at cavite january 2, 1749. at manila "he was received with all the pomp and honor due to a prince of high rank. a house for his entertainment and his retinue of seventy persons was prepared in binondo. a public entrance was arranged which took place some fifteen days after he reached the city. triumphal arches were erected across the streets, which were lined with more than 2,000 native militia under arms. the sultan was publicly received in the hall of the audiencia, where the governor promised to lay his case before the king of spain. the sultan was showered with presents, which included chains of gold, fine garments, precious gems, and gold canes, while the government sustained the expense of his household." [187] following this reception, steps were taken for his conversion. his spiritual advisers cited to him the example of the emperor constantine whose conversion enabled him to effect triumphant conquests over his enemies. under these representations alimud din expressed his desire for baptism. the governor-general, who at this time was a priest, the bishop of nueva segovia, was very anxious that the rite should take place; but this was opposed by his spiritual superior, the archbishop of manila, who, with some others, entertained doubts as to the sincerity of the sultan's profession. "in order to accomplish his baptism, the governor sent him to his own diocese, where at paniki, on the 29th of april, 1750, the ceremony took place with great solemnity. on the return of the party to manila, the sultan was received with great pomp, and in his honor were held games, theatrical representations, fireworks, and bull fights. this was the high-water mark of the sultan's popularity. [188] at his baptism the sultan received the name of ferdinand, and spanish authors often referred to him as "don fernando de alimud din i, catholic sultan of jolã³." it is further stated that two datus and five of his principal followers were baptized. the crown prince, raja muda mohammed israel and his sister fatimah attended school in manila and learned spanish manners and customs. a year and a half passed and no action was taken by the authorities to restore alimud din. in the meantime bantilan's fleets were busy ravaging and pillaging the bisayas. in july, 1750, a new governor, the marquis of obando (francisco josã© de obando) arrived in manila. after some deliberation he resolved to reinstate alimud din and punish bantilan and his pirates. [189] accordingly, on may 19, 1751, the sultan and his retinue were sent on board the spanish frigate san fernando and were convoyed by a squadron composed of seven war vessels under the command of field marshal ramon de abad. falling in with bad weather off the shore of mindoro, the san fernando was disabled and made for kalapan. the squadron, however, continued its voyage uninterrupted to jolo, arriving there on the 26th of june. after some desultory fighting, abad arrived at an understanding with the sulus and arranged for datu asin to come to zamboanga with sufficient boats to escort the sultan back to jolo. the sultan in the meantime stopped at iloilo where he changed boats. meeting with contrary winds he was carried off his course to dapitan, and from there he set sail again for zamboanga, which he reached on july 12. before ferdinand i left manila, he had addressed a letter to the sultan of mindanao, at the instance of the spanish governor-general. the original was written by ferdinand i in moro; a version in spanish was dictated by him, and both were signed by him. these documents reached the governor of zamboanga, but he had the original in moro retranslated and found that it did not at all agree with the sultan's spanish rendering. the translation of the moro text runs thus: "i shall be glad to know that the sultan mohammed amirud din and all his chiefs, male and female, are well. i do not write a lengthy letter, as i intended, because i simply wish to give you to understand, in case the sultan or his chiefs and others should feel aggrieved at my writing this letter in this manner, that i do so under pressure, being under foreign dominion, and i am compelled to obey whatever they tell me to do, and i have to say what they tell me to say. thus the governor has ordered me to write to you in our style and language; therefore, do not understand that i am writing you on my own behalf, but because i am ordered to do so, and i have nothing more to add. written in the year 1164 in the month rabi`-ul akir. ferdinand i, king of sulu, who seals with his own seal." this letter was pronounced treasonable. impressed with, or feigning this idea, governor zacharias saw real or imaginary indications of a design on the part of the sultan to throw off the foreign yoke at the first opportunity. [190] after the landing of datu asin and his followers at zamboanga, the governor found out by his spies that they had many arms and quantities of ammunition in their boats which lay in the roadstead opposite the town and fort. suspicious and distrustful from the beginning, zacharias interpreted these facts as positive proof of an intention on the part of the sultan and datu asin treacherously to attack the town when an opportunity offered itself. he then at once confiscated part of the arms, ordered the boats to leave the port, imprisoned the sultan and datu asin and all their retinue, and communicated his suspicions and the action taken to manila. among the prisoners were the sons and daughters of the sultan, several datus and dignitaries and panditas, and many male and female followers and servants. in all 217 persons entered the prisons of the fort, most of whom were later transferred to manila and confined in fort santiago. zacharias's interpretation of the action of the sultan and datu asin was simply absurd and his behavior reflected considerable discredit on his ability as an officer and administrator. it was further most regrettable that his views were accepted as true by higher authority in manila where no clemency or redress was extended to the unfortunate sultan and datus. by a degree of the governor-general, the following accusations were set forth against the sultan and datu asin, viz: 1. that prince asin had not surrendered captives; 2. that whilst the sultan was in manila, new captives were made by the party who expelled him from the throne; 3. that the number of arms brought to zamboanga by sulu chiefs was excessive; 4. that the letter to sultan mohammed amirud din insinuated help wanted against the spaniards; 5. that several mohammedan, but no christian books, were found in the sultan's baggage; 6. that during the journey to zamboanga he had refused to pray in christian form; 7. that he had only attended mass twice; 8. that he had celebrated mohammedan rites, sacrificing a goat, and had given evidence in a hundred ways of being a mohammedan; 9. that his conversation generally denoted a want of attachment to the spaniards, and a contempt for their treatment of him in manila, [191] and, 10. that he still cohabited with his concubines. the greatest stress was laid on the recovery of the captive christians, and the governor added, that although the mission of the fleet was to restore the sultan to the throne (which, by the way, he does not appear to have attempted), the principal object was the rescue of christian slaves. he therefore proposed that the liberty of the imprisoned nobles and chiefs should be bartered at the rate of 500 christian slaves for each one of the chiefs and nobles, and the balance of the captives for prince asin and the clergy. [192] it is not therefore surprising to hear of the extraordinarily revengeful activity which the sulus exhibited during the period of humiliation to which their sultan and nobles were subjected in manila. bantilan was a man of strong personality, a warrior, and a leader. the expeditions which he organized against his enemies were unusually strong and left havoc everywhere. the towns he pillaged and the captives he carried away alarmed the spanish government to a high degree. a high council of war was convened in manila in 1752, which declared for an unmerciful campaign and a war of extermination to be conducted with the utmost conceivable cruelty. volunteers and bisayan corsairs were called to aid the regular troops. unlimited authority was granted them to annihilate the foe, burn his villages, destroy his crops, and desolate his lands. the corsairs were exempted from all taxes. they were allowed to keep or sell all female captives and all males under 12 and over 30 years of age. old men and crippled persons were to be killed. male captives between 12 and 30 years of age were to be turned in to the government; the captors to receive in compensation from p4 to p6 per man. nursing children were ordered to be baptized. at first the corsairs were required to turn in to the government one-fifth of all valuables looted, but this was soon afterwards revoked and all corsairs who equipped themselves retained all their booty. as part of the general campaign, field marshal abad made another attack on jolo with a force amounting to 1,900 men. the fleet cannonaded the forts for seventy-two continuous hours. a division of the troops landed and engaged the sulus, but after suffering considerable loss retreated disastrously. the raids of the spaniards and bisayans helped to increase the vigilance of the sulus and excited them to extreme cruelty and an abnormal degree of revenge. [193] the year 1753 is stated to have been the bloodiest in the history of moro piracy. no part of the bisayas escaped ravaging in this year, while the camarines, batangas, and albay suffered equally with the rest. the conduct of the pirates was more than ordinarily cruel. priests were slain, towns wholly destroyed, and thousands of captives carried south into moro slavery. the condition of the islands at the end of this year was probably the most deplorable in their history. [194] in the meantime prince asin died of grief in his prison. early in 1753 alimud din petitioned the governor to allow princess fatimah to go to jolo for the purpose of arranging a peace with bantilan. this request was granted on condition that she deliver 50 slaves to the spanish government on her arrival at jolo. this she complied with faithfully, adding one spanish captive to the 50 christian slaves wanted. her mission was apparently successful and she returned to manila with datu mohammed ismael and datu maharaja-layla, a commission sent by bantilan. they brought a letter from bantilan, which was transmitted to the governor by alimud din together with a draft of a treaty for the restoration of peace between spain and sulu. bantilan expressed deep regret for alimud din and the existing condition of hostility and gave strong assurance of his desire for the return of the sultan and the reã«stablishment of peace with spain. the governor acceded to the petition of the sultan and sent a letter to bantilan with the commission, requesting that all hostilities stop for the period of one year pending the consideration and completion of the new treaty. in 1754 governor arandia assumed command and approved of the proposed treaty. to expedite matters he sent the commanding officer of the southern forces to find out what had been done by bantilan toward the fulfilment of the conditions agreed upon. bantilan met the commanding officer in a most friendly manner and discussed the questions frankly and ably. he explained in clear and impressive manner the principal causes of hostility and strongly blamed the governor of zamboanga for his unjust imprisonment of the sultan and datu asin and his unbearable treatment of the messengers and representatives of the sulu authorities. he declared his wish and true desire for peace and delivered to the commanding officer 68 christian captives and two spanish sloops. the officer was strongly impressed with the integrity of bantilan and with the honesty of his intentions, and gave to the governor a very favorable report of both alimud din and bantilan. he assured him that the sultan was not a traitor at all, but a man of good intentions, who was simply unable to carry out some of his plans and promises because of the determined resistance of many of the principal datus. a general council was held in manila early in 1755, in which it was resolved to set the sultan free and return him to jolo if the sulu authorities carried out the terms of the following conditions: 1. that all captives within the sultanate of sulu be delivered within one year. 2. that all valuable property and ornaments looted from the churches be returned within one year. general zacharias who had attended the council set out from manila in september to take charge of the government of mindanao. he brought back to jolo 6 princes, 5 princesses, 20 women, and 130 men of the sultan's retinue. he had letters from alimud din and the governor-general to bantilan and was authorized to conduct the preliminaries of a peace treaty. other ambassadors who accompanied zacharias were empowered to ratify the same. the ships arrived at jolo on october 4, and the ambassadors were well received by bantilan. the latter agreed to all the conditions imposed in as far as it was in his power to carry them out. but he stated that many captives were bought from mindanao chiefs and were owned by datus on basilan and other inaccessible places, who were unwilling to give them up unless they were justly compensated. he added that many such datus were in alliance with datus in mindanao and were planning to attack zamboanga, and that the time was very inopportune for him to force them to deliver all captives. the terms were actually impossible of execution and the endeavor to make the treaty and ratify it proved fruitless. alimud din remained in prison until 1763, when the english, after their conquest and occupation of manila, reinstated him on the throne of sulu. during the period of his imprisonment he felt greatly humiliated, but lived as a christian and with one wife only. at the death of his wife, in 1755, he was allowed to marry a sulu woman who had been his concubine, but who had professed christianity and was living at the college of santa potenciana. the sulus received their former sultan with a good heart and alimud din resumed his former authority as sultan of sulu. the people had evidently acquired strong sympathy for him and bantilan had either undergone a change of heart or felt convinced that it was of no avail to go against such strong popular sentiment and fight the english forces. withdrawing from jolo he moved to kuta gubang near parang, where, a few years later, he died. in return for the favors which he received from the english, alimud din ceded to them that part of north borneo lying between cape inarstang and the river frimanis with the adjacent island of balambangan and the island of tulayan. balambangan was soon after that occupied and garrisoned by english forces. in the later days of his reign, alimud din was addressed as amirul mu'minin (the prince of the faithful) by which name he is better known to the sulus. moro incursions increased at that time and the sulus became so daring as to invade the bay of manila in 1769, carry away captives from the wharves of the city, and appear at the plaza del palacio at retreat before they were repulsed or even detected. becoming old and weak, amirul mu'minin abdicated the sultanate in favor of his son israel, in november, 1773. reign of sultan israel sultan israel followed the same progressive policy which characterized his father's administration. however, his succession was contested by rivals, and the people were not unanimous in his support. in his foreign relations with the english and spaniards he was at the beginning uncertain as to the side toward which to lean. both powers had an eye on sulu and appeared interested in its affairs. however, before long he refused the request of the english to be allowed to move their factory from balambangan to tandu-dayang, in the neighborhood of jolo, and exchanged messages of friendship with king carlos iii, who congratulated israel on his succession to the sultanate and thanked him for his action relative to the removal of the balambangan factory to sulu island. [195] the early education israel received in manila, together with the consideration with which the spanish authorities treated him at that time, helped to win his sympathies to the spanish side and to form a sort of an alliance between sulu and spain against great britain. such an alliance was further needed to strengthen his hand in sulu, for the purpose of checking any insurrection that might be fomented by rival datus or unfriendly chiefs. the spaniards promised to help him in his endeavors to organize an army and a navy; and, he on his part, agreed to open the ports of sulu for free commerce with the philippine islands. he further asked the spanish government for capital to work his mines, promising to pay back one-fifth of the output. in 1774 and 1776, jolo was visited by captain thomas forrest, who in his "voyage to new guinea" described the town and country as he saw them. his account is so interesting and so clear that the following extracts [196] are quoted therefrom: they have a great variety of fine tropical fruits; the oranges are fully as good as those of china. they have also a variety of the fruit called jack, or nangka, durians, a kind of large custard apple named madang, mangos, mangustines * * *. the sulus having great connection with china, and many chineses being settled amongst them, they have learned the art of ingrafting and improving their fruits * * *. the capital town is called bawang, [197] situated by the seacoast, on the northwest part of the island, and containing about 6,000 inhabitants. many of them were ilanun * * *. this island * * * is well cultivated, affording a fine prospect from the sea, on every side far superior to that of malay countries in general * * *. here are wild elephants, the offspring, doubtless, of those sent in former days, from the continent of india [198] as presents to the kings of sulu. those animals avoid meeting with horned cattle, though they are not shy of horses. after harvest the sulus hunt the elephants and wild hog, endeavoring to destroy them * * *. sulu has spotted deer, abundance of goats, and black cattle. the pearl fishery * * * proves also to the sulus the cause of their consequence amongst their neighbors, as being a nursery for seamen, ready to man a fleet of praus upon an emergency * * *. the praus [boats] of the sulus are very neatly built, from 6 to 40 tons burden, sail well, and are all fitted with the tripod mast. [199] * * * the arts are in greater forwardness here than at mindanao. * * * in the common market is also a copper currency, a convenience much wanted at mindanao, where, as has been said, the market currency is rice. the sulus have in their families many bisayan, some spanish slaves, whom they purchase from the ilanun and magindanao cruisers. sometimes they purchase whole cargoes, which they carry to passir, on borneo, where, if the females are handsome, they are bought up for the batavia market. the masters sometimes use their slaves cruelly, assuming the power of life and death over them. many are put to death for trifling offenses, and their bodies left above the ground. an attempt of elopement is here seldom pardoned, or indeed at magindanao. yet, the distance being so small from either sulu or slangan, [200] to the spanish settlement, i have wondered how any stay, as they are not closely confined. the bisayan slaves play often on the violin, and the sulus are fond of european music. [201] i have seen the sultan israel, who was educated in manila, and his niece, * * * dance a tolerable minuet. i have also seen the datus go down a country dance, but as they wore heavy slippers, they did it clumsily. the sulus are not only neat in their clothes, but dress gaily. the men go generally in white waistcoats, buttoned down to the wrist; with white breeches, sometimes strait, sometimes wide. * * * both sexes are fond of gaming. * * * in the cool of the evening, i had the pleasure of seeing the sultan's niece and another princess. they wore waistcoats of fine muslin close fitted to their bodies; their necks to the upper part of the breasts being bare. from the waist downward they wore a loose robe, girt with an embroidered zone or belt about the middle, with a large clasp of gold, and a precious stone. this loose robe like a petticoat came over their drawers, and reached to the middle of the leg; the drawers of fine muslin reaching to the ankle. they rode across with very short stirrups, and wore their hair clubbed atop, chinese fashion. they often put sweet oils on their hair which give it a gloss. the ladies sat their horses remarkably well; and this is an exercise women of fashion indulge all over the island. "the island sulu is far from being large; but its situation between mindanao and borneo makes it the mart of all the moorish kingdoms. i do not find that the portuguese ever pretended to settle, much less to conquer these islands; but they visited them frequently for the sake of trade; and in those days, there was greater commerce in these parts than can well be imagined. for, while the trade was open to japan, there came from thence two or three ships laden with silver, amber, silks, chests, cabinets, and other curiosities made of sweet-scented woods, with vast quantities of silks, quilts, and earthenware, from china. for these the merchants of golconda exchanged their diamonds, those of ceylon their rubies, topazes, and sapphires; from java and sumatra came pepper, and spices from the moluccas." (harris' history of the portuguese empire, p. 685.) about fifteen datus * * * make the greater part of the legislature. * * * they sit in council with the sultan. the sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each datu has one. the heir apparent, * * * if he side with the sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only one. there are two representatives of the people, called mantiris, like the military tribunes of the romans. the common people of sulu * * * enjoy much real freedom, owing to the above representation. the state of sulu is small, * * * containing scarce above 60,000 inhabitants; yet are these powerful, and have under them, not only most of the islands that compose that archipelago, but a great part of borneo, some of which they have granted to the english. they have the character of being treacherous, and of endeavoring always to supply by fraud what they can not effect by force. * * * only seven years have elapsed since the sultan of kulan * * * on the northeast of borneo, was at war with the sultan of buru, on the same coast. one of them applied to the sulus for assistance. the datus alimud din and nukila went; and watching their opportunity, attacked both the sultans, plundered them, and carried them with their wives, children, and many of their headmen to sulu. they were sometime after sent back, on condition that they should become tributary, which they are at this day. the intentions of the east india company in fortifying balambangan were regarded with suspicion by the spaniards, who employed every method possible to incite hostilities between the sulus and the english. the english agents at jolo won the sympathy of a party headed by the strong datus in chief command of the sulu forces. the spaniards had the sultan and his party on their side. this question of national policy was a matter of serious and important concern to the people. it stirred up the whole sulu community, and party issues were ardently and publicly discussed. the jealousy which the english and spaniards exhibited toward each other and the methods they used to secure alliance with sulu, had the effect of exciting the suspicion of the sulus toward both nations. besides that, the spanish officials at zamboanga showed exceedingly poor judgment, and their action aroused the indignation of all parties in sulu, and led to the renewal of hostilities. in 1773 a majority of the leading datus favored an alliance with england against spain. in 1775 the english party weakened and the garrison of balambangan was treacherously attacked and destroyed by sulu agents and forces secretly sent there by sultan israel and his council. the conduct of the sulus in this incident depicts very clearly a marked trait of the sulu character. a full description of this incident is given herewith in the words of captain forrest, who had an intimate knowledge of the conditions at balambangan and the causes leading to the massacre. when john herbert, esq. went to balambangan early in the preceding year [1774], he found great want of buildings to accommodate the company's servants, civil and military; those gentlemen who had just been saved from the shipwreck of the royal captain on the shoals of palawan, as well as the crew of that ship. about this time, one tating, a sulu datu, and first cousin to sultan israel, came with many of his vassals to balambangan, offered his service as a builder, was employed by mr. herbert, and, in the whole of his behavior, gave satisfaction. the datu, falling sick, went home to sulu for the recovery of his health. this blessing soon obtained, he returned to the prosecution of his task at balambangan. he now brought from the sultan and council letters recommending him as a trustworthy person, to erect whatever warehouses or buildings might be wanted. with him came two other datus, muluk and nukila. but datu tating took care to show only part of his numerous followers, concealing the rest in the island of banguey, and even in some recesses of balambangan, which, being covered with wood, as those islands generally are, there was no great fear of discovery. surmises, however, had some days begun to spread reports of a plot, while tating proceeded with such address, that the chief and council, who were not without their suspicions, apprehended no danger very nigh. during the night strict watch was kept all over the settlement. at dawn, the gun, as usual, announced the morning, and for a few moments tranquillity reigned. a house at some small distance suddenly fired proved the signal to the sulus. they rushed into the fort, killed the sentries, and turned the guns against the bugis guard. the few settlers, lately rendered fewer by death, were fain to make their escape in what vessels they could find. [202] the governor and five others escaped on board a vessel, leaving behind a great quantity of arms and wealth. the english factors who were at jolo fled in a chinese junk. in the same year tating attempted a similar attack on zamboanga, but failed. during 1776 and 1777 he and other sulus harassed the bisayas and ravaged the coast of cebu. moro pirates sultan israel was poisoned in 1778 by his cousin alimud din ii, the son of bantilan. during the reign of sultan alimud din ii, hostilities between sulus and spaniards increased, and for the period of ten years or more traffic between luzon and the southern islands was paralyzed. about 500 spanish and native christians were every year carried into captivity by the moros. the government was greatly exercised over this grave situation, and in 1789 the captain-general mariquina reported to the king that "war with the moros was an evil without remedy." in the latter part of 1789 sharapud din, the son of alimud din i, ascended the throne of sulu. while a youth he was imprisoned with his father in zamboanga and accompanied the latter to manila. very little is known of his reign except that he was animated by the same spirit and principles which characterized his father's reign and that of his brother israel. he coined money, and one of his coins which was obtained from jolo bears the date 1204 a. h., which was probably the date of his succession. sultan sharapud din was followed by his sons alimud din iii and aliyud din i. the continued presence of the moros in mindoro, where they haunted the bays and rivers of both east and west coasts for months at a time, stealing out from this island for attack in every direction, was specially noted by padre zuã±iga, and indicated how feebly the spaniards repulsed these pirates a hundred years ago. it was the last severe phase of malay piracy, when even the strong merchant ships of england and america dreaded the straits of borneo and passed with caution through the china sea. northern borneo, the sulu archipelago, and the southern coasts of mindanao were the centers from which came these fierce sea wolves, whose cruel exploits have left their many traditions in the american and british merchant navies, just as they periodically appear in the chronicles of the philippines. five hundred captives annually seem to have been the spoils taken by these moros in the philippine islands, and as far south as batavia and macassar captive filipinos were sold in the slave marts of the malays. the aged and infirm were inhumanly bartered to the savage tribes of borneo, who offered them up in their ceremonial sacrifices. the measures of the spanish government, though constant and expensive, were ineffective. between 1778 and 1793 a million and a half of pesos were expended on the fleets and expeditions to drive back or punish the moros, but at the end of the century a veritable climax of piracy was attained. pirates swarmed continually about the coasts of mindoro, burias, and masbate, and even frequented the esteros [203] of manila bay. some sort of peace seems to have been established with jolo and a friendly commerce was engaged in toward the end of the century, but the moros of mindanao and borneo were increasing enemies. in 1798 a fleet of 25 moro bancas passed up the pacific coast of luzon and fell upon the isolated towns of baler, kasiguran, and palanan, destroying the pueblos and taking 450 captives. the cura of kasiguran was ransomed in binangonan for the sum of 2,500 pesos. for four years this pirate fleet had its rendezvous on burias, whence it raided the adjacent coasts and katanduan island. [204] governor aguilar assumed command in 1793 and made every effort to remedy this condition of affairs. he divided the archipelago into six divisions, each of which was provided with a fleet of six gunboats. he repaired the forts of the bisayas, mindoro, tayabas, batangas, and zamboanga. while preparing for defence, he negotiated with the sulu and mindanao moros for peace and partially succeeded in establishing a condition of truce with sulu. in 1798 he convened a council to consider further measures for the suppression of piracy. all records pertaining to moro affairs were submitted to rufino suarez, "asesor del gobierno," who was directed to report on this subject. the report was rendered in april, 1800, and contained full information and recommendations as to the best measures and methods that the government could undertake for that purpose. aguilar, however, did not act on the recommendations of suarez, but continued his negotiations with the moros who became peaceful and remained so until 1803. in this year the english attacked zamboanga unsuccessfully, instigated hostility between sulu and spain, and reoccupied the island of balambangan, which they held for three years only. in 1805 a treaty was made between sulu and spain whereby it was agreed that no foreign resident would be permitted in sulu without the consent of the spanish government, and that in case of war between spain and any foreign country, the sultan's ports would be closed against spain's enemies. between 1805 and 1815 detailed accounts of piratical raids are infrequent. sultan aliyud din died in 1808 and was succeeded by his pious brother shakirul lah. it is related that shakirul lah slept on boards and covered himself with sarongs only. he used to leave his home at night, search for the poor and needy and feed them. in 1815, the raiders took 1,000 native prisoners and captured several spanish, british, and dutch vessels. in october, 1818, a spanish fleet under pedro esteban encountered 25 moro vessels in the vicinity of albay, seized nine of them and sank the rest. sultan shakirul lah was succeeded in 1823 by sultan jamalul kiram i, the son of alimud din iii. in the same year, governor antonio martinez, impressed by the superior policy and success of corcuera, organized an expedition under alonso morgado and attacked the pirates in their home lairs, at basilan, pilas, sulu, and mindanao. the spanish fleet consisted of 2 schooners, 4 gunboats, 6 tenders, 2 junks, and 1 transport schooner. the expedition reached pilas in march, 1825, took the fort by assault and killed 50 moros. at jolo it cannonaded the town for ten hours and then left for mindanao, where it inflicted considerable damage. it destroyed moro boats at illana bay, pollok, and dumankilis bay. general ricafort sent another expedition, in 1827, to jolo, consisting of 20 vessels and 500 troops; but jolo was so well fortified and the moro forces so numerous that the spanish soldiers could not disembark, and the expedition returned without accomplishing any results. the seal of sultan jamalul kiram i bears the date 1239 a. h., or about 1823 a. d., which in all probability indicates the year of his succession. he issued regular appointment forms for his subordinate officers of state and dated his communications, using the current malay and mohammedan dates combined. in the estimation of the sulus he was a strong and very prosperous sultan. on the 23d of september, 1836 a. d. or 1252 a. h., he signed a commercial treaty with capt. josã© m. halcon as the representative of captain-general salazar. [205] the principal part of the treaty was an agreement regulating boat licenses and the duties to be paid by sulu boats in manila and zamboanga and by spanish vessels in jolo. in another document bearing the same date and signed by the same parties, an alliance was declared guaranteeing general peace and safety to sulu boats in philippine waters and to spanish and filipino craft in the sulu sea. the sultan further consented to have a spanish trading house constructed at jolo for the safe storage of merchandise under the charge of a spanish resident agent. treaty of 1836 with the sultan of sulu text of the treaty articles of agreement arranging the duties to be paid by sulu craft in manila and zamboanga, and by spanish craft in jolo, which schedule can not be changed except by a new agreement. article 1. sulu craft which, with proper license, go to manila, may import products of the islands subject to the sultan, by paying a consumption duty of 2 1/2%. article 2. wax and cacao may be deposited in the manila custom-house by paying 1%; but if these articles are imported the established 14% will be paid. article 3. sulu craft that trade in zamboanga will pay a duty of 1% on products of the islands subject to the sultan. article 4. all these duties will be paid in silver to the protecting spanish government on the basis of one-half the appraised value. article 5. spanish craft in jolo will pay the following duties in kind: pesos ships of three masts from manila, with chinese passengers 2,000 the same, without passengers 1,800 brigantine from manila, with chinese passengers 1,500 the same, without passengers 1,300 schooner from manila, with chinese passengers 1,400 the same, without passengers 1,200 pontin (small trading boat) from manila, with chinese passengers 1,400 the same, without passengers 1,200 galley from manila or other ports of the philippines, with cargo of rice (palay), sugar and saguranes [206] 300 the same for the philippine islands with cargo of merchandise 500 article 6. these duties fixed for spanish craft will be paid in kind in accordance with the values laid down in the following schedule, one-half of which will be selected by the sultan's government officials from the cargo and the other half shall consist of such articles as the captain of the boat may select, valuation to be in accordance with the schedule. articles not in the schedule can not be exacted from the captain, nor will he give such payment: ================================================================= | articles | quantity | value | | | | (pesos) | |======================================+==============+=========| | rice | one laga | 2.00 | | sugar | one pilon | 5.00 | | coconut oil | one tinaja | 6.50 | | chapas (plates) | per thousand | 1.00 | | cambayas ordinarias (cloth) | per thousand | 9.00 | | carancali (cloth) | per piece | 11.00 | | coco, black and blue, (cloth) | 11 yards | 4.50 | | coquillo blanco, (cloth), 6 brazas | | | | (12 yards) | 1 piece | 6.50 | | coco blanco, (cloth), 22 brazas | | | | (44 yards) | 1 piece | 16.50 | | javal de caranclan (cloth) | 1 piece | 26.00 | | cacha (cloth) | 1 piece | 4.00 | | manta coleta (shirting) | 1 piece | 1.00 | | plain muslin, 12 varas | 1 piece | 10.00 | | fancy muslin | 1 piece | 5.00 | | colored muslin, 12 varas | 1 piece | 15.00 | | unhusked rice | one laga | 1.00 | | paã±os de costa (cloth) | 1 piece | 11.00 | | ordinary cambric kerchiefs | 1 kerchief | .50 | | ordinary stamped kerchiefs | per dozen | 3.00 | | woolens | 1 piece | 6.00 | | common woolens | 1 piece | 5.00 | | printed cotton with flowers | 1 piece | 9.00 | ================================================================= article 7. sulu ships found trading in ports without a license or passing contraband will be treated as smugglers in accordance with the spanish laws laid down for such. spanish schooners and small trading craft (galeras) that show by manifest in jolo that they carry a cargo of philippine produce, and are afterward discovered to have, in place thereof, a cargo of merchandise (gã©neros), and to have discharged such cargo in the port to be sold therein, will be fined 500 pesos as per values in jolo, two-thirds of said sum to go to the sultan, and one-third to the royal treasury of the protecting spanish government. article 8. should the import duties on any articles of commerce produced in the sulu islands be reduced in manila or zamboanga to a lower rate than that now established, the spanish government will also make a reduction so that sulu ships may always pay less, as has been agreed. should the sultan of sulu collect smaller duties from any foreign ship than those established for spaniards, either as a tax or by a reduction of the valuation of the dutiable articles, he will be obliged to make such a reduction in duties for spanish craft as will give the advantage to the flag of his catholic majesty as stipulated. last article. should the text of these articles of agreement differ in the two languages, the spanish text will be literally adhered to. palace of jolo, september 23, 1836, which is the 14th of the moon jamadul akir, 1252.--josã© m. harun,--rubric,--sultan mohammed jamalul kiram,--datu mohammed harun,--datu mohammed buyuk,--datu bandahala,--datu muluk,--datu sabalmar,--datu mamancha,--datu juhan,--datu maharaja-layla,--datu sabuwayan,--datu muluk kahar,--datu nay. i, don josã© marã­a halcon y mendoza, frigate captain of the royal navy, etc., special commissioner appointed by the captain general of the philippines to establish these articles of agreement (capitulaciones), certify that when i received from the hands of the sultan of sulu the copy herewith, in the act of the exchange, by which i handed him the duplicate with the ratification of the governor general, i remarked at the end of the present a writing in malay, on the page following that of the seals and signatures which is the reverse of folio six, on which it can be seen. i also certify that having examined the contents of said improper addition which, although unauthorized, appears in writing in the present document, it was found to be the text of the circular of the sultan to his people, in four articles, whose translation, made by the datu muluk-bandarasa, and verified separately by several persons, reads as follows: article 1. the people of sulu who wish to go to zamboanga or mindanao shall ask the sultan of sulu for a passport so that they may suffer no harm if they meet ships belonging to the navy. article 2. passports shall be issued stating the number of people on board and the cargo when requested. article 3. i give this order for the safety of those who travel by sea, as instead of being pursued by the ships of the navy, they shall be helped. article 4. i give you the present patent so that when you meet the ships of the navy of the king of spain, my brother, they may not harm, but help you. and in proof thereof, i make out the present certificate, written of my hand and attached to the articles of agreement, of which it is impossible to make a new copy, on account of the absence of some of the datus who were present when they were agreed to, and approved them. given on board her majesty's schooner "tirol" in the roadstead of jolo on the 29th of march 1837. josã© ma. halcon, (his flourish). ratification of the treaty of 1836 by the queen regent of spain isabel ii, queen of spain, by the grace of god and the constitution of the spanish monarchy, and in her royal name and during her minority, the queen dowager her mother, doã±a marã­a cristina of bourbon, regent of the kingdom: whereas on the twenty-third of september of last year, at the palace of jolo, a treaty of peace, protection and commerce having been drawn up, concluded and signed by the frigate-captain of the national fleet, don josã© marã­a halcon, commander in chief of the naval forces anchored in the roadstead of jolo, representing the captain general of the philippine islands, and the sultan jamalul kiram and datus; which said treaty, composed of six articles, word by word, is as follows: capitulations of peace, protection and commerce, executed to the most excellent sultan and datus of sulu, by his high excellency the captain-general, governor of the philippine islands, in the name of the high and powerful sovereignty of her catholic majesty, being drawn up and agreed to by both parties, to wit: representing the spanish government as plenipotentiary of his high excellency the captain general, don pedro antonio salazar, governor of the philippines, the frigate-captain of the royal fleet, don josã© marã­a halcon, commander in chief of the naval forces anchored in the roadstead of jolo; and upon the other part, the sultan jamalul kiram, raja of sulu and datus who subscribe, which parties enacted as follows: article 1 his high excellency the captain-general, governor, for her catholic majesty, of the philippine islands, assures the most excellent sultan and datus of sulu, for the present and forever, of the most stable peace between the spaniards and natives of all the islands subject to the crown of spain and the tributaries of the lands governed by the sultan and datus. he offers the protection of his government and the aid of fleets and soldiers for the wars which the sultan shall find necessary to wage against enemies who shall attack him, or in order to accomplish the subjection of the peoples who rebel in all the confines of the islands which are found within spanish jurisdiction, and which extend from the western point of mindanao as far as borneo and palawan, except sandakan and the other lands tributary to the sultan on the coast of borneo. the sultan of sulu, upon his part, accepting the friendship of the spanish government, binds himself to keep peace with all the vassals of her catholic majesty, and further binds himself to consider as his enemies those who hereafter may be such to the spanish nation, the sulus proceeding with armed men to the wars which may arise, in the same manner as if they were spaniards; in case of his furnishing such aid, the provisions for the support of the sulus shall be supplied by the royal exchequer of her catholic majesty, as they are for the other soldiers and people of her army and navy. the sense of the second clause of the capitulations of one thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven, that they are not bound to furnish assistance for wars against european nations, is hereby renewed and affirmed. article 2 in accordance with the friendship and protection which unite sulu with the spanish provinces of the philippines, the sulu boats shall navigate and trade freely with the open ports of manila and zamboanga, and the spanish vessels with jolo, where not only will both be well received, but shall find protection and the same treatment as the natives. in a separate capitulation are determined the duties which the spanish vessels shall pay in jolo, and those which the sulus shall pay in manila and zamboanga; but by these capitulations it is agreed that whenever the sulus convey cargoes of products of the islands, they shall pay in manila and zamboanga less than foreign vessels, and the spanish vessels shall not pay in jolo as much as is charged the ships of other nations. article 3 in order that the traffic of spanish vessels in jolo shall not suffer the injuries and delays occasioned by the difficulties of their market, the sultan and datus consent to the construction of a factory or trading house, with safe warehouses, where merchandise may be stored without risk: and the sultan and datus agree always to respect this place, in which there will be a resident spanish agent, who shall assume charge of all the business entrusted to him. if the sulus should desire to do likewise in manila, they shall be permitted; but the spanish government receives for storage merchandise from the custom-house of that city upon payment of fees of but one per centum. the sultan shall designate the proper place for the location of the warehouses, which shall be convenient for loading and unloading and the government shall request the sultan to furnish, and shall pay for, the materials and workmen that may be necessary. article 4 in order that the spanish and sulu vessels may navigate and trade with safety, free from the piracies of the hanuns and samals the spanish government will strengthen its fleets in mindanao waters, which same will protect equally those of both nations; and in order that good may not be confused with evil persons, the following rules shall be observed: 1st. all spanish vessels arriving at jolo shall show to the sultan their permit upon anchoring, and the same shall be sealed upon sailing; without which the captain shall be punished at manila. 2d. all sulu vessels which proceed to manila or zamboanga, shall carry the permit of the sultan, and in possession of the same shall be free and unmolested. 3d. all spanish or sulu vessels which shall proceed for trading to mindanao, shall go first to zamboanga to notify the governor, who shall sign their permit without cost. 4th. every spanish or sulu vessel which shall be found by the fleets of illana or sindangan bays, without permit of the governor and sultan as aforesaid, shall be seized and shall lose all her merchandise, of which two-thirds shall be awarded to those making the capture and one-third to the sultan of sulu, if the vessel is sulu, and to the spanish government if the vessel is spanish. 5th. the governor of zamboanga shall determine the procedure in the case of vintas [small sail boats] of the towns of pilas and basilan islands friendly to said plaza [zamboanga]. 6th. sulu merchant vessels proceeding outside the islands of the sultan or to mindanao with a permit, should not flee from the fleets which they encounter, because the latter are intended to defend them and run down evil-doers. commanders of the fleets shall be ordered to receive and aid the advice-boats of the sultan. article 5 the sultan and datus of sulu pledge themselves to prevent the piracies of the ilanuns and samals in the philippines, and if they are unable, the sultan shall so report in order that the spanish government may afford assistance or undertake the task alone. last article if the sense of these capitulations is not conformable in both languages, the same shall agree with the literal spanish text. palace of jolo, september 23, 1836, which is the fourteenth of the moon jamadul akir of one thousand two hundred and fifty-two. the seals.--sultan mohammed jamalul kiram.--seal--signed.--josã© marã­a halcon.--datu mohammed harun.--seal.--datu mohammed buyuk.--seal--datu bandahala.--seal--datu amilbahar.--datu muluk.--datu sabalmar.--datu mamancha.--datu juhan.--datu maharajah-layla.--datu sabuwayan.--datu muluk kahar.--datu nay. therefore, the government of our august daughter, having been duly authorized by the decree of the cortes of the thirteenth of the present month, for the ratification of the inclosed treaty, and the same having been seen and examined by us, we have approved and ratified and by these presents do hereby approve and ratify the contents thereof as a whole, in the best and most complete form possible, promising on the faith and the word of queen regent, in the name of our august daughter, to comply with and observe the same, and compel wholly the compliance with and observance of the same. in witness whereof, we command the disposition of the same, signed with our hand, and sealed with our own private seal by the first secretary of state. done at madrid, this october twenty-ninth, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven. i the queen regent. [a shield in wax.] eusebio de bandaxi y azara. expedition of governor claveria in 1842 the spanish government built the stone fort at isabela de basilan. the balangingi and basilan moros appear about this time to have become a menace to the peace and to the commerce of nations. to punish datu usak of malusu for depredations committed against french vessels, basilan was blockaded by a french fleet in 1843. aspiring for chinese trade and for the possession of a port in the neighboring seas the french in 1844 concluded a treaty with the sultan of sulu for the cession of the island of basilan for a considerable sum of money. the terms of this treaty do not appear to have been carried out, but this act and the frequent appearance of english, dutch, and french vessels in sulu waters aroused the spaniards to active measures for the subjugation of the sulu archipelago. this year jamalul kiram i died, and his son mohammed pulalun succeeded to the sultanate. the "luntar" or "sulu annals" begin january, 1844, and appear to have been started by sultan pulalun. in 1845 a frigate attacked the island of balangingi, but it was repulsed and gained no advantage except that of ascertaining the strength of the enemy. the shores of basilan and the principal islands lying between it and the island of sulu had numerous forts, the strongest of which were on the island of balangingi, the chief stronghold and headquarters of the samal pirates. realizing the seriousness of the situation governor claveria took the matter in hand and with energy and enthusiasm made every effort to strengthen the fleet and increase its efficiency. in 1848 he secured three steam war vessels called elcano, magallanes, and reina de castilla which were built by the english and were the first steam gunboats the philippine government ever employed. steam was certainly destined to mark a new epoch, one which saw the beginning of the end of moro piracy. with two additional pilot boats and three transport brigs the expedition, headed by governor claveria in person, left manila in january and, coming by the way of dapitan, reunited at caldera bay, where it received additional troops from zamboanga. the island of balangingi is scarcely 6 square miles in area, low, flat, surrounded by shoals, and covered to a great extent by mangrove swamps. most of its settlements had their houses built over the water and little dry land could be seen in the vicinity. part of this land was covered with coconut trees. a labyrinth of small, narrow channels led to the various settlements and divided the island into four distinct parts. four strong forts were built by the moros at points difficult of access and surrounded by swamps. these forts were constructed of thick trunks of trees driven into the soil as piles and set close to each other and in 3 rows of varying heights, to afford suitable positions for the artillery, part of which was set in covered inclosures commanding the channel leading to the fort. the walls of these forts were 20 feet high and could not be scaled without ladders. the immediate vicinity of the fort was set with sharpened bamboo sticks and pits to hinder and trap the attacking forces. the fort of sipak, the strongest of the four, was provided with redoubts and towers and showed considerable skill in its construction. the spanish troops consisted of three regular companies of infantry, two of volunteers, and detachments of artillery, pikemen, engineers, and laborers. they experienced some difficulty in landing and attacked the most accessible fort first. the fighting was heroic and desperate on both sides. the moros, it is said, fought like fiends; but they were completely overpowered in the end. in the fort of sipak many women and children were gathered and considerable property was stored. the moros had hoped to save all within its impregnable walls. when these walls were entered, some of the defenders in their desperation thrust their spears and krises into their wives and children, killed them first, and then dashed themselves against sure death at the point of spanish bayonets. the moros consider such action most valorous and honorable and do it in order not to allow their wives and children to fall into slavery or be killed by the hand of the enemy. in the fight at the first fort 100 moros perished and 14 pieces of artillery were captured. the spaniards lost 7 dead and 50 wounded. after the reduction of the second fort at sipak 340 moros were burned in one pile and 150, mostly women and children, were taken as prisoners; others, who sought refuge in the swamps or tried to swim away, were killed by the fire of the fleet and their bodies were washed ashore by the waves. the spanish losses in this engagement amounted to 17 dead, 4 officers and 13 men, and 155 wounded. three hundred slave captives were rescued and 66 pieces of artillery were captured. quantities of ammunition, silks, silver and gold vessels, bracelets and other ornaments, jewels, utensils and arms of all sorts, and books of prayer were found inside the fort. the troops investing the third fortification at sungap found the fort evacuated, but the first spaniard who scaled the wall fell dead from a kampilan blow at the hand of the only moro who refused to run away and remained at his post to meet what he considered an honorable death. thirteen cannons of small caliber were found in this fort. the moros who had fled to the fourth fort at bukutingal did not make any determined stand, but soon fled leaving several cannons behind. the spaniards desolated the island, burned its forts and settlements, and cut down more than 8,000 coconut trees. the conquest of the balangingi samals was complete and the expedition returned to manila in triumph. here great rejoicings, parades, and festivities were held in honor of the event. governor claveria was decorated and promoted by the queen and many of the officers and men were variously rewarded. the balangingi samals rivaled the sulus in power, bravery, and wealth, but the signal victory of claveria crushed them so completely that they have never since had any considerable force. the samals who were carried away were transplanted to the province of kagayan in northern luzon, where they remained until a late date. visits to jolo of captain henry keppel and sir james brooke in december, 1848, jolo was visited by capt. henry keppel, in command of the maeander, and his description of the town contained in the following extracts taken from his "visit to the indian archipelago" will be of unusual interest: [207] the town is built partly on land and partly on the sea. that part which is on the land, and which might almost be called the citadel, was at the time of our visit, strongly stockaded and flanked with batteries mounting heavy guns * * *. that portion of the town which is not within the stockades is built in regular malay fashion, on piles. the houses run in rows, or streets; and outside of them is a platform about 6 feet wide to walk upon. this is supported underneath by a light scaffolding of bamboo. these rows of birdcage-looking buildings extend into the sea for half a mile over a shoal which is nearly dry at low water. the population is numerous, composed principally of fishermen and chinese traders. the said platform runs the whole length of the rows: and its planks were so carelessly thrown across that it seemed wonderful how the children could escape, if they always did escape, falling through the yawning spaces which invited them to a watery, or a muddy grave; they were crawling about these rickety stages in vast numbers; if the tide was out when they fell, they would be received into 3 feet deep of soft mud, supposing always that they did not break their little backs across the gunwales of the canoes beneath, which were made fast to the scaffolding. * * * what we saw of the country [in the neighborhood of jolo] was highly cultivated, consisting, with intervals of jungle, of pasture grounds and gardens, very flourishing and pretty, with abundance of cattle. * * * the day after we had commenced [watering] was a market day. the mountaineers came down in parties of from six to twelve, mounted on well-formed little horses, or oxen, according to their rank and means; on these they sat with graceful ease, spear in hand--they were all well armed besides, with shield and kris; in some instances also we observed the heavy two-handed ilanun sword [kampilan]. they had a wild and independent bearing; and, when seen in groups, some standing, some squatting, the women all chattering, under the wide spreading tree, they much increased the interest of the already picturesque scene. they seemed indifferent as to the sale of their stock, which was conducted chiefly by the women, who freely accompanied them, and were by no means ill favored. the townspeople, who met and traded with these mountaineers, were dressed in gayer colors, but not so well armed. * * * though the market on this occasion was well attended, the trade was slack; but i doubt not that, in the palmy days of active piracy, a considerable amount of business was transacted under this old banyan tree. * * * december 30 was the day appointed for sir james brooke's interview with the sultan of sulu. we landed in full costume at 10 o'clock. having walked over the sea suburbs, and arrived at the beach, we found a guard of honor and attendants waiting to conduct sir james to the sultan's presence; they were a motley group, but made themselves useful in clearing the way. passing within the outer stockade, we arrived, after a few minute's walk, at the royal residence. it was walled in and fortified: a large space was inclosed by double rows of heavy piles driven into the earth, about 5 feet apart, and the space was filled up with large stones and earth, making a very solid wall of about 15 feet in height, having embrasures, or rather portholes, in convenient places for cannon, out of which we noticed the rusty muzzles of some very heavy guns protruding. a great part of the town was stockaded in a similar way; and the country houses of the datus and mountain chiefs of any importance were also walled in and had guns mounted. passing through a massive gateway, pretty well flanked with guns and loopholes, we entered a large court, in which some 2,000 persons were assembled, armed and in their best apparel, but observing no sort of order; it was a wild and novel sight. malays are always armed. the kris to them is what the sword was to an english gentleman in the feudal times. every person who, by virtue of his rank or on any other pretext, could gain admittance was in attendance on this occasion; for our rajah had become a justly celebrated man in the great eastern archipelago, and was an object of curiosity. we were conducted through the crowd to a corner of the courtyard, where a building inferior to a small english barn, was pointed out as the sultan's palace. we entered it by a flight of broad wooden steps (for the palace was raised on piles), through a narrow passage thronged with guards * * * and we found ourselves in the royal presence. the audience chamber was not very large; a table, covered with green cloth, ran across the center of it; above the table, and around the upper end of the room sat a very brilliant semicircle of personages, the sultan occupying a raised seat in the middle. the cortã¨ge consisted of his grand vizier, the members of the royal family, and the great datus and officers of state. behind these stood the guards and attendants, dressed in silks, the colors being according to the fancy of their respective masters. the sultan gave us a gracious reception, shaking hands with each officer as he was presented. this ceremony over, chairs were placed for sir james and his suite; while those of our party, who could not get seats, formed a semicircle on the other side of the table. the scene was striking and gay. the sultan is a young-looking man, but with a dull and vacant expression, produced by the too free use of opium: his lips were red with the mixture of betel nut and cere leaf, [208] which he chewed. he was dressed in rich silks, red and green the predominant colors. a large jewel sparkled in his turban, and he wore jewels also profusely on his person. the hilt of his kris, the great distinguishing ornament of all malays, was beautifully decorated with gold wire, curiously twisted in. immediately behind the sultan, in closest attendance on his person, stood the cupbearer, a fine young man dressed in green silk, who held in his hand a purple finger glass, which was constantly held to his royal master's mouth, to receive the filthy-looking mixture which is in such favor with these people--composed of the juice of the betel leaf, with the areca nut and gambier. the other personages composing the circle were dressed with equal gaudiness, in bright silks; in the selection, however, of their colors they displayed considerable taste. many of the guards were dressed in very ancient chain armor, consisting of skull caps and tunics, covering the arms and reaching from the throat to the knee. those armed with sword, spear, and kris did not look amiss; but two sentries, placed to guard the entrance to this ancient hall of audience, each shouldering a very shabby-looking old tower musket, of which they looked very proud, had an absurd effect. after a reasonable time passed by each party in admiration of the other, the conversation was opened by sir james brooke, who, as her majesty's commissioner in these regions, submitted to the sultan certain propositions on matters of business. to these his majesty expressed his willingness to accede; and he graciously reminded sir james that the royal family of sulu were under considerable obligations to the english; inasmuch as his great-grandfather, sultan amir, [209] having been once upon a time imprisoned by the spaniards in the fortress of manila, was delivered from durance vile and reinstated on the throne of his ancestors by alexander dalrymple----a. d. 1763. this was now the more liberal on the part of his majesty, because his royal ancestor had not at the time allowed the service to be altogether unrequited; for he ceded to the english government a fine island adjoining sulu (of which, by the bye, no use appears to have been made), together with the north end of borneo and the south end of palawan, with the intervening islands. at length we took leave of his majesty, retiring in much the same order as that in which we had entered. although no actual treaty was concluded with the sultan, sir james paved the way for opening up commerce and for cultivating a better understanding with the natives. in the afternoon we visited one datu daniel, a powerful chief, very friendly, and well disposed toward the english. his stronghold was at a short distance in the country, at the foot of one of the mountain slopes, fortified in much the same way as the sultan's, but on a smaller scale; his stockades were, however, quite as strong, and his guns in better order. his inclosed court, being likewise a farmyard with a good supply of live stock, looked as if he was better prepared than his royal master to stand a long siege; his wives looked happy, his children merry, and, on the whole, his domestic life appeared tolerably comfortable. * * * considering that sulu was the great commercial center of these seas, we were surprised at not seeing more large praus; there were none afloat, and very few hauled up; the number, however, of building sheds and blacksmith's forges showed that they have the means of starting into activity at short notice. who could have thought that, after such devastation and havoc as the spaniards wrought on balangingi, another chief would have the courage to settle on such a hateful spot again! yet we learn that in spite of the contrary advice of the sultan and his council, datu tampang, as early as december, 1848, stationed himself at pa'at, balangingi island, and constructed a fort with the intention of defying the spanish forces and fighting them again. an isolated case like this can not be explained except on the ground of foolhardiness, for tampang was soon after that dislodged by the governor of zamboanga. but it appears that it was necessary again for the spaniards to send another squadron under manuel quesada, consisting of two steam gunboats and other sloops and vessels, to clean up balangingi once more and to strike at the moros of basilan and pilas. nor was this sufficient, for we learn that before the end of the same month of december, 3,000 sulus and samals attacked the spanish forces on basilan, probably at isabela, and were repulsed. in 1849 the spaniards retaliated and reduced to ashes the settlements of bwal, samalang, and gumbalang. undaunted, the moros of tonkil, together with others, in 1850 raided the islands of samar and kamigin and carried away more than 75 natives. chapter iv decline of sulu, 1851-1896 expedition against jolo the fearlessness of the moros in battle, their determination, persistence, and fortitude must have disheartened the spaniards very often in their weary attempts to conquer and pacify sulu. the sulus have never had any standing army. every able-bodied male was a soldier and a sailor. thousands of sulus and samals stood ready at a moment's notice to man a fleet and defend a fort. every fort the spaniards reduced the sulus could rebuild in a short time; every fleet destroyed they could replace with little expense. they had enough pearls to purchase guns and ammunition, and a few months after a defeat they were ready to fight again, better prepared than before. war with sulu, in the way it was conducted, meant a war of extermination and hostilities without end. its worst evils befell the helpless natives of the coast settlements of the bisayas and southern luzon to whom spain was unable to afford safe protection. the moros would slip through in the night or take advantage of a favorable wind and attack the spanish forces or the defenseless villages while they were unaware of danger or unprepared for a fight. for a long while it seemed beyond the power of the philippine government to reã«stablish peace or restrict hostilities to sulu waters. the magnificent victory of claveria was hailed as marking the beginning of a new era of safety and glory, but its effects did not last long, and the fear of the moros beset the hearts of the bisayans once more. in the light of such profound experience as the philippine government had had with moro affairs governor urbiztondo might have contented himself with punishing the moros of tonkil and their abettors and allies, but another element of serious concern entered into the problem which threatened not only to render it more vexatious and unsolvable, but dangerous in the extreme. it was not so much the evils of disturbed relations with sulu as the harm that would arise from english occupation of or alliance with sulu that urbiztondo feared, for in 1849, sir james brooke visited jolo and made a treaty with the sultan of sulu, [210] the seventh article of which declared a promise made by the sultan of sulu not to make any cessions of territory within his dominion nor recognize sovereignty rights nor promise fealty to any nation without the consent of great britain. the overt object of this treaty was "to keep open for the benefit of the mercantile world that improvable field for commercial enterprise," but the ultimate purpose of such an agreement was not difficult to foresee. the governor of zamboanga went to jolo and protested strongly, declaring such a treaty an act of disloyalty to spain, for which the sultan and his council would be held responsible. the subject was debated with considerable feeling on both sides. the governor remained at jolo twenty-seven days and returned without advantage. the treaty was never ratified by great britain, but such endeavors on the part of a strong maritime european power made it necessary for spain to act decisively and expeditiously. urbiztondo then pressed to the attention of sultan pulalun and his council the necessity of punishing the samals of tonkil for their depredations on samar and kamigin and requested the return of the captives whom they carried away. considerable controversy followed and the sulus pretended that they were unable to punish tonkil, but offered no objection to its castigation by the philippine government. aware of the seriousness of the situation, urbiztondo made preparations for war and decided to attack not tonkil only, but jolo also, repeating there the example of balangingi, and to bring sulu under the control of spain. referring to this cause, captain keppel, in his "visit to the indian archipelago," makes the following remarks: his [the sultan's] fortified position gave him weight, which he had frequently thrown into the scale of humanity: and it must now be feared that many whom he was able to hold in check will again follow their evil propensities unrestrained, as they did under previous dynasties. the resentment of spain, as visited upon the sultan of sulu, seems equally impolitic and unjust. the pretext was piracy, of which some solitary instance may very possibly have been established against a sulu prahu; but the sultan was certainly sincere in his wish to coã¶perate against that system. there is ground to fear that national jealousy was desirous of striking its puny blow at an european rival, through the degradation of the sultan of sulu--that he has incurred, in fact, the resentment of the spanish colonial governors, by those commercial treaties with ourselves which were but lately concluded by sir james brooke. [211] on the 11th day of december, 1850, urbiztondo left manila in command of a force consisting of 100 troops of artillery, 500 of infantry, 2 mountain howitzers, and a number of irregular troops and workmen. two steamboats, one corvette, and one brigantine carried the troops to zamboanga, where they arrived on the 20th. here 2 companies of infantry and 102 volunteers and 6 tenders under the command of the governor of zamboanga joined the expedition. at belun they burned 250 houses and 20 vintas. a small force of moros was encountered, of which they killed 3 and captured 17 prisoners, one of whom was a panglima. the chief of bukutwan surrendered and promised to remain obedient to spain. at tonkil bad weather was encountered and the whole expedition turned toward jolo. jolo was well fortified. it had five forts on the sea front, the strongest two of which were that of the sultan on the right and that of datu daniel on the hill. three other forts were located on prominent points at the base of the hills. the town was further defended by a double line of trenches, other fortifications and much artillery. the population was estimated at 6,000 moros and 500 chinese. the fleet saluted the town and anchored in the roadstead. two officers were sent ashore to notify the sultan of the presence of the governor-general and of his wish to have an interview with the sultan and two of his datus, on board. the people were excited to such a high degree, that the mob grew violent and uncontrollable as the officers drew near the shore. insults and weapons were hurled at them from every side, and the people shouted to them to return lest they be killed. they, however, pushed on in the direction of the sultan's fort, where some datus came out to meet and protect them. even then spears were thrown at them, and one of the datus had to use his kampilan in order to enforce his orders. the sultan at last came out personally, embraced the officers, and conducted them to the audience hall. there the message was delivered to the sultan and his council, but they all refused to go on board. the officers met the same difficulty in leaving the sultan's house as in coming in, and as soon as they embarked five shots were discharged at them by the mob. the officers reported that the town had more than 10,000 fighting men and that it was well provisioned and well defended, and that all the women and children were removed to the mountains. urbiztondo decided that his forces and provisions were inadequate for the occasion and did not risk a combat. on january 1, 1851, as the fleet was preparing to sail away, the sulus fired at it, killing seven, wounding four, and damaging the hulls of some of the vessels. the fleet returned the fire, but kept moving, and sailed away in the direction of tonkil. here the expedition met no organized resistance. six hundred men were disembarked, fought some armed parties, caught 4 and killed 25 men, and rescued 29 captives. about 1,000 houses and 106 boats were burned, and the fleet then returned to zamboanga. here urbiztondo made further and extensive preparations to strengthen his expedition. the commanding marine officer was sent to manila with special instructions to augment the fleet and bring sufficient ammunition and provisions. the augustinian friar pascual ibaã±ez raised a force of 750 cebuans and 21 barangay, or large boats, and volunteered his help. lumber was cut at basilan, and lankan, [212] rafts, and ladders were constructed. volunteers were further called for, and a large fleet of war vessels and transports was assembled at zamboanga february 12, 1851. besides the staff, engineers, surgeons, and chaplains, the reã«nforced expedition contained 11 officers and 253 privates of artillery, 1 officer and 30 privates of sappers, 123 officers and 2,593 privates of infantry, 525 volunteers from cebu, 100 from iloilo, and 300 from zamboanga; in all 142 officers, 2,876 privates, and 925 volunteers, besides rowers and other workmen. the vessels carrying the forces were 1 corvette, 1 brigantine, 3 steamboats, 2 gunboats, 9 tenders, 9 transports, and 21 barangay, with various vintas, [213] lankan, and rafts. on february 19 mass was celebrated and the expedition started for the haughty and arrogant city. jolo was reached on the 27th and the fleet anchored in two divisions opposite both sides of the town. the troops disembarked at dawn next morning and engaged the enemy as both divisions of the fleet began a simultaneous bombardment of the town and forts. the marksmanship of the sulus and spaniards was splendid, and the guns of the forts were very active. the spectacle was magnificent, the attack was most valorous, and the defense most valiant. in the heat of battle one friar was killed as he was scaling the wall and three officers fell by his side and lay surrounded by 70 corpses of sulus. after several attempts one of the forts on the northeast side was taken by storm and the escaping sulus made for daniel's fort. as they were admitted into the latter, it was rushed by the spanish troops who entered in spite of the desperate resistance the sulus made. as the inner inclosure was gained the sulus hurled themselves from the parapets and fled. the fighting continued until next day, when every fort was reduced, and the sulus evacuated the town. the casualties of the attacking forces were 36 dead and 92 wounded, while the sulus lost 300 dead. the whole town was burned to ashes and 112 pieces of artillery were taken. after four days, the governor-general and his council decided to evacuate the town and sailed away, leaving it ungarrisoned. they evidently thought that their purpose was accomplished and that they could not afford to leave a force sufficiently strong to defend the place. on april 30 a treaty was made with sultan pulalun by the politico-military governor of zamboanga, col. josã© maria de carlos. the treaty was declared to be "an act of incorporation of the sultanate of sulu to the spanish monarchy." the sulus understood it to be a firm agreement and friendly union with spain. they, however, appear to have recognized the supremacy of spain and accepted her protectorate. they agreed to use the spanish flag and prohibit piracy. they further bound themselves not to make any treaties with any nation other than spain nor to build forts nor to import firearms without her permission. spain promised to respect and recognize the ranks of the sultan and datus and to protect sulu boats everywhere and to the same extent as spanish boats. duties on foreign boats were to be paid to the sulus. religious liberty was guaranteed. the sultan issued passports to the sulus and countersigned spanish passports given to people entering the ports of sulu. it was agreed that spain would build a trading post at jolo and establish a small garrison for its protection. the sultan and the datus resumed their residence in the town of jolo, with apparently very little change from former conditions. in consideration of the losses incurred by the sultan and datus through the destruction of their houses and town, and on condition that the sulus aid in the construction and protection of the jolo trading post, annuities were granted to the sultan, three datus, and one subordinate chief. the treaty was written in both spanish and sulu and was signed and sealed by both parties. complete and exact translations of the spanish and sulu copies of this treaty have been carefully made and are here given in full. the sulu copy of the treaty appears to have been written or dictated by interpreters not versed in sulu, and the difference in text is such as would easily explain the frequent misunderstandings between the spanish officials and the sulu authorities in cases pertaining to the application of the terms of this treaty. treaty of april 30, 1851 sultanate of sulu act of incorporation into the spanish monarchy, april 30, 1851 solemn declaration of incorporation and adhesion to the sovereignty of her catholic majesty isabel ii, constitutional queen of spain, and of submission to the supreme government of the nation, made by his high excellency the sultan of sulu, mohammed pulalun, datus mohammed buyuk, muluk, daniel amil bahar, bandahala, muluk kahar, amil badar, tumanggung, juhan, sanajahan, na'ib, mamancha and sharif mohammed binsarin, in the name and in representation of the whole island of sulu, to colonel josã© marã­a de carlos y o'doyle, politico-military governor of the province of zamboanga, islands of basilan, pilas, tonkil, and those adjacent thereto, as plenipotentiary specially authorized by his excellency antonio de urbiztondo, marquis of solana, governor and captain-general of the philippine islands. article i. his excellency the sultan of sulu, for himself, his heirs and descendants, datus mohammed buyuk, muluk, daniel amil bahar, bandahala, muluk kahar, amil badar, tumanggung, juhan, sanajahan, na'ib, mamancha and sharif mohammed binsarin, all of their own free will, declare: that, for the purpose of making amends to the spanish nation for the outrage committed against it on the first of january of this year, they desire and request that the island of jolo and all its dependencies be incorporated with the crown of spain, which for several centuries has been their only sovereign and protectress, making on this day a new solemn declaration of adhesion and submission and recognizing her catholic majesty isabel ii, constitutional queen of spain, and those who may succeed her in this supreme dignity, as their rightful sovereign lords and protectors, in virtue of the treaties made in old times, of the treaty of 1836 and the additions made thereto by the present governor of zamboanga in august, and also and very particularly of the recent conquest of jolo on the 28th of february of the present year by captain-general antonio urbiztondo, marquis of solana and governor-general of the philippine islands. article 2. the sultan and datus solemnly promise to maintain the integrity of the territory of sulu and all its dependencies as a part of the archipelago belonging to the spanish government. article 3. the island of sulu and all its dependencies having been incorporated with the crown of spain, and the inhabitants thereof being part of the great spanish family which lives in the vast philippine archipelago, the sultan and datus shall not be empowered to make or sign treaties, commercial agreements or alliances of any kind with european powers, companies, persons or corporations, and malayan sultans or chiefs, under pain of nullity; they declare all treaties made with other powers to be null and void if they are prejudicial to the ancient and indisputable rights held by spain over the entire sulu archipelago as part of the philippine islands, and they ratify, renew and leave in force all documents containing clauses favorable to the spanish government that may have been drawn up before this date, however old they may be. article 4. they renew the solemn promise not to carry on piracy or allow anybody to carry on piracy within the dominions of sulu, and to run down those who follow this infamous calling, declaring themselves enemies of all islands that are enemies of spain and allies of all her friends. article 5. from this day forth the island of sulu shall fly the spanish national flag in its towns and on its ships, and the sultan and other constituted authorities shall use the spanish war flag, under the principles in use in other spanish possessions, and shall use no other either on land or on sea. article 6. the island of sulu and its dependencies having been declared an integral part of the philippine archipelago, which belongs to spain, commerce under the spanish flag in all the ports of the sultanate shall be free and unmolested, as it is in all the ports belonging to the nation. article 7. the sultan and datus of sulu, having recognized the sovereignty of spain over their territory, which sovereignty is now strongly established, not only by right of conquest but by the clemency of the conqueror, they shall not erect fortifications of any kind in the territory under their command without express permission of his excellency the governor-general of these islands; the purchase and use of all kinds of firearms shall be prohibited except with a license issued by the same supreme authority, and craft found with arms other than the edged weapons which have from time immemorial been in use in the country shall be considered as enemies. article 8. the spanish government, as an unequivocal proof of the protection which it grants the sulus, will give the sultan and datus adequate royal titles establishing their authority and their rank. article 9. the spanish government guarantees with all solemnity to the sultan and other inhabitants of sulu the free exercise of their religion, with which it will not interfere in the slightest way, and it will also respect their customs. article 10. the spanish government also guarantees the right of succession to the present sultan and his descendants in the order established and as long as they observe these agreements, and equally guarantees the rank and dignities of the privileged classes, which shall retain all their rights. article 11. sulu ships and goods shall enjoy in spanish ports, without any distinction whatever, the same privileges and advantages granted the natives of the philippine islands. article 12. except in the case of spanish ships, the duties that constitute the income with which the sultan and datus maintain their respective ranks shall remain in force, so that they may continue to keep up the proper splendor and decorum of their station; for this purpose said duties shall be paid by all ships coming to their ports; other measures will be taken later on to enhance their dignity and increase their prestige. article 13. for the purpose of assuring and strengthening the authority of the sultan, and also of promoting a regular trade which may enrich the island of sulu, a trading post, garrisoned by spanish forces, shall be established as soon as the government so orders, and in accordance with article 3 of the treaty of 1836; for the building of the trading post the sultan, datus, and natives shall give all the assistance in their power and furnish native labor, which will be paid for, and all necessary materials, which they will charge at the regular market prices. article 14. the trading post shall be established at the place called daniel's kuta, next to the roadstead, as it is the most suitable place; but care shall be taken not to encroach in any way on the native cemetery, which has to be religiously respected, and no buildings whatever shall be erected in said cemetery, so as to avoid the trouble that would ensue to those who might build there. article 15. the sultan of sulu may issue passports to all persons within his dominions that may request them, and fix the amount of the fees; he is also authorized to countersign or place his seal on the passports of spaniards visiting his place of residence. article 16. in view of the sultan's declarations regarding the losses suffered by him in the destruction by fire of his forts and palace, and convinced of the reality of the losses, the spanish government grants him an annuity of 1,500 pesos in order to indemnify him in a certain way for these losses and at the same time to help him to maintain, with proper splendor, the decorum due his person and his rank. the same considerations induce the spanish government to grant datu mohammed buyuk, muluk and datu daniel amil bahar 600 pesos per annum each, and 360 pesos to sharif mohammed binsarin on account of his good services to the spanish government. article 17. the articles contained in this solemn act shall go this day into full effect, subject however to the superior approval of his excellency the governor-general of these philippine islands. any doubt which may arise in regard to the text of this act shall be resolved by adhering to the literal meaning of the spanish text. signed at jolo on the 19th of april 1851.--seal of the sultan.--seals of datus muluk kahar; tumanggung; sanajahan; mamancha; muluk bandahala; amil-badar; juhan; na'ib; and signature of sharif mohammed binsarin.--the politico-military governor of the province of zamboanga etc.: josã© marã­a de carlos y o'doyle. i, don antonio de urbiztondo y eguã­a, marquis de la solana, knight grand cross of the royal american order of isabel the catholic, knight of the royal order of san fernando of the first and third class, and of that of san hermanegildo, lieutenant-general of the national forces, governor and captain-general of the philippine islands, president of the royal audiencia of the philippine islands, judge-subdelegate of post office revenues, vice-royal patron, and director-general of the troops, etc., approve, confirm and ratify this capitulation in the name of her majesty isabel ii. manila, april 30, 1851.--antonio de urbiztondo. true copy.--seal of the captain-general of the philippines. royal order approving the salaries assigned to the sultan and datus of sulu, december 14, 1851. the queen (whom god save), in view of the letter of your excellency of may 3rd last, no. 1236, and of the report of the secretary of state on the subject, has been pleased to approve the salaries assigned by article 16 of the capitulation to the sultan and datus of sulu, and amounting to 1,500 pesos for the sultan, 600 pesos for each of the datus mohammed buyuk muluk and daniel amil bahar, and 360 for sharif binsarin. by royal order etc. madrid, december 14, 1851. the intendant of the philippines. translation of the sulu text of the treaty of 1851 a statement of firm agreement and union (in friendship) made by the queen spain isabel ii, constitutional queen of all spain, and the honorable officers of her government, with the mawlana sultan mohammed pulalun and the datus mohammed buyuk, muluk, amil bahar, bandahala, muluk kahar, amil badar, tumanggung, juhan, sawja'an, na'ib, mamancha, and tuan sharif mohammed binsarin. the king was represented here by colonel don josã© marã­a de carlos y o'doyle, politico-military governor of the province of zamboanga and islands of basilan, pilas, tonkil, and others, who was given power and authority by general don antonio de urbiztondo, marquis of solana, governor and great captain of the philippine islands. article i. the mahasari mawlana sultan of sulu and his ministers together with the datus mentioned above have the great desire to state that they had good intentions toward the people of spain, on january 1, of this year. they also state that the relation of sulu and its dependencies to spain has been one of intimate union from the first until now. they make anew, to-day, a firm agreement of union in friendship with the queen of spain isabel ii, constitutional queen of all spain, and all her honorable officers, to reaffirm the previous agreement of 1836, as also the agreement of last year made with the governor of zamboanga, in the month of august, which fully affirmed the "kunkista" [214] of sulu which was effected on the 28th of february, this year, by seã±or the excellent don antonio urbiztondo, marquis of solana, governor and great captain of the philippine archipelago. article ii. the sultan and datus promise with firm intention and brotherhood not to revoke their agreement to the occupation of sulu and its dependencies, regarding them as dependencies of spain. article iii. sulu and her dependencies alike use the spanish flag; the people of sulu and her dependencies are one with the people of spain, and ally themselves to the philippine islands. it shall not be right for the sultan and the datus to make treaties with malay datus or any nation other than spain, whether that nation is spain's ally or not. should such treaties be made they would be null. so also they can not make any contracts with any persons other than spaniards, nor any agreement contrary to the previous ones. such agreements, if made, will not be binding because spain is in all the islands of sulu as she is in her philippine islands, and sulu has previous friendship treaties with spain. article iv. new promise: pirates shall not be allowed at all here in sulu. should they commit any crime they shall be punished wherever they may be. article v. the subordinate rulers, and all boats, from this day on, shall use the spanish flag, but the sultan and the datus can use a war flag like the spanish officials. they will not use any other flag. article vi. the island of sulu and all its dependencies large and small, being the same as the philippine islands in that they belong to spain, all spanish officers and all ships flying the spanish flag may navigate through the sulu archipelago without any objection. article vii. it is recognized by the sultan and the datus that the king of spain is powerful these days and is just and merciful in acquiring "kunkista," and that it is not right to build forts without informing the spanish government nor to buy arms without having also informed the spanish government, nor to have boats carry any arms except the kris and the spear, for other arms are signs of enmity. article viii. the spanish government, wishing to promote fellowship with the people of sulu, gives the sultan and the datus titulu (titles) to increase their respect and honor. article ix. the spanish government assures the sultan and all the people that it will let their religion alone, and that it will not try to change their religion, nor object to the free exercise of their worship and the customs of their race. article x. the spanish government does also promise the people and the sultan that it will not break its word. it also promises to recognize the ranks of the sultan and the datus, and also those of subordinate rulers and the people. article xi. sulu boats and goods may go to spanish countries without any objection, in the same manner as if they belonged to that country. article xii. all ships that come to sulu, except those of spain, pay duties as previously, in order that the sultan and the datus may get a share of the income of their towns, and may adopt measures which will improve and benefit the town. article xiii. if the power of the sultan is well established and sustained, he may be able to secure other profits besides this, by helping the spanish government, in accordance with article 3 of the treaty of 1836, providing for the building of a trading post which would be guarded by spain. it will be proper for the sultan and the datus to help in the erection of this trading post, and all labor and lumber shall be paid for according to the custom of the place. article xiv. this trading post shall be built near the site of the fort of amil bahar. [215] it shall not encroach upon nor cause any injury to the cemetery of the mohammedans, but out of due respect to their religion no house shall be erected there, and in case any be erected it shall be destroyed. article xv. the sultan of sulu has the right to give passports to all of his people who request it, sign those which he issues, and countersign spanish passports coming to sulu. article xvi. the spanish government, forgiving the previous offenses of the sultan, and in consideration of the destruction by fire of his palace and his fort, grants the sultan a yearly sum of p1,500 as a help and an indemnity for his losses. the spanish government also grants to each of the datus mohammed buyuk, muluk, and amil bahar, p600 a year, and to tuan sharif mohammed binsarin p360 on account of his good services to spain. article xvii. the articles of this treaty shall take effect to-day. they shall be shown to the captain-general of the philippine islands lest he would not agree to them. they are also in spanish. this treaty gained its purpose in that it checkmated the agreement of sir james brooke, but it certainly did not receive as much consideration at jolo and zamboanga as it did at madrid and london. its effect was temporary only. as early as 1854 a town on kapul was burned by the spanish forces from basilan. in 1855 the sulus made a dash upon zamboanga and burned the best part of the town. the "light fleet" issued from isabela de basilan in 1857, surprised simisa, rescued 76 captives, and took 116 prisoners. the chiefs against whom the expedition was directed presented themselves later to the governor of zamboanga and exchanged the moro prisoners for 60 christian captives, 1 priest, and 1 european woman. many pirates continued to scour the remote parts of the archipelago. in 1858 governor-general norzagaray published a proclamation calling the attention of chiefs of provinces and municipalities to the approach of the season at which the pirates appear, and invoking their aid to caution the people and to take proper measures for the defense of their towns. rewards were also offered for catching or killing pirates and for seizing their boats wherever found, but this had no important effect. in 1860 about 400 moros raided the straits of san bernardino and plundered several settlements. the year 1861 marks a new era in the history of piracy and a new step in the organization of government for mindanao and basilan. at this time spain and the philippines were passing through a period of progress. alive to the truth that commerce and piracy can not coexist, the government provided a competent naval force by which it was able to maintain unquestionable supremacy in the sulu sea. it purchased eighteen steam vessels in england and used them for chasing moro pirates and for blockading the port of jolo. the operations conducted by these vessels drove away hordes of pirates from philippine waters, and, in the course of a decade, terminated that long term of piracy under which the islands had suffered for three centuries. politico-military government of mindanao and adjacent islands affairs in mindanao had progressed so satisfactorily that pollok, kotabato, and davao were occupied by permanent garrisons, and peace and tranquillity reigned over the celebes sea. a politico-military government was then established for all the pacified territory of mindanao and basilan, and was designated as the government of mindanao. it comprised six districts, the first five of which belonged entirely to the island of mindanao. the sixth was called the district of basilan and was defined as "comprising basilan and the spanish possessions in the archipelago of sulu." sulu was not brought under this organization until 1878, when an additional district was created for this purpose. the form of this government and its chief characteristics are best described in the words of the royal order creating it, which is herein given in full because of many points of interest which are contained in the text and form of the decree, and which can not be well illustrated otherwise: superior civil government office of the deputy superintendent of the philippine treasury circular the minister of war and colonies communicated to this superior civil government, on the 31st of july of last year, the following royal order: your excellency: the queen (whom god protect) has been pleased to issue the following royal decree: pursuant to the reasons laid before me by the minister of war and colonies, and in accordance with the opinion of the council of ministers, i hereby decree the following: article i. a politico-military government is hereby established for the island of mindanao and adjacent islands. article ii. the government of mindanao shall be divided into six districts: 1. the zamboanga district, formed of that part of the province of the same name which includes all of sibugay bay, and the west coast of the island as far as murciã©lagos point; 2. the district of the north, including, in the northern part of the island, all the territory between the boundary line of the 1st district and dapitan point, on tutwan bay; 3. the eastern district, between dapitan point, and karaga bay; 4. the davao district, beginning on the boundary line of the 3d district and including the bay of davao and all the southern extremity of the island; 5. the central district, including illana bay, situated between the 1st and 4th districts; 6. the district of basilan, comprising the spanish possessions in the archipelagoes of sulu and basilan. the capital of the government shall be in the central district, the most advantageous place at the mouth of the mindanao river being chosen. these districts shall be divided into two classes; to the first class shall belong the northern, central and eastern districts, and to the second those of zamboanga, davao and basilan. article iii. the governor of mindanao shall receive 6,000 pesos as salary, and 2,000 pesos as entertainment fund. the latter shall be supplied from the revenues from government real estate and licenses. the governor's residence shall also be supplied by the state. article iv. this governorship shall correspond to the class of brigadier generals; but the first governor appointed may be a colonel, who will be entitled, as a reward, to an appointment as brigadier general after three years. article v. the governor of mindanao shall be succeeded in his command by the officer of the highest rank in the island, pending the appointment of another governor, or such action as the captain general may deem advisable. in the districts, the governor shall be succeeded by the officer next in rank, until the governor of mindanao appoints an acting governor and requests the captain general to take such action as may be called for by the regulations in force. article vi. the duties and powers of the captain general in regard to the government of mindanao, and those of the governor of the island, shall be the same as those provided for the bisayas in my royal decree of this date. as military authorities, they shall observe the usual relations between captains general and commanders general of provinces. the governor of mindanao shall forward each month to the captain general of the philippines a tabulated record of the resolutions taken by him in the exercise of his authority, so that the latter may be able to exercise with efficiency the general supervision to which he is entitled. the captain general shall forward to the supreme government, through the proper channels, both this tabulated record, and a statement of the action he has taken in the premises. article vii. the districts of the first class shall be governed by lieutenant-colonels and those of the second class by senior majors. article viii. the duties of these district governors shall be those specified, up to the present time, for the politico-military governors of the island. article ix. the governor of mindanao shall have a secretariate with the following personnel: a secretary at 2,500 pesos per year; one clerk, class one, at 1,200; one clerk, class two, at 1,000, and one clerk, class three, at 800. 1,000 pesos are furthermore provided for the salaries of copyists, and 500 for office supplies. article x. there is hereby created for mindanao a revenue office which shall serve as depositary of the revenues, and shall have charge of collecting all taxes, and of the administration of the army. it shall have the following personnel: an administrator at 2,500 pesos; a controller at 2,000; one clerk, class one, at 1,000; two clerks, class two, at 800, and a cashier at 800. 1,500 pesos are provided for the salaries of copyists and other auxiliary employees, and 600 for office supplies. article xi. the chiefs of districts shall remain in charge of the collection of taxes in the manner hitherto established, and shall be entitled to the allowances provided for that purpose. the provisions of this article shall not interfere with those already made for the departments of the administration which exist at the present time in mindanao and their dependencies. article xii. for expediting their official business the district governors shall have a secretary at a salary of 800 pesos in districts of the first class, and 600 in those of the second class. to each secretary's office 75 pesos are assigned for office supplies, and 150 for a copyist. article xiii. the mission of the jesuits, which has already been sent to mindanao, shall look after the spiritual wants of the island, and jesuits shall take the place of the other priests as soon as the mission has a sufficient personnel, and in the manner which may be deemed most convenient. article xiv. the first and principal object of the mission shall be to secure the conversion of the races which have not yet been subjected, and even after the parishes of the island are provided for it shall maintain a sufficient number of missionaries for that purpose; each missionary shall be aided to the extent of 800 pesos a year from the royal treasury. article xv. the war and navy departments, together with the colonial office, shall decide what forces of the army and navy are required for mindanao; the captain-general shall have authority to make such changes as the circumstances may require, but he shall always report such changes to the respective ministers for approval. article xvi. the governor can use the naval forces whenever he finds it necessary, with the assent of the commanding officer thereof. article xvii. it shall be the constant duty of the army to explore and to occupy the country; for that purpose, two columns at least shall be detached each year from each district, and go through said districts in different directions. the chiefs of these columns shall make out a report about the territory reconnoitered by them; said reports shall be included in a general report made by the governor, which shall be forwarded to the department of war and colonies through the captain-general of the philippines; this information will allow the governor to give, in the following years his instructions to the columns sent out to explore the country, without losing sight of the advantage of establishing friendly relations with the tribes which inhabit the island, and the necessity of maintaining communication between the different districts. these columns shall be provided with everything that may be required to overcome the obstacles they will find on their way; and during the expedition, officers and soldiers shall receive field rations, issued in kind, according to the advice of the military health department. for this purpose 10,000 pesos shall be carried on the budget for the first year, and 100 pesos shall be given for each expedition to the officer commanding a column, for extraordinary expenses. article xviii. two special agents shall be appointed by the government for the purpose of studying means of developing all the natural resources of the island of mindanao. article xix. in order to encourage colonists to settle in such parts of the island as may be deemed best, they will be furnished, at their request, the tools and implements required for their work or trade. the governor is furthermore authorized to pay the traveling expenses of colonists who may wish to settle in the island without exceeding the sum hereinafter provided, the expenditure of which shall be duly accounted for. the new settlers shall be entitled to the foregoing privileges for ten years, and 12,000 pesos shall be appropriated for that purpose during the first year, from the revenues accruing from government real estate and licenses. the new settlers shall be exempt from tribute; the same favor shall be granted all tribes that submit peacefully. article xx. the laws and regulations in force in the other islands of the philippines shall be observed in all the offices of the treasury department. the prohibitions mentioned in the tariff shall apply to the custom house of zamboanga; articles imported into the island in spanish bottoms, and for local consumption, shall pay, during the next ten years, 2 per cent ad valorem, if of spanish origin and 5 per cent if of foreign origin. if brought under a foreign flag said articles shall pay double the amounts specified above. if, after importing an article for use in the island, it is reã«xported to some other spanish island, it shall pay, on arrival at the latter the difference between what has been paid in mindanao and the regular duty established in the tariff. article xxi. lands now under cultivation, and those placed under cultivation during the next ten years, shall pay no other impost than that required by the regulations now in force, per quiã±on of land, as an acknowledgment of ownership. [216] article xxii. the government shall always have on hand a reserve fund of 10,000 pesos to meet any urgent and unexpected need that may arise; in such cases only, the governor shall assume the responsibility of using this sum, or part of the same, and shall account for the expenditure, in the usual manner. article xxiii. a sum of 3,000 pesos per year is placed at the disposal of the governor for presents to the independent tribes, for the purpose of gaining their friendship; the same amount is assigned to the mission of the jesuits. these funds shall be expended and accounted for in the best possible form. article xxiv. for the expenses of installation a special estimate shall be drawn up, and action shall be taken thereon as provided by the laws for urgent cases. article xxv. no extra pay or allowances of any kind shall be given except such as are provided in the present decree, and the per diems usually granted military engineers when they are sent out on official business. article xxvi. the war, navy, and colonies departments shall execute the present decree in the parts which respectively concern them, and shall work in common for the execution of such parts thereof as may belong to two or more departments. article xxvii. so many of the laws and orders in force as are inconsistent with the provisions of the present decree are hereby repealed. given at san ildefonso on the 30th of july, 1860. rubric of her majesty.--the minister of war and colonies. leopoldo o'donnell.--communicated to you by royal order for your information and action. sultan pulalun was regarded by the sulus as an able administrator and a just ruler. his influence and fame and that of his father endeared the house of jamalul kiram to the people to such an extent as to restrict the succession of the sultanate to their direct line of descent for a considerable period of time. following the steps of his father, he published a revised code of sulu laws and conducted the affairs of his government with care. pulalun died september 24, 1862, and was followed by his son, jamalul a`lam. the succession of jamalul a`lam was contested by datu jamalul kiram, the grandson of sultan shakirul lah. the wife of datu jamalul kiram was the daughter of datu daniel amil bahar, and the latter was inclined to support his son-in-law. jamalul a`lam, however, had the majority of the council of the datus on his side, and a spanish commission sent to jolo in november, confirmed his sultanate. espina states that at that time the sultan was living with datu asibi, and that the portrait of queen isabel ii was placed before the sultan when he made his declaration before the commission to recognize the authority and sovereignty of spain over all the dominions of sulu, including her dependencies in borneo. it is noted in the sulu annals, under date of february 1, 1867, that a spanish war vessel arrived at jolo and demanded the punishment and delivery of three men, one of whom was called imam mindang. the sultan arrested all these men and had them executed on february 9 in the presence of the officer in command of the vessel. it appears that in spite of the vigilance of the spanish navy, piratical expeditions were kept up by discontented moros not fully submissive to the sultan. this led to further activity on the part of spanish gunboats, and war was consequently carried into sulu waters and territory. another note in the sulu annals, under date of march 5, 1872, states that 13 spanish vessels attacked jolo, killed 3 men and 1 woman and lost 2 officers and 100 soldiers. that same year the famous warrior datu daniel amil bahar died; and puerta princesa, capital of palawan, was garrisoned by native troops. a naval blockade of jolo was established and hostilities between sulu and spain were resumed. in 1873-1875 considerable damage was done by the fleet throughout the archipelago, and two german vessels were seized while carrying contraband of war to the sulus. in the estimation of the sulus, jamalul a'lam was one of their best rulers. he carried out many public improvements, built roads and bridges and mosques, enforced public attendance at the friday church services, and executed the laws with justice and force. he was as able a ruler as any sultan sulu had since the days of abu bakr, but the vicissitudes of fortune were certainty against him. before his reign ended, spain's hand fell upon him strong and heavy, his capital was wrested from him, and his power waned. chapter v. sulu under spanish sovereignty occupation of jolo the sulu sultanate remained practically independent for four hundred and twenty-five years. its decline was not caused by national retrogression or political dissension, but by the hostility and aggression of its adversary. sulu's power arose through the introduction of firearms into eastern malaysia and began to decline at the introduction of steam war vessels into the philippine archipelago. the mobility and speed of steam war vessels put to disadvantage all moro sailing and rowing craft. pirates were chased on the sea and hunted in their lairs. the fear which steamboats struck in the hearts of moros made them run away from their homes and settlements and hide in the jungles whenever they heard the whistle of a steamboat, or saw it approaching from a distance. the steamboats purchased by governor claveria in 1848, which crushed the power of the balangingi samals, were referred to by captain keppel in the following words: "on the 14th of january [1849] we left zamboanga, getting under weigh in company with such a fleet of gunboats as would have done credit to any nation." the vessels purchased in 1861 increased the efficiency of the navy to such a degree as to make it possible to carry war into sulu territory, attack many remote islands and settlements and blockade the port of jolo so effectively as to check the importation of firearms and ammunition, and restore a condition of safety and peace on the sea. the campaign of 1876 was a very significant event in the history of sulu. it decided the fate of this state and definitely fixed its relation to the philippine archipelago. spain's determination to conquer sulu never waned and seemed stronger then than ever before. the governor-general was a man of great ability and aspired to the highest military honors. moro raids recurred occasionally and the strained relations of the two states became so tense that rupture was inevitable. in reviewing the history of spanish campaigns in sulu up to this time, one is strongly impressed with the futility of conquest without occupation. to invade a moro settlement, defeat its forces, burn its houses, kill some of its inhabitants, and carry some away as prisoners, is not very different in character and effect from a moro raid. such methods incited the moros to revenge themselves by waging war on their invaders. this they did by raiding, which is their established method of warfare. up to this time natural advantages remained on the side of the sulus and spanish forces could accomplish no permanent results, in spite of their superior methods of warfare and excellent military organization. since the days of the great corcuera, no spanish general appears to have recognized the importance of the occupation of sulu as an essential factor in its pacification. their apparent inability to comprehend the real solution of this question might have arisen from consciousness of their inability to provide an adequate force for the purpose. however that may have been, the honor of such an achievement remained for governor-general malcampo, who carried it out with credit to himself and to the government which he represented. with a clear understanding of the task to be accomplished, he resolved to conquer sulu and occupy it, and then suppress piracy by striking the pirates at home. he left manila on the 5th of february, 1876, with a large force composed of one battalion of the peninsular regiment of artillery, one company of mountain artillery, five regiments of infantry, ordnance, engineers, sanitary and prison detachments, and two companies of the guardia civil. [217] at zamboanga, the expedition was reinforced by 864 volunteers, 400 of whom were from zamboanga and 464 from kagayan de misamis commanded by the augustinian friar, ramon zueco. the whole expedition, estimated at 9,000 troops, left zamboanga on the 20th of february. they were conveyed in 10 steamboats and 11 transports, and were escorted by a fleet of 12 gunboats under the admiral in command of the philippine naval forces. the island of sulu was reached on the 21st, and next morning a force disembarked at patikul, 4 miles east of jolo. the moros at this place offered some resistance and caused some casualties, but later in the day abandoned the place and fled. here a considerable column was detached to reconnoitre the interior and advance on jolo from the land side. this plan proved impracticable and the column suffered severely from heat and thirst and returned next day to the beach at tandu, 2 miles east of jolo. on the 29th, a general advance was made on jolo by land and sea. the fleet opened fire on the town, while the land forces rushed the forts and trenches on the sides. the main force was directed against the fort of daniel, which was captured after a sharp fight. the moros in the other forts made a fiercer resistance, but were soon overcome by the fire of the spanish artillery and the whole town was taken by assault. on the 30th, the fort of panglima adak, situated at the base of the hills, was taken. not content with this brilliant victory and intent upon striking a decisive and deadly blow, malcampo directed various expeditions against the other strongholds of sulu. a force of marines and volunteers destroyed 80 boats and burned 90 houses on tapul. on march 16 an expedition to lapak destroyed its forts and reduced the settlement to ashes. on march 22 the forts of parang were reduced, the settlement was burned, and many sulus killed. on the 24th maymbung was similarly destroyed. a large garrison was established at jolo, consisting of two regiments of infantry, one company of artillery, one company of engineers, and two companies of disciplinarios. [218] capt. pascual cervera, a captain of frigate of the navy was given command of the garrison, under the title of politico-military governor of sulu. general malcampo was given the title of "count of jolo," while many decorations were awarded to gallant officers, and a medal was struck for each participant in the campaign. the step thus taken by the philippine government appears to have been well planned and firmly resolved. no sooner was a footing gained than measures were undertaken to quarter the troops and fortify the place. barracks were constructed on favorable spots on the edge of the swamps, and the forts alfonso xii and the princess of asturias were erected on the site of daniel's and panglima adak's kuta, respectively. plans were further laid out at this early time for the building of a town and the founding of a colony. governor cervera, to whom this task was first entrusted, was a vigorous, prudent, and circumspect chief. he prosecuted the work with energy and kept a vigilant watch on the movements of the enemy. he began the construction of a military hospital and established the office of captain of the port. small expeditions were made to bwan, mapaid, balimbing, and south ubian for the chastisement of pirates who took refuge there. the kuta of the first three of these settlements were destroyed and their armaments were taken. this year saw considerable sickness in the garrison of jolo; a large number of patients were removed to zamboanga and 318 to cebu. on october 1, governor cervera was temporarily relieved as governor of sulu by col. eduardo fernandez bremon, and on december 31, 1876, brig. gen. josã© paulin assumed permanent command of the garrison as the second governor of sulu. the latter continued the peace negotiations which were commenced by governor cervera and expended a good deal of energy in trying to conciliate some datus and their followers. his measures were, however, resented by the sulus and hostilities increased. he left jolo april 30, 1877, and the command was temporarily held by lieut. lopez nuã±o and josã© marina, for three months and one month and a half, respectively. rule of sultan jamalul a'lam after the fall of jolo and its destruction by general malcampo, sultan jamalul a'lam removed to bud datu and later to likup. the datus dispersed in all directions, but datus asibi and pula, the strongest chiefs after the sultan, remained in the neighborhood of jolo, at tandu and patikul. the sulus were united at that time and formed one party, which was faithful and loyal to the sultan. they regarded the establishment of a spanish garrison at jolo as an intrusion upon their soil and an intolerable humiliation and offense. the common people resented the invasion as bitterly as the datus. a few years before they regarded themselves the lords of the southern seas. the bisayan and the kalamian islands, palã¡wan, and eastern borneo were their hunting grounds. they sailed proudly on the seas and had the dignity of masters of innumerable vassals and slaves. but now like fierce tigers driven back to their dens or packs of hungry wolves chased to their haunts, they waited for no word of command or organized resistance, but hurled themselves recklessly at the spanish soldiers wherever they encountered them. individuals and small parties lost no chance of firing a rifle from behind the bushes or throwing a lance from across the ditches. venders in the market who saw a chance to strike a blow at the soldiers, could not resist the temptation, but recklessly darted at the enemy with a kris or barong [219] brandished in hand. a vender from lu'uk who did not have a barong of his own snatched one from a neighbor and rushed at the guard. the soldiers were attacked in the forest while cutting lumber or firewood, at the river while getting drinking water and at the beach while bathing. juramentados [220] crept on the sentinels in the dark and from ditches and the beach and inflicted considerable loss and damage. some desperate characters entered the trenches and fought the soldiers on guard, while others slipped into the barracks and caught soldiers and officers off their guard and threw torches on the roofs of the warehouses. jamalul a'lam discouraged all overtures for peace, and for more than two years could not be reconciled to the new conditions and political status. early in 1877 he encouraged hostilities of all sorts. juramentados and small attacking parties harassed the garrison frequently. on the 25th of february a force of more than 2,000 sulus advanced against the garrison, but were easily repulsed. small parties surprised pickets and attacked laborers. on the 9th of september about 800 sulus charged the town from the land side and from the sea and 300 attacked fort asturias. they were repulsed in the afternoon, but resumed the attack at night and retreated with great loss. another general fight occurred on the 11th, but the moros were again overpowered and driven back. undaunted by these failures, the sultan called a council of the datus and planned for another attack in the future. the juramentados became more treacherous and intrepid. they hid their barongs inside their trousers and in bundles they pretended to be taking to the market and attacked the guard unawares and after admission into the plaza. this state of affairs continued until june, 1878. cession of possessions in borneo to british north borneo company in january, 1878, sultan jamalul a`lam ceded the sulu possessions in borneo to the sabah or british north borneo company. he granted the authorized representative of this company, baron von overbeck, absolute ownership and dominion over that large territory for a money consideration of $5,000, mexican currency, per annum. the sabah company was preceded in 1865 by an american company started by mr. torrey on the kimanis river. the concessions of the american company were obtained from the sultan of bruney; but this enterprise proved a financial failure and its rights were bought by the austrian baron von overbeck and the english merchant mr. alfred dent. "in spite of the opposition of spain, which claimed that the sultan of sulu being a spanish vassal could not dispose of his territory without her consent, the english company organized by mr. dent succeeded in obtaining a charter of incorporation under act of parliament, 1st november, 1881, as the 'british north borneo company' with right to acquire other interests in, over, or affecting the territories or property comprised in the several grants." baron von overbeck and mr. dent obtained from the sultans of bruney and sulu a series of charters conferring on them sovereign authority in north borneo under the titles of maharaja of sabah, raja of gaya, raja of sandakan, and datu bandahara. the territory governed by the british north borneo company has a coast line of over 600 miles and an area of more than 30,000 square miles. the form and text of the commission granted by sultan jamalul a`lam appointing baron von overbeck datu bandahara and raja of sandakan is herein quoted as given in the annual report of gen. george w. davis, commanding the department of mindanao, under date of august 1, 1902: "to all nations on the face of the earth whom these matters may concern: we, mahasari padukka mawlana as-sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam bin al-marhum mahasari padukka as-sultan mohammed pulalun, sultan of sulu and its dependencies, send greeting: "whereas, we have seen fit to grant unto our trusty and well-beloved friends, gustavus baron von overbeck and alfred dent, esquire, certain portions of the dominions owned by us, comprising all the lands on the north and east coast of the island of borneo, from the pandasan river on the northwest to the sibuco river on the east coast, including amongst others the states of paitan, sugut, bangaya, labuk, sandakan, kina batangan, and mumiang and all the lands and territories in darvel bay as far as the sibuco river, together with all the lands belonging thereto, for certain considerations between us agreed, and, "whereas, the said baron von overbeck is the chief and only authorized representative of his company in borneo: "now, therefore, know ye that we, mahasari padukka mawlana as-sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam bin al-marhum mahasari padukka as-sultan pulalun, sultan of sulu and its dependencies, have nominated and appointed and do hereby nominate and appoint the said baron von overbeck supreme and independent ruler of the above-named territories, with the title of datu bandahara and raja of sandakan, with absolute power over life and death of the inhabitants of the country, with all the absolute rights of property over the soil of the country vested in us and the right to dispose of the same as well as the rights over the productions of the country, whether mineral, vegetable, or animal, with the rights of making laws, coining money, creating an army and navy, levying customs dues on home and foreign trade, and shipping and other dues and taxes on the inhabitants as to him may seem good or expedient, together with all other powers and rights usually exercised by and belonging to sovereign rulers, and which we hereby delegate to him of our own free and sovereign will. "and we call upon all foreign nations with whom we have formed friendly treaties or alliances, and we command all the datus, nobles, governors, chiefs, and people owing allegiance to us in the said territories to receive and acknowledge the said datu bandahara as the supreme ruler over the said states and to obey his commands and respect his authority therein as our own. and in case of the death or retirement from office of the said datu bandahara then his duly appointed successor in the office of supreme ruler and governor-in-chief of the company's territories in borneo shall likewise, if appointed thereto by the company, succeed to the title of datu bandahara and raja of sandakan, and all the powers enumerated above be vested in him. "done at the palace of the sultan, at likup, in the island of sulu, on the nineteenth of muharam, a. h. 1295, being the 22nd day of january, a. d. 1878." treaty of july, 1878 col. carlos martinez became governor of sulu on the 28th of september, 1877. this distinguished commander applied himself to his work with unusual enthusiasm and assiduity, and by tact and sagacity succeeded in restoring order and peace, in the form of a treaty signed by him and by sultan jamalul a`lam in july, 1878. great credit for the success of the negotiations belongs to datu harun ar-rashid, who spared no effort to convince the sultan that peace and loyalty to spain were preferable to a condition of continued hostility, which meant ruin to the state of sulu. the treaty laid stress on the submission of sulu to spanish sovereignty, and the terms of the sulu text expressed the same fairly well and without evasion. this being the last treaty entered into by both states, it may be considered to define the final relation that existed between them and the exact position which sulu occupied in the philippine archipelago during the last period of the spanish rã©gime. the best account of this relation is given in the words of the treaty itself, careful translations of which have been prepared from both the spanish and sulu texts and are herein added for full information: translation of the spanish copy of the treaty decree office of the governor-general of the philippines, manila, august 19, 1878. the supreme government having approved the bases of pacification and capitulation which are submitted through me to his majesty, the king, by the sultan of sulu and the datus of sulu, and the act to that effect, which i confirmed and ratified on the 15th instant, having been drafted and signed by the commission appointed for that purpose by me in representation of my authority, and the sultan and datus, in representation of the sultanate of sulu, i hereby direct that a copy of said act be published in the official gazette of manila, in order that said bases be officially and publicly known. moriones. [copy referred to.] an act drafted on the bases of pacification and capitulation presented by the sultan of sulu and the datus to his majesty the king alfonso xii, through his excellency the governor-general of the philippine islands, acknowledging the sovereignty of spain over the territory of this sultanate. in the town of likup, sulu, and in the palace of his excellency the sultan of this archipelago, on the 20th of july 1878, 23rd day of the month rajab, year of the hegira 1295: present: carlos martinez y romero, colonel of infantry and politico-military governor of jolo, francisco fernandez de alarcon y garcã­a, colonel of marine corps, frigate captain and commander of the naval station of jolo, and interpreters, alejo alvarez y villasis and pedro ortuoste y garcã­a, these constituting a commission representing his excellency, the governor-general of the philippines: also present: padukka mahasari mawlana, sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam and the datus padukka raja muda, mohammed badarud din, the padukka mohammed zaynul `abidin raja lawut, the padukka datu mohammed harun ar-rashid and the datu padukka muluk bandarasa, in the name and representation of the sultanate of sulu; the object of the meeting was to read and sign the articles of pacification and capitulation presented by the sultan and datus to the governor-general on february 24th, of this year, and approved by his majesty alfonso xii, on may 3rd last; the reading of the articles being proceeded with as follows: bases of pacification and capitulation presented by the sultan and datus of sulu, to his majesty the king of spain don alfonso xii, through his excellency the governor-general of the philippines, acknowledging the sovereignty of the king of spain over the territory of the said sultanate. article 1. we declare that the sovereignty to spain over all the archipelago of sulu and its dependencies is indisputable, and as a natural consequence of this declaration we constitute ourselves loyal subjects of his majesty king alfonso xii, and of his successors to the power. article 2. the spanish government shall give the sultan a yearly salary of 2,400 pesos, 700 to the heir of the sultanate datu badarud-din and 600 to each of the datus padukka raja lawut zaynul `abidin, padukka datu harun ar-rashid, padukka datu muluk bandarasa pula, members of the sultan's council, to compensate them in some way for the losses they have suffered. article 3. spain has the right to occupy such points in the sulu archipelago and its dependencies as may seem necessary to the spanish authorities, respecting towns, families and property; in case of forcible appropriation for the public good, compensation shall be paid according to appraisement; we beg that exception be made for the land extending from sinungan point to the south coast of kadungdung, which we would use for our residences; it could be occupied by the government in case of war with a foreign power. article 4. the sultan shall be empowered to collect duties from foreign merchants and ships trading with places not occupied by the government. article 5. the sultan shall be allowed to communicate directly with the governor-general whenever he has a complaint to make against the governor, or the commander of war ships. article 6. the sultan shall be authorized to issue licenses to carry muzzle-loading firearms when requested by sulus, after presenting two honorably known witnesses who will guarantee their proper use both on land and sea. article 7. the sultan shall be allowed to issue passports to sulu craft; but when any of said craft has to leave the sulu archipelago, the owners will first have to go before the governor; the principal datus and some other persons serving under commissions from the sultan are to be excepted from this formality; but the sultan shall report all such cases to the governor. article 8. we will use all our efforts to cause pirates and malefactors to desist from their evil inclinations; and, if we can not prevent them, we will inform the governor of jolo for him to take the necessary measures, whenever we know the whereabouts of said pirates and malefactors; but we will not be held responsible if we have no information concerning them; we furthermore agree to render all assistance in our power in running down such pirates and malefactors. article 9. we shall be allowed the free exercise of our religion and customs. catholic missionaries will have liberty to visit and reside in any place in sulu, and its dependencies, and will give us notice before going, so that in case of danger we may furnish an escort; failure to give us notice will relieve us from all responsibility for any mishap that may befall them. the same caution applies to any european or christian indian native who may wish to visit the interior. article 10. we pledge ourselves to deliver to the spaniards all christian delinquents and criminals, and all moros in the same case shall be returned to us. article 11. sulu and its dependencies shall raise the spanish flag on vessels and in towns; however, if a boat does not fly said flag it shall not be held at fault if it has a passport; at the place of the sultan's residence he shall fly the spanish war flag. article 12. all the articles of the foregoing capitulation shall be observed without alteration, except by mutual agreement. both commissions unanimously agreeing to the foregoing articles as read, said articles being identical with those whose copies were in the hands of the governor and of the sultan of sulu, the latter and the persons with them signed this document on the spot, place, day, month and year aforesaid. the sultan of sulu,--his rubric and stamp,--the governor of sulu, carlos martinez,--mohammed harun ar-rashid,--the commander of the naval station, francisco fernandez de alarcon y garcã­a,--mohammed zaynul `abidin,--mohammed badarud din,--mohammed pula,--interpreters, alejo alvarez, pedro ortuoste. i, don domingo moriones y murillo, lieutenant-general of the national army, marquis de oroquieta, knight grand cross of the royal and military order of san hermenegildo, of the royal and distinguished order of carlos iii, of that of military merit, red and white, and many others for feats of arms, governor and captain-general of the philippine islands, etc., etc., in the name of his majesty the king of spain, alfonso xii, whom god keep, do confirm and ratify the above act of pacification and capitulation, in all its parts. manila, august 15, 1878.--domingo moriones.--true copy.--tomas aguirre de mena. translation of the sulu text of the treaty of 1878 this document is intended to confirm the treaty which was agreed upon by padukka mahasari mawlana sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam and all the datus and chiefs of sulu. these statements which we make shall be sent to his majesty, the king of spain, don alfonso xii, through his excellency the governor-general of the philippines. all the country that the sultan rules shall obey the orders of the king of spain. this in likup, in the palace of padukka mahasari mawlana sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam, on monday the 22nd of july, 1878 a. d., or the 23rd of rajab, 1295 a. h. there met the politico-military governor of sulu, seã±or don carlos martinez y romero, colonel of infantry; and the commander of the naval station of sulu, colonel of marine infantry and frigate captain, seã±or don francisco fernandez de alarcon y garcã­a and seã±or captain alejo alvarez, and seã±or don pedro ortuoste y garcã­a, the representatives of his excellency the governor-general of the philippines. also present: padukka mahasari mawlana sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam of sulu, and padukka datu mohammed badarud din, and padukka datu raja lawut mohammed zaynul `abidin, and padukka datu muluk bandarasa mohammed pula, and padukka datu mohammed harun ar-rashid who are properly obeyed by all their subjects. the object of the meeting was to read, confirm, and sign the agreement presented by padukka mahasari mawlana sultan mohammed jamalul a`lam and all the datus, to his excellency the governor-general, on the 22nd day of safar, 1295 a. h., or the 24th of february, 1878 a. d., which was approved by his majesty the king of spain, alfonso xii, on the 3rd day of may, of this year, or the 2nd of jamadil-awal. the following is the copy of the statements that were read: this is the treaty of spain with the sultan and datus of sulu which was sent to his majesty the king of spain, don alfonso xii, through his excellency the governor-general of the philippines. article i. all the people of sulu and its archipelago shall obey only the king of spain, alfonso xii, or whosoever shall succeed him. this being our wish, we will not change or turn away to any other nation. article ii. the spanish government shall pay the sultan an annual salary of 2,400 pesos, mexican currency, and padukka datu raja muda mohammed badarud din 700 pesos. it shall also pay 600 pesos to each of the three following datus, namely: padukka datu raja lawut mohammed zaynul `abidin, padukka datu muluk bandarasa mohammed pula, and padukka datu mohammed harun ar-rashid; this is to compensate them for the losses they suffered. article iii. the spanish government may occupy any place it chooses along the northern coast of the island, from sinungan to bwal and as far as kadungdung, but the southern coast of the island from kadungdung to sinungan shall be left for the sultan; on condition, however, that it may be occupied by the spanish government in case of trouble with foreigners, at any future time. in case the plantations or fields of the people are appropriated for such occupation, they shall be compensated for. houses, however, shall not be removed. article iv. the sultan shall have the right to collect duties from all foreign merchants and ships of whatever nationality they may be, in case they come to our ports; but we have no right to collect duties from them when they come to ports occupied by the spanish government. article v. in case of disagreement between us and the governor of sulu, or the commanders of war ships, the sultan shall have the right to communicate with the captain-general direct. article vi. all the people of sulu can, if they choose, use muzzle-loading rifles and lantaka. [221] they will, however, be required to present a certificate from two or three free people, of good reputation, to the effect that they (who use the firearms) are good and well-behaving people and that they do not use such arms for mischief. under such conditions the sultan may give a license. article vii. the sultan has the right to give passports to sulus wishing to travel for commercial purposes to whatever place they may go, on condition that they pass by jolo to inform the spanish governor of their destination. in case those of noble birth or the datus do not stop at jolo, the sultan himself shall inform the governor, for they, as a rule, have the former's consent to travel. article viii. we will try to suppress all pirates; but in case we are unable to do so we will notify the governor of their location. but in case we do not know where they are, we can not be held responsible for such information. we will also aid the government with as many men as we can afford to bring together, and we shall be pleased to give guides who can tell the hiding places of such pirates. article ix. our customs and usages, including our religion, shall not be changed. if there is any priest who desires to travel around in this country, he ought to inform the sultan, so that he may send a companion with him; but in case he fails to ask permission and travels around without obeying this rule and is killed, the sultan can not be held responsible for such results. the same condition shall govern in the case of all spaniards and soldiers or any one else who may desire to live outside of the places agreed upon. article x. we guarantee to deliver all christians who run away on account of crime; so also must the spaniards treat us mohammedans in case our servants and people run away to them. it would not be right for the spaniards to hold or protect them. article xi. the sulus and all the sultan's subjects have the right to trade in small or large boats whether they use flags or not; this on condition that they have passes; but in case they like to use a flag they must use the spanish flag. the sultan shall not use a flag of his own, but that of the king of spain. all other datus and chiefs of the islands, whenever they use any flag, must use the spanish commercial flag. article xii. the spaniards and the sultan shall fully observe the articles of this agreement which has to be ratified by the spanish government. we sincerely beg that, whenever there is any disagreement between us and the spanish governor concerning some crime, careful and proper investigation be made, without any undue haste to fight. we have full trust and confidence in the spanish government and expect that the spanish government will have similar trust in us. article xiii. it shall not be right to alter the articles of this agreement without the mutual consent of both parties. both parties having understood all the articles of this treaty do hereby confirm it all and certify to it. said articles being identical with those which were presented by padukka mahasari mawlana sultan mohammed jamalul a'lam, signed by us in the palace in likup, on the day mentioned above in this document. i, don domingo moriones y murillo, lieutenant-general of the national army, marquis de oroquieta, knight grand cross of the royal and military order of san hermenegildo, of the royal and distinguished order of carlos iii, of that of military merit, red and white, and many others for feats of arms, governor and captain-general of the philippine islands, etc., etc., in the name of his majesty the king of spain, alfonso xii, whom god keep, do confirm and ratify the above act of pacification and capitulation, in all its parts. manila, august 15, 1878 a. d. (18, sha'ban, 1295 a. h.) the status of sulu as defined by this treaty resembled that of a protectorate rather than a dependency. the internal administration of sulu, its customs, laws, and religion were fully respected and were not subject to spanish jurisdiction, confirmation, approval, or interference of any sort, except in matters pertaining to regulations for the use of firearms. the foreign political relations of sulu were made subject to the full control of the philippine government. this control (or sovereign right) was the chief motive for the war and was declared by the treaty indisputable. on the strength of this both england and germany, in 1885, concluded a treaty with spain recognizing her full sovereignty over the whole sulu archipelago, including balabak and kagayan sulu. in that same treaty spain relinquished all claims to that part of northeastern borneo formerly ruled by the sultans of sulu; this being the territory administered by the british north borneo company. the commercial relations of sulu with foreign countries were not submitted to spanish supervision or control outside of the territory occupied by the garrisons, and the sultan was empowered to collect duties from foreign merchants and ships trading with maymbung, siasi, and other places not occupied by the philippine government. the treaty on the whole secured for spain the fruits of her conquest and established a stable condition of peace and safety throughout the whole archipelago and in the neighboring southern seas. foreign interference ceased, commerce revived, and trading routes were resumed without danger or risk. governor martinez had a brilliant term of service marked by important results and excellent public improvements. he began the titanic labor of filling the swamps and brought the town of jolo to its present level. he laid out its streets, plazas, parks, and trees, finished the tower of the queen (blockhouse no. 2), and constructed the blockhouse of the playa at tulay, the military hospital, the light-house and various bridges. a great part of this work was done by prison labor, 400 prisoners having been transferred from manila to jolo for this purpose. his administration marked the beginning of a period of prosperity to the colony and temporary peace with the sulus. he reã«stablished friendly relations with the sultan and datus and had success in many undertakings. early in 1880 he fell sick and to the regret of all parties left jolo for manila. governor martinez was relieved by col. rafael gonzalez de rivera, the fourth governor of sulu, on february 3, 1880. rivera followed in the steps of martinez, but circumstances changed as the sultan's health declined, and the sultana's political intrigues divided the state into two hostile parties. on march 30 the scouts at the tower of the queen were attacked by a band of sulus, who killed 2 privates, and wounded 1 sergeant and 6 privates. however, the sulus were repulsed, losing 12 men dead. the sultan, when called upon to punish the transgressors, responded promptly, went to lu'uk and chastised them severely. in december of the same year datu pula reported some juramentados in the suburbs, two of whom were encountered by the troops; one was killed and the other fled. after the treaty of 1878, jamalul a'lam established his official residence at maymbung and acted in a dignified and creditable manner. he observed the terms of the treaty faithfully until his death. he was intelligent, vigorous, and willing to learn. he received spanish and native visitors with befitting courtesy and was well respected and endeared himself to everybody who knew him. following the example of his father, he published a code of laws which is said to have been milder than that of his predecessors. it is no doubt a modification or a reproduction of the code used by pulalun and jamalul kiram i. it was in current use in the country at the time of the spanish evacuation in 1899. jamalul a'lam lived an honorable life and kept one wife only for the greater part of the time. he repudiated the mother of his eldest son, badarud din, and loved tenderly pangian inchi jamila, the mother of his second, amirul kiram. inchi jamila was not very beautiful, but she was attractive, intelligent, active, and comparatively young. she associated with her husband in the administration of affairs and wielded considerable influence on the chiefs and council of state. she was very generous and entertaining, and won the respect of the majority of the datus. wishing to secure the sultanate for her son, amirul kiram, she attempted to alienate badarud din from his father and used her influence on the council to that end. intrigues followed and the state divided into two factions, partisans of amirul kiram and pangian inchi jamila and partisans of badarud din, the rightful heir. jamalul a'lam managed affairs with a strong hand and kept all parties united, but early in 1881 his health began to decline rapidly and his favorite wife meddled all the more with the affairs of the state. the knowledge of her schemes soon spread, and as it became known that jamalul a'lam was actually failing, disorder arose and a condition bordering on anarchy prevailed. on the 22d of february armed sulus attempted to force the gates of jolo, but they were repulsed and most of them were killed. the sultan grew worse and disturbances increased. the front of the plaza of jolo became an arena of war, several attacks were made on the town, and conditions became so bad that rivera requested reã«nforcements from the governor-general and permission to take the field against the hostile parties. the request was forwarded through the governor of mindanao, who indorsed the communication, recommending that he be empowered to decide whether reã«nforcements were needed or not, and in case they were needed, to lead the troops himself. this being granted, the governor of mindanao came to jolo, reported unfavorably, and returned to zamboanga. rule of sultan badarud din ii jamalul a'lam died april 8, 1881, but before his death he caused word to be sent to the governor of sulu informing him that an attack on jolo was imminent. at 3 a.m. on the 10th, the sulus issued from the woods and made a general attack on the garrison, which resulted in failure and in the loss of 103 sulus, who fell dead in the ditches. the garrison of jolo amounted, at that time, to 27 officers and 753 men. all that colonel rivera could do was to protect the plaza and keep himself well informed about matters in general. on april 14, panglima adak brought letters from inchi jamila relating to the succession to the sultanate. she announced that the late sultan directed in his will that amirul kiram be elected sultan, and she endeavored to influence the governor in his favor. rivera expressed himself in favor of badarud din, declaring this to be the only course he could take in conformity with the terms and intentions of the treaty. this put a quietus on the cause of dissension and the council of datus voted unanimously in favor of badarud din ii, who had just completed his nineteenth year. in the meantime, disturbances in sulu had caused some alarm at manila and prompt action was taken by the general government. brigadier-general la corte, who was intending to inspect the fortifications of the south, was directed temporarily to assume command of the government of mindanao and personally to conduct what operations it might be necessary to undertake on the island of sulu. la corte came by the way of cebu and zamboanga and brought the sixth regiment of infantry from cebu and two companies of the second regiment of infantry from zamboanga. soon after his arrival at jolo, he addressed a strong letter to sultan badarud din requesting the punishment of the sulus who attacked the plaza of jolo on april 10. badarud din responded promptly and commissioned datu pula to go to lu'uk and taglibi and punish the transgressors. this, however, was not carried out, for panglima sakandar of lu'uk, who was loyal to the sultan, placed himself at the service of badarud din and promised to bring the aggressors alive or dead. the sultan's forces attacked the rancheria of maharaja abdulla, the chief aggressor, and killed nine men and one datu. the maharaja and the chiefs of seven other rancherias of lu'uk then surrendered themselves and swore allegiance to spain. the sultan and the chief datus later presented themselves before general la corte and reaffirmed their fealty to the spanish government. the governor-general subsequently wrote a letter to the sultan, expressing his pleasure and recognizing the sincere efforts of the latter to reã«stablish peace and tranquillity. in june, 1881, general la corte authorized the construction of the loopholed wall with towers and embrasures to complete the defenses of the town. he recommended frequent reconnaissances of the interior and target practice for the forces of the garrison, and advised the governor to strengthen the hand of the sultan and to require from him at the same time strict enforcement of all obligations that tended to prove the loyalty of his people to the spanish government. general la corte left jolo on the 29th of june, taking back the troops of the second regiment of infantry to zamboanga. governor rivera was relieved on november 15, 1881, by col. isidro gutierrez soto. the new governor exhibited unusual coolness and personal courage. he visited maymbung without military escort and attempted in every way to strengthen his friendship with the sultan and datus and to encourage them to have similar confidence in the spanish officials; but dissensions among the sulus and the jealousy of pangian inchi jamila frustrated all his efforts. without opposition badarud din might have ruled fairly well, but the plotting of inchi jamila and the unfriendliness of her party made a coward of him. he became inconsistent and seemed at times to lack confidence in the spanish government. he projected a secret trip to sandakan and the spaniards notified him that in case he left sulu without the permission of the government another sultan would be appointed in his place. in january, 1882, bangao was occupied by troops, and part of the southern squadron was stationed there. in may siasi was similarly garrisoned. on april 29, 1882, governor soto became ill and left for manila. he was relieved temporarily by brig.-gen. josã© paulin, who was on a tour of inspection in the south and had come to jolo to conduct some official negotiations with the sultan. on the 2d of june, col. eduardo fernandez bremon took office as governor of sulu. soon after this time sultan badarud din left jolo on a pilgrimage to mecca and delegated his authority to datu aliyud din in conjunction with the sultana inchi jamila. governor bremon's command was very eventful and difficult. cholera came from singapore and overran the whole archipelago. disturbances increased, the turbulent inhabitants of lu'uk became restless and hostile, and juramentados came so frequently that they actually besieged the town. the wall and towers and the defensive barracks of victory were finished and these completely checked the entrance of hostile sulus into the town. ladrones and wandering parties infested the suburbs and hills and communication with maymbung was broken. in august governor bremon fell ill and asked to be relieved of his command. in september a general attack on the plaza of jolo was planned by the sulus and conditions assumed a very serious aspect. for one whole month, it is said, the gates of jolo were not opened. the charge of sulu affairs at this critical stage was intrusted to general paulin, who arrived at jolo on october 1, accompanied by col. julian gonzalez parrado, who was appointed to relieve colonel bremon as governor of sulu. the sulu squadron was increased and the garrison of jolo reã«nforced. general paulin conducted an expedition to lu'uk to chastise the rancherias of tu'tu' and bwal, which were reported to be the chief centers of hostility and disturbance on the island. he first called at maymbung, and pressed upon datu aliyud din and the council the necessity of their doing their part toward the punishment of the guilty parties, and datu aliyud din at the head of a small force accompanied the expedition. troops were disembarked at pandang-pandang, kadungdung, tampukan, and bwal; they burned parts of these rancherias and made some advances inland. the fighting was not severe and the sulus harassed the troops to a considerable extent. the navy coã¶perated with the troops, but the expedition was small and accomplished no significant results. in his report to the governor-general, general paulin recommended the repetition of such expeditions in order to impress the sulus with the superiority of spanish arms and to punish all transgressors. commenting upon the nature of the warfare the expedition experienced he considered the natural difficulties attending campaigns in the island as being difficult to overcome. the art of war, he said, has no application as against moros. the sulus, he continued, are either treacherous wild beasts or fanatical heroes, according to the sentiment which at the time impels them to fight. they are savage warriors who hide in order to attack and rise at the feet of the enemy when least expected. they conceal themselves in clumps of trees and cliffs or ditches, and when ready to fight, discharge their firearms or throw lances and bolos, while howling and dancing frantic war dances. they flee after an attack, but in their flight they attack the rear guard. governor parrado was a man of considerable ability and tact. confidence and peace were reã«stablished, the datus often came to town and the people attended the market in large numbers. in december, 1882, tata'an, on the northwestern coast of tawi-tawi, was occupied by troops. on his way back from mecca, sultan badarud din was met at singapore by a representative of the philippine government, who requested that he return to jolo by the way of manila. the sultan declined, stating that the recent death of his son made it imperative for him to return directly to maymbung, but he promised to visit manila later. he reached sulu in january, 1883. after his arrival he exhibited vigor and watchfulness and soon prepared to go to manila. this project seemed to excite unusual disturbance, bordering on panic at parang and lu'uk, and for fear of undesirable consequences he changed his mind and gave up the trip. by his pilgrimage to mecca, which was the first ever taken by a sultan of sulu, badarud din gained respect and influence, but no sagacity. desiring to strengthen his authority and to imitate the european nations by organizing a police force for the sultanate, he brought 2 egyptian officers and 30 sikhs from singapore and made arrangements with an english house in singapore for the purchase of 200 breech-loading rifles. the rifles caused the spanish government some anxiety, but thorough investigation and inquiry proved that they never went beyond labuan. the sikhs were not paid for two months after arrival at maymbung and left the service at once. such organization meant a first step toward reform, but badarud din had no education worthy of the name and lacked the requisite ability, strength, and character for carrying on such measures. soon he acquired the opium habit and methods of licentious living. he finally lost his hold on affairs in general. datu aliyud din removed to matanda, where a large house was built for him by the governor of sulu; and a village of 400 people soon arose around his residence. the blockhouse of jovellar was then built near the beach for his protection and help. so far the governor of sulu addressed the sultan as his son, the sultan addressed the governor as his father and relations were friendly and pleasant. but in june, 1883, three juramentados slipped into the post, killed two officers and wounded one officer and two soldiers before they could be dispatched. governor parrado addressed a strong letter to the sultan requesting the immediate and proper punishment of the district from which the juramentados came. the sultan neither responded nor did he send information relative to the place from which the juramentados came. governor parrado then took matters into his own hand, made an expedition to taglibi and chastised its chief sahibud din. soon after, two soldiers were killed in the vicinity of jolo while cutting bamboo and another expedition was undertaken to buhanginan to punish the murderers. an expedition was also made to south ubian, where the pirate panglima jami was reported to have taken refuge. jami was not found at this place, but the local chiefs burned jami's kuta and house and promised to deliver him to the government when he returned to ubian. governor parrado proved himself an efficient and able administrator. he recognized the absurdity of a policy of extermination, and felt conscious of the lack of a uniform, well-planned and settled policy on the part of the general government toward sulu. he realized that the moros possessed a form of civilization and could not be treated like savages. he used his influence for good in times of peace and employed his forces to reã«stablish peace with justice in times of hostility. he was strong and sagacious in most of the measures he undertook. datu pula, a strong chief worthy of trust and a man of prestige, died before the expiration of the year 1883. pula's influence always tended toward peace with spain and the support of badarud din against his rival. his death was consequently a loss to both sides. the sultan and the governor continued on good terms of friendship during january and february, 1884, and the affairs of sulu were conducted smoothly and peacefully, but on the 22d of february, 1884, badarud din died; the state was soon rent by dissension and another period of trouble and disturbance followed. struggle for the sultanate the question of a successor to sultan badarud din ii proved to be very vexatious, both to the sulus and to the spanish government. at that date the eligibles to the sultanate belonged to three houses--that of sultan jamalul kiram i, the house of sultan shakirul lah, and that of datu putung, the son of sultan alimud din i. these houses were represented by the three candidates, raja muda amirul kiram, datu aliyud din, and datu harun ar-rashid. amirul kiram was the oldest brother of the three sons of sultan jamalul a'lam from pangian inchi jamila. he was born on the 27th of march, 1868, and was at one time the rival of badarud din ii, his older brother. the sultanate remained in the line of jamalul kiram i for four consecutive generations and the majority of sulus had come to consider the sons of jamalul a'lam as the direct heirs to the throne. the influence of pangian inchi jamila was a strong factor in itself and the claims of raja muda amirul kiram were vigorously pressed upon the council of state. datu aliyud din was the son of datu israel, the son of sultan shakirul lah. he urged that the descendants of sultan shakirul lah had an equal right to the sultanate with the descendants of jamalul kiram i, and protested against the injustice of electing a minor in preference to older and maturer members of the family. datu harun ar-rashid had no sultan in his line for five generations and consequently did not press his claim to the succession. he was a cousin of pangian inchi jamila and a close friend of jamalul a'lam. he was the only living signer of the treaty of 1878, but since that date he had removed to palawan, where the spanish government intrusted him with the rule of the moro population of palawan, balabak, and the neighboring southern islands, and where he had rendered very creditable service. datu aliyud din and his party were so determined in their opposition to pangian inchi jamila and raja muda amirul kiram that they would not entertain any proposals of compromise or attend the council of state at maymbung. the country was agitated and all datus and subordinate chiefs took sides with one or the other of the two candidates. the majority of datus and chiefs were in favor of amirul kiram. datus pula-pula, uyung, marachak, kalbi, and julkarnayn, who were as a rule united, and who wielded the strongest authority on the island next to that of the sultan, remained almost neutral, but at heart indorsed the claim of aliyud din. in general the southern and greater half of the island supported amirul kiram of maymbung, while the northern half favored aliyud din, who had in the meantime moved his residence to patikul. governor parrado offered his good offices and tried to overcome the difficulty by suggesting that amirul kiram be elected sultan, but that aliyud din should act as regent during the minority of the former. he went so far as to name a new and general council of state to meet at maymbung and decide the question. he submitted this proposition to both parties threatening to leave them to their fate in case they did not comply with his advice. the maymbung party accepted the governor's proposition, but the patikul party did not; consequently both candidates were proclaimed sultans, one at patikul and one at maymbung, and both prepared to fight. ambuscades, skirmishes, surprises, robberies, and cattle stealing followed. governor parrado remained neutral until july when he made friendly visits to maymbung and patikul and again counseled concord and compromise. datu harun arrived in sulu on the 17th of november and both parties solicited his support and consulted him; but he failed to effect any agreement. a little later he accompanied the governor of sulu to manila where he received much attention because of the success that attended his services at palawan. he remained in manila about one month and returned to live at matanda, filled with a strong desire to better himself and his country. a year passed and no agreement could be reached, nor did the spanish government officially recognize any of the claimants. amirul kiram indulged in licentiousness and aliyud din took to opium. governor parrado during his administration completed the cuartel de espaã±a and the market building and improved the forts alfonso xii and the princess of asturias. the majority of the nipa houses were replaced by better structures of brick with iron roofs. a system of waterworks was put in and jolo was declared an open port. on july 23, 1885, parrado was succeeded by col. francisco castilla. governor castilla followed the policy of his predecessor and remained neutral. amirul kiram had in the meantime massed a large force and attacked aliyud din. the latter's party had weakened and only 800 remained to defend patikul and its kuta. the maymbung forces greatly outnumbered their adversaries, defeated them, destroyed the kuta, and burned the settlement. datu aliyud din fled to basilan and lived for a while with sharif aqil. raja muda amirul kiram then requested the spanish government to recognize his succession to the sultanate and a commission was sent from manila to investigate the matter and report on it. after five months' service as governor of sulu colonel castilla asked to be relieved at the end of the year and col. juan arolas succeeded him in january, 1886. governor arolas devoted himself to his work with unusual enthusiasm and exemplary energy. public works and sanitation received his best attention. trees were planted, the streets were improved, the gutters and sewers were repaired and renewed, and the town was kept thoroughly clean. the death list of the garrison was reduced from 102 in 1885 to 51 in 1886. a good road was constructed outside the wall and a beautiful street was extended from the southern gate of the town to tulay and asturias on both sides of which coconut and shade trees were planted. the streets of tulay were planned on the same scale as those of the walled town, and fillings on a large scale were commenced for this purpose. excellent waterworks were completed and iron pipes were laid throughout the walled town and tulay for the use of the garrison and the public. as a result of the report of the commission appointed to investigate sulu affairs and the subject of succession to the sultanate, directions were received from madrid and manila to the effect that datu harun should be appointed subsultan and amirul kiram sultan, and that both be requested to go to manila, take the oath of fidelity to spain, and be invested with authority by the governor-general. datu harun had made himself very agreeable to governors parrado and castilla and a strong friendship had grown up between them. arolas soon learned to like harun and trusted him. amirul kiram was then 18 years old and his age probably suggested the necessity of having a regent who would be competent to take charge of affairs and who would be favorable to the policy of the spanish government. the wish and opinion of the sulu nation and the desire of the ambitious sultana to be regent herself were not fully respected and could not be approved, and the dictates of the spanish government had to be complied with. harun, as might have been expected, obeyed the royal directions. amirul kiram refused to go to manila, considered it a humiliation for him to have a regent and to be compelled to visit manila for the approval of the spanish government. he felt that he was the rightful heir and the choice of the sulus and that the treaty of 1878 well guarded his rights and granted the sulus the full privilege of electing their chiefs. the sulu character asserted itself in his action and the nation stood by him and counseled noncompliance to directions prejudicial to their own rights and national honor. rule of sultan harun datu harun went to manila alone and governor arolas recommended his appointment as sultan. governor-general terrero cabled to madrid and obtained authority for this action on september 11, 1886. harun was officially announced in manila as sultan of sulu, and his appointment on the 24th of september was made the occasion of some formality. sultan harun placed his hands upon the quran, his minister sheikh mustafa bin ahmad officiating, and his high excellency the governor-general administered to him the oath in the following form: "do ye swear to uphold steadfastly all the stipulations covenanted in the capitulations and to give faithful obedience to his majesty, the king?" to this sultan harun answered: "i swear to comply with the terms of the capitulations and with the commands of his majesty, the king." and his excellency replied: "may god and men help ye if ye do this and if ye do not, then may god and the government punish you!" sultan harun arrived at jolo in october, and, escorted by 200 spanish soldiers, one gunboat, and one steam launch, he proceeded to parang where he expected the sulus to declare their allegiance to him. however, their reception was not as warm as he expected and he soon found it to his advantage to retire to jolo. the sulu chiefs appealed to arms and prepared to defend the rights of amirul kiram at the cost of their lives. desiring to support his nominee in the sultanate governor arolas visited parang in company with sultan harun on the 2d day of november and an additional number of chiefs, including panglima damang, swore allegiance to sultan harun. such measures aroused the activity of amirul kiram and his party and several places in parang were attacked by the maymbung forces and considerable unrest prevailed. harun's sultanate seemed unacceptable to the great majority of datus, and hostilities arose in many localities. murders and juramentado attacks occurred in the vicinity of jolo. the kuta of bwisan and timahu were attacked and reduced, the settlements burned, and much blood was shed. hostilities extended to siasi and the kuta of datu hiyang was attacked. in february, 1887, a force of 3,000 sulus started from maymbung and attacked jolo. the garrison repulsed the attack, but juramentados and hostile bands harassed the town. small expeditions reconnoitered tapul, lugus, and siasi; but no active measures could be taken against maymbung until reã«nforcements could arrive from zamboanga and kotabato. at that time general terrero headed a campaign in the upper mindanao valley against datu utu and forces were drawn from zamboanga and jolo to coã¶perate at kotabato. with the return of the troops in april the war vessels which operated on the mindanao river also came to jolo and governor arolas began preparations at once to fight amirul kiram who was strongly intrenched in maymbung. the gunboats, some marines, and sultan harun's small force attacked the settlement by sea. governor arolas led the land troops himself and marched against maymbung at night. the moros of the interior harassed the advancing troops from all sides, but everything that could be reached was burned and more than 40 sulus were disabled or killed before the fort of maymbung was reached. the latter was a square 75 meters on each side, built partly on land and partly in the water. the walls on the land side were constructed of coral rock, while those toward the sea were built of double rows of piles filled behind with stone and earth. large cannon and breech-loading rifles were abundantly used by the sulus and one rapid-firing gun commanded the main approach on the land side. the fighting was fierce and heroic on both sides. out of a large force of sulus defending the fort and town 250 lay dead after the battle was over. the spaniards lost 17 dead and 96 wounded. the sea forces, after caring for the chinese population, set fire to the whole town and reduced it to ashes. governor arolas was highly praised in manila and madrid and was later promoted to be a brigadier-general. if military operations, war, and death are efficient and suitable measures to daunt the sulus, coerce their will, and make them yield to superior authority, this maymbung campaign should certainly have produced the desired result. many thought that the moral effect of this victory was excellent beyond measure and for that reason entertained great hopes. governor arolas felt the cause of spanish sovereignty and suzerainty to be amply vindicated and spanish honor strongly and proudly upheld, but as early as the 9th of may another fight stared him in the face. arolas and sultan harun had to march against parang and invest the kuta of panglima damang. after the surrender of damang an expedition was sent to lati and another to tapul island. this latter campaign was extremely difficult and trying. the country was rough, the forest thick, and the enemy fierce. panglima sayadi would not recognize harun's sultanate and would not obey the mandates of the governor of sulu, so his chastisement was decreed and tapul was attacked. sayadi and his men fought like tigers at bay, and governor arolas was compelled to lead his troops in person. sayadi was defeated after two days' fighting, 90 of his men were killed, and the fort was demolished. the spanish casualties were 13 dead and 155 wounded. sultan harun reconnoitered the shores and interior of the island, destroyed small forts, and obtained the surrender of several chiefs. on the 29th of july, 1887, pangian inchi jamila presented herself at jolo and expressed her submission and that of raja muda amirul kiram to the governor of sulu and to sultan harun. governor arolas insisted that amirul kiram should come personally and express his surrender, and allowed him ten days in which he could come with safety and impunity. after her return pangian inchi jamila sent sultan harun the seal of the sultanate; but neither the chiefs nor amirul kiram himself agreed to the personal surrender requested. governor arolas was disposed to make spanish sovereignty over sulu a fact, absolute and complete, and required implicit obedience. the sulus had a different view of the respective rights of the two governments and continued their resistance. another campaign was necessary on siasi island, and datu hiyang and many moros were killed. another expedition was directed against kadungdung and southern lu'uk and another against the island of pata. innumerable hardships were sustained by the troops and many sulus were killed. sultan harun and his forces coã¶perated with the spanish forces and reconnoitered inaccessible places. the partisans of the young raja muda amirul kiram were supposed to have been completely vanquished and the young prince was expected to humiliate himself before sultan harun at any time. such hopes were, however, false, for on october 30 bwal and the northern lu'uk district had to be punished. after some fighting the sulus evacuated bwal and fled to the mountains and 53 houses were reduced to ashes; nor was this sufficient, for in 1888 expeditions amounting in some cases to 1,500 troops, comprising from two to four companies of artillery, were conducted against purul, tambang, patikul, taglibi, buhanginan, pandan, sari`ul, and pigi-dahu. hundreds and probably thousands of sulus were killed, but notwithstanding, arolas's cruel efforts to force sultan harun upon the people resulted in failure. the sulus scorned sultan harun and his apparent supremacy, persisted in their resistance, and kept their allegiance to amirul kiram. true to their traditions they remained faithful to the candidate whose right to the succession was in their estimation and conviction stronger than any other claim backed by the forces of general arolas. before the end of the year 1886 datu uyung invited datu aliyud din back to patikul, where he remained for about one year. datus kalbi and julkarnayn joined the party of aliyud din and defended him against amirul kiram and sultan harun. in 1887 patikul and lati were attacked by governor arolas and datu aliyud din fled to siasi and laminusa, from there he returned, late in 1888, to bunbun and patikul; there he lived quietly until his death, about 1892. the administration of governor arolas was the longest in duration, the most eventful, the most interesting, and the most warlike administration sulu had under spanish rule. the difficult situation the governor found at his arrival, his misunderstanding of the sulu character and underestimation of sulu public opinion, his integrity, his exalted opinion of spanish sovereignty and honor, his disregard of treaties and precedent, his ability as a commander of troops, and his warlike policy, all combine to make a picture vivid in its colors and unique in its make-up. governor arolas can not be held responsible for what had transpired prior to his appointment as governor, and the policy he followed was probably dictated for him in general from manila; but it is difficult to conceive of a man executing his duty with such vigor, earnestness, and thoroughness as general arolas did, unless his heart and soul approved of such a policy and added enthusiasm and zest to the impetus of duty. furthermore, there are many reasons for believing that governor arolas recommended the main lines of the policy he pursued. at all events he impersonates, as far as the object of this work is concerned, that combined agency of government which is responsible for the significant events of his administration of sulu affairs. in commenting upon his policy it would therefore be proper to refer to him personally, without the least intention of fixing the blame on anybody, or indeed of finding fault at all, but with the sole intention of eliciting the facts and showing the actual condition of affairs in their proper light. in going over the long list of expeditions and campaigns conducted by general arolas and of the casualties on both sides, one can not help but express admiration, surprise, or blame as to the justice or advisability of the policy pursued, its motives, conduct, and effect. for, if the treaty of 1878 was still in force--and there is no reason to suppose that it was abrogated--why did governor arolas institute new rules and conditions pertaining to the sultanate and render compliance with them necessary for qualification and confirmation? if by virtue of the prerogative of sovereignty it was deemed necessary to interfere with sulu internal affairs and customs for a beneficial and good purpose, why was it not right then to oppose and check datu aliyud din as soon as it became evident that the majority of the sulus wanted amirul kiram as sultan and aliyud din had refused to honor the governor's proposals and recommendations? why was it not considered right for the government to object to war between the contending parties from the beginning and to assume for itself all the powers and prerogatives of a protector or arbitrator? if the good of the sulus was the ultimate object sought, why was not the rightful heir supported from the beginning and advantage taken of such an opportunity to enlist the sympathy of one party, at least, on the side of the government, strengthen the weak head of the nation, and bring order and tranquillity out of chaos and anarchy? apparently the worthy cause of peace and sulu welfare were completely overlooked, while the main object of asserting power and gaining supremacy was pressed and prosecuted at the expense of a thousand souls and war with every strong chief throughout the whole archipelago. governor arolas trampled on the treaty, assumed arbitrary and absolute authority, and treated noncompliance with his wishes as disloyalty and insurrection. this attitude might have been due to his peculiar military training and ideas, but it was certainly unjust and overbearing. nations can not be trampled under foot without bringing about resentment and retaliation and people can not be treated as privates in a company of disciplinarios or deportados. the result of such coercion is hatred, and the effect of abuse is enmity. such methods do not tend to civilize a country or better its chances of progress. they kill ambition, harden the heart, and dull the senses. the first step toward the progress of a subordinate nation is imitation of its superior; but imitation is generally engendered by admiration and kindly influences, and cruel warlike measures are certainly disposed to kill such good agencies. sulu military operations ceased soon after the arrival of governor-general weyler in manila, and some of the jolo forces were withdrawn. general arolas left jolo in 1893 and was succeeded by col. cesar mattos, who was in turn followed by gen. venancio hernandez before the end of the same year. the successors of general arolas did not have similar motives for upholding harun's sultanate against overwhelming odds. they saw in him a weak and vacillating sultan who was a burden to the state. consequently sultan harun was relieved in 1894, and he returned to his home in palawan. during his incumbency sultan harun lived at mubu in the vicinity of jolo. the house he occupied was the best building ever occupied by a sulu sultan. he was ambitious and willing to reform his people, but he never had a strong following and was very unfortunate in that he had to fight so hard and so often for a nominal allegiance and false support from his people. rule of sultan jamalul kiram ii raja muda amirul kiram, who fought and suffered so long for the throne of his father and brother, succeeded sultan harun and assumed the name of sultan jamalul kiram ii. he was not obliged to go to manila in order to be vested with proper authority by the governor-general, but it seems that he pledged himself in one way or another to pay some tribute to the spanish government, and consequently a decree was issued by governor-general blanco on march 1, 1894, directing a general census of the moros of the sulu archipelago and the collection of a tax of 1 real [222] from each individual. the proceeds of this tribute, after deducting the allowances made for the interpreters and collectors, were to be devoted to the development of the institutions of jolo, and especially to the construction of roads. it is said that the sultan was unable and unwilling to collect the tribute so decreed, but that he paid from his own purse the sum of p10,000 or its equivalent on the basis of a population of 100,000 and at the rate of 1 real per person. the collection of this tax was abandoned in the following year and was never resumed. the sulus' adherence to the cause of jamalul kiram ii was not based on any personal influence he exerted on the people, but on the influence of his mother and the people's devotion to the house of jamalul kiram i. datu aliyud din's claim was theoretically strong, but for various reasons his party weakened; while amirul kiram, though a fugitive, gradually gained in influence and rose to power. the administration of governor hernandez was the longest in duration next to that of governor arolas and was, on the whole, peaceful and tranquil. on one occasion in 1895 hostilities broke out with datus julkarnayn and kalbi, and the sulus of lati and patikul attacked the town of jolo causing several casualties. however, peace was soon restored by governor-general blanco and no further hostilities occurred. governor hernandez built the direct road, known as the asturias road, which leads from the gate of the walled town to fort asturias. about 1897 general hernandez was relieved by col. (later brig.-gen.) luis huerta, the last spanish governor of sulu. spain evacuated sulu in may, 1899, and jolo was garrisoned by american troops on the same day. on the 20th of august gen. j. c. bates concluded a treaty with sultan jamalul kiram ii, generally known as the "bates agreement," and the sovereignty of sulu passed from spain to the united states of america. [223] chapter vi conclusion political status of sulu at the time of spanish evacuation the cause for which governor arolas shed the blood of several hundred spanish soldiers and killed some thousands of moros was utterly defeated. the tenacity with which the sulus resisted spanish domination, their obdurate opposition and bravery in battle, and their obstinate passive resistance in peace, baffled all spanish efforts to subvert their political organization or gain a single point of advantage without paying too dearly for it. the sulus succeeded at last in inaugurating their candidate as sultan of sulu. their laws and the administration of their internal affairs were not interfered with. their religion, social conditions, national usages and customs were unaffected by any change whatsoever. spanish influence and jurisdiction did not extend beyond the limits of the garrison and no material reform or progress reached the moro community through that channel. no effort was made by spain to educate the sulus and no adequate measure was proposed by her governors which was applicable to the needs of the sulus and acceptable to their ideas. the sulus felt that there was a strong inclination on the part of the spanish government or some of its recognized agents to change their religion and destroy their national unity, and consequently they never had complete confidence in spanish officers and representatives and repulsed every influence that tended to establish close relations between them and the christians of the spanish garrison. no tax or tribute was collected from the sulus, and their territory was exempted from the operation of the laws of the philippine islands. sulu imports could come in sulu craft free of duty and unhampered by any vexatious regulation. duties could be collected by sulus at all ports unoccupied by spain; and if hostilities could have been brought to an end, the sulus, in their pursuit of the peaceful vocations of life, might have felt no appreciable difficulty or inconvenience from spanish occupation of jolo, except the loss of the revenues of the ports of jolo and siasi and some control over the trade of the chinese. slavery remained an established institution of the land and its continued practice among the moros was neither denounced nor restricted. the pearl industry remained in the hands of the sulus and pearl fishers and shell dealers paid a variable tax to the sultan and local chiefs. piracy was completely suppressed, and the invasion of christian communities and the capture of christians as slaves by sulus terminated at the conquest of jolo in 1876. before the campaign of 1876 the sultan ruled with a strong hand, lived in state, was prosperous and had considerable wealth. the principal datus lived at jolo, and the sulu forces were united. jamalul a`lam remained rich until his death, but subsequent wars and licentiousness reduced the estate of his sons. the separation and dispersion of the datus, however, weakened the sulus more than any other cause. each datu began to feel more or less independent of the other, their jealousies increased and became more intense and effectual; their forces were disunited, and each chief relied solely upon his own fortifications and following. united action was ignored or became impracticable. soon the subordinate chiefs began to feel their importance, gradually asserted their rights, and assumed greater dignity and power in proportion to their prosperity and the following they could command. jamalul a`lam ruled firmly, had every chief under his control, and held the state intact. three chiefs outside of his house were sufficient to sign the treaty he made with spain. these were datu harun, datu raja lawut zaynul `abidin (asibi), the father of datus kalbi and julkarnayn, and datu muluk bandarasa pula, the son of the famous datu daniel, and the father of the present datu pula-pula of mubu or tandu. no maharajas or hadjis figured prominently in those days, and the panglimas served as state messengers. as soon as it became known that jamalul a`lam was dying a condition bordering on anarchy arose and disorder prevailed as in the days of badarud din. things grew worse during the regency of datu aliyud din, and worse still during the civil strife between the latter and raja muda amirul kiram. general arolas and sultan harun had to fight every chief in his turn and every island by itself. each chief felt independent of the rest of the country and had his own ideas as to who should be appointed sultan. each datu was defended by his own men only and each had to meet the spanish forces by himself unaided. even maymbung had to face the mighty foe with forces which could be assembled from the immediate neighborhood only. small detachments did sometimes reã«nforce the forts of their neighbors, but the proportion of help so extended to the actual strength of the forces that could have been united was so insignificant that no account can be taken of such coã¶peration. thus the total or combined strength of sulu was reduced to small, insignificant and disunited entities; the power of resistance to outside invasion was diminished, but at the same time the susceptibility of the country to foreign influence became nil. it was an easy matter for general arolas to defeat one party or chief alone, but the necessity of fighting each chief by himself defeated his purpose and efforts in the end. unconsciously, spain brought on an abnormal condition of affairs in sulu, extremely difficult to manage and for which she never found the proper remedy. the ruling sultan, though well supported by the greater mass of the people, had neither the knowledge, the tact, nor the strength necessary to correct the wrong done, and things in general tended rather to the worse than to the better. the parties created by the civil strife of 1884 existed in 1899 with very little change, and their enmity had become deeply rooted and ineradicable. the whole northern portion of the island east of jolo and eastern tandu represented a distinct party unfavorable to jamalul kiram ii and at times seemed to be wholly under the leadership of the two brothers, datus kalbi and julkarnayn. similar parties existed in tapul, lugus, siasi, and the tawi-tawi group, many settlements having two chiefs, one representing the sultan and the other the hostile party. to add evil to existing wrong, the chiefs took advantage of this condition and vacillated in their alliance from one party to another as it seemed to them more advantageous for the time being. general arolas fought both parties, incurred the bitter enmity of all chiefs and gained for himself and the cause of prosperity no advantage whatsoever. all the sulus hated spain at heart and welcomed the end of her sovereignty, with the hope of having more peace and better relations with her successor. spanish policy attitude of the moros the vivid picture presented by the history of sulu thrills the reader with scenes of horror, cruelty, and misdirected energies. on one page we read of how a rich and mighty sovereign stretched his hand across the border of his domain into the territory of his weak neighbor and coveted his jewels and treasure, and, being refused, struck terror, desolation, and destruction in the home of the latter. on another page we read how, as if possessed by a mighty demon, that weak and petty king-neighbor summoned the powers of the wind and sea to his aid, marched upon his strong enemy in the night, assailed him while unaware, robbed his house, and carried his people away to work for his homely sustenance. the mighty sovereign wakens in the morning, and in his rage curses his wretched neighbor and swears vengeance upon him and his wicked fellow nomads of the sea, but the rich and mighty lord of the north has enemies and rivals in the west and far south and does not dare leave his home unguarded. part of his available warriors he thought would be sufficient, and their valor and patriotism were counted on as an additional asset and a sure guaranty of victory. the sails of a gigantic fleet were unfurled and chariots and steeds were provided for the triumphal march into the enemy's pearl land. but the mighty sea rolled and the furious winds blew and the giant did not prove a match for the weak, for man can not go against nature, and valor is a poor aid against overwhelming odds. yet some men's hearts are made of stone and one or two experiences do not teach them enough; so we see the same scene repeated time and time again, until an opportune moment arrived and a new chapter was opened in which we find the rich sovereign richer and mightier. this time nature takes sides with might and turns the scales against the weak and petty king of the south and leaves him wrecked and stranded on his coral reefs. the sulu is a malayan of prominent type, reared in his infancy by a brahman priest and brought up to maturity under the care of a mohammedan instructor. he rejected his idols as early as 1450 and had been for more than a century prior to the arrival of legaspi at cebu, a faithful and devoted worshipper of "allahu ta'ala," the almighty and only god, according to the teaching of the prophet mohammed and the holy quran. he had laws, an established government, an organized state, an alphabet, and a system of education. by trade he was a planter and fisher, and both land and sea yielded him plenty. he turned the timber of his rich forests into boats and utilized the currents of the sea and the movements of the wind. navigation came natural to him, and he sailed to distant lands and traded his pearls for silks and spices. he had a wide range of experience, and his knowledge of the world was by no means restricted to one island or to one limited group of islands. the dominion of the sultan of sulu was complete and his power was well respected throughout the archipelago. between mindanao and borneo 150,000 people--yakans, samals, and sulus--lived and obeyed one man. true, the sulus had no standing army or navy, but they had innumerable boats, forts, and firearms, and every able-bodied man was a soldier and a sailor, always armed, and always ready for a call to arms. his immediate neighbors were pagans, or "infidels," who paid him homage and tribute. he was the master of the land and the lord of the southern seas. he was chivalrous in his manners and received his friends with liberal hospitality; but he wasted no sympathy or kindness on his enemy. the enemy of the state was also an enemy to "allahu ta'ala," and no life was deemed too dear to sacrifice for the cause of home and god. it was the idea of his home that started the blood rushing through his veins, and religion fittingly fanned the flame and heated his blood to the boiling point. there is honor even among thieves, and a nation made up of fierce pirates need not go begging for dignity, gallantry, and self-pride. let the sulu be idolatrous or a fire worshiper and he will "go juramentado" on the strength of his faith in wooden or fire gods before he yields to a master or serves as a slave. he will die before he surrenders. such metal is what makes the sulus brave, independent, and unyielding. the sulus watched the progress of legaspi at cebu, panay, and luzon, saw how the pagan chiefs were subjugated, and witnessed the expulsion of their brother mohammedans from manila. they had played this rã´le themselves, and when the enemy reached their shores they needed no word of explanation or stimulus to resist, except that which they had in their breeding and general make-up. spain instigated hostilities and coveted their domain; it was not their part to yield, but it was spain's clear duty to reã«stablish peace before the evils resulting from war outweighed the good obtained. this she failed to do, and the sulus were invaded repeatedly and harassed constantly. bitter animosity filled the hearts of the sulus, and a desire for revenge prompted them to retaliate; and what can be expected from people of their race and civilization except cruelty and barbarity in war! we know that "war is hell" among highly civilized nations and why should we expect of the sulus a moral conduct out of proportion to their intellectual development and the influences of their civilization and religion? the life of an "infidel" was not a matter of religious concern to them at all. the prophet himself led his people against nonconformists and promised them reward instead of pardon or intercession before god. the quran taught them that patriotism is a part of their religion, and love of home and family left no place for cowardice and no patience with humiliation. they therefore fought well and fought cruelly. they raided the enemy's country, robbed him, and carried away many slaves. slavery was also sanctioned by their religion and formed an established custom or method of punishment which took the place of imprisonment and saved the expense of jails and guards. humanity called for different action on both sides; but it evidently made no impression on the sulus. not satisfied with just measures of war and direct retaliation, they developed an abnormal propensity for piracy, invaded the spanish domain frequently for the procurement of slaves and for other wicked purposes, and committed unspeakable horrors and atrocities. but to treat evil with evil adds no virtue to the credit of the other side. we rarely read of wounded moros after an engagement, and, strange to say, all wounds of moros were invariably immediately fatal. if few moros were ever kindly treated after battle, certainly many more were promptly dispatched in a manner that terminated suffering and life at the same time. mistakes and difficulties of spanish rule had spain exerted more effort to increase the jolo garrison in 1646 and trusted the charge of this garrison to an able and upright administrator, the fruits of the brilliant conquest of general corcuera would not have been lost, and in all probability the trouble with sulu would have been ended before the termination of the seventeenth century. however, instead of this course, weak characters were charged with the management of affairs, and in place of permanent and strong occupation of the land an insignificant treaty was made with the sulus with no intention on the part of spain of keeping it permanently and with no hope that it would be kept by the sulus. similar mistakes were frequently repeated and a cruel inhuman strife marked with an astounding profuseness of bloodshed and terrible loss of life and evil of all sorts, was prolonged for the space of three hundred and twenty years without any advantage that is worth considering. in consequence of all this, the sulu has been pictured to the outside world as a black devil incarnate, borne in mischief and conceived in iniquity; without a human characteristic, barbarous and savage as his second cousin the orang-utan of borneo. the sulu had no means or chance of pleading his cause before an international court, and his cry could not be heard or registered by a foreign hand or press. he was not met except with a predetermination to fight him. he was not approached except with the intention of sharing his treasure. he was not invited except to surrender his right of government and no alternative was offered him except tribute or death. it is out of reason to expect such people to abandon their customs, traditions, government, and religion without a struggle. it is out of reason to expect them to yield to threats and be daunted by a bombshell shot from a distance. the jungle is thick and extensive, their boats and sails are ready and light; they know the routes of the sea and can follow the currents of the ocean in the dark as well as in the light. the coasts of borneo and the celebes are not too far from them, and living there is as cheap and easy as at home. it is beyond reason to expect that all sultans, datus, and panglimas will resign their offices, give up their rank and privileges, and be content to plant corn on the hillside or catch fish along the beach. the laws of nature are not ambiguous, and man is man whether his skin is white or brown. the chief difficulties spain had to contend with in the south arose out of the natural weakness of her system of administration. her governors-general changed frequently. the moro question received a secondary attention, and no definite policy or settled course of action was ever systematically worked out and followed. what corcuera planned was not carried out by his successors, and measures which were approved by general terrero were disapproved by general weyler and ignored by general blanco. had governor-general urbiztondo preceded governor-general claveria, jolo might have been attacked and conquered before 1851, and had governor-general malcampo preceded governor-general urbiztondo, the garrison of jolo might have been established twenty-five years earlier. the policy of governor parrado was not followed by governor arolas, and the plans and pledges of the latter were not fully respected by his successors. treaties were made to be broken rather than to be obeyed, and at the end of three hundred and twenty years of protracted relations with sulu, no satisfactory policy can be said to have been decided upon at either madrid or manila. the treaty of 1878 was a temporary expedient. it was not intended to express a policy nor did spain intend to restrict her influence to the provisions of a treaty nor to tie her hands so fast for any length of time. spain was intent on the complete conquest of sulu, the assimilation of all the moro tribes, and the unification of government, religion, and civilization throughout the philippine archipelago. this ideal was the hope of all governors of sulu and formed a concealed motive that prompted their actions and guided their administration. the governors of sulu differed only in their ideas as to the length of time which should pass before the sulus should be denied their autonomy, and the methods by which the change could be best brought around. there were opportune and inopportune times to interfere, which were left for the governor-general to decide, and in the majority of cases his decision was controlled not by the immediate needs of the occasion, but by interests pertaining to the general administration of the archipelago, which left partial attention and inadequate means available for the solution of the vexatious difficulties in the south. generals who were anxious to distinguish themselves, took the first opportunity that offered itself, but satisfied themselves with the immediate results of victory or the simple correction of the wrong calling for military action, without bearing in mind the general situation and the requirements of the next step that should be undertaken as part of a course planned for the carrying out of a settled general policy. thus bound to observe the general provisions of the treaty of 1878, and limited in the authority granted them from manila and in the strength of the garrison assigned to jolo, the governors of sulu felt their hands completely tied, and consequently they could not accomplish much and left matters to drift with the current of events. during the governorship of general terrero, governor arolas was given a free hand and sufficient troops to carry out his plan; but arolas was not much more than a fighting man and an excellent post commander, and the evils of his strenuous measures outweighed the good he accomplished; and when the jolo garrison was subsequently reduced by governor-general weyler his policy could not be continued and was necessarily doomed to utter failure. however, nobody was quicker to note such mistakes and to observe the needs of the situation than the spanish officers themselves, especially inspectors-general who were commissioned to investigate matters and conditions in sulu, and historians who made a study of sulu affairs. report of baltasar giraudier of works of this nature we give brief accounts of the estimable report of baltasar giraudier, director of the "diario de manila," which was presented to the governor-general, domingo moriones, in 1880, and the noteworthy remarks and recommendations of the author of "apuntes sobre jolo," miguel a. espina, colonel of infantry. baltasar giraudier accompanied general malcampo to jolo in 1876 and made special inquiry into the situation in the south. he clearly stated that the terms of the treaty of 1851 could not be carried out (to advantage). failure to observe this treaty provoked the sultan and sulus to impatience, resistance, and a rebellious attitude. referring to the jolo campaign of 1876 he estimated the strength of the attacking army at approximately 11,000 troops, and described jolo as an actual churchyard, held in a constant state of siege, and a great cost to the nation in men and money. naked facts, he asserted, did not justify former expeditions, and hostilities were often provoked for ulterior motives. considerable harm resulted from such misdirected measures, while much good to both nations could have been derived from a policy of attraction, frank, loyal, and disinterested. he called the attention of the authorities to the necessity of a faithful observance of the terms of treaties, in order to expect and demand with right and respect a reciprocal observance of such treaties by the moros; to the advisability of honoring and strengthening the authority of the sultan in order to secure his good will and coã¶peration in maintaining peace and harmony and in repressing the evil tendencies of rebellious datus and subchiefs; to the great advantages that may arise from reã«stablishing the salary of the sultan and promoting those friendly relations which tend to strengthen the sulu alliance and render this state a stronghold and a protecting wall against invasion from foreign countries. he condemned the treaty of 1878 as limiting the government's freedom of action and checking the progress and success of the nation's policy. he reiterated that there is great need and necessity of defining the policy of the nation relative to sulu and the moro country in general. such a grave question should be settled on a firm basis and should not be subject to the caprice of an individual governor or commander of a war vessel. no opportunity should be allowed for ignorance, malice, false pretexts, and ulterior motives that defame the national honor, weaken the policy of the government, or work to the detriment of the people and the country. he pointed to several incidents of wrong conduct or imprudence on the part of officials which provoked trouble and war and left on the moros an impression that the spaniards were acting deceitfully and in bad faith. the general policy he outlined for the information of the government and for the uniform conduct of all officials was submitted in the form of recommendations, the most important of which are briefly noted as follows: 1. the sultan and datus should be treated with respect and consideration. 2. immediate justice and impartiality should be strictly administered and practiced in all cases and under all conditions, especially when crime or outrage is committed against the moros; for such action would demonstrate in an impressive manner an upright conduct which would command the fullest respect of the moros and obedience to law and order. 3. it is of the utmost importance that the belief, temples, and cemeteries of the people be respected. 4. the speedy punishment of all moro misconduct and aggression should be secured through the datu or chief. 5. the fleet should make frequent visits to various islands to familiarize the people with the flag, to map the country, and to study conditions in general. 6. religion should be fully tolerated in the same manner as in india and java. proselytism should be prohibited. 7. the sultan should be invited to live in jolo; an edifice should be constructed for his residence which would increase his dignity in the eyes of his people; and he should be given a high office in connection with the government (as secretary) which would engender and promote his interest in the government and its welfare and secure needed and desirable coã¶peration between officers and chiefs. in conclusion, giraudier pointed to the wisdom of english and dutch policy in affording education to the sons of native princes and chiefs at public expense, to the necessity of large sacrifices at the beginning which would be amply compensated for by a general pacification of the archipelago in the end. views of espina colonel espina assumed that retrogression was out of the question and that the flag which was waving over sulu must be defended and supported. sulu could not be abandoned to her fate and spanish sovereignty had inevitably to be exercised. extermination of moros he held to be absurd and impossible, and measures so directed he regarded as injurious and unwise. he entertained strong hopes, amounting to actual conviction, that moros could become spanish in political organization, sympathy, and civilization, and that their religion did not form an obstacle to their reformation and assimilation unless conversion into the christian religion was insisted upon and rigorously kept up. he thought that the cause of religion alone was sufficient to prolong the war indefinitely and lead the government to a policy of extermination and failure. instead of that he advised a prudent and tolerant policy declaring absolute noninterference with religion and hearty coã¶peration with the sulus in matters of general concern and public welfare. he considered it of great importance to occupy all the principal islands of the archipelago with garrisons and to establish colonies and agricultural stations at the most desirable localities and harbors. he wrote at considerable length on the organization of a rural police force to maintain order and carry out the various measures of his policy. he pointed out the advisability of strengthening the authority of the sultan over sulus, of rendering his appointment subject to the approval or choice of the spanish government, and of selecting a council of state loyal to the spanish government and serving under salary. the chief features of the policy he outlined are as follows: 1. the organization of the sultanate should be made or continued in accordance with the laws and customs of the country, but in a manner agreeable to the interests of the spanish government. rank, order, and religion should not be interfered with. 2. the sultan and members of the council of state should be appointed by the governor-general and should have salaries. 3. a new treaty should be made in order to rectify those clauses of the treaty of 1878 pertaining to the maintenance of peace and the guarantee of safety of life and property. 4. slavery should be abolished, radically and thoroughly. 5. compulsory tribunals of justice or courts should be established to relieve datus and chiefs of the exercise of such functions. 6. commerce should be encouraged and rendered free for all boats for a period of twenty-five years. 7. roads should be constructed to facilitate communication and transportation from the central region of the island to its principal harbors. 8. agriculture should be developed and colonies encouraged. 9. necessities should be created for the moros, providing them at the same time with means for satisfying them. children of the sultan and datus should be educated in manila, and schools for the moro dialect should be established and made accessible to the public. purpose of spain a few closing remarks on the purpose and interests of spain in sulu and the resources she had available for carrying out this purpose may not be out of place in order to give the reader a clear idea of the final policy which spain had for sulu and to enable him to grasp the scope, complexity, and difficulties of this problem. however, in discussing these subjects and the changes they were intended to bring about it must be remembered that every project on the part of the sovereign nation or spain calls for consideration from two points of view--the first is whether the agency employed was sufficient and adequate to impose the change and carry it through; the second is the amount of resistance such a project encountered on the part of the subject nation or sulu, and in case the resistance could be overcome, whether or not a nation like that of the sulus was developed sufficiently for the requirements of the change and for subsequent adaptation to the system it was proposed to inaugurate. inasmuch as the treaty of 1878 was not abrogated and no distinct effort was actually made to disregard it, it should be regarded as the official and most authentic expression of spain's relation, rights, and purpose in sulu. the terms of this treaty gave spain indisputable sovereignty over sulu, the right to occupy all necessary points and to establish military garrisons wherever needed, the right to establish custom-houses at occupied points, the right to limit or control the importation of firearms, the right to suppress piracy and to demand the sultan's coã¶peration in its suppression. the degree or amount of sovereignty spain was to exercise over sulu was very indefinitely stated. the term "indisputable" does not signify "complete," as some hasty reports on moro affairs have expressed it. the aim of the treaty was to exclude great britain, germany, and other foreign nations from the spanish sphere of influence over sulu, and the word "indisputable" should be interpreted in this sense, which is clearly expressed in the sulu text of the treaty. at that time there was no intention on the part of spain to assume the control of sulu internal affairs and the sulus endeavored to guard their complete freedom and right to continue their political organization, laws, and religion by specifying those powers which spain had a right to exercise over them and by declaring emphatically that all their customs, usages, and religion should not be changed. the sulu word for "customs" signifies laws, organization, and administrative methods. it is the political not the social sense of the word about which they were so very particular. the treaty did not entitle spain to interference, or to institute any measure that tended toward political change or reform in sulu. the sultan was left supreme in the exercise of his authority over moros. the treaty simply secured undisputed spanish control over sulu's foreign relations and commerce and incorporated sulu into the philippine archipelago in this sense only. it further established peace within the archipelago by checking any possible revival of sulu piracy. it appears that both distinguished governors, martinez and parrado, interpreted the treaty in this sense, and the sulus certainly so understood it. two important steps were taken by spain later than 1878 in order to modify the relations established by the treaty. the first of these steps was a resolution to appoint the sultan of sulu or control the succession to this office. this occurred in 1886 when sultan harun was declared by the spanish government, in answer to the requests of governor-general terrero and governor arolas, as the legitimate sultan. by this act the madrid government asserted its right to a degree of actual sovereignty over sulu internal affairs and backed its assertion with the necessary force and partially carried it through at the hands of governor arolas. jamalul kiram ii finally recognized, to a certain extent, spain's authority in this matter and accepted her right of approval or confirmation of the election. the second step was an attempt to exact tribute from the sulus. this was done by a decree issued in 1894 by governor-general blanco directing that a census be taken of sulu and a poll tax of 1 "real" per capita be collected. advantage was taken at that time of the strong desire of raja muda amirul kiram to become sultan. sultan harun was persuaded to resign, and the measure adopted for the collection of the tribute resulted in the payment of a sum of money or its equivalent by amirul kiram and the latter's appointment as sultan. the scheme was a compromise by which spain attempted to assume more control over sulu, and amirul kiram secured his appointment as sultan without having to go to manila for this purpose. however, the attempt to impose a tribute on the sulus appears to have failed completely. no census was taken and no tribute was asked in later years. the purpose of spain, in accordance with her official declarations, may therefore be summed up as follows: 1. complete control of sulu foreign relations; 2. complete control of sulu commerce; 3. the right to appoint the sultan; 4. the right to impose tribute on the sulus. the first two propositions were legitimate and proper. both could be accomplished and retained by virtue of spain's naval power, merchant marine, and friendly foreign relations with the european nations. the sulus had no navy and no steam vessels. their native boats could not offer any significant resistance and were powerless to oppose the spanish navy. ever since 1844 the latter was in the ascendant and by 1870 it had completely overpowered the sulu naval forces. both these propositions were conceded to spain in the treaty of 1878 and were justly held ever since. they strengthened the unity of the philippine archipelago and secured strength and permanent internal peace. the third proposition, the right to appoint the sultan, was in effect defeated. it was poor policy. at the end of the bloody struggle that arose because if it, spain retained only the right to confirm the choice of the nation. had governor arolas confined himself to this point he would have won without a contest and without engendering hostility and ill feeling toward his government. had a test of arms been the sole arbiter of the question governor arolas might be said to have won his point completely, for his forces defeated those of the sulus in every encounter; but the tenacity of purpose, persistence, and patriotism of the sulus outlived his determination, and what was won by force and cruelty was given up in the end as inadvisable and impolitic. the fourth proposition fell through. the best argument that can be advanced in its favor is that a tribute was actually paid by the sultan jamalul kiram ii in 1894 and that the tax was not imposed in later years because of the extensive campaign conducted in mindanao and the frequent changes of governor-general, and also because of the tagalog insurrection of 1896. such argument is more in the nature of an apology than a defense. there is some significance in exacting tribute from the sultan of sulu, but the principal of the tribute was utterly defeated. the sultan evidently evaded the question entirely as soon as he felt secure in his office. such a measure would certainly have been opposed by the sulus. they would have risen to a man and sacrificed more life and treasure in this cause than in the previous one of the appointment of their candidate for the sultanate. the nation was somewhat divided in the former case, but in the matter of resisting the payment of a tribute there was not a dissenting vote. they would have fought most vigorously and unitedly. governor arolas did not exhaust their fighting powers; they could have fought just as well in 1888 as in 1886-87. one party alone advanced against jolo in 1895, and a band attacked landing soldiers in 1897. to pay tribute to a foreign power meant vassalage in their opinion, and this they could not tolerate. they would fight, not on the strength of a careful and intelligent estimate of their power as compared to that of spain, but because they would not tolerate the idea and their national honor would prompt them to exhaust their strength before they would yield to such a humiliating proposition. their fighting power was only one unit of their national resources; their national independence, national character, unity and stability of organization were other units which added considerable strength to their resistance. what they could not defeat they would have left alone; what they could not tolerate they would have evaded; what they could not evade they would have run away from. an exaggerated degree of honor and self-pride, uncontrolled by a certain degree of intelligence, culture, and moral courage, is dangerous. courage unencumbered by prosperity or wealth and spurred by abnormal religious sentiment, becomes desperate, reckless, and fanatical. moreover the treatment by a highly civilized nation of another limited in culture and development is under moral restrictions similar to those pertaining to the treatment by a man of mature age of a minor. a minor can not be blamed for lack of mature reason, and no more can be expected of him than he is able to do. he must further be treated with equity and justice, though he is weak and helpless. it was impossible for the sulus to change their character at once. it was absurd to expect of them any action contrary to their natural disposition and national character. it was the duty of the sovereign nation to recognize the national character of her inferior and treat her wisely and justly. tact might have been mightier than an army and wise measures might have worked wonders. nations can be educated and can develop like individuals and force is a poor agent where the carrying out of a certain measure is intended to bring about reform. spain imposed tribute upon the sulus without being prepared to enforce its collection and before the sulus were ready for such a measure and the relation it involved. granting that the funds derived from the tax were to be used for the benefit of the sulus the principle underlying the institution of the tax is repugnant to the people and no means were used to remedy this feeling or train the people for its tolerance. no savage or semicivilized nation can be reformed and governed without initial expense, nor can reform be effected in a day, although forces and funds are available in plenty. resources of spain in their bearing on the subject under consideration the resources of spain may be divided into three divisions--her fighting power, her government machinery or system of government, and her racial influence. her fighting power includes all the forces of the army and navy which she could bring to bear on sulu and her ability to support them. the largest spanish force that ever assembled on the soil of sulu was that commanded by governor-general malcampo in the expedition of 1876; this was estimated at from 9,000 to 11,000 troops. in january, 1888, the military forces of the philippine islands numbered 12,800 men, of whom 1,400 were spaniards and the rest natives. governor arolas never commanded more than 2,000 troops in his various expeditions and never needed more than that number. a garrison force of 700 men proved sufficient to repulse a general attack on jolo in 1881. we may therefore safely conclude that a force of 2,000 native troops stationed in sulu was sufficient for all purposes and considerations. such a force should have been kept in sulu all the time. the moral effect of maintaining it would be to suppress any attempt at opposition and to check the tendency to mischief or rebellion. the fact that there is a ready force behind an order or request prompts obedience and conformity, before deceit or plots can have time to grow. wise measures are more effective and peace is assured. besides, the honor of the sovereign power is constantly maintained and no chances for disregard or dishonor are allowed. force back of a wise administrator is a potent factor for good. it need not be used except rarely and when absolutely necessary. force is evil only when it is allowed to rule the head of the administrator and, like every other agency, it is good only when it is wisely directed. it was therefore necessary and, in as far as it was needed to back a competent administration, it should have been provided. spain could have easily kept such a force in sulu all of the time. she had the troops and the means to support them. she, however, did not do this, and only part of the time did the sulu garrison have the required strength. however, the facility of transporting troops from zamboanga to jolo and the preponderance of her naval forces reduced this deficiency to a minimum and the fighting power of spain may, as far as our purpose is concerned, be deemed to have been adequate to rule sulu. the chief weakness in the spanish rã©gime lay in her system of government. her government machinery proved ineffective and inadequate. no competent men were educated into the needs of the situation and given permanent charge of sulu affairs. temporary military commanders were put in command without the necessary preparation for the requirements of the office. no special ability was needed to conduct an office already organized, to execute laws already established, or to carry out a system of government already laid out; but it required higher abilities to establish sovereignty over a new state like sulu, lay down a definite, settled, and wise policy, and carry out the regeneration and reform of a nation. besides too frequent changes in the office of governor-general, the governors of sulu were also allowed too short terms. more than thirteen governors ruled sulu in the course of twenty-three years, from 1876 to 1899. not one of these felt that it was his duty to institute a permanent policy for sulu, or believed that he was going to stay long enough to carry it through, and that he was going to be held responsible for its conduct, whether it failed or succeeded. the government of a state is entitled to as much consideration as any business undertaking and there is no reason why it should not be conducted on sound and businesslike principles. such methods as characterized the government of sulu would have ruined any business establishment and could not have done justice to any nation or body of men it represented. the men in responsible positions trusted the transmission of all official actions and communications to interpreters of limited capacity and strength of character. no governor could speak sulu and verify the translation of his letters and orders. his knowledge of sulu affairs and his ideas and opinions were necessarily colored by the opinions or designs of his interpreters. the strength of spain's assertion and declaration of her rights to rule sulu, exclude foreign interests, appoint the sultan of sulu, and impose tribute on the sulus was based on the meaning of the word "sovereignty" which does not appear at all in the sulu text of the treaty of 1878. the sulu copy of the treaty uses in this connection the word "agad" which means "follow." in the translation of this document from sulu into english a point was stretched and "agad" was interpreted as "obey." while the sultans of sulu felt that they were independent and free in their administration of sulu internal affairs, and that they were only obliged to give spain preference, and ally themselves on her side when foreign nations interfered, governors like arolas read the word "sovereignty" in the spanish text and tried to inforce its full and actual sense. the sulus felt that the spanish governors were thus transgressing the limits of their authority, and the spanish governors thought at the same time that the sulus were unreliable and deceitful, a most undesirable and unfortunate condition of affairs. the missionaries in the northern islands acted differently. they talked the language of the natives and performed their duties creditably and with unquestionable success. they understood the people, knew their real conditions, sympathized with them, and worked out their religious regeneration admirably. the governors of sulu did not take any such view of their duties; they had some zeal, but they lacked that understanding of human nature and the forces of regeneration that the missionaries mastered. they had no idea of how a sulu law or custom could be modified and reformed, for they never acquainted themselves sufficiently with the laws and customs of the people and never paid much attention to the feelings and public opinion of the sulus. they trusted every measure to force and could not think of reform without compulsion. a missionary who observed the intense fear of demons on the part of some pagan filipinos converted several of them by means of a picture of hell and satan, and gradually taught them the principles of christianity. but the governors of sulu could never detect any relation between sulu and spanish laws and could never find a method of approach from one side to the other. their form of government failed to adapt itself to the conditions of the country and could neither merge into the sulu organization nor adapt the sulu organization to its system. no sympathies bound the two races or the two organizations, and no foundation for unification and subsequent assimilation could be laid. spanish jurisdiction remained within the garrison, and its machinery could find no application outside the walls of jolo. the amount of force needed to reduce and reform sulu varies in accordance with the policy pursued. considerable light can be thrown on this subject by a study of the circumstances and causes which gave rise to datus ayunan, mandi, piang, ara, and pedro cuevas or kalun. datu ayunan lived at taviran and was much lower in rank and influence than either the sultan of bagumbayan or datu utu. having grievances against datu utu he shrewdly allied himself with the spanish forces and rendered them valuable assistance. in a short time he rose to power, dignity, and fame and died greater in the estimation of the country than his overlord, the sultan of bagumbayan. datu piang married the daughter of datu ayunan and learned his methods. as soon as datu utu's attitude toward him became unbearable and hostile he offered his services to the spanish authorities and won their protection and support. by shrewd tactics he dispossessed his former master utu of his best lands, attracted most of his following and caused his downfall. at the time of the spanish evacuation he had become the richest moro in mindanao and the most influential chief in the island. datu ara had chinese blood in him. he married his daughter to the gugu [224] of magindanao, won the favor of the governor of kotabato, and ruled over all moros on the southern branch of the mindanao river below tamontaka. he was strong and well respected. datu mandi married the daughter of a samal chief of zamboanga and through his tact and ability to speak spanish established for himself a respectable position over the samals of mindanao. he served the interests of spain faithfully and bore arms in her behalf against bisayans and lanao moros. the recognition and support he obtained from the spanish government raised him to the rank of a datu and gave him supremacy over all the chiefs of the peninsula of zamboanga. a close observation of datu mandi's ability and attitude toward the government renders it clear that the influence this man could bring to bear on his people was immense. it is no exaggeration to state that had his influence been tactfully utilized, he could have easily, with the aid of one company of spanish troops, reduced to submission all moros and subanuns living between point flechas and sindangan on the outskirts of dapitan. there never existed a moro chief more tactful, pliable, forceful, and favorable to the reorganization of the moro community and its system of government along modern and civilized lines. with little aid from the governor of zamboanga, pedro cuevas made himself the real lord of northern basilan. his power was further well respected throughout all the basilan group of islands. with no more than two companies of troops at his disposal he could have acted as the spanish representative and subordinate ruler or governor of all the basilan and balangingi groups of islands and could have effected any reform desired. by tact and ability these men obtained spanish influence and support and rose from the lowest ranks of the people to positions of great power and dignity. had the spanish government employed such men to further its influence by enlarging their following and extending their territories and spheres of activity, there is no doubt that a very significant step would have been taken which would have made clear to the spanish authorities successful methods of procedure and new lines of policy that lead to success. similar lines of action could have been adopted in sulu by taking advantage of existing parties and factions. once the sympathy of one sulu party was obtained and its forces bore arms on behalf of or on the same side with spain, the door would have been opened for effective influence and wise measures directed along the line of cleavage would have been bound to produce results. a minimum of force would then be needed, and strained relations and discord would give way to friendship and concord. the history of sulu is not wanting in proof that wise attractive methods have been more effective than force and arbitrary rule, and, once we reflect upon abu bakr's rule and the wonderful reformation he worked out, then we realize what was and what was not a wise policy for sulu. little attention has, as a rule, been given to race characteristics as a potent factor in a nation's policy. the racial character of the sovereign nation bears on the ruled nation in several ways--in the conduct and demeanor of officials in their official and social relations with the chiefs and common people, in the demeanor of soldiers and civilians in their social intercourse with the mass of the people, and in the industrial or business relations of the two nations. the sulu datus and chiefs are very courteous and polite and are unusually keen to notice personal discourtesy. impulsive and unconciliatory methods are bitterly resented, and an abrupt manner may in itself be sufficient to defeat any measure. the people in general have no patience with an impetuous officer and hate to be discourteously treated even by their datus. treated with disrespect by the authorities or disregarded by the ruling race, they become exclusive, evasive, indifferent, unsympathetic, and discontented. the ruling race can be polite, courteous, and civil in all its social relations with those under it and yet retain its racial supremacy and social position, and win the respect and submission of the ruled race. if ordinary civil duties require good breeding and good manners, the duties of the spanish officer toward the native chiefs certainly demanded the highest qualities of a gentleman and the most sympathetic, upright, and firm disposition possible. many spanish officers possessed these qualities and conducted their offices with full dignity and credit, but it can not be said that all officers were so fully qualified. such facts in themselves are sufficient to determine the quality of the person to whom state affairs in sulu should be trusted. further, the reform of a nation can never be fully accomplished without the aid of her chiefs and leaders. the coã¶peration of the natives is a very potent factor for good, and a system of government which aims at the elevation of a conquered nation must find a place in its machinery for the activities of natives of ability and influence. hence the necessity of successful coã¶peration with natives and the importance of securing higher qualifications in men holding the highest offices of government. the fewer such officers are and the abler they are, the better and safer the result will be. such men can overcome racial prejudices and national sentiments and grievances and by the manner in which they discharge their duties, they can command the approval and respect of the ruled nation, gain its sympathies to the side of the government, and maintain peace, prosperity, and good relations between the governing and the governed nations. however, these results were not obtained by spain in sulu. the religion and racial prejudices of the two nations were never overcome and the sulus maintained a feeling of revulsion and distrust toward spaniards and christian filipinos. great aid is rendered the government when the ruling race is competent and resourceful enough to utilize the services of the ruled race and at the same time give it sufficient space and latitude for the exercise of its energies and the satisfaction of its ambitions. a most favorable industrial relation can be maintained, if the capital of the sovereign nation can find opportunities to invest in the conquered territory, buy up its crude products, and promote its natural resources. the natives then find work to do, increase in prosperity, and look upon the existence of the ruling race as favorable for their development and progress, but in case the subjugated nation is crowded out of its territories and robbed of its resources by keen competition, greed, or undue domination on the part of the ruling race, hostilities are bound to arise and disaffection extends from industrial relations to politics and may lead to trouble and rebellion. many spaniards seemed to regard sulu as a very desirable country for colonization and offered many suggestions as to the most favorable sites for factories, the best industries that could be developed, and the best methods and means of exploitation. several farms were started in the vicinity of jolo, but they were abandoned even before the evacuation of the islands, and no effective step can be said to have been taken by spain to colonize sulu except the building up of the town of jolo itself. this subject has therefore played no important part in the policy exercised by spain in sulu and very little can be said in this connection. it must, however, be stated that the lands of the archipelago of sulu are extremely limited in area and should have been reserved for the sulus. perfect disinterestedness should have been exhibited by the spaniards in this regard. [225] appendixes to part ii appendix i the pacification of mindanao by ronquillo [sucesos de las islas filipinas, dr. antonio de morga, mexico, 1609.] [226] shortly after don francisco tello had taken over the governorship, news was brought of the death of esteban rodriguez de figueroa in mindanao by brother gaspar gomez of the society of jesus. the latter brought the body for burial in the college of manila, of which don esteban was patron. juan de la xara wrote that he had charge of affairs, that he had settled in tampakan, [227] that he intended to continue the pacification and conquest of the island as should seem most advisable, and that reã«nforcements of men and other things should be sent him. it was learned that he intended to make an ill use of the government, and would not remain dependent on, and subordinate to, the governor of the philippines; and that he was depriving the heirs of esteban rodriguez of what lawfully belonged to them. it was learned that, in order to make himself safer in this respect, he was sending his confidants to the town of arã©valo in oton where don esteban had left his wife, doã±a ana de osseguera, and his two small daughters, with his house and property, to persuade doã±a ana to marry him. this resolution appeared injurious in many respects, and the attempt was made to rectify matters. but in order not to disturb the affairs of mindanao, the matter was left alone for the present, until time should show the course to be followed. and so it happened that when juan de la xara left the camp and settlements of mindanao, and came hurriedly to oton to negotiate his marriage in person--although the widow of don esteban had never been favorable to it--don francisco tello sent men to arrest him. he was brought to manila, where he died while his trial was being conducted. after the imprisonment of juan de la xara, don francisco tello immediately sent captain toribio de miranda to mindanao, with orders to take command of the camp and to govern until some one should agree to continue the enterprise. when he arrived at mindanao and the soldiers saw that juan de la xara's schemes had been defeated, and that the latter was a prisoner in manila, with no hope of returning, they obeyed toribio de miranda and the orders that he brought. in manila the governor was considering carefully the necessary measures for continuing the war, since the island of mindanao was so near the other pacified islands, and the island itself contained some provinces that professed peace and were apportioned as encomiendas and had spanish magistrates, such as the rivers of butuan, dapitan, and karaga, so that it was desirable to pacify the whole island and subject it to his majesty. the royal treasury was spent and could not bear the expense; and esteban rodriguez had bound himself by a legal writ to carry the war to entire completion at his own expense, in accordance with the terms of his agreement. the guardian of his children and heirs brought the matter before the court, and refused to fulfill this obligation on account of esteban rodriguez's death. in order not to lose time, for what had been commenced had to be continued in one way or another, the governor decided to prosecute it, drawing the necessary funds from the royal treasury, either on its own account or on the account of esteban rodriguez's heirs, if such should be according to law. the governor then searched for a person to go to mindanao, and selected don juan ronquillo, general of the galleys. the latter was given the necessary reã«nforcements of men and other things, with which he reached mindanao. he took command of the spanish camp and fleet which he found in tampakan. he confirmed the peace and friendship with the chiefs and people of tampakan and lumagan, restored and set in better order the spanish settlement and fort, and began to make preparation for the war against the people of bwayan. [228] he spent many days in making a few incursions into their land and attacks on their forts, but without any notable result, for the enemy were many and all good soldiers, with plenty of arquebuses and artillery, and had fortified themselves in a strong position. they had many other fortifications inland and went from one to the other with impunity, whenever they wished, and greatly harassed the spaniards, who were little used to so swampy a country. the latter found themselves short of provisions without the possibility of getting them in the country on account of the war, inasmuch as the camp contained many men, both spaniards and the native servants and boatmen, and it was not easy at all times to come and go from one part to another in order to provide necessities. meanwhile don juan ronquillo, seeing that the war was advancing very slowly and with little result, and that the camp was suffering, drew up a report of it, and sent letters in all haste to governor don francisco tello, informing him of the condition of affairs. he wrote that it would be better to withdraw the camp from mindanao river, so that it might not perish; and that a presidio could be established on the same island in the port of la caldera, which could be left fortified, in order not to abandon this enterprise entirely, and so that their friends of tampakan and lumagan might be kept hostile to the people of bwayan. meanwhile he and the rest of the camp and fleet would return to manila, if permitted, for which he requested the governor to send him an order quickly. upon the receipt of this dispatch, governor don francisco tello resolved to order don juan ronquillo, since the above was so and the camp could not be maintained, nor the war continued advantageously, to withdraw with his whole camp from mindanao river. he was first to make a great effort to chastise the enemy in bwayan, and then to burn the spanish settlement and fort and go to la caldera, fortify it, and leave there a sufficient garrison with artillery, boats, and provisions for its maintenance and service. then he was to return to manila with the rest of his men, after telling their friends in tampakan that the spaniards would shortly return to the river better equipped and in great numbers. silonga [229] and other chiefs of bwayan were not neglecting their defense, since, among other measures taken, they had sent a chief to ternate to ask assistance against the spaniards who had brought war into their homes. thereupon the king of ternate dispatched a numerous fleet of caracoas and other boats to mindanao with cachils [230] and valiant soldiers--more than 1,000 fighting men in all--and a quantity of small artillery, in order to force the spaniards to break camp and depart, even could they do nothing else. when the news reached bwayan that this fleet was coming to their defense and support, they made ready and prepared to attack the spaniards, who also having heard the same news were not careless. consequently the latter turned their attention more to the main fort, and reduced the number of men in the smaller forts on butil [231] river and other posts, mouths, and arms of the same river. these served to strengthen the garrison of the main fort and the armed galleys and other smaller craft, in order to use the latter to resist the expected attack of the enemy. the enemy having gallantly advanced to the very fort of the spaniards with all their vessels and men, attacked and stormed it with great courage and resolution, in order to effect an entrance. the spaniards within resisted valiantly, and those outside in the galleys on the river assisted them so effectively that together, with artillery and arquebuses, and at times in close combat with swords and kampilan, they made a great slaughter and havoc among the men of ternate and those of bwayan, who were aiding the former. they killed and wounded a great number of them and captured almost all the caracoas and vessels of the enemy, so that very few boats escaped, and they were pursued and burned by the spaniards, who made many prisoners and seized immense booty and many weapons from the enemy. as soon as possible after this, the spaniards turned against the settlements and forts of bwayan where some of their results were of so great moment that the enemy, seeing themselves hard pressed and without anyone to help them, sent messages and proposals of peace to don juan ronquillo, which were ended by their rendering recognition and homage, and the renewal of friendship with the people of tampakan, their ancient enemy. in order to strengthen the friendship, they sealed it by the marriage of the greatest chief and lord of bwayan with the daughter of another chief of tampakan, called dungunlibur. thereupon the war was apparently completely ended, provisions were now to be had, and the spaniards with little precaution crossed and went about the country wherever they wished. the people of bwayan promised to dismantle all their forts immediately, for that was one of the conditions of peace. then the spaniards returned to their fort and settlements at tampakan, whence don juan ronquillo immediately sent dispatches to governor don francisco tello, informing him of the different turn that the enterprise had taken. in view of the present condition he requested the governor to issue new instructions as to his procedure, saying that he would wait without making any change, notwithstanding the arrival of the answer which he expected to his first report, for conditions had now become so much better than before that the governor's decision would be different. the governor had already answered don juan ronquillo's first dispatch, as we have said above, when the second dispatch arrived with news of the successes in mindanao. suspicious of the men in the camp who had constantly shown a desire to return to manila, and little relish for the hardships of war, and fearing lest they would return at the arrival of the first order, executing that order and abandoning the enterprise which had reached such a satisfactory stage; and thinking that it would be unwise to abandon the river, the governor made haste to send a second dispatch immediately by various roads, ordering them to pay no attention to his first orders, but to remain in mindanao, and that he would soon send them what was necessary for further operations. it seems that this message traveled slowly; for, the first having arrived, they obeyed it without any further delay, and camp was raised and the country abandoned. to their former enemy of bwayan they gave as a reason that the governor of manila had summoned them; and to their friends of tampakan they said that they would leave men in la caldera for their security, and that assistance would be sent them from manila. this news caused as much sorrow and sadness to the latter as joy to the people of bwayan. then, after burning their fort and settlement, the spaniards embarked all their forces as soon as possible, left the river, and went to la caldera, 24 leagues farther down in the direction of manila. having entered port, they built a fortress and left there a garrison of 100 spaniards, with some artillery, provisions, and boats for their use. at this juncture the governor's second message to general don juan ronquillo arrived, to which the latter replied that he was already in la caldera, and could not return to the river. then, without any further delay, don juan ronquillo went to manila with the balance of his fleet, by way of the provinces of oton and panay. the governor, having heard of his coming, sent to arrest him on the road before he entered the city, and proceeded against him by law for having withdrawn the camp and army from mindanao river, without awaiting the orders he should have expected after the favorable turn that affairs had taken. don juan ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private letter from the governor, which the latter had sent him separately with the first instructions, to the effect that he should return to manila with his troops in any event, for they were needed in the islands for other purposes; and because of this letter don juan had determined not to await the second order. appendix ii the pacification of mindanao [232] [concerning the pacification of the island of mindanao in the year 1600.] [233] in the relation of the last year you will have learned how occurred the death, in the pacification of the island of mindanao, of esteban rodriguez de figueroa, who offered to carry out this pacification under the conditions which he stipulated with gomez perez dasmariã±as, formerly governor of these islands, copies of which were sent to his majesty and to master-of-camp juan de lajara, formerly of the said expedition, who succeeded to his place when the camp was abandoned, and came to manila. don francisco tello, governor and captain-general of the said philippine islands, who at that time had taken possession of the government, was considering how to aid and stimulate the said pacification at the expense of the heirs of esteban rodriguez, and with the agreement of the captains and persons who were long resident and experienced in war in the said islands. don juan ronquillo was appointed commander of the galleys to prosecute the said pacification, and in the meantime, in order to be present and continue the expedition, capt. toribio de miranda was sent forward to encourage and animate the troops, under orders to keep them in his charge; and in case the post should be abandoned, and a retreat made to manila, he should detain the troops and return to mindanao. the said capt. toribio de miranda having arrived at the island [234] of la caldera, which lies 40 leagues from the river of mindanao, there found the whole camp, which was returning from the said islands. conformably to the orders which he had, he turned back and fortified the site where they had first been, which was on the river, 4 leagues from the forts of the enemy. juan ronquillo, having been dispatched to mindanao, had taken the camp in his charge, and begun to achieve some success. he achieved a victory in the battle which he fought with the ternatans, who had entered with 800 men to give aid to the people of mindanao. before these successes, he had written a letter in disparagement of that country (a copy of which was sent to his majesty), on account of which, in a council of war which had been held, the general don ronquillo had been ordered to make a last effort against the mindanaos, doing them all possible damage. he was then to come to the island [235] of la caldera and there build a fort, to be garrisoned with a hundred spanish soldiers, with artillery, arms, and munitions, and leave them there as a check upon ternate and mindanao, in charge of a good soldier, one of the captains of the camp, and with the rest return to manila. although don juan ronquillo received this order, after having won considerable victories, he again wrote that he would not abandon that place, even if such were the order, because it would not be expedient to retire from the camp and comply with what had been ordered, when he was leaving the island of mindanao already pacified, the chiefs, with whom he had used gentle means, that they might all be more contented, having again rendered submission to his majesty, and likewise as the king of sulu again rendered obedience and submission. confiding in this, capt. cristobal villagra, whom don juan ronquillo had appointed commander of the garrison of la caldera, had sent 30 soldiers to the island of sulu for supplies. they found at this time in jolo a mindanao chief, an uncle of the king of mindanao and a brother-in-law of the king of sulu, who had been driven out of mindanao because he was rebellious. he treacherously killed 13 spanish soldiers. when news of this was brought, juan pacho was sent to take the troops of la caldera in charge, and, when it should seem best to him, to try to inflict punishment with 600 spaniards; the enemy unfortunately killed the said juan pacho and 29 spaniards, the rest of them retiring without any success. this news having come to the governor, he sent in place of juan pacho, capt. toribio de miranda, a person in whom he had entire confidence, with an order not to attempt any punishment until he had force enough for it. after this capt. toribio de miranda arrived at la caldera on the 26th of august, 1599. when the garrison was given into his charge he put the defensive works in order, and with the arms which he brought, and those which he found in the fort, he armed all the troops, amounting to 114 soldiers. as directed by an order of the governor, he sent a chief of the pintados [bisayans] to mindanao with letters to the chiefs of the island, in which he informed them that they would be protected, favored, and upheld in justice, as vassals of his majesty, and that with this object a garrison had been placed in la caldera; and that to aid in maintaining it, and in covering the expenses which they had caused in the war by their disobedience, the largest possible quantity of tributes would be collected for his majesty, and that he would send for them shortly, which had not been done earlier because the mindanaos had been so spent and afflicted. having arrived on the 2d of september at the river of mindanao, and delivered his dispatch, this chief was well received, and found the people in the settled state in which gen. don juan ronquillo had left them. raja muda, the main chief of mindanao, in the name of them all, sent him back on the 15th of the said month, offering to give to his majesty all the tribute which they could collect. at this time news from the chief captain of malacca having reached the governor, to the effect that in the sunda, [236] 150 leagues from that port, there had been seen a number of english ships, whose designs were not known; and, a little later, word from the commander of the fort of maluco that there were at ternate, within the port, two english ships with 400 men and 50 pieces of artillery; a council of war was held as to what was best to do. the said council decided to withdraw the garrison from la caldera to cebu, so that the enemy should not take that place; and, if they should attempt to do damage to that province, they would find it in a state of defense. accordingly an order was sent to capt. toribio de miranda to withdraw with the troops, arms, artillery, and munitions, dismantling the fort; he was also told that he could return shortly to the island; with more troops and arms, in order to assist in its defense. on the 9th of september capt. toribio de miranda arrived at cebu, with all the troops, artillery, arms, and munitions; and at the same time gen. don juan tello arrived at cebu with a hundred men, who came as reã«nforcement from the city of manila. having spent six months there and commenced to build a fort of stone, the governor, as they had no more news of the english referred to, sent an order to the said don juan to come to the city of manila--which he did with the hundred men. leaving the province of cebu in a prosperous condition, with the troops which are usually kept there, and those of the garrison of la caldera, which in all amounted to 250 spaniards. after all this, in june of 1600, the governor received news, by way of malacca, that the ships which had passed to the south sea belonged to dutch merchants, who had come to load with spices in the maluco islands. having transacted their business, they had returned to their own country by way of india, without doing any damage to the islands of the west; it therefore seems that we are safe, notwithstanding the news received of those enemies. appendix iii the moro raids of 1599 and 1600 [sucesos de las islas filipinas, dr. antonio de morga, mexico, 1609.] [237] the spanish garrison left in la caldera, at the withdrawal of don ronquillo's camp from the river of mindanao, passed into command of captain villagra at the death of capt. juan pacho in jolo, and was suffering for lack of provisions; for neither the people of the river could give them to the spaniards, nor would the sulus furnish any on account of the war declared upon them. therefore the garrison urgently requested governor don francisco tello either to aid their presidio with provisions, soldiers, and ammunition, or to allow them to retire to manila--a thing of which they were most desirous--since there they gained no other special result than that of famine, and of incarceration in that fort, and of no place wherein to seek their sustenance. the governor, in view of their insistence in the matter, and having but little money in the royal exchequer, with which to provide for and maintain the said presidio and for the same reason the punishment that was to be inflicted upon the sulus for their outrages upon the spaniards, and their insurrection was deferred--and thinking that the return to mindanao matters would be a long question, he was inclined to excuse the difficulty and anxiety of maintaining the presidio of la caldera. in order to do it with a reasonable excuse he consulted the audiencia and other intelligent persons, and requested them to give him their opinion. but he first communicated his wishes to them and gave them some reasons with which he tried to persuade them to give him the answer that he desired. the audiencia advised him not to remove or raise the garrison of la caldera, but to reã«nforce and maintain it, and to attend to the affairs of sulu and the river of mindanao as soon as possible, even if what was necessary for those two places should be withdrawn from some other section. they said that this was the most urgent need, and the one which required the greatest attention in the islands, both in order to pacify those provinces and to keep them curbed; lest, seeing the spaniards totally withdrawn, they should gain courage and boldly venture still farther and come down to make captures among the pintados [bisayans] and carry the war to the very doors of the spaniards. notwithstanding this reply the governor resolved to raise and withdraw the garrison, and sent orders to captain villagra immediately to burn the fort which had been built in la caldera, to withdraw with all his men and ships, and return to manila. this was quickly done, for the captain and the soldiers of the garrison waited for nothing more than to dismantle the fort and leave. when the sulus saw the spaniards abandoning the country, they were persuaded that the latter would return to mindanao no more, and that they had not sufficient forces to do so. thereupon they gained fresh resolution and courage, and united with the people of bwayan on the river, and equipped a number of caracoas and other craft, in order to descend upon the coast of pintados (bisayas) to plunder them and make captives. the people of tampakan, who lost hope of receiving further help from the spaniards, and of the latter's return to the river, since they had also abandoned the fort of la caldera and left the country, came to terms with and joined the people of bwayan, their neighbors, in order to avoid the war and injuries that they were suffering from the latter. then all turned their arms against the spaniards, promising themselves to make many incursions into their territory and gain much plunder. accordingly they prepared their fleet and appointed as leaders and commanders of it two of the experienced chiefs of the river of mindanao, called sali and silungan. [238] they left the mindanao river in the month of july of the year 1599, in the season of the vendabals, [239] with 50 caracoas, containing more than 3,000 soldiers armed with arquebuses, kampilan, carasas, [240] other weapons with handles, and many culverins, and steered toward the islands of oton and panay, and neighboring islands. they passed negros island and went to the river of panay, which they ascended for 5 leagues to the chief settlement, where the alcalde-mayor and some spaniards were living. they sacked the settlement, burned the houses and churches, captured many native christians--men, women, and children--upon whom they committed many murders, cruelties, and outrages. they pursued these in boats more than 10 leagues up the river, and destroyed all the crops. for the alcalde-mayor, and those who could, fled inland among the mountains, and accordingly the enemy had a better opportunity to do what they pleased. after they had burned all the vessels in the river, they left the river of panay with their boats laden with pillaged goods and captive christians. they did the same in the other islands and towns which they passed. then they returned to mindanao, without any opposition being offered, with a quantity of gold and goods and more than 800 captives, besides the people whom they had killed. in mindanao they divided the spoil, and agreed to get ready a larger fleet for the next year, and return to make war better prepared. [241] this daring attack of the mindanaos worked great injury to the pintado islands [bisayas], both on account of their deeds there and also on account of the fear and terror with which they inspired the natives; because of the latter being in the power of the spaniards, who kept them subject, tributary, and disarmed, and neither protected them from their enemies, nor left them the means to defend themselves, as they used to do when there were no spaniards in the country. therefore many towns of peaceful and subjected indians revolted and withdrew to the tingues, [242] and refused to descend to their houses, magistrates, and encomenderos. [243] as was reported daily, they all had a great desire to revolt and rebel, but they were appeased and reduced again to subjection by a few promises and presents from their encomenderos and religious who showed great pity and sadness over their injuries. although in manila people regretted these injuries, and still more those which were expected in the future from the enemy, they did nothing but regret them--since the governor was ill provided with ships and other necessities for the defense--and reckon them with the loss which they had suffered for having raised the camp on the river of mindanao and dismantled the presidio of la caldera. as soon as the weather permitted, the mindanaos and sulus returned with a large fleet of more than 70 well-equipped ships and more than 4,000 fighting men, led by the same silungan and sali, and other mindanao and sulu chiefs, to the same islands of pintados [bisayas], with the determination of taking and sacking the spanish town of arã©valo, which is situated in oton. capt. juan garcã­a de sierra, alcalde mayor of that province, having heard of this expedition and of the designs entertained by the enemy, took the most necessary precautions, and gathering into the town all the spaniards who lived there and in its neighborhood, shut himself up in it with all of them. then, having repaired, as well as possible, a wooden fort there, he gathered there the women and their possessions. he and the spaniards--about 70 men--armed with arquebuses, awaited the enemy. the latter, who intended to attack the river of panay again, passed negros island and made for the town of arã©valo, where they anchored close to the native settlement. then they landed 1,500 men armed with arquebuses, kampilan, and carasas, and, without stopping on the way marched against the spanish town which was the object of their attack. the spaniards, divided into troops, sallied forth and opened fire with their arquebuses upon the enemy with such vehemence that they forced them to retreat and take refuge on board their caracoas. so great was the enemy's confusion that many mindanaos were killed before they could embark. capt. juan garcã­a de sierra, who was on horseback, pursued the enemy so closely to the water's edge that the latter cut off the legs of his mount with their kampilan and brought him to the ground, where they killed him. the enemy embarked with a heavy loss of men, and halted at the island of gimarã¡s, [244] in sight of arã©valo. there they counted their men, including the dead and the wounded, who were not a few, and among whom was one of the most noted chiefs and leaders. then they sailed for mindanao, making a great show of grief and sorrow, and sounding their bells [245] and tifas. [246] they made no further delay at pintados [bisayas], deriving little profit or gain from the expedition but much injury, and loss of men and reputation, which was felt more deeply upon their arrival in sulu and mindanao. in order to remedy this disaster, it was proposed to renew their expedition against the pintados at the first monsoon with more ships and men, and it was so decided. appendix iv gallinato's expedition to jolo [sucesos de las islas filipinas, dr. antonio de morga, mexico, 1609.] [247] the daring and audacity of the mindanaos and sulus in making incursions with their fleets into the islands of pintados [bisayas] had reached such a state that it was now expected that they would come as far as manila, plundering and devastating. in order to check them, at the beginning of the year 1602, governor don francisco tello, deriving strength from weakness, determined that the expedition against sulu should be made at once, without more delay, in order to punish and pacify it, with the forces and men whom capt. and sargento-mayor juan xuarez gallinato held in cebu and in the pintados [bisayas] together with more men, ships, and provisions, which were sent him, accompanied by the necessary documents and instructions for him to enter the island, chastise its king and inhabitants, and pacify and reduce it to the obedience of his majesty. by this means, until there should be an opportunity to settle the affairs of mindanao, which is quite near sulu, the audacity of the enemy would be checked; and by bringing the war into his own country, he would not come out to commit depredations. captain gallinato set out on this expedition with 200 spanish soldiers, ships, artillery, enough provisions for four months--the time which it was thought the expedition would last--and with indians as rowers for the ships and for other services that might arise. when he arrived at sulu, at the bar of the river of this island, which is 2 leagues from the principal town and dwellings of the king, he landed his men, artillery, and the necessary provisions and left his ships under a sufficient guard. the islanders were all in the town and dwellings of the king, which are situated on a very high hill above some cliffs, and have two roads of approach through paths and roads so narrow that they can be reached only in single file. they had fortified the whole place, intrenched it with palms and other woods and a number of culverins. they had also collected provisions and water for their sustenance, besides a supply of arquebuses and other weapons. they had neither women nor children with them, for they had taken them out of the island. they had requested aid from the people of mindanao, bruney, and ternate, and were awaiting the same, since they had been informed of the fleet which was being prepared against them in the pintados [bisayas]. gallinato determined to pitch his camp near the town before this aid should arrive, and to attack the fort. after he had quartered himself at a distance of one-half league, in a plain facing the ascent, he sent interpreters with messages to the king and chiefs of the island, calling on them to surrender, and telling them that good terms would be given them. while waiting for an answer, he fortified his quarters in that spot, intrenching himself wherever necessary. he mounted the artillery in the best position for use, and kept his men ready for any emergency. a false and deceptive answer was returned, making excuses for the excesses that had been committed, and for not complying just then with what had been asked of them, and making loud promises to do so later. all this was with the object of detaining the captain in that place, which is very unhealthy, until the rains should set in, his provisions run short, and the arrival of the expected aid. after this answer had been received the sulus, thinking that the spaniards had become more careless on account of it, swarmed down quickly from the said fort in a large body of probably somewhat over one thousand; and armed with arquebuses and other weapons with handles, kampilan, and caraã§as, attacked and assaulted the quarters and camp of the spaniards. this could not be done so secretly as not to be seen by the spaniards and allow them opportunity to prepare to receive the sulus before their arrival. this the spaniards did, and having permitted the natives to come all together in a body to the very inside of the quarters and trenches, as soon as the sulus had discharged their arquebuses the spaniards opened fire upon them, first with their artillery, and then with their arquebuses, killing many, and forcing the rest to retire in flight to the fort. the spaniards pursued them, wounding and killing to the middle of the hill. but seeing that farther on the paths were so narrow and rough, they retreated before the heavy artillery fire from the heights and the large stones hurled down upon them and returned to their quarters. upon many other days efforts were made to reach the fort, but without any result. thereupon gallinato, in consideration of the war being prolonged beyond what had been expected, built two forts, one where he kept his ships in order to defend them and the port; and the other one-half league farther on in a suitable place where they could take refuge and communicate with the camp. the forts were built of wood and fascines and fortified with the artillery from the ships. the spaniards shut themselves up in these forts, whence from time to time they sallied, making incursions as far as the enemy's fort. the latter always remained shut up in their fort without ever choosing to come down or to yield; for he was convinced that the spaniards could not remain long in the island. when gallinato saw that the rains were fast setting in, that his men were becoming ill, and that his provisions were failing without his having accomplished the desired task, and that it could not be accomplished with his remaining resources, and that the enemy from mindanao with other allies of theirs were boasting that they were gathering a large fleet in order to drive the spaniards from jolo, he sent news of all that had occurred to the governor of manila, with a plan of the island and fort and a relation of the difficulties which the enterprise presented. he sent this in a vessel, by capt. and sargento-mayor pedro cotelo de morales, toward the end of may of the year 1602, in order to obtain instructions as to his procedure, and the necessary reã«nforcement of men and provisions. the captain was charged to return quickly with the answer. * * * at the same time that governor don pedro de acuã±a entered upon his administration, the captain and sargento-mayor, pedro cotelo de morales, arrived from jolo with the advices and report of juan xuarez gallinato concerning the state of affairs in that island, whither he had gone with the fleet at the beginning of that same year. the governor, on account of the importance of the matter, wished to make every effort possible, and determined to send him supplies and a reã«nforcement of some men, which he did as soon as possible. he was ordered to at least make an effort to punish that enemy, even if he could do nothing more, and whenever the opportunity presented itself, to go to do the same thing in the river of mindanao, and return to the pintados [bisayas]. when this commission reached jolo gallinato was already so worn out, and his men so ill, that the reã«nforcements only made it possible for him to get away from there; accordingly without seeing to another thing, he broke camp, burned the forts which he had built, embarked, and went to pintados, leaving the people of that island of sulu and their neighbors, those of mindanao, emboldened more than ever to make raids against the pintados, and the islands within, which they did. the governor, without delaying any longer in manila, hastily started for the island of panay and the town of arã©valo, in a galliot and other small vessels, to see their needs with his own eyes, in order to provide for them. he left war matters in manila, during his absence, in charge of licentiate don antonio de ribera, auditor of the audiencia. as soon as the governor left manila, the auditor had plenty to look after, because a squadron of 20 caracoas and other vessels from mindanao entered the islands as far as the island of luzon and its coasts, making captures. having taken some ships bound from cebu to manila, they captured 10 spaniards in them, among them a woman and a priest and capt. martin de mandia, and they took them off with them. they entered calilaya, burned the church and all the town, and captured many persons of all classes among the natives. thence they passed to the town of balayan to do the same, but the auditor, having received news of the enemy in manila, had it already in a state of defense with 50 spaniards and a captain and some vessels. consequently, they did not dare to enter the town or its bay, but crossed over to mindoro, where, in the principal town, they captured many men, women, and children among the natives, seizing their gold and possessions, and burning their houses and church, where they captured the prebendary corral, curate of that doctrina. they filled their own ships, and others which they seized there, with captives, gold, and property, staying in the port of mindoro as leisurely as though in their own land, notwithstanding that it is but 24 leagues from manila. capt. martin de mendia, prisoner of these pirates, offered, for himself and the other spanish captives that, if they would let him go to manila, he would get the ransom for all, and would take it, or would send it within six months, to the river of mindanao, or otherwise he would return to their power. the chief in command of the fleet agreed thereto, with certain provisions and conditions, and caused the other captives to write to the effect that what had been agreed upon might be fulfilled, and then he allowed the captain to leave the fleet. the latter came to the city, and upon receiving his report, the auditor sent munitions, ships, and more men to balayan than there were there already, with orders to go in pursuit of the enemy without delay, saying that they would find him in mindoro. capt. gaspar perez, who had charge of this in balayan, did not start so quickly as he should have done in order to find the enemy in mindoro, for when he arrived he found that he had left that port six days before, laden with ships and booty, to return to mindanao. then he went in pursuit of him, although somewhat slowly. the enemy put into the river of a little uninhabited island to get water and wood. just at that time governor don pedro de acuã±a, who was hastily returning to manila, from the town of arevalo, where he had learned of the incursion of those pirates, passed. he passed so near the mouth of the river, in two small champanes [248] and a virrey, [248] with very few men, that it was a wonder that he was not seen and captured by the enemy. he learned that the enemy was there, from a boat of natives which was escaping therefrom, and then he met gaspar perez going in search of the enemy with twelve vessels--caracoas and virreys and some large champanes. the governor made him make more haste and gave him some of his own men to guide him to where he had left the pirates the day before, whereupon they went to attack them. but the latter espied the fleet through their sentinels whom they had already stationed in the sea, outside the river. accordingly they left the river in haste, and took to flight, throwing into the sea goods and slaves in order to flee more lightly. their flagship and almiranta caracoas protected the ships which were dropping behind and made them throw overboard what they could and work with all the strength of their paddles, assisted by their sails. the spanish fleet, the vessels of which were not so light, could not put forth enough strength to overtake all of them, because, furthermore, they went into the open without fear of the heavy seas which were running, inasmuch as they were fleeing. yet some of the ships of capt. gaspar perez, being lighter, got the enemy's fleet, sunk some caracoas, and captured two, but the rest escaped, although with great danger of being lost. without accomplishing anything else, the fleet returned to manila where the governor had already entered, very much disturbed that things should have come to such a pass that these enemies, who had never dared to leave their houses, should have been so daring and bold as to come to the very gates of the city, doing great damage and making captures. appendix v olaso's expedition in 1629 [249] [relation of events in the philippine islands and other surrounding regions, from the month of july, 1629, until that of 1630.] [250] i shall commence the affairs of these islands with the expedition to jolo. it is an island of the archipelago, rebellious for years past, and its natives, who are mohammedans, have made a thousand incursions against us in these islands, pillaging whenever opportunity arises, burning villages and churches, and capturing numerous people. in order to remedy all these evils, governor don juan niã±o de tabora determined to equip a powerful fleet in order to destroy that enemy and conquer a stronghold which nature has made in their island so lofty and so difficult of approach that there is no better stone castle, for the approach to it is by one path, and it has some artillery which defends it. the people are courageous and warlike. for our fleet were collected 1 galley, 3 brigantines, 12 freight champanes (which are like small pataches) [251] and about 50 caracoas. the last named are the usual craft of these islands, and generally have thirty or forty oars on a side. all these vessels together carried about 400 spaniards and 2,500 indians, and they had considerable apparatus and war supplies. it was quite sufficient for another conquest of greater importance than the one on which they were going. all that fleet departed, then, from the port of dapitan on march 17. dapitan is the port nearest to the enemy, and the island of sulu was reached in [blank space in the ventura del arco ms.] days. at dawn our men were landed, and began the ascent to the stronghold. the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso, who was commander in chief of the fleet, preceded the men. the sulus defended their stronghold with valor. they killed some of our men and wounded eight, among them the master-of-camp himself. he was overthrown, as if dead, and went rolling down the hill. however, he was not dead, but only wounded, nothing more. our men retired on the run, and to speak plainly, such terror entered into them that they did not dare to attack again. they skirted the island in their craft, entered the villages, burned, wrecked, destroyed them, and killed a few people. they brought back some captives with them whom the sulus had taken from us. a violent storm overtook them, which compelled them to weigh anchor, and they retired stealthily. thus so powerful a fleet as that was lost. it was such a fleet that never has one like it been made for the indies in these islands. the sulu enemy were left triumphant, and so insolent that we fear that they will make an end of the islands of the pintados [bisayas] which are the nearest ones to them, and which they infest and pillage with great facility. appendix vi corcuera's campaign in jolo [252] in my last letter i wrote to your reverence of the result of the first attack, which was unfortunate, because the moros repulsed us, as i told your reverence. not less unfortunate will be the news that i shall now relate, [253] which it is yet necessary for me to tell, in order to fulfil my duty and to remove the clouds arising from rumors and letters that will go there. i am here and see everything; and there is never a lack of those who tell many new things and exaggerate matters that are not so great as they will relate and descant there, where no one can report and declare what has happened. it is as follows: since that attack, we have made two others. the first was with five mines which we had made, with which we expected to blow up a great part of those walls. all of the mines were fired, and thinking that they would cause the same effects as the others our men retired farther than they ought to have done. four of the mines exploded, and did not a little damage among the enemy. they, full of fear, fled down from their position; but, as the mines did not make the noise that we expected, we did not, accordingly, get there in time, as we were quite distant because of our fear lest the mines do us harm. the moros retook their position, so that we were repulsed this time, as we had been the other, with the death of a captain, while some men were wounded. the fifth mine was left, and did not explode that time. hence its mouth was looked for, and having found it, we tried two days after that to make another assault. the assault was made after the mine had exploded. that mine was larger than the others had been, and caused much damage. but the moros fortified themselves again, with greater strength than they had the last two times, and defended themselves in their trenches, which had been fortified with many stockades and terrepleins, so that we could not enter. we lost some soldiers on that occasion, who tried to show that they were bold and valiant. among them was the sargento-mayor, melon, who was struck by a ball which passed through him and carried him off in two days. may god rest his soul! thereupon, we retired to our posts and endeavored to collect our men and carry away the wounded, who were many. we have lost four captains of renown in these three assaults--namely, captain pimienta, captain juan nicolas, captain don pedro de mena, and sargento-mayor gonzales de caseres melon. besides these three assaults, another misfortune happened to us on st. matthew's day, which was as follows: captain rafael ome, going with forty-six men and two hundred indians to make a garo [254] (as we say here), and having taken up quarters in a field, where there was a fortified house, arranged his posts at intervals and ordered his men to be on their guard. but since man proposes and god disposes, the posts were either careless, or god ordained it thus; for suddenly the enemy rushed upon our men, who could not unite, as they were by that time scattered through the forest. the enemy, having caught them off their guard, made a pastime of it, killing twenty-six men, and carrying off arms, powder, balls and fuses. i regard that event as the greatest of all our losses. among those of our men killed there by the enemy was captain lopez suarez, a fine soldier. our men were not disheartened by these reverses, except such and such men. the governor well sustains the undertaking with [all his powers of] mind and body. he has surrounded the entire hill with a stockade and a ditch, and has sown the ground with sharp stakes so that the enemy may neither receive aid nor sally out from it. at intervals there are sentry-posts and towers, so close that they almost touch. there were six barracks along it, so that if any tower should be in need the soldiers in them could go to its defense. some of them have six men, others four, and those which have least three men, as a guard. the enclosure is one league long and surrounds the hill. i do not know which causes the more wonder, the fort of the moros or the enclosure of the spaniards which restrains the moros, so that they issue but seldom, and then at their peril. we are day by day making gradual advances. today a rampart was completed which is just even with their stockades, so that we shall command the hill equally [with the enemy]. god helping, i hope that we shall reduce their trenches, and then we shall advance from better to better. may god aid us; and si dominus a custodierit civitatem frustra vigilat qui custodit eam. [255] father, prayers and many of them are needed. will your reverence have them said in your holy college, and excuse me and all of us for what we can not do. i forward this letter, [hoping] for its good fortune in the holy sacrifices of your reverence, etc. jolo, march 31, 1638. to the father-prior of manila. pax christi, etc. i would like to be the bearer of this letter, and to fulfil my desires of seeing your reverence and all the fathers and brothers of your reverence's holy college. that is a proposition for which credit may be given me, but the time gives space only to suffer; and thus do we have to accommodate ourselves to it, and to check our desires, drawing strength from weakness. i must content myself with writing, which would be a pleasant task, if i could do it at my leisure, and not so hastily as i have made known in certain letters that i have sent to your reverence--not losing or neglecting any occasion at which i could write. and so that this opportunity should not pass without a letter from me, i have hastened my pen beyond my usual custom, and have written very concisely and briefly--although i could write at greater length, and give account of many things which i leave for a better occasion. that will be when it is the lord's pleasure for us to see each other. moreover, i have no pleasant news to write, since that which i could write would all be to the effect that we have not gained this enchanted hill; and that, at the times when we have tempted fortune, we have retired with loss of some men and many wounded. continuing, then, in the same style as the last letter, i declare that since the first assault, in which we were driven back with the loss of captain don pedro mena pando, adjutant oliva, and alfã©rez trigita, we have made two other assaults. one was on the twenty-fourth of march, the eve of our lady of the assumption. the second was on the twenty-eighth of the same month. in the first, we trusted to the mines that had been made, by means of which we expected to make a safe entrance. we would have made it had our fear of receiving harm from them matched the little fear of the enemy--who, as barbarians, did not prepare for flight, although they knew our designs. of the five mines, four blew up; and as was seen, and as we afterward learned here from some captives, there was a great loss to the enemy. as soon as they saw the fire, they took to flight; but our men, being at a distance, could not come up to seize the posts that the enemy abandoned, until very late. that gave the moros time to take precautions, so that when we had come up, it was impossible to gain a single thing which the mines had given us. on that occasion both sides fought very valiantly. the wounded on our side were not many, and our dead even fewer; among the later was captain pimienta. we were forced to return to our posts without having gained more than the damage wrought by the mines. the loss of those people was considerable, while not few of them perished because of the severity of our fire. but with the opportunity of the fifth mine which remained (which could not have its effect, because the fire-channel of the others choked it), the third attack was made inside of two days, by first setting fire to that mine, and by arranging the men better than on the day of the previous assault. they were set in array by the governor, who in person came up to these quarters on that occasion. they set fire to the mine, and more was accomplished than on the preceding days. many of the enemy were killed; but, as the entrance was so deeply recessed, it could not be forced so freely by us, for the moros were able to defend it from us, with so great valor that we could not take it. our men fought with so great spirit and courage that it was necessary for the leaders to use force with them in order to get the men to retire, when they saw the so superior force of the enemy. on that occasion they killed seven of our men, besides wounding many. among the latter was sargento-mayor melon, who was shot through the lung by a ball. he died on the second day, to the grief of all this army. thereupon his lordship made his men retire to their quarters, and commanded that the fort should not be attacked, but that they should proceed to gain it by the complete blockade of the enemy, as we are doing. by this method, i think that we shall make an entrance into the fort. already we have one bulwark, which we have made level with their entrenchments; and we are raising our works one and one-half varas [256] above them, so that we are dislodging them with our artillery. they are retiring to the interior of their fort. by this means we hope to gain entrance into all their forts; and, once masters of them, i trust by god's help that we shall conquer their stronghold, and that they will humble themselves to obey god and the king. before those assaults, on st. matthew's day, captain raphael ome went out to make a garo, as they say here, and to overrun the country. in this island the level country is heavily wooded as nearly all of it is mountainous. he took in his company about fifty men (i.e., spaniards) and two hundred karaga indians. the captain reached a field, and having lodged in a fortified house, such as nearly all those houses are (for those indians of the mountain, who are called guimennos, [257] build them for their defense), he placed his sentries and seized the positions that he judged most dangerous. but since non est volentis neque currentis, etc., either because of the great multitude and the wiliness of the enemy, or (as is more certain) because the sentries were careless, and the other men asleep, the enemy came suddenly and attacked our soldiers--with so great fury that they killed twenty-six men, among whom was captain lopez suarez, a brave soldier. the leader and captain, ome, was in great danger. he fought in person with so great valor that, although run through with a spear, he attacked and defeated his opponent, laying him dead at his feet. few of our men aided him, and many of them retreated immediately, thus allowing the enemy to capture from us twenty firearms, with fuses, powder, and balls. that was a great loss, and it is certain that we have not hitherto had a greater. and if any loss has occurred, it has been due to the neglect and confidence of the spaniard. today two basilan indians came down from the hill to ask for mercy, and for passage to their own country. they say that they are sent by the datus in the stronghold who came from that island of basilan or tagima; and that, if permission and pardon were given to them by the pari [i.e., corcuera], one hundred and thirty of them would come down in the morning. we regard this as a trick of that moro; and, although it may be as they say, we are taking precautions, and are watching for whatever may happen. if they should come, they will be well received; and that will not be a bad beginning to induce others to come from the hill. i shall advise your reverence of such event on the first occasion. what we know that they are suffering within [the fort] is the disease of smallpox and discharges of blood, together with great famine; because we have surrounded the entire hill with ditches and stockades, set with sharp stakes, which run around it for more than one and one-half leagues, and within musket-shot [of their fort] is a sentry-post [garita] or tower in which three men and three bantayas are staying. by that means the enemy cannot enter or go out without being seen; and, when they do that, they are given such a bombardment that scarcely does any one dare to go outside of their walls. the hill is a beautiful sight, and if it were enjoying holy peace instead of war, it would be no small matter of entertainment and recreation to survey the landscape at times. the moro does not like to see us, and is looking at us continually from his stronghold and yelling and scoffing at us--as they say sometimes that the spaniards are chickens; again, that they are sibabuyes, [258] and again, that they will come to set fire to us all, and kill us. the moro is a great rascal and buffoon. i trust in god that in a little while he will be ready for our thanksgivings [for the defeat of the moros]. will your reverence urge his servants to aid us with their sacrifices and prayers. those, i believe, it will be that must give us the victory, and that must humble the arrogance of this mohammedan. his lordship is displaying great firmness and patience, as he is so great a soldier. already has he almost raised a stone fort on the beach, for he intends to leave a presidio here, and i think that it will be almost finished before he leaves. nothing else occurs to me. of whatever else may happen, your reverence will be advised on the first occasion. if i have gone to considerable length in this letter, it is because i have known, one day ahead, of the departure of this champan. i commend myself many times to the holy sacrifices of your reverence. this letter will also serve for our father provincial, etc. jolo, april 5, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight. the moro has returned today with a letter from the queen and all the stronghold, in which they beg pardon and humiliate themselves. may god grant it, and bring them to his knowledge. i shall advise you of the result. i hear that datu ache is dead. if that is so, then the end has come. today, the sixth of the above month. pax christi. deo gratias qui dedit nobis victoriam per jesum christum dominum nostrum. [259] i have written your reverence another letter, by way of oton, telling you that it was our lord's pleasure to give us a joyous easter-tide, the beginning of what has happened. his divine majesty has chosen to bestow upon us an overflowing blessing, by the reduction of these moros so that they should come, abased and humiliated, to beg his governor for mercy; for, whether it was the latter's plan to go to treat for peace at basilan for their men, or whether they should send them all, that they might see how the governor viewed their petition, the following day they came with letters from the queen [260] for father pedro gutierrez and his lordship. therein she begged the father to protect her, for she wished to come to throw herself at the feet of the hari of manila, and to beg his pardon for the obstinacy that they had shown hitherto. the father answered for his lordship, in regard to the pardon, that if they agreed to do what was right, they would be very gladly pardoned; but that in regard to their coming it was not time, until they would humbly give up the arms which they had taken from us, and the captives, vessels, and holy ornaments; and that, even though the queen had so great authority, so long as the king did not come, he must declare and show his willingness to accept what the queen had written. accordingly, the king wrote to the same father and to his lordship next day, begging the same thing and more earnestly. but he was not allowed to come--which he urgently entreated--until they should have given up the arms and other things of which they robbed us. difficulties arose over this point, as to which of the two things was to be done first. the moro declared that he wished to treat first of the peace, and the points on which they were to agree; and therefore it was necessary to see the hari of manila first of all. but don sebastian, as he was so experienced in these matters of war (in which god has inspired him with so wise resolutions, and given him even better results) held firm to his proposals. two days passed, but at last the king agreed to the terms, by giving up the pieces of artillery which he had captured from us. there were four iron pieces; and, in place of one which had burst, one of bronze was requested, which many mines had buried. afterward we found the broken piece, by opening the mouth of one of the mines: and he gave it to us willingly--saying that he had thus brought the broken piece, and that he ought not for that reason to give another in its place; and that which had been asked from him had been bought for forty basines of gold at makassar. in order that the spaniards might see what an earnest desire for a permanent peace was in his heart, and that he was greatly inclined to it, he sent also some muskets, although few and poor ones. in what pertained to the captives, he said that he would surrender those that he had, but that he could not persuade his datus to give up theirs; still he would ask them to give their captives. at most, he sent eleven christian captives, counting men, women, and children. he had already spent the holy vessels, for, since it was so long a time since they had been brought, he had sold them to the king of makassar; but he said that he and all his property were there, to satisfy the spaniards for any injury that they had received. the king petitioned his lordship to allow him to visit him; and his lordship granted such permission for quasimodo sunday. the datus [sic] were very angry that the king was so liberal, and because he humbled himself so deeply; accordingly, they opposed his leaving the hill to talk with the governor. they tried to prevent it, but the king overruled by the reasons which he gave to the datus, and which father gregorio belin gave to him. his lordship gave hostages for the king, and ordered captain marquez and captain raphael ome to remain as such. they asked for admiral don pedro de almonte and two fathers, but that was not granted to them. finally they were satisfied with the two said captains, persons of great esteem and worth; and the king came down to talk with his lordship, accompanied by many chief men. his lordship received him with such display as he could arrange at short notice, under a canopy of damask, and seated on a velvet chair, with a cushion of the same at his feet. another cushion was placed at his side upon a rug. as the king entered the hall, his lordship rose from his seat, and advancing two steps, embraced the moro king; then he made him sit down on the cushion that had been prepared. then his lordship also seated himself beside the king in his chair, while at his right side was his confessor, and at his left stood a captain of the guard and the sargento-mayor. grouped behind the confessor were the fathers who were in the quarters on that occasion. there were two augustinian recollects, and one franciscan recollect, and a secular priest. then came father gutierrez, and father gregorio belin. the king requested permission to rest a little first, for he came, one of his servants fanning him (haciendole paypay), lifting up from time to time the chinina which he wore--open in front, in order to catch the breeze, and to enable him to shelter himself from the heat, or to get rid of the fears with which he had come. his chief men seated themselves after him on that open floor, a seat very suitable for such nobility, who esteemed it as a great favor. then when the king was rested, or reassured from his fears, they began their discourses or bicharas, talking, after the manner of these people, by the medium of interpreters--namely, father juan de sant joseph, an augustinian recollect, and alfã©rez mathias de marmolejo, both good interpreters. the governor set forth his conditions. the agreement made was: first, that the banners of the king, our sovereign, were to be hoisted on the stronghold; second, that the men from basilan were to be permitted to leave the stronghold and go to their country; third, that the macassars and malays were also to leave and return to their own lands; and fourth, in order that the first condition might be fulfilled without the rattle of arms and the shedding of blood, all the enemy were to come down to our quarters, while the king and queen and their family could come to that of the governor. the moro king did not like this last point; but, as he saw that matters were ill disposed for his defense, he had to assent to everything. but, before its execution, he begged his lordship to communicate the terms with his men and datus, saying that he would endeavor to get them all to agree to the fulfilment of what his lordship ordered; and that in a day and a half he would reply and, in what pertained to the other conditions, they would be immediately executed. this happened, for the basilans descended in two days with all their men and families--in all, one hundred and forty-seven. some fifty or sixty did not then descend, as they were unable to do so. the macassars refused to descend until they received pardon from his lordship, and a passport to their own country. therefore their captain came to talk with his lordship, who discussed with him what was to be done with him and his men. the latter are very humble and compliant to whatever his lordship should order. his lordship answered that he would pardon their insolent and evil actions, and they could descend with security of life; and that he would give them boats, so that they could go away. thereupon the captain, giving a kris as security that they would come, returned, and immediately began to bring down his property and men. the malays came with them, for all those peoples had united against the castilians. they are the ones who have done us most harm with their firearms, and have furnished quantities of ammunition for all the firearms of the sulus. at the end of the time assigned to the king for answering his lordship in regard to the matters which he had discussed with him, he was summoned, in order that what had been recently concluded might not be hindered, as his lordship had many matters to which to attend. if he would not come, his lordship was resolved immediately to continue his bombardment and fortifications, saying that he would make slaves of all whom he captured. with this resolution, the queen determined to come to visit his lordship; and, so saying and doing, she summoned her chair, and had herself carried down to the quarters of don pedro de almonte, which is the one located on their hill, and which has given them so much to do. she sent a message to the governor, begging him to grant her permission, as she wished to see him. his lordship sent a message to her, to the effect that he would be very glad to see her, and that she would be coming at a seasonable time. she came to the hall borne on the shoulders of her men, accompanied by some of her ladies and by her kasis, who was coming with pale face. she alighted at the door of his lordship's hall. he went out to receive her, and with marked indications of friendship and kindness led her to her seat, which was a cushion of purple velvet; and his lordship, seated in his own chair, welcomed her through his interpreter, alfã©rez mathias de marmolexo. she responded very courteously to the courtesies of the governor; for the moro woman is very intelligent, and of great capacity. she did not speak directly to the interpreters, but through two of her men, one of whom was the kasis; and often he, without the queen speaking, answered to what was proposed. the queen petitioned and entreated the governor to desist from entering the stronghold, for the women, being timid creatures, feared the soldiers greatly. and if his lordship was doing it to oblige her and the king her husband to descend, she said that they would descend immediately, with all their people. thus did she entreat from him whom his lordship represented; and i desired that she should obtain this favor. his lordship answered her that he would do so very willingly; but that he had an express mandate for it [i.e., to gain the fort] from his king, and that, if he did not obey it, he would lose his head. "i do not wish," said tuan baluka (for such is the name of the queen), "that the favor which i petition be at so great a price and danger to your lordship. consequently, will you kindly grant me three days? and in that time i, the king, and our people will descend without fail." his lordship thanked her anew, and added that with this she obliged him to fulfil strictly what he had promised her. "indeed," said the queen, "i have no doubt of it; for, being in the gaze of so many nations that your lordship has to conquer, it is clear that you must fulfil what you have promised me; for your lordship's actions toward me would be understood by all to be those that you would have to perform toward all." this terminated the discussion. his lordship ordered a collation to be spread for the queen and her ladies; and then his lordship retired, so that they might refresh themselves without any embarrassment. then, having dined, the queen returned to her stronghold with the retinue that she had brought. before she left the quarters she was saluted by the discharge of two large pieces of artillery, which had been made ready for that purpose. she was greatly pleased by that, and the next day began to carry out her promises, by sending down a portion of her possessions. the makassars and malays also brought down their property with her, and immediately embarked. i had written up to this point to this day, saturday, the seventeenth of this month of april, hoping for the end of all these incipient results and expected events regarding this stronghold; the issue has been such as we could expect from him who has also been pleased to arrange and bring it to pass. last night the queen came down to sleep in our camp or quarters, with some of her ladies. in the morning she went to report her good treatment to her people; for she was received with a salute of musketry and large artillery, and a fine repast. all that has been done to oblige her to encourage her people, for they were very fearful, to descend immediately. more than two thousand have now descended, and our banners are flying on the hill, and our men are fortified on it. may god be praised, to whom be a thousand thanks given; for he, without our knowledge or our expectations, has disposed this matter thus--blinding this moro and disheartening him, so that, having been defeated, he should surrender to our governor, and give himself up without more bloodshed. we are trying to secure datu ache; if we succeed in this, i shall advise you. now there is nothing more to say, reverend father, except to give god the thanks, for he is the one who has prepared and given this victory to us; and to beg all in your reverence's holy college to give thanks that the college has had (as i am very certain) so great a share in the achievements [here]. the governor is very much pleased and we all regard him in the proper light. the men are full of courage, and even what was carefully done is now improved. i am the humble servant of your reverence whom i pray that god may preserve as i desire, and to whose sacrifices i earnestly commend myself. jolo, april 17, 1638.--juan de barrios. all the sulus descended, in number about four thousand six hundred, to the sea. finding themselves down and outside the enclosure, they all fled, under cover of a very heavy shower of rain--leaving all their possessions, in order not to be hindered in their flight. many mothers even abandoned their little children. one abandoned to us a little girl who had received a dagger-stroke, who received the waters of baptism and immediately died. there is much to say about this, and many thanks to give to god, of which we shall speak when it pleases god to let us see each other. today, the nineteenth of this month of april, 1638.--barrios. the governor sent messages to the king and queen by two kasis, asking why they had fled. they replied that since all their people had fled, they had gone after them for very shame, but that they would try to bring them back and to come, and this was the end of the matter. the result was exceedingly profitable for our soldiers and indians; for the sulus, fearful because they thought that, if they became scattered, they would all be killed, abandoned whatever they were carrying--quantities of goods, and chests of drawers--which our soldiers sacked. above, in the stronghold, they found much plunder. it is believed that the king and queen will return, but not datu ache; but this is not considered certain. letter from sanboangan [261] pax christi i am not writing to anyone [else], for the lack of time does not allow me to do so. therefore will your reverence please communicate this to the father provincial, father hernandez perez, father juan de bueras, and the father rector of cavite. when our men were most disheartened at seeing that the fortress on the hill was so extensive, and that it was becoming stronger daily; that the mines and artillery had seemingly made no impression on it; that we had been repulsed four times; and that our men were falling sick very rapidly: in order that it might be very evident that it was [all] the work of god, ambassadors came from the hill to beg his lordship for mercy. he received them gladly, and asked them for the artillery that they had plundered from the christians, etc. they brought down four pieces, which they had taken from the shipyard, and brought to us some christians. next day, more than one hundred and fifty people from basilan descended, who surrendered their arms, and then about fifty makassars, who did the same; and all were embarked in the patache. next day the king and queen went down and slept in the camp of don sebastian. on the following day (which was the day agreed upon when all were to descend from the hill), seeing that it was already late, the king and queen said that they would go to get their people. the governor granted them permission, and went to a camp that was located opposite the gate of the stronghold. all the sulus descended, carrying their goods, arms, etc., to the number of about four hundred soldiers, and more than one thousand five hundred women, children, old men, etc. they reached the governor's camp and don pedro de francia told the king that they must surrender their arms. the latter replied that he would surrender them to none other than to the governor. thereupon, they went to summon his lordship; but the sulus, seeing that they were going to summon him, fled, under a heavy shower that was falling, and abandoned all their goods. a vast amount of riches, many pieces of artillery, and versos, [262] falcons, muskets, arquebuses, etc., were found. the cause of the moros fleeing was their great fear that they were to be killed. on our part, since don sebastian hurtado held all their stronghold, and had left only thirty men in his quarters (in order that datu ache might not escape), and as that number could not resist so many people, the sulus were, on the contrary, allowed to go without any firearms being discharged. more than two hundred and fifty of the sulus have died, and they were perishing in great numbers from dysentery because the women and children were placed under ground for fear of the balls. that and the fear of the mines caused their surrender; for it was impossible to take their fort by assault. the interior strength of that stronghold is so great that the spaniards were surprised; and all recognize that it has been totally the work of god, and [a result of] the perseverance of don sebastian, who ever said that all must die or capture the stronghold. somewhat more than two hundred christian and more than one hundred moro women have come from the stronghold during this time. all the moro women are fearful. up to date eighty-three spaniards have died from wounds, and many of them from disease. the killed sargento-mayor melon captain don pedro de mena captain don juan nicolas captain don pimienta captain don lope suarez died of dysentery captain don aregita martin de avila adjutant oliba adjutant calderon alfã©rez concha alfã©rez alonzo gonzalez i shall not name others, as they are not so well known, and it will be known later. up to date about two hundred bisayan indians have died, most of them from diseases. don pedro cotoan died while en route from jolo to samboanga, in order to take back the bisayans, who are a most cowardly race. those who have done deeds of valor are the karagas, and the sulus tremble at sight of them. don pedro almonte remains as governor and lieutenant for the captain-general at samboangan, with one hundred and fifty spaniards, as has been reported. captain jines ros is to stay as castellan in jolo with one hundred and eighty men--captain sarria being fortified in the stronghold with eighty men, and jines ros on the beach in a stone tower that is already eight stones high, with one hundred men. captain marquez is going to buaren with fifty spaniards, although no succor had been sent to don sebastian from manila. all that has been supplied to excess is truly wonderful, for the winds have brought (and it is incredible) many champanes, with more than twenty thousand baskets of rice, innumerable fowls, and pork, veal, beef, and cheeses from cebu, which have made a very excellent provision. they ask for father martinez [and] alexandro at jolo [and] father carrion at buiaon, but without an associate. i say that, following even to the end of the world, i do not know to what to compare these moros of samboangan. they have paid all their tributes. this is a brief relation. i pray your reverence to pardon me and commend me to god, for indeed what i desire is necessary. samboangan, april 23, 1638. [263] appendix vii obando's report on the preparations to be undertaken to return alimud din to sulu, july 15, 1751 [264] sire: your majesty will find in the enclosed report the resolutions adopted by the committees of the war and treasury departments for the purpose of reinstating the king of sulu, fernando the first, whom i found in this capital, baptized and protected by royal briefs insuring him the continuation of the same royal goodwill as long as he remained a christian and a friend of the nation, which seems to be his intention hitherto, with the help of 3 galleys, 3 barges, 1 galiot, 2 large champanes and other craft for war and transportation, under the orders of the master-of-camp of your majesty's infantry here, to whom i have given the instructions and orders contained in said report, to the effect that he should make port at zamboanga, and from there try to subdue the rebel vassals, blockade the island of sulu by sea, cut it off from all communication with its neighbors, prevent food from being introduced, prevent and punish all depredations, acts of piracy and insults on the part of that barbarous nation against the town and vassals of your majesty of which i receive pitiful complaints every day, and see that the captives are returned and that due observance is given the treaties of peace and other agreements which were made by my predecessor but have not proved to be as satisfactory as might have been hoped, on account of the inconstancy which characterizes that nation. before undertaking such an important operation, i decided to order the construction of three average sized galleys, and other small vessels, of which there were none in these islands; and to arm them i ordered to be cast 100 perrier cannon of calibre 2, with three chambers each, ordering the transfer to the province of iloilo of general francisco domingo oscoti, as lieutenant-intendant-general, with instructions to prepare provisions at the smallest cost for the treasury, and directing him to issue a proclamation (as he did) calling for volunteers, who would be rewarded according to their merits on the ships plying between manila and acapulco, and authorizing the natives to arm boats at their expense, exempting them of all taxes during the expedition. as i was in possession of a rescript of your majesty addressed to his field marshal my predecessor gaspar de la torre, ordering him to reconnoiter the island of balabak, and ipolote bay, and other places of palawan island for the purpose of building a fort for the protection of the inhabitants against the people of sulu, tiron and borneo, and to build six galleys with which to fight the moros, with a report on the same object presented by the province of saint nicholas of these islands, [265] both of which have been communicated to said committees of the war and treasury departments and to persons who had knowledge by experience of the said province and regions; also, in view of the poor condition of the royal treasury which precluded the possibility of greater expenses it was decided, in accordance with the opinion of your majesty's fiscal [attorney general] in regard to the above mentioned instruments, to incorporate them to said report (or record), [266] as they are of the same nature, to take, when there was a better opportunity, the proper measures for reconnoitering the most favorable position for the intended fort, and to await the result of the expedition for the reinstatement of the king of sulu, so as to request him, if the result should be favorable, to withdraw his vassals from the fort of ipolote, and, if not, to secure the safety of the people of the said island by driving them out; and having already ordered, as i have said, the construction of the galleys, which were necessary and made more so by your royal order, to continue the work until the six were built, said work being carried on with the utmost care and economy, which i always bear in mind in my zeal for the service of your majesty. i will send your majesty full reports on the progress of these different undertakings, so that your royal orders may let me know your royal pleasure, which will always meet with my humble obedience. god give the royal and catholic person of your majesty the many years of life which are required by christendom for the happiness of your vast dominions. manila, july 15, 1751. appendix viii obando's report on the circumstances attending the attempt to return alimud din to sulu, june 18, 1752 [267] sire: in a letter addressed to your majesty last year, 1751, i forwarded a report and vouchers to the effect that i had sent, with the king of sulu, fernando the first, to the fortified station of zamboanga, a fleet of 3 galleys, two feluccas, two galiots and two large champanes, with other craft, under the master-of-camp [268] of the royal troops here, for the purpose of restoring said king to his throne and forcing his rebel vassals to submit, by means of a blockade of the island of sulu, which would cut it off from all communication with its neighbors and prevent the importation of food to the island, other provisions being made for the purpose of protecting the christian communities against any further harm on the part of the sulu people and the tirons. [269] i have the honor to report now that the said master-of-camp arrived at zamboanga with most of the fleet, ahead of the sultan of sulu, who had been delayed by various accidents, and sailed at once, in order to avoid the monsoon, for the bay of jolo, where he anchored on the 26th of june of that year, at about one mile from the forts. he formed a line of battle, and, noticing two chinese champanes without flags, that were stationed near the river mouth and were stretching two lines to go up stream, he ordered two long-boats to go and remove them from under the artillery of the enemy; the jolo forts, four in number, displayed red banners and opened fire with cannon of calibre 8 to 18 on the boats towing the champanes; our fleet answered, and the fire was kept up some time on both sides, until the enemy hoisted the white flag in order to gain time for reã«nforcing his trenches; the master-of-camp sent a letter to prince asin, informing him that his only purpose was to restore the legitimate king of sulu to his dominions, and to have the captives delivered; the prince answered that he had no captives to deliver; that he was waiting for the return of the king, who would do as he wished with them, that he was begging the prophet to send back the king * * *. finding such an answer vain and impertinent, our ships opened fire again; a suburb was stormed and burned, and our men found out that the negotiations were a pretext to gain time to place artillery behind the palisades; the moros accomplished this purpose and again requested a truce in order to hold a meeting of their leaders and to deliberate as to what should be done. this was granted, and in a second letter signed by the datus prince asin insisted that the master-of-camp should retire to zamboanga, promising to bring over the captives; as the south-west monsoon was blowing hard and he was short of provisions, the latter decided to go back to zamboanga; the datus informed their king fernando in a letter addressed to him at zamboanga of what had been agreed; prince asin also stated verbally that he would bring to zamboanga some captives whom he was going to seek in the woods, and asked the master to leave the port, while he went after the wives and children of the followers of king fernando, who had been frightened and scattered by the artillery. after a few more answers and objections which showed an utter lack of sincerity, the master-of-camp sailed back to zamboanga. the king of sulu had arrived there on june 22, and as soon as he heard about the truce requested by his brother asin, and other affairs of the fleet, he declared that the prince was his enemy. this statement was believed at the time, but soon afterwards good-sized boats began to arrive one after the other with many of his principal people on the pretext of prince asin's visit to the king, until there were 180 persons, including 32 women between concubines and servants. when the master-of-camp, governor of zamboanga, remarked that all these boats were full of firearms, powder, ball, coats of mail, helmets, and other warlike equipment, that the king of sulu had secretly sent to his brother asin, at basilan, golden buckles and epaulets, and embroidered stockings to make a brilliant appearance at landing in zamboanga, while he feigned to be his enemy; that prince asin had failed to keep his word, since he said that he had been unable to get hold of the captives he was to bring to zamboanga, when it was known that he was keeping the said captives in a secret place, six of them, including a woman, having escaped by swimming over to the fleet when the latter was at jolo, and reported that the moros had many captives concealed in the woods; that prince asin had written to the king that all the captives seized during the latter's stay in manila were still in their power, not one having been sold while awaiting the royal commands; and finally, that the king and his brother were secretly dismissing the concubines only, telling them that the master-of-camp was sending them away with contumely; he inferred that the king was preparing to surprise the fort. this surmise was strengthened by the face that armed men were steadily coming in each day, despite the master-of-camp's friendly admonition to the king that his followers enter the fort unarmed. the lying and disingenuousness of the king, which all these indications were making plainer every moment, were finally betrayed by a letter, written in arabic characters, to the king of mindanao, in which he stated that he had been compelled, by those in whose power he was, to write the letter he had previously sent him from manila,--whereas he had enjoyed complete freedom in this capital, so complete, in fact, that he did not perform, during the voyage hence to zamboanga, a single rite of the christian religion, as far as known, while he was seen to perform various moro religious acts, and took with him the quran in his own language, instead of the numerous catholic books which had been given him for his instruction. in view of all the foregoing evidence of bad faith, the master-of-camp, governor of zamboanga, and the captains of the fleet decided to arrest at the same time the king, the datus and their men, to seize their boats, arms, and concealed ammunition, and to keep the whole under careful guard, the men being detained in decent quarters, pending the decision of the captain-general. in reflecting on this important and critical change in the situation, i bore in mind that the said king of sulu had been a false friend and a consummate machiavellian, who had deceived your majesty's governor fernando valdes tamon with his feigned promises of peace, which he never kept, and that, instead of releasing the captives and preventing the cruel outrages of his vassals the moros and tirons, he had used the considerable supply of arms, which he received from the said governor and governor gaspar de la torre under the pretence of suppressing supposed rebellions of his vassals, to keep our forces busy in sulu, so that his vassals the tiron pirates might ravage the provinces, while our forces were engaged in the sulu kingdom. he also deceived your majesty's governor and bishop when a fleet was sent against the tirons; he went as an ally and a pilot for the fleet among the shallows, and the small islands belonging to the enemy, and prevented the destruction of the principal towns, by misrepresenting to the commander of the expedition that said towns belonged to peaceful people who were friends of his, and pledging himself to have the prisoners returned, so that the fleet retired after burning only nine villages without importance, thanks to the cunning of the king. the trouble caused by all these moros, thanks to his influence, is really astounding, and has nearly drained the royal treasury, as, since the last peace agreement made by governor tamon, 89,744 pesos have been spent from 1736 to 1740, and since then the war expenses have far exceeded that amount. all these criminal and astute antecedents fully justify my distrust in giving careful instructions to the master-of-camp to avoid a surprise of the fort under the veil of feigned friendship; i really expected this new act of treason on account of what i already knew about the said king of sulu, and was only held back by the fact that he had been baptized, and the information about him which my predecessor had given me in good faith. as it is, all the members of the government were glad that the treachery of the king had been foreseen and that he had been arrested. * * * in zamboanga, after his arrest, 12 krises, each in six pieces, were found hidden in two cushions belonging to him. * * * urged by the members of the ministry, i proceeded at once to explain to the real acuerdo [270] and the council of war all the difficulty of inflicting the condign punishment that was deserved, and, supported by a majority of votes, i decided to declare war on all the sulus, tirons and kamukons, with the understanding that no capitulations or treaties of peace would be considered, but that they would be treated as rebels, in their persons, their property and their land, and put to the sword in case of resistance; that all their towns would be destroyed and burned; and that the mission of our fleet was not to make conquests, but to punish the rebellion and to blockade the island of sulu so as to prevent any attempt to bring in food or any other help. i also directed that the king of sulu, who was under arrest at zamboanga, should be sent to manila, there to be kept in confinement until the pleasure of your majesty be known. the datus and other moros were declared to be slaves, and i ordered that they should be branded and marked, not so much for the purpose of guaranteeing the ownership of their masters or punishing their obstinacy, as for that of avoiding all confusion between them and the numerous indians of these islands, whom they resemble in color, bearing and language, of crushing their pride, their daring and their evil spirit, experience having shown that 8 sulus suffice to subjugate a whole town, and principally of preventing the clandestine introduction of the sect of mohammed, which would easily spread among the indians, if the brand did not mark them as enemies from sulu, it being known that the sect of mohammed is daily extending its darkness over these regions. * * * the declaration of war against the moros was published in all the provinces, which were instructed to be constantly ready for attack or defense; to organize companies of militia, with their officers, in all the pueblos, and have them frequently drilled and reviewed, so as to become skilful in the use of their arms; to send a list of all the arms and ammunition on hand to the captain-general, who will thus be able to supply them with all he may deem necessary. i furthermore ordered that no boat should leave manila or any other port without being well provided with men and arms, and issued proclamations calling for privateers, several of whom have already been given letters of marque and have sailed with the hope of doing good service for your majesty; i issued new instructions on every subject, to be followed in their respective parts according to circumstances; i reserved for my future action the disposal of our prisoners at the best terms, one fifth of the profits going to the royal treasury; the right of plundering was declared to be free for all, all privateers from the bisayas were exempted from tribute, and i promised them in the name of your majesty 6 pesos for each moro, as an encouragement to pursue and exterminate them. as soon as i heard the news from zamboanga, i sent there a supply boat with plenty of food, arms and soldiers, in view of the next campaign; i took on myself the care of relieving from time to time the officers and soldiers * * * and i can sincerely assure your majesty that i have been so provoked and exasperated by the untamable fierceness and the bad faith of the moros, that i am decided to spare neither work nor efforts in order to punish them thoroughly and to deliver from oppression the christian communities, so that the glorious name of your majesty may be feared and respected all through my government, in compensation for the gross deceit practised by said moros upon my predecessors. i trust, with the help of god, to punish them as they deserve, and will report to your majesty the progress of the expedition. god keep the catholic and royal person of your majesty many years, as christendom and the monarchy have need. manila, june 18, 1752. appendix ix report on the occupation of palawan and balabak, april 30, 1753 [271] sire: by letter forwarded to your majesty through confidential channels under date of * * * i reported that i had despatched an embassador to the king of bruney, informing him of the arrest of the king of sulu for his inveterate faithlessness, and pressing him to continue our long standing friendship and to form a new alliance against the said king as a usurper of part of his dominions, and against all his enemies, and to cede to your majesty the island of balabak and the territory of palawan, for the purpose of better waging war against the sulus, tirons and kamukons; and that, the desired end having been obtained, i found it necessary to use the new rights acquired by the cession referred to. consequently, with the view of best promoting your majesty's interests, i resolved to put into execution the idea of an armament composed of our galleys, a tender, three feluccas, and two champanes, supplied with two spanish companies of one hundred men each, together with another company of pampanga indians, which, with the crews, the convicts and the military officers, number nearly a thousand persons, for the glorious object of taking possession of la pampanga in the ceded part of balabak and the other adjacent islands, forming this new district into a province called trinidad, with a separate government from that of the kalamians; for i have appointed a governor to take charge of nourishing this new plantation with the political regulations and royal ordinances which the prudent zeal of your majesty has provided for similar cases, and which, on my part, have been furnished him in the form of brief and clear instructions directed towards civilizing those barbarous natives, so as the better to facilitate the spread of the holy gospel. with this in view i am sending two reverend jesuit priests, persons distinguished in politics and mathematical learning, and the military engineer of this place, for the purpose of making an inspection of the capital of palawan, as well as of the island of balabak, and its adjacent islands, and of examining their bays, ports, inlets, rivers, anchorages and depths, in order to construct a fort--which will be named after our lady of the good end--in the most healthful location, secure by land as well as by sea, for the garrisoning of which an adequate force of artillery has been despatched. it will be kept guarded for the present by a small galley, two feluccas, a company of spaniards, and another company of pampanga indians, besides the galley slaves [272] and the suite of the governor, and officials--all rationed for one year--who will number three hundred, the rest being returned to this capital when possession is once established. and that the taking of possession may be unopposed, useful, and lasting, i have planned for the strengthening of the said fort, with the primary object of having our troops sally from its walls to pacify the sulu rebels who have been dwelling in certain districts of palawan, or to exterminate them completely by fire and sword, preventing by means of the new fortress and the little flying squadron, the kamukons, tirons, and others, from laying waste the province of the kalamians, and the adjacent islands; for, there being access to the entire chain of places and all the islands, facilitating attacks, and our vessels being on a constant cruise through those regions, their expulsion will be secured. but the greatest gain of all will lie in becoming acquainted with their lands, rendezvous and places of refuge, in view of the fact that the greatest defense which they have had up to the present time has been our own ignorance and negligence in the premises, they scorning our arms without fear, in the belief that they are unconquerable because the places of their abode are unexplored; wherefore the king of sulu, pretending to serve us as a pilot among the tiron islands laughed at our expedition under the command of your majesty's reverend bishop of nueva segovia, leading the spaniards about with a halter wherever he wished, and wherever he thought they would suffer most fatigue. in view of all this, and of our present experience of the unbridled audacity with which they ravage almost all the provinces, i felt compelled to project this campaign of reconnaissance so as to test, by the favorable results secured, the surest means of benefiting these christian communities, for i am in hopes of establishing, through this new colony, an impregnable bulwark against the whole moro power and a source of reciprocal assistance to the fortress at zamboanga. and i likewise propose to introduce into those parts, by reason of their proximity, commerce with borneo, siam, cambodia, and cochin-china, so that, through intercourse, the inhabitants of palawan may become pacified and tractable and their towns become opulent; so that with the families which in due time will be drafted from the outskirts of this capital, a province of substantial usefulness may be formed, having greater respect for both majesties; for, by erecting churches to god, a new gem will be added to the royal crown, namely the glory of giving many souls to the lord, while the savings of the royal treasury will in time be appreciable. although i intended to make this journey personally, the noble city [273] and the majority of the committee on war opposed this course, and with the sanction of the audiencia convened in executive session i decided to delegate my authority for this act, in view of the necessity of my remaining in the capital for the despatch of the urgent and arduous affairs which frequently present themselves. god guard the royal catholic person of your majesty the many years that christendom needs him. manila, april 30, 1753. appendix x brief report on the expedition to take possession of palawan, july 17, 1753 [274] sire: when the galleon was on the point of sailing for new spain, the palawan expedition returned to the port of cavite, from where the commander of the expedition informs me that he has made a careful and exact survey of the islands of palawan and balabak, beginning on the outward coast, from 9 degrees to labo. on all that coast he has only found mangrove swamps and reefs, the inhabitants being hostile to everyone and obeying no king; the land is miserably poor; there is no drinking water from balabak to ipolote; the climate is so bad that in two months and a half 116 men of the expedition died and 200 were sick, and he finds that all that has been said about palawan is false. i have also been informed by the alcalde mayor of the kalamians of the arrival there of one galley, and three feluccas, which had left the fleet since it sailed from manila, as the commander also now reports; after the galley had been careened and food provided, one felucca sailed on its course convoying the joanga [275] of the father prior in charge of that district and two small vessels which had been sent by the alcalde of komboy and had suffered the misfortune of being captured by the sulu moros, most of the people, however, escaping, as explained in the enclosed letter from the alcalde. the commander of the expedition has sent me from cavite a report of the councils of war held by him for the purpose of carrying out his instructions, the most important of which was to take possession of palawan and adjacent islands in the name of your majesty, said islands having been ceded by the king of bruney; accordingly, our fleet took possession of the land with due solemnity, with the express knowledge and consent of the inhabitants; i also received a log of the whole route which seems to have been well kept, with maps and a full explanation of the examination made of the said islands and the operations in connection therewith. a new map of the islands is being made, on account of the errors contained in the former one; as the log and the report of the commander refer to the new map, which is unfinished, and i cannot delay the departure of the galleon, i cannot forward a full report to your majesty; i wish to make a serious and careful examination of all that has been done, so as to take such action as may be the best for the benefit of the royal service, and to be able to send your majesty a full report of the expedition, with my opinion based on a complete knowledge of the facts. this is all the information i can give your majesty for the present. god keep the catholic royal person, of your majesty many years, as christendom has need. manila, july 17, 1753. appendix xi letter of the king of spain to sultan israel, december 2, 1774 [276] to the captain-general of the philippine islands. most illustrious sir: in letters nos. 322 and 325, your excellency sets forth the ideas of the english settled in the island of balambangan, who are displeased with the unhealthfulness of the country and petition that the sultan of sulu allow them to settle within his dominions. with no. 325, the letter of the sultan was received, and the king, thus informed of the attempts of the englishmen, and also of the favorable inclination of the sulu sultan to establish with our nation friendship and alliance, commands me to direct you to listen to his proposals, to accede to them whenever they are reasonable, and to grant him aid and favor as far as possible, assuring him of royal protection, and delivering to him the enclosed communication in answer to his own, in which his catholic majesty declares his entire satisfaction with his reasonable conduct and promises to reciprocate his friendship as you may understand through the copy of that letter which i enclose. god preserve your excellency many years. madrid, december 5, 1774. dr. julian de biriaga. [copy of the communication referred to in the foregoing letter.] most illustrious and excellent prince mohammed israel, sultan of sulu. most gratifying has been to me the announcement, which you conveyed to me in your letter of january 20th, of your happy accession to the sovereignty of sulu, on account of which i offer you many congratulations, wishing you happiness in all things. the disposition which inclines you to seek my friendship and assistance, as also the friendly relations which you maintain with my governor of the philippines, which you desire to establish and perpetuate by means of a mutual agreement, which may secure for the future firm peace and a perpetual alliance between your states and mine, increase my just gratification, especially as my governor has informed me of the sublime natural gifts which are united in your person, with many and most expressive eulogies thereof. in view of this, and of the constant fidelity which you promise in your letter, i command my good vassal, don simon de anda y salazar, to listen to your proposals, to accede to them whenever reasonable, and to grant you all the favor and assistance which the forces and facilities to be found there may allow assuring you of my royal protection, which i extend to you from now on, confiding in your reciprocal friendship, and noble conduct, and desirous of opportunities of favoring you and of proving the interest which i feel in your good fortunes and the earnestness with which i pray god to preserve you many years. madrid, december 2, 1774. i, the king. appendix xii letter from the captain-general of the philippines forwarding a copy of the treaty of peace, protection, and commerce with sulu, december 25, 1836 [277] superior government of the philippines most excellent sir: after having reported to your excellency in my three former communications, the opinion which i have formed with regard to the countries in the vicinity of our possessions in the southern part of the philippines, of the relations which we ought to sustain with their governments and the policy we should follow until we shall obtain the immense advantages which our position offers us, i have the honor to deliver to your excellency a copy of the capitulations of the treaty of peace, protection, and commerce, which i have concluded through the captain of frigate, don josã© marã­a halcon, with the sultan and datus of sulu. the articles which need some explanation, are the 1st, 3rd and 4th. with reference to the 3rd and 4th, i mention them in my former communication and indicate their intent; and with respect to the 1st, i copy herewith what has been reported to me by the commissioner, d. josã© marã­a halcon, which is as follows: i must make clear an important point relating to the text of the capitulations, in the wording of which your excellency has noted perhaps some ambiguities and omissions in article i, which while intended to make the datus and sultan of sulu acknowledge and declare the extent of our rights, seems indefinite on certain points which many irresponsible writers have asserted with confidence. while considering the protection granted the sultan, i recognized the inexpediency of making the same include the lands which he has lately acquired in borneo, and of determining definitely the line of the boundary in palawan, the title to which island, as also that to balabak and balambangan, is very disputable, though at present, the lands where we have not established our settlements of the province of kalamians are included de facto in his possessions. palawan was ceded to the crown of spain by the king of bruney, and balabak is likewise ceded by an instrument brought back by d. antonio fabean when he went there as embassador under the administration of the marquis of obando, which should be in the archives of the philippine government; but since these cessions were made on an occasion when the sultan of sulu found himself in possession of the lands by virtue of a former cession made in his favor by another king of bruney, such documentary testimony cannot serve as the basis of our arguments, especially since we did not proceed to found any settlements. this matter of the cession of balabak occurred upon the occasion of a visit to manila, of sultan mohammed alimud din (fernando i) who, asserting his right to the island, executed and ratified upon his part the gift, at least in word, through d. manuel fernandez toribio, afterward governor of zamboanga, and the secretary of the government. our writers have misrepresented the subsequent conduct of the said sultan, and concealed very important facts, but at any rate, the very concealment of the reasons for his fleeing from manila betokens the lack of liberty in all of the instruments he granted during his stay in that place; moreover the facts in the case justify his later actions, which gave occasion for casting a doubt over the legitimacy of our title to the lands under consideration. the true reason for the actions of mohammed alimud din, beginning with his flight from manila, was the fact that he had purchased the secret in a copy of the confidential letter which the first minister of the monarchy, marquis de la ensenada, wrote to the captain-general of the philippines on august 28, 1751, discussing the states of sulu; which document, when brought to his knowledge, could not fail to ruin all of our political moves, and to dispose him to take every defensive measure against our power, for mohammed alimud din was a man of no mean understanding. this was the origin of the letters which, on september 17, 1763, the said sultan wrote from sulu to the king of england and to the english company, [278] ratifying in favor of the latter the concession of the lands which form the strait of balabak, in which is comprised the southern part of palawan from point kanipaan to point bulilaruan, and this was the origin of their settlements in balabak and balambangan which have been abandoned since later events. such are the antecedents which induced me to draw up the said article with such ambiguity that it may be construed to the advantage of the crown without giving occasion to embarrassing objections. my aim throughout, most illustrious sir, has been to promote the national welfare by carrying out the high designs of your excellency, who by promoting this enterprise has attempted to open up one of the most abundant sources of wealth in the philippines. i also deliver to your excellency a copy of the capitulations, in which, in consequence of article 2nd, it has been agreed to determine the duties to be paid by the sulu vessels in zamboanga and manila, and ours in sulu. for the better understanding of these stipulations, i have thought it expedient to inclose a copy of the explanation with which the said commissioner forwarded them to me. the present tariff rates have served as a basis for the duties imposed upon the sulu vessels, it being beyond my authority to alter them. with reference to those which shall be paid by our vessels in jolã³, although they may appear to be excessive, it will be sufficient to inform your excellency that all of the ship-owners who are accustomed to make voyages to jolã³, have been satisfied with the very favorable terms we have secured in the agreement, not only because of the high valuation set on the articles in which payment will be made, but because of the regulation and reduction to fixed rules of the charges, that until now have been arbitrary and never less than the stipulated rates. it is true that they have desired not only a greater reduction but still more their complete abolition, as is natural, but it was necessary to conciliate the two parties, as the commissioner says. above all, one of the advantages of importance which our merchants recognize in the relations now established, the benefits of which they have begun already to experience, is that the sultan and datus together guarantee the credits left in sulu as a result of commercial operations, which advantage they have not heretofore enjoyed, but waited on the will and good faith of the debtor, who paid if he pleased and when he pleased, or perhaps never, and there existed no means of compelling him as there now is by recourse to the government. likewise through the preference they are now accorded, our merchants have gained greatly, as your excellency will comprehend. in short, there is not one of them who is not well satisfied with the results of the negotiations, and all appreciate the skill and prudence with which halcon has conducted himself upon a mission all the more delicate and difficult since he has had to treat with a government whose lack of enlightenment and poorness of organization equal the barbarism of its people. finally, in the answer given by the chamber of commerce of which i inclose a copy, your excellency will perceive the appreciation which the capitulations have brought him, by having settled the duties to be paid by our vessels in sulu, as also by having established relations with the government of that island. i trust that your excellency will condescend to bring all this to the notice of her majesty that she may grant her royal approval. god preserve your excellency many years. manila, december 25, 1836. most excellent sir, (sgd.) pedro antonio salazar.--rubricated. the most excellent the secretary of state and of the office of "gobernaciã³n" of the kingdom. appendix xiii royal directions relative to a general policy and the regulation of commerce with sulu, and the advisability of making zamboanga a free port, june 23, 1837 [279] ministry of the navy, commerce, and colonial administration most excellent sir: your excellency's predecessor, don pedro antonio salazar, when he reported in detail, in letters of last december, all that he had done in the treaty of friendship and commerce entered into with the sultan of sulu, of the mercantile relations which it behooves us to maintain with the mohammedan possessions to the south of the philippines, of the opinion which he had formed concerning the war of enslavement, and other matters upon which your excellency will receive due instructions under royal order of this date, forwarded separately and privately, in a very secret manner, a communication dated the 17th of the same month, in which he set forth the policy, which, according to his belief, should be adopted toward the said kingdom of sulu in consequence of the said treaty. her majesty the queen regent, having been informed of all this, and having in mind the remark made in the said communication, that the spanish possessions in the southern region are frequently oppressed by the alcaldes, on account of the present defective system of administration, has decided to direct your excellency to suppress, with strong hand, these excesses of the alcaldes, that they may not disturb the peace happily established with sulu; exhorting them to moderation and peaceableness, in order that the odium which the moro race feels toward us may vanish. noting also among his remarks, his conclusion that while the war of enslavement is undoubtedly an evil, it produces nevertheless the advantage that those provinces are united more closely to the government because of their greater need of the same against their enemies; and that by becoming used to a life of freedom and license, those people become also inured to captivity, from which they could sometimes escape but do not, many preferring to turn to piracy, her majesty holds these views erroneous and harmful, since no just and paternal government should promote misfortunes among its subjects in order to make itself more necessary, and thus keep them dependent; and because, though there may be some who are content with slavery in sulu because it affords them a life of unrestraint, it can not be ignored that their families and the government suffer a great injury from their situation, nor that morality would be greatly outraged, if, for these reasons, countenance were given to slavery, which should be attacked and exterminated at all costs. the idea is advanced in the same communication, that in the countries of the southern part of the philippines, the system of protection, carried to the point of establishing trading houses, will be almost equivalent to possession and control, when once commercial interests are held to be the chief interests, and there is set forth a plan to diminish or even cut off the trade [280] with mindanao, in order to confine the commerce to our channels. her majesty, on being informed of this policy of a protectorate, approves of the same, but desires that it be carried out frankly and faithfully with the sultan of sulu, in order that he be convinced, through experience, that the spaniards are his loyal friends, our authorities keeping it in mind that the conquest of those countries is not to the interest of the nation, but rather the acquisition of isolated military and mercantile stations, which may control indirectly without the disadvantages of great expense and of arousing the hatred of the natives. this alliance or friendship with the sultan should be such, that in whatever war he may be engaged with his rebellious subjects, he shall be aided in good faith, unless his adversary should be of such strength as to insure his triumph, for then the useless defense of the vanquished would subject us to the contempt of the conqueror and we should lose the benefits already acquired. in such cases we should remain neutral, under some plausible pretext of impracticableness or other honorable reason. in other wars, waged by the sultan with other princes, we should attempt to mediate, with the purpose that, by settling new discords, we may obtain advantages from the two or more belligerents, as rewards for the services rendered them; but in the event of having to oppose some one of them, it should be that one who offers us the least advantages, and has the best chances of triumph, because with our ally victorious, the latter may in the treaty of peace execute articles favorable to our commerce,--trying always, above all things, so to act that the victor shall not become too strong nor the vanquished brought too low. with regard to the policy which it is best to adopt as a general rule in regard to commerce, your excellency should remember that the best system consists in the greatest possible liberty for our merchandise, and in securing, directly or indirectly, for our own merchandise, or foreign goods carried by the national vessels, the enjoyment of greater privileges than those of any other country, in order that they may be preferred and produce greater profits on the markets. in the same letter he submits the opinion that the lack of communication of the countries to the south with the philippines, is a most favorable political measure for spanish commerce, and recommends that our relations with the government of sulu should be strengthened in order to include the same under our dependence at some future time, it being necessary to act with cunning in order to separate it completely from the piratical warfare. her majesty commands me to state to you concerning these matters, that the communication of sulu with the philippines being purely commercial, should not be restricted, but on the contrary, should be increased in every way possible, encouragement should be given to the establishment of traders and spanish trading houses in sulu, where our good conduct and benevolence toward the natives may bring us profit. but it is always to be borne in mind that the government of her majesty does not desire the subjection of other states to itself, but a sincere friendship and a close and useful alliance, and that a just and discreet policy, not crafty nor artful, will accomplish most in withdrawing the sultan from the interests of the leaders of the pirates. your excellency will note in the draft of the communication from your predecessor, to which i make answer, the proposal of various schemes for establishing ourselves securely in sulu. such would be the establishment of a trading house there, already agreed upon in the treaty, and posting there a garrison, under the pretext that it is for the safety and greater state of the person of the sultan. her majesty deems indispensable the establishment of the trading house, but it should be done in such a manner as not to cause distrust, and fortified and protected from any sudden attack, using in this the greatest prudence, and remembering that a garrison there, though it might be acceptable to the sultan, might wound the self-love of the people of the country, and so render odious both the sultan and his protectors. the most essential thing for the spaniards, in order to become firmly established, is to make themselves popular, to respect the customs of the people, even with veneration, not offending any one for any reason, treating all with courtesy and decorum; not showing themselves domineering nor covetous, not insulting any one, but being very respectful to women, the old and children, not scoffing at anything in their public amusements, nor religious affairs, nor in their meetings. it seems to her majesty that through these means would be secured a consistent friendship between both countries, and that the most adequate plan for the support and defense of the trading house would be to maintain in the safest harbor a permanent maritime force, in which should be stored all arms and munitions, and sufficient soldiers, in case it should be necessary to defend the building, without arousing the suspicions that would be caused by placing these preparations, concealed or openly, in the house itself; and since for this purpose, for the defense of the country against the pirates, and for maintaining the respect of the people and government of the protectorate, it is indispensable to keep a well organized sea force, her majesty had determined that you decide the manner of organizing this maritime force, without losing sight of the great economy which it is necessary to observe on account of the embarrassed condition of the peninsula, which needs now more than ever before the assistance of her colonial provinces. finally, the predecessor of your excellency further stated that he was attempting to extend his efforts to the establishing of the protectorate over the countries subject to the sultan of mindanao: her majesty approves this policy on condition that in its execution the purposes and measures, which are mentioned above for sulu, be adopted. her majesty, by whose royal order i communicate to your excellency the foregoing, trusts in your zeal to realize the importance of this matter, and, regarding the principles of justice and right which direct the resolutions of her majesty, to direct all your efforts to the accomplishment of the results desired; carefully reporting your progress in the affair, for the information of her majesty and further action. god preserve your excellency many years. madrid, june 23, 1837. mendizabal.--rubricated. the governor captain-general of the philippines. ministry of the navy, commerce, and colonial administration most excellent sir: the predecessor of your excellency, convinced of the important advantages to be derived by the philippines, in making more intimate and more secure our few and doubtful relations with the island of sulu, determined immediately upon assuming command, to negotiate with the sultan of the said place, a treaty of peace and commerce which he considered, in every respect, not only useful but indispensable to the prosperity of the country. after having announced this project in various of his communications, he reported in december of last year, having accomplished the same, and furnished in several communications, an exact and detailed account of the history of his labors in the affair, the reasons which he had for undertaking the same, the benefits which he expects as results, and the measures whose adoption he deems necessary in order that these results may be more certain, and at the same time profitable. there were received from him seven letters, all marked with the letter "a," numbered from 14 to 23, and dated from the 15th to the 29th of the said month; with so many points of analogy and similarity between them, that they should be considered as one only. the first, number 14, is intended to furnish information and data relative to sulu, and the other mohammedan islands of the south (without which it would be impossible to know their importance) and to detail the relations which we should have with them, considering them both in relation to commerce and with respect to the war of enslavement. in the second, of a confidential nature, he outlines the policy, which, in his opinion, should be adopted in order to obtain all the advantages which our position affords. in the third, number 16, he states the measures which should be adopted for the benefit of the national commerce in those countries. in the fourth, number 20, he transmits a copy of the treaty of peace, protection and commerce concluded with the sultan of sulu, and of the stipulations made for the determination of the duties which our vessels should pay in sulu, and the sulus in manila and zamboanga. in the fifth, number 21, he relates the motives which have led him to direct these matters as he has done, transmitting to her majesty all the plans referring to it, through this ministry only. in the sixth, number 22, he gives account of some of the advantages which have been derived from our expedition to sulu, and amongst others, a treaty of peace concluded between the pueblo of malusu and the governor of zamboanga. and finally, in the seventh, number 23, he sets forth the necessity of retaining at that station, the frigate-captain, don josã© marã­a halcon, who performed the duty of commissioner for the negotiation of the treaty. i have informed her majesty, the queen regent, of the contents of all these communications, and in this knowledge she has seen fit to approve, in a general manner, all the measures adopted by the aforementioned predecessor of your excellency, giving suitable orders, that the proper ministry provide the special approval which some of them deserve, on account of their weight and importance, concerning which your excellency will soon be informed, and deigning to command me to submit in a separate and particular communication the following advice on the special subject of the letters referred to above. her majesty, feeling assured that conquests in themselves, and later their maintenance, absorb the profits which accrue from the countries already acquired, prefers to any conquest advantageous trade and commerce. convinced, therefore, that the most profitable and lucrative policy is to conquer or secure such places as on account of their fortunate location may prove to be at the same time strong military and mercantile posts and so both promote and protect commerce, she cannot but approve the ideas your excellency's predecessor expresses in his communication numbered 14, and desires, that upon adopting the system in accordance with those ideas, you confine yourself solely, in all enterprises of conquest, to occupation of territory either abandoned or uninhabited, or to that which, notwithstanding its being settled, would cost little and would not give occasion for a costly war. in order to increase our commercial advantages in sulu, and to raise up rivals to the portuguese, it would be well to grant protection and reduction in duties to the chinese junks [281] under the specific condition that they do not sail under the flag of any other nation (without mentioning the portuguese by name in order not to occasion the resentment of this power) and to secure in sulu for those who adopt the spanish flag, a reduction of duties although not as much as that which should be granted to spanish vessels. thus it is the will of her majesty that you be directed, commanding, with the same purpose in view, that your predecessor state to you explicitly, which are the measures that he would have adopted, had he been authorized to do so, in order to avoid the blow to our commerce threatened by the portuguese, depriving us with the double expedition from macao and singapore to sulu, of the advantage over all other nations which still remained to us in this traffic; and that your excellency obstruct, by all the means in your power, the association of interests between the commercial houses of manila with those of macao and singapore, if the same were intended to secure special privileges in the island of sulu to the products of the philippines to the injury of the national commerce. with respect to the matter of the war against piracy, referred to also in letter number 14, her majesty approves all the purposes expressed therein by the predecessor of your excellency, and commands me to direct your excellency that, without ever recurring to war or the interruption of traffic with sulu as means of destroying or diminishing piracy and traffic in slaves, you exert yourself to suppress the same and remedy the evil which it inflicts on the philippines, by the various means at hand, to-wit; 1st, through negotiations with the sultan of sulu; in which measures suitable for the accomplishment of the purpose may be concerted; 2d, securing the increase, by the sultan, of import duties on slaves who are spanish subjects, and the lowering of duties on slaves of other countries; 3d, requesting of him assistance in driving out the pirates from their haunts of balangingi and other places; 4th, watching the rendezvous of these pirates in the bisayas also, in order to destroy them. in this manner and with hard lessons, with the energetic and continuous warfare spoken of by the predecessor of your excellency, the extermination of piracy will be accomplished without the evils which would follow upon an unwise and useless war against sulu, and without the more serious result to which the same would expose us, and which her majesty desires your excellency to avoid at any cost, the result referred to being the removal of the sultan to some other point, which removal england and holland might turn to great advantage against our trade. as to the measures proposed in letter number 16, for the benefit of the national commerce, her majesty will determine which is fit, notifying your excellency in due season. meanwhile you should keep in mind, that as long as the sulus man their ships with slaves, your excellency should prohibit them from trading in zamboanga and all other places within the dominions of her majesty, whenever the ships which they use shall be manned in whole or in part with slaves who are subjects of spain. concerning the treaty of peace, protection and commerce, a copy of which is inclosed in letter number 20, her majesty has been pleased to resolve, after careful examination, that it be forwarded with favorable comment to the ministry of state for the approval of the cortes and the ratification of her majesty, all of which will be communicated to your excellency in due time, its policy being carried out and its intent carefully observed in the meanwhile, for the purpose of determining whether there is anything to amend or correct by means of further negotiation, which would be considered as an appendix to the treaty. in view of the explanations concerning the first article of the aforementioned treaty furnished by the commissioner of the negotiation, her majesty commands me to repeat to your excellency the necessity for carrying out the policy which is prescribed to your excellency with regard to acquisition and conquest; in order to claim those lands referred to in the explanations, if perchance such claim should be advisable for the purpose of acquiring some point of military or mercantile value: or in order to set up the claim of the kingdom of spain to those countries, in order that by giving it up, we may secure other things which may be of real importance to us, such as reduction in duties, some exclusive privilege, or the possession of some isolated point of great importance. the predecessor of your excellency by addressing to this ministry all communications bearing on this matter, has merited the approbation of her majesty, because he has avoided many unnecessary steps and useless delay, and thus your excellency will continue to do, in the manner herein indicated. and finally, her majesty having noted with satisfaction the favorable results produced already by the expedition to sulu, and approving the idea of not using the fifteen hundred dollars sent by the bishop of nueva segovia for the redemption of slaves, she commands me to direct your excellency to cultivate the friendship of all the chiefs who, like the orankaya of malusu, abandon the pursuit of piracy, and that suitable orders be issued by the division of the marine of this ministry, not only that the captain of frigate, don josã© marã­a halcon, who has so well discharged the duty of negotiating the treaty, be assigned to that station, but that he also be duly rewarded for his services as such commissioner; her majesty not failing to express the gratitude with which she declares her appreciation to the predecessor of your excellency, the aforementioned don pedro antonio salazar. all of which is communicated to your excellency, by royal order, for your due information and guidance, instructing you with regard to the confidential letter, that you carry out the directions forwarded you separately under this date. god preserve your excellency. madrid, june 23, 1837. mendizabal.--rubricated. the governor captain-general of the philippines. appendix xiv camba's report on the circumstances attending the treaty of 1836 and its bases, november 16, 1837 [282] superior government of the philippines excellent sir: in compliance with the provision of the royal order of the 24th of april last, requesting, for the information of her majesty the record of the correspondence exchanged in regard to the treaty of commerce made by my predecessor with the sultan of sulu, and the bases of said treaty, i forward the same to your excellency, with a few personal observations suggested by a reading of the said papers. on the 31st of january, 1835, the tribunal of commerce forwarded to the captain-general, approved by it, a report presented by several business men who traded with sulu, setting forth the deceitful methods of the datus, or principal people of the island, in their agreements and contracts, and requesting, in order to restrain and intimidate them, that the naval division of zamboanga, or part of it, be stationed in the port of jolo during the time the national merchant vessels remain there for the purpose of making their sales and purchases. a decree was issued on the 9th of march of the same year, concurring in the opinion of the assessor, and declaring that the request could not be granted at that time, but that it would be taken into consideration as soon as the circumstances allowed. this is a brief of the document marked number 1. on the 9th of february, 1836, josã© dugiols, who had sold goods on credit to the amount of 8000 pesos to the jolo people, and despaired of getting paid, presented a new petition, similar to that which had been sent 11 months before. the chamber of commerce approved it, and requested that a fleet of launches be stationed at jolo during the business season, there to gather information which would allow the government to take proper action in the matter; it also insisted that the commander of the fleet be a capable person, who, without compromising the flag, would know how to conciliate the purpose of the naval demonstration with the spirit of peace and concord which he ought to maintain between the crews of our ships and the people of jolo. this suggestion, which had already been made in the petition presented the year before, was favorably endorsed one after the other by all who intervened in the papers in the case and resulted in the final resolution of may 31st, which contains 14 articles. the first provides that it shall be one of the duties of the commander of the naval division of zamboanga to protect the spanish ships while they are at jolo, and instructions are given him to that effect. the second appoints captain of frigate josã© marã­a halcon to take charge, temporarily, of the command of the division of zamboanga, and establish relations of friendship and commerce with the sulu people. the third directs him to inform the sulu sultan of his visit in the way he may deem most likely to convince him of the peaceful intentions of this government. the fourth directs him to make himself recognized by the officers and men of our ships, as the commanding authority who shall maintain them in peace and good order. the fifth charges him not to allow his men to land, so as to avoid disorder. the sixth directs him to take action in regard to any excess, as provided by the code. the seventh, to hold in check the crews of our ships, so as to give the sulus neither reason nor pretence for showing their bad faith. the ninth forbids the commander of the division and all those under his orders to enter into any business speculation whatsoever. the tenth directs the commander to be ever careful to keep all his men within the bounds of duty. by the eleventh he is directed to see that all contracts are religiously fulfilled, and, if necessary, to complain energetically to the sultan, and by the twelfth to see that our people fulfil their own. articles thirteen and fourteen direct the commander to obtain information about the political and civil conditions of sulu and its topographic situation. after acquainting himself with the foregoing, captain josã© marã­a halcon inquired what would be the minimum importation duty in manila for articles proceeding from sulu, and asked for instructions in regard to the importation of arms and ammunition into sulu by our ships. in answer to the first question, the board of tariffs fixed at 2 per cent the duty on all articles imported from sulu to manila in its own vessels, [283] except wax and cacao, which would have to pay 14 per cent under a foreign flag and half that amount under the national flag; in regard to the second the importation of arms and ammunition into sulu by our ships was prohibited. a letter to the sultan of sulu was furthermore given the commander, accrediting him and explaining his mission, the petition presented by dugiols and endorsed by the chamber of commerce, requesting that our business relations with sulu be granted a protection which experience made each day more necessary, being thus complied with. on april 15, 1836, halcon forwarded the capitulations of peace and the commercial agreements made by him in the name of this government with the sultan of sulu. the first consists of 6 articles, by which the spanish government grants the sultan its protection, which is accepted by the latter, with a mutual assurance of coã¶peration between them against any nation not european. spanish boats are to be admitted freely in sulu, and sulu boats in zamboanga and manila. it is agreed that a spanish factory shall be established in jolo, so as to avoid damages and delays to our commerce, the same right being given the sulus in manila. certain rules are established in order to distinguish friendly from hostile boats. the sultan is pledged to prevent piracy on the part of those who recognize his authority; and it is furthermore agreed that in case of any doubt as to the meaning of any article, the literal spanish text shall be followed. in accordance with the opinion of the government assessor, these capitulations were approved by decree of january 20 of this year. the commercial agreements contain 9 articles. the first establishes a duty of 2 1/2 per cent on all products brought by the sulus. the second excepts wax and cacao, as recommended by the board of tariffs. the third provides a duty of 1 per cent for the importation in zamboanga of products brought by the sulus. the fourth provides that the payment of the duties shall be made in cash in silver. the fifth establishes the dues to be paid by our boats at sulu. the sixth fixes the value, in products, of those dues. the seventh, in its first part, declares, that all sulu boats trading without a license shall be treated as smugglers, under the law of the kingdom; in its second part it also requires our boats to show a bill of lading in accordance with the cargo, on pain of a fine of p500, two thirds to go to the sultan and one third to our exchequer. the eighth provides that if the duties are reduced in manila and zamboanga on the articles coming from sulu, the same shall be done in sulu, and that if the sultan reduces the dues on foreign ships, he shall do the same for ours. the ninth provides that in case of doubt the literal spanish text shall be followed. after hearing the opinions of the boards of commerce and tariffs, and in accordance with that of the assessor, the foregoing was approved by decree of the 20th of january of this year, with a small reduction of 1/2 per cent on the duties to be paid by the sulus in manila, and an explanation of the proceeding to be followed for the appraisement of their cargoes in zamboanga and in manila. shortly before this ratification by the government, it was decreed on the 13th of january, at the request of commissioner halcon, that in order to avoid trouble between this government and that of sulu, the captains and supercargoes of the spanish ships should give no credit to the sulus, except with the authorization of the sultan, under the penalty of being barred from claiming his protection or that of the spanish government for the collection of such credits; and that all settlements of the pay of the crews of our ships should be so made as to avoid the abuse of paying them in kind, instead of currency. such is the information which i have found, and am forwarding to your excellency in regard to the treaties mentioned. the leading idea in said treaties is one of distrust towards the people of sulu, on account of their treacherous, cruel and perfidious nature. as this is the only idea which prevails in all our relations with the island, as well as in the royal order of august 28, 1751, and the documents attached thereto, without referring to older time, i can not be persuaded that the policy of peace and alliance adopted with the sultan of sulu can give our shipping and commerce any substantial and permanent advantage. several royal decrees find fault with such treaties and even order them to be revoked in case they have been made; and to justify departure from these sovereign instructions, given with a true knowledge of the facts, and in accordance with the opinion of the illustrious members of the cabinet, there must now be some powerful political reason which i can not discover. if we take into consideration the very weak authority of the sultan over his subjects, and the scarcity of his means in the midst of datus or chieftains who, with their families and slaves, constitute distinct communities which are haughty, ambitious and dangerous to him, we find that there is in sulu no moral force on which to rely for the execution of a treaty, even should there be the best faith and good will on the part of the sultan. furthermore, sulu and the small adjacent islands produce nothing; even the rice and fish which the people use for their food come from our neighboring possessions: what business reasons are there therefore, capable of calling our attention, or whose profits would pay the expenses of a fleet placed in observation there? all the produce of the islands consists of bãªche-de-mer and shell which are gathered by the slaves; [284] the clothing and foodstuffs are furnished them, on credit, by our own ships; gold, wax and edible nests come from mindanao. hence commerce is confined to a season outside of which our ships never go near sulu. there is therefore little advantage to be derived by our commerce from these treaties, and this is confirmed by the communication just received by me from the commander of the zamboanga division, which i enclose as number 6. it betrays complete disappointment, and shows the wisdom of the instructions given in the above mentioned royal decrees. the policy which we ought to follow with the sulus is one of continual and perspicacious caution, with well conditioned, well situated and well commanded naval forces, ready to obtain at once satisfaction for any offense to our flag; and i believe that this could be done without much trouble, by using steamships, as the dutch have done in their settlements in the moluccas, where they suffered from the piracy of the moros much as we do in the philippines. the foregoing information covers, i believe, all the points mentioned in the royal order of april 24th, last, and which are the object of the present communication and of the documents which i enclose therewith. may god keep your excellency many years. manila, november 16, 1837. andrã©s g. camba. his excellency the secretary of state and of the department of the navy, commerce, and colonies. appendix xv camba's report to the colonial office discussing the difficulties of commerce with sulu and the advisability of making zamboanga a free port, february 23, 1838 [285] superior government of the philippines. excellent sir: i acknowledge to your excellency the receipt of two royal orders dated the 23d of june of last year, which, with reference to the treaties made with the sultan of sulu, have been transmitted by your ministry; one replying to the seven communications marked "a" which my predecessor made in connection with the same subject; the other confidential, and indicating the policy and measures that should be carried out with the said sultan of sulu and the sultan of mindanao. in communication numbered 5, and dated november 16th last, in compliance with one of the provisions of royal order of last april, i made a minute report accompanied by documentary evidence, of the antecedents which i encountered relative to sulu affairs, and at the same time, could not but intimate in this connection how little i expected as a result of our treaties, because experience had already caused me to be suspicious, and also because the various royal orders toward the close of the past century confirmed me in this idea; [286] and indeed the losses which all our commercial expeditions experienced during the first year of these treaties, the vexations they suffered and the risks to which the crews as well as the vessels and their cargoes were exposed during their stay in jolo, have fully borne out this view. many are the measures and documents which we have here, in which this same fact is laid down; many are the royal decrees in which, in recognition of this fact, the governors of the philippines have even been authorized, by every means in their power and without counting cost or difficulty, to punish severely the intrepidity of those infidel barbarians. in order to arouse and interest the royal conscience on that point, it was requisite that there should be repeatedly presented through various channels and at distinct times substantiated accounts, non-conflicting and extremely painful, of the various piracies, cruelties, and vexations, with which those barbarians have kept the philippine islands in the south in a state of fear and depression; and needful also was it that there should have been employed, in vain, on account of the religion and the policy of our ancestors, those gentle measures of peace and union which no civilized people could resist; but which are ineffectual with barbarous nations who know no other right than that of force. from the 14th of april, 1646, when we abandoned possession of sulu, which our arms had so gloriously conquered, making a treaty of peace whereby the sulus bound themselves to pay us annually, as tribute, three boatloads of unhulled rice, until the day the government again entered into a treaty with them, neither have the filipinos succeeded in freeing themselves from their harassments, nor has the government reaped any fruit other than continual menace. the english have had the same experience with the perfidy and bad faith of those islanders. after having formed, in the island of balambangan by a concession made by the sulus, a settlement destined to be the emporium for the products of the east in connection with their china trade, for which this island offers two good ports, they were two years afterwards surprised by the sulus themselves, who, knowing the english had despatched their vessels, took advantage of their absence by taking possession of the island and the fort constructed therein, also a great deal of booty, which cost the english east india company a loss of more than three hundred thousand dollars. in narrating this event, mr. j. h. moor, who published last year a brief review of interesting events concerning the islands and lands bordering on the china sea, agrees with the views i have expressed, namely, that these acts of treachery and cruelty on the part of the sulus are the offspring of their innate love of robbery and their natural perfidy. all these facts then will convince your excellency that the expectations based by my acting predecessor upon the latest treaties referred to are too sanguine. they would produce no illusions on my part, in view of the experience of the past, neither does it seem to me that their results, looked at with calmness and in the light of the most exact data, could be of any great advantage to our commerce. allowing that the treaties should be religiously complied with, never would they be of any value, in themselves, to improve the brutal condition of those islanders. this condition will always constitute, not only for the spaniards but also for all civilized nations, a great drawback to mercantile relations, which, although founded on principles of utility and mutual advantage, cannot continue nor be developed except under the most favorable guaranties. how would our merchants, or the foreign merchants of sulu obtain them, where there is neither good faith nor justice, and where cunning fraud makes even the chinese dangerous traders? commerce is the movement and circulation of wealth. the latter results from production, and production from the full and unrestricted utilization of property. moreover, when property is insecure, when the laws do not protect it, when the agents of the government are the first to disregard it, the mercantile spirit is the first to become alarmed and, when defrauded, to flee as far as possible from the place where it does not find that safe haven it requires to expand and to pursue with skill and perseverance the objects of its calling. thus it is that during the period elapsed since the year cited, 1646, up to the present time, no spanish merchant has himself had direct dealings with the inhabitants of sulu, the chinese alone being engaged in this trade, they being the only charterers of our vessels, so that we do not obtain from said commerce more than interest on the capital invested, subject to great exposure and risk, which has made and always will make, this commerce uncertain and of little value. while lack of security still sets a limit to the extent of our speculation in commerce with sulu, lack of advantageous reciprocity adds another factor no less appreciable. at the time the spaniards came to the philippines, sulu seems to have been rich in her own natural and industrial products, and richer still through the large commerce which their exchange enabled her to carry on with the chinese vessels which in large numbers frequented her coasts. situated almost midway between the philippines and the moluccas, close to two rich islands so fertile and densely populated as mindanao and borneo, it seemed destined by nature to be the emporium of the commerce of the south. converted to islamism by the arab sayed ali, [287] who landed there from mecca, how much ought this principle of civilization in the midst of barbarous nations have tended to their advancement! but times have changed greatly since then, and brought their always accompanying vicissitudes. as spanish dominion was extended in the philippines and the portuguese penetrated into the moluccas, they began attracting to their capitals the wealth and traffic that was accumulating in sulu, and here begins a new era. war and desolation, which for a period of eighty years we inflicted on them, followed, and put in our power this island and its dependencies, and though independence was later restored, it could not divert this rich commerce from the trend it had taken. meanwhile, their wars and internal dissensions resulted in corrupting their customs, and there only remained for them the habit of piracy, which ever since our appearance, they had embraced for the purpose of harassing us. since then sulu has been converted into a refuge for pirates allured by its favorable position, and these barbarians, being more solicitous of carrying on their devastations than of cultivating their land, have not ceased to be the greatest scourge of our inhabitants of the south. this explains the impossibility of obtaining from them by entreaty anything in the way of peace and tranquillity, which to them as well as to us would be so beneficial. for this reason, sulu, which contains a population of pirates and slaves, is nothing more than a shipping point where certain products are collected from the other islands of the south. it is surrounded by islands and islets, which form the archipelago bearing its name, and has a length from east to west of about ten leagues, a width of four and a half, and a circumference of thirty-two. the total population credited to the archipelago is from 149,000 to 150,000 souls, 6,800 of which inhabit jolo, and in this number are included 800 chinese. the houses, or rather huts, of the principal place, are estimated to number 3,500, and that of the petty king, called sultan, cannot be distinguished from the rest except for its greater size; all of bamboo and nipa, weak and poor as their owners, but with cannons of various calibers which mark the residences of the datus, descendants of the petty kings, and who themselves constitute the oligarchy of their government. i have already stated that the sultan can do nothing, all matters being decreed by the convention, or rum bichara of the datus, where the owner of the greatest number of slaves always decides the questions. [288] wealth, influence and power, are measured among them solely by the number of slaves, and this is why they cannot but be pirates, in order to acquire this wealth, nor can they offer any guaranty, if it must be accompanied by the renunciation of this pursuit. by this picture, which is corroborated by the englishman moor in his description of sulu, it will be seen that we can expect nothing from our present relations with sulu in the way of securing the tranquillity and prosperity of our islands of the south. neither is a system of continual hostility the best way of procuring these precious gifts, but the promotion and throwing open of avenues of commerce, directing it to one of our ports, which, in view of its position, ought to be zamboanga; and in this i coincide with the views of my predecessor. zamboanga, with a different organization, the concession of a free port for all the products from the south and those brought in champanes from china, and the free admission of the exiles who seek refuge there as well as the chinese traders, aiding the former in establishing themselves, and exempting the latter from all taxes for the first ten years, would be, in all probability, the most suitable point to which to divert from sulu the little transit business which remains, to guard, from a shorter distance, against the piracy of its inhabitants, and to bring them in the course of time, perhaps, to a more humane mode of living. but all this requires first the planning of a suitable and adequate system which, bringing nearer to the islands of the south the protection and vigilance of the government of the capital by means of a subordinate government embracing its chief characteristics, would relieve those precious islands from the calamities which up to the present time they have suffered by reason of their remoteness and possibly also because of our neglect. this plan, which i desire to combine with a forward movement in the great and rich island of mindanao, a large part of whose coast is surrounded by the districts of the corregidors [289] of karaga and misamis, will bring about without doubt a new and happy era for the filipinos of the south, and place, without the sacrifice of people or money, a large number of faithful subjects under the illustrious government of her majesty, furnishing the same also with a greater abundance of resources. to this end i shall hold in view and faithfully observe the policy which her majesty outlines in her confidential royal order, to which i reply; its application will be the constant object of everything i decree and execute. and very happy shall i be thus to make suitable return for the many proofs of co-operation and esteem, which, for the past thirteen years i have received from the filipinos; infinitely more so, because working at the same time for the better service of her majesty in accordance with her royal plans in which these people have always found their greatest and surest well-being. your excellency being convinced, then, that these are the sentiments which impel me and the plans i contemplate for the fulfillment of the important duties her majesty has deigned to confer upon me, can from this reply assure her that as far as i am concerned, nothing shall be left undone to carry out to the letter the policy she has been pleased to outline to me, and to merit thereby her august confidence, which i so earnestly desire. may god preserve your excellency many years. manila, february 23, 1838. andrã©s g. camba. the most excellent, the secretary, office of colonial administration. appendix xvi communication from the governor of zamboanga to the supreme government of the philippines relative to the treaty of sir james brooke with the sultan of sulu, together with other communications relating to the treaty, 1849 [290] office of the secretary of the governor and captain-general of the philippines. jolo, may 28th, 1849. sr. don cayetano figueroa, zamboanga. dear sir:--i think proper to inform you that yesterday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the english war steamer "nemesis" cast anchor at this port, coming from singapore. she brought on board sir james brooke, commissioned to make a treaty of peace and friendship between great britain and the sultan. this treaty was presented to the sultan to-day in the presence of the datus and a majority of the people, and after being read in a loud voice it was immediately approved and ratified. i do not think it necessary to inform you as to the tenor of said treaty, as mr. brooke has told me that he would go from here to your city for the purpose of communicating to you everything regarding this matter so that you will be thoroughly acquainted with all the details. i understand that they have hastened this matter in view of the recent advices concerning the destruction of bali by the dutch troops and their declared intention of taking possession of the entire coast of north borneo, sulu, and all its dependencies. in letters received from my partner at singapore he tells me that it is certain they are coming, and with a large force, but it may be not for a month or two. the people here, in view of this news, have carried everything they have to the interior, and are ready, whenever the dutch arrive, to leave the town. we shall see where these things will stop. possibly we shall have another case like that of the french before you leave zamboanga. whatever you may decide to do when you receive this communication, you know that my services are always at your disposal, and in the event of your determining to come, there is a house here at your disposition; and i promise you a friendly reception on the part of the residents. it is my opinion they are in such a fright that they do not know what to do and business, of course, is entirely neglected. my brother-in-law, who is the bearer of this, will inform you in regard to what is going on. he goes to your town to purchase rice for our house, to provide against a siege; for rice is dear and scarce here. i remain, your obedient servant, who kisses your hand.--guillermo windham. batavia, march 20, 1849.--it appears that the expedition against jolo is a matter fully determined upon. it is said that two steamers, two frigates, and a corvette, operating at the present time against bali, are in readiness to set sail the first part of july. i expect that the publishers of the singapore paper will publish an article entitled, "labuan, sarawak, the northeast coast of borneo and the sultan of sulu," by baron hoeveel, published in holland in the first number of the "journal for netherlands india," during the month of january last, in which he informs his compatriots that if the government of java had followed the counsels of resident gronovius of sambas in 1831 or those of resident bloem of sambas in 1838, they would long ago have had treaties with the sultan of bruney which would have closed sarawak and the northern coast to all flags except the dutch, and that the questions with the english government would not have arisen, but that now it is not worth while to discuss it with the court of st. james. england is in possession, and she will stay in possession if she considers it to her advantage. he tells them to be on their guard, because if they do not have a care the english will make another move; and he indicates the point which calls for immediate and indispensable protection, namely, the northeast coast of borneo: that is to say, from sampan manjee point to the cape of kamongan (the straits of makassar), which he says are tributary to the sultan of sulu. he gives information concerning the different stations for the principal departments: malsedu (or kinabalu), manjedore and tiroen, designating the bay of sandakan for the first establishment, as soon as they have taken possession of this side. he enumerates the products of this part of the world: the pearls, the diamonds, the iron and gold mines, the birds'-nests, the trepang, etc.; so that he has strongly influenced the minds of the dutch. and he concludes by stating that in the next article of his paper he will discuss the sultan's possession in relation to the government of the dutch indies, offering some suggestions as to how his countrymen may avail themselves of the advantages of this rich territory. it is a truly interesting article and appears to me no less curious than reasonable. the editor of the journal of the eastern archipelago will do a good service to his countrymen by making a translation of it, but it must be done very soon. i am too busy to write a paper of such length, otherwise it would have given me pleasure to send you one for your own use. i reiterate the necessity for despatch, for i really believe that the dutch government will work for its own interests in accordance with the plans which the baron has marked out. the english will not relish the idea of their oriental government sleeping and permitting the sultan to make, under coercion, a treaty such as must be made in order to forward the plans of van hoeveel. the vessels of the king of the low countries, the "prince of orange," "sambi," and "argo," with five others, set sail on the 15th of this month, transporting 1,800 men in the direction of bali. afterwards they are to carry to surabaya, on the 25th proximo, 5,000 men more, besides from 2,500 to 3,000 coolies, 12 cannon, 2 mortars, etc., etc. receive, etc. these are notices taken from a letter to hand, from a trustworthy person in singapore.--figueroa. military and civil government, plaza de zamboanga.--no. 101.-department of government.--excellent sir:--notwithstanding the fact that the lieutenant governor of this province informs me that he transcribed and forwarded to your excellency, while he was in charge of the civil government during my absence in malusu, the letter which mr. william windham, a merchant of jolo, sent me under date of may 28th, it seems to me well to send the original to your excellency, which i now do, retaining a copy of it for the purpose of reference at any time. as your excellency may note if he will compare its contents with the text of the treaty of the 29th of the same month of may, made with the sultan of sulu by the english consul-general to borneo, sir james brooke, there is, between the terms of the former and the spirit of article 7 of the latter, a notable lack of agreement; wherefore it has not seemed to me well to place entire confidence in the offer of windham, who may be suspected of partiality, and i have concluded, therefore, to move in such a delicate matter with all possible tact and foresight and in accordance with developments, which may become extremely complicated. considering the great interest which the agents of the english government show in these questions concerning sulu and the part of borneo subject to the sultan, i immediately suspected that the announcement of the imminent arrival of a considerable dutch force in the archipelago was only a strategem to obtain, through surprise and fear, the realization of the agreement or treaty referred to; but it having been possible for me to secure fresh data through a different channel, confirming those which windham furnished me,--which latter i obtained through mr. brooke and the captain of the "nemesis," and herewith transmit to your excellency,-i am of the opinion now that the expedition of the dutch to jolo is an enterprise fully determined upon, although it may very well be delayed or postponed by fortuitous circumstances difficult to foresee. in the event of the appearance of the dutch expedition, i shall never believe that it is with the object of confining its field of action to punishing the place of residence of the sultan in a more thorough manner than was done in the attempt made in april of last year; but that they intend to conquer and occupy the island and its dependencies. if this should be so, i am equally of the opinion that the government of your excellency, notwithstanding its conspicuous firmness and well-known energy, will not succeed in getting them to recede from their purpose, as everything goes to show they have determined to carry it out in the face--most assuredly--of our known and declared rights and claims to the rule of that land. i venture, therefore, to believe that the only way to prevent the serious detriment which would result to this colony, under the wise and worthy government of your excellency, from the occupation of sulu, avoiding at the same time a conflict between the spanish and dutch governments, respectively, would be, by means of persuasion and by taking advantage of the state of extreme alarm now existing in sulu, to anticipate them by a recognition of the sovereignty of spain, floating our national flag under guaranties which would make impossible (without manifest violence) this proposed unprecedented aggression. i am convinced that besides flying the national flag and having the sovereignty of spain recognized in a formal manner, the principal guaranty must be--and i shall require it unconditionally--that they shall agree to let us garrison with spanish troops the principal fort of sulu, the residence of the sultan. to this end i have decided to embark in the pilot boat "pasig" and make my way to jolo without delay, where, if i do not obtain the results which i have here set forth, it will certainly not be through lack of zeal and activity, but through encountering obstacles beyond my control or influence, and owing to difficulties incident to the temperament of those people and the ancient prejudices which, owing to a series of events stretching through centuries, they feel towards us, as is only too well known to your excellency. to aid me in these operations and to meet possible contingencies--since there will be needed there, in case of success, an expert and trustworthy officer--and to carry out reconnaissances and make plans which cannot fail to be always of the greatest usefulness to the government at manila, i shall invite the chief of engineers of this place, don emilio bernaldez, to accompany me, if the exigencies of the service do not demand his presence here and at pasanhan. all of which i have the honor to lay before your excellency in the hope that it may merit your entire approval. may god preserve your excellency many years. zamboanga, june 8, 1849. cayetano figueroa. his high excellency the governor and captain-general of these philippine islands. office of the secretary of the governor and captain-general of the philippines. zamboanga, june 5th, 1849.--mr. consul-general:--i have the honor to inform you that from notices received from jolo, it has come to my knowledge that during your stay there with the steamer "nemesis" you negotiated a commercial treaty with the sultan mohammed pulalun; and as i am entirely ignorant of its essential clauses, and as my government has for a long time past, and especially of late, been in possession or enjoyment through solemn treaties, the first made with the malay chiefs, masters of the coasts of sulu, of the right that our commercial flag be at least as privileged as any other; and in view of the indisputable rights which spain has to the territory in question, rights not merely of prescription; i have the honor to request, in view of the close friendship which unites our respective governments and which i honor myself in maintaining, that you have the kindness to give me, officially, knowledge of the said treaty and a copy thereof in order that i may forward it to the most excellent, the governor-general of these philippine islands, without prejudice to my making before you, if the spirit of any of these articles so requires, the remonstrances that may be necessary to uphold the rights of spain.--receive, mr. consul-general, the assurance of my consideration, etc. c. de figueroa. to sir james brooke, consul-general of her britannic majesty in borneo and governor of labuan. h. m. s. "nemesis," june 3rd, 1849.--sir:--i have the honor to reply to your communication of this date; and as the quickest way to furnish your excellency with the information desired, i enclose herewith a copy of the agreement recently made with the government of sulu. it would be unprofitable to discuss at this time the rights of spain to which you make allusion, and the interests of great britain, which are involved, but as the best means of preserving the cordial relations which should always exist between the public servants of our respective governments, i propose to forward our present correspondence to the secretary of foreign affairs of her britannic majesty. nevertheless, permit me to say that my opinion is that the interests of spain and of great britain in these seas should be considered entirely harmonious and equally opposed to any system of oppression or of monopoly.--i have the honor to be, with the greatest consideration, sir, your obedient servant. brooke, commissioner and consul-general. to his excellency c. de figueroa, governor of zamboanga. her majesty, the queen of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, desirous of encouraging commerce between her subjects and those of the independent princes in the eastern seas, and of putting an end to the piracy which has up to this time hindered said commerce: and his highness the sultan mohammed pulalun who occupies the throne and governs the territories of sulu, animated by like sentiments and desirous of co-operating in the measures which may be necessary for the achievement of the objects mentioned; have resolved to place on record their determination on these points by an agreement which contains the following articles: article 1. from now on there shall be peace, friendship, and good understanding between her majesty the queen of great britain and ireland and his highness mohammed pulalun, sultan of sulu, and between their respective heirs and successors, and between their subjects. article 2. the subjects of her britannic majesty shall have complete liberty to enter, reside, carry on business, and pass with their merchandise through all parts of the dominions of his highness the sultan of sulu, and they shall enjoy in them all the privileges and advantages with respect to commerce or in connection with any other matter whatever which are at this time enjoyed by, or which in the future may be granted to, the subjects or citizens of the most favored nation; and the subjects of his highness the sultan of sulu shall likewise be free to enter, reside, carry on business, and pass with their merchandise to all parts of the dominions of her britannic majesty, in europe as well as in asia, as freely as the subjects of the most favored nation, and they shall enjoy in said dominions all the privileges and advantages with respect to commerce and in connection with other matters which are now enjoyed by, or which in the future may be granted to, the subjects or citizens of the most favored nation. article 3. british subjects shall be permitted to buy, lease, or acquire in any lawful way whatever all kinds of property within the dominions of his highness the sultan of sulu; and his highness extends, as far as lies within his power, to every british subject who establishes himself in his dominions, the enjoyment of entire and complete protection and security to person and to property--as well any property which in the future may be acquired, as that which has already been acquired prior to the date of this agreement. article 4. his highness the sultan of sulu offers to allow the war vessels of her britannic majesty and those of the india company to enter freely the ports, rivers, and inlets situated within his dominions and to permit said vessels to supply themselves, at reasonable prices, with the goods and provisions which they may need from time to time. article 5. if any english vessel should be lost on the coasts of the dominions of his highness the sultan of sulu the latter promises to lend every aid in his power for the recovery and delivery to the owners of everything than can be saved from said vessels; and his highness also promises to give entire protection to the officers and crew and to every person who may be aboard the shipwrecked vessel, as well as to their property. article 6. therefore, her majesty the queen of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, and the sultan of sulu, bind themselves to adopt such measures as lie within their power to suppress piracy within the seas, islands, and rivers under their respective jurisdiction or influence, and his highness the sultan of sulu binds himself not to harbor or protect any person or vessel engaged in enterprises of a piratical nature. article 7. his highness the sultan of sulu, for the purpose of avoiding in the future any occasion for disagreement, promises to make no cession of territory within his dominions to any other nation, nor to subjects or citizens thereof, nor to acknowledge vassalage or feudality to any other power without the consent of her britannic majesty. article 8. this treaty must be ratified, and the ratifications will therefore be exchanged in jolo within two years from date. home copy.--brooke.--approved, etc.--signed and sealed may 29, 1849. zamboanga, june 5, 1849.--mr. consul-general:--i have received the letter which you have done me the honor to send under date of the day before yesterday in reply to mine, and i acknowledge receipt of copy of the treaty which you negotiated with his highness the sultan of sulu on the 29th may last. i have no remarks to make, mr. consul-general, with respect to the first six articles of the treaty, for the clauses they contain are not of such an urgent character that my government cannot postpone their discussion if it so deems advisable; but i might perhaps create in the future serious embarrassment to our respective governments should i allow article 7 to pass unnoticed. it establishes two principles of the most vital importance: (1st) his highness the sultan binds himself to recognize the sovereignty of no power without previously notifying her britannic majesty; and (2nd) to make, likewise, no cession of the least portion of the territory of his dominions to any state, person or corporation. with relation to the first point, and waiving for the moment the question whether, because the sultan is in possession, with slight exceptions, of the coast of sulu, this island must be regarded as his exclusive domain, it is my duty, mr. consul-general, to inform you that for a long time past the said sultan of sulu has admitted and acknowledged himself to be under the protection of her catholic majesty, recognizing the sovereignty of spain in a public way and in official documents which his excellency the governor-general of these philippine islands will be able to produce at the proper time and place. as regards the second point: i find no objection to the pledge of his highness having all the force of free right with respect to those parts of his dominions lying outside of the island of sulu, namely, the north and northeast part of borneo, now under the rule of the sultan; but under no circumstances with respect to the said island of sulu and its neighboring islands; for not only can spain not recognize in any power the right to intervene in the matter of ceding or not ceding the island of sulu and its surrounding islands, as it is claimed can be done according to the terms of article 7 of the treaty; but spain does not recognize this right even in the sultan and datus of sulu, because, as i have had the honor to inform you, mr. consul-general, these territories belong to spain, by a right not prescribed, by a right in no way established by the conquest of this archipelago, but positively through the willing submission of the real natives, the gimbahans, who do now, and who at the end of the 17th century did, constitute the most numerous portion of its population, whose oppressors were then and are now the sultan and datus, malay mussulmans. at this very time the chief of the gimbahans, this unfortunate and enslaved race, cherishes with respect and veneration his loving remembrance of spain and holds in his possession the proofs of what i assert. this fact established, mr. consul-general, i am forcibly constrained to protest, which i accordingly do, against every claim in its favor by your nation on the terms of the said article 7 of the treaty referred to of may 29th of the present year, since it prejudices the incontestable and recognized rights of the crown of spain to the sovereignty of the territory of the island of sulu and its surrounding islands, and to its sovereignty over the present possessors of the coasts of this archipelago, begging that you will kindly acknowledge receipt of this letter in order to cover my responsibility to my government. receive, again, mr. consul-general, the assurances, etc. c. de figueroa. to sir james brooke, consul-general for her britannic majesty in borneo and governor of labuan. h. m. s. "nemesis," june 5, 1849.--sir: i have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your communication; and as the matter in question will probably have to be discussed between our respective governments, i think it better not to take up the objections raised by you in connection with article 7 of the treaty recently negotiated with his highness the sultan of sulu. i have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your obedient servant. brooke, commissioner and consul-general. to his excellency, col. c. de figueroa, governor of zamboanga. military and civil government, town of zamboanga, no. 100, government department.--most excellent sir:--on reã«mbarking at malusu, march 31st last, returning from the operations which i had conducted against the same on that same day, following instructions received from your office in a communication of the 17th of the said month of may, the result of which i reported to the most excellent the captain-general in an official letter of the 2nd instant, no. 209, the war vessel of the english east india company, the "nemesis" was sighted and soon afterwards cast anchor in our vicinity. aboard the vessel was sir james brooke, consul-general for his country in borneo and governor of labuan; and as a result of a long conference i had with the latter gentleman in regard to recent events in sulu--which conference it was agreed to continue in this place immediately upon my arrival here--i gave him, successively, the two communications of which i attach copies; with them i send to your excellency letters dated the 3rd and 5th instant replying to mine in terms that your excellency will see embodied in the two original letters of corresponding dates, which i likewise enclose herewith, retaining copies of them, as also an authorized copy of the treaty or agreement of the 29th of last may, also enclosed; feeling confident that the indulgence of your excellency will approve my action in this delicate matter. may god preserve your excellency many years. zamboanga, june 6th, 1849. cayetano figueroa. the most excellent, the governor and captain-general of the philippines. copies.--josã© marã­a peã±aranda: (his flourish). appendix xvii communication from the supreme government of the philippines to the secretary of state, relative to the treaty of sir james brooke with the sultan of sulu; august 16, 1849 [291] office of the captain-general and governor of the philippines. to his excellency, the secretary of state and of the office of gobernaciã³n of the kingdom, i have the honor to state the following, on this date, and under no. 499. by the communications which i had the honor to send your excellency from zamboanga on the 23rd of june and 4th of july last, and that of the general second in command, no. 482, your excellency must have been informed of the treaty which has been made in jolo by the englishman sir james brooke, of the answer of the governor of zamboanga to the latter and his negotiation with the sultan and datus to have the treaty left without effect, without obtaining the least satisfaction. it will therefore be necessary that the question be settled between the two cabinets, and i believe that holland will take our part, as she has an illfeeling against england on account of the latter's usurpations in borneo, contrary to the spirit of the treaty of march 17, 1824, between the two countries, and must fear to see her rich possessions surrounded by those of so powerful a rival. the communications of her majesty's consul in singapore and his confidential correspondence with the governor-general of java, which he has forwarded to the secretary of state, show that the dutch government wishes to maintain the most friendly relations with spain. although the english press in singapore and hong-kong are still speaking of a dutch expedition against jolo, nothing has been done hitherto, and the favorable season for such an expedition has passed. as the correspondence between brooke and the governor of zamboanga will probably play an important part in the future correspondence with the british government, i believe it is my duty to submit a few remarks in regard to the action taken by the said governor. notwithstanding that the objections, which he submitted to brooke in regard to article 7 of the treaty, were well founded, he ought not to have entered upon such a discussion, and much less to have particularized it in such a way: he ought to have protested against the treaty as a whole, and to have declared it null, as made without the consent of spain, which holds not only a protectorate, but sovereignty or dominion over the territory. the second defect that i find in the same letter to brooke, is his basing our right to the sovereignty over sulu on the "free submission of the true natives of the gimbahan race, who live in the interior of the island and are oppressed by the sultan and the datus." although there is some truth in that statement, and we might take advantage of this element in case of a war with the sultan, i believe that it ought not to have been made under the present circumstances, as, on the same principle, we would invalidate the rights founded by us on the different treaties made by spain with the sultan and datus of sulu. the acknowledgment made by the latter of the sovereignty of spain during over two centuries and more especially in the treaties of 1646, 1737 and 1836, by the first of which they pledge themselves to pay, as vassals, a tribute of three boatloads of rice, as recorded in the archives, is a powerful argument in favor of our rights, which the sultan has often confirmed in his communications to this government and in the passports which he gives his subjects, on printed forms supplied by my predecessor;--i enclose herewith a copy of one of said passports. the british, who doubtless do not feel very certain about their rights, try to excuse their conduct through the press, as they did when they occupied labuan by force. the singapore free press of the 6th of july published an article in which it alleges, for the purpose of proving that sulu has always been considered as a sovereign independent power, that we said nothing to england when she accepted the cession of the island of balambangan, between borneo and palawan. even supposing the fact to be true, there would be nothing astonishing about it, considering the distress and the lack of means of the government at that time, after the war which, but a few years before, it had miraculously carried on against the english who held manila and many other places in the islands, and the work it had to do in order to put down interior rebellions, to reorganize the administration and to reã«stablish normal conditions in the provinces which had been left uncontrolled during four years and had suffered the consequences of circumstances so unfortunate. furthermore, the cession of balambangan cannot be considered as an act of free will on the part of the sulus, since they took advantage of the first opportunity to drive the british off the island, when they had hardly started to firmly establish their trading posts. the newspaper also mentions the doctrine of walter, which says that an agreement similar to that existing between the spanish and sulu governments does not entirely derogate the sovereignty of the protected state, which can make treaties and contract alliances, except when it has expressly renounced its right to do so; and that if the first state fails to protect the other, the treaty is invalidated; the author of the article adds that this is our case, since we allowed the dutch to attack sulu without interfering, or, as far as known, requiring a reparation or the assurance that such an attack would not be renewed. with regard to the first point, the reference to walter is correct, but walter adds in the same paragraph that "the protected nation is bound forever by the treaty of protection, so that it can undertake no engagements which would be contrary to said treaty, that is to say, that would violate any of the express conditions of the protectorate, or be inconsistent with any treaty of the said class:" how then could article 7 of the treaty made by brooke be valid, when by said article the sultan pledges himself to recognize the sovereignty of no power without the previous consent of her britannic majesty, and not to cede the smallest part of the territory of his dominions to any state, person or corporation, said sultan having already recognized the sovereignty of spain and the rights of the latter over the greater part of his territory, in which the island of palawan, which was ceded to us in the last century by the kings of bruney is included by mistake. in regard to the second point, the author of the article is also in the wrong: for this government was neither aware of the intentions of the dutch, nor was its assistance requested by the sultan; and your excellency knows in what terms i wrote to the governor-general of java about that matter.--if i have given so many details, despite their not being new to your excellency it is because the article of the singapore free press may have been inspired by the british government, and deserves therefore not to be left unnoticed. in the event of which i am writing, your excellency will see the fulfilment of my predictions, and it may perhaps be only the prelude of events of still greater importance. thus i cannot but earnestly recommend to your excellency's notice the necessity that the governor of the philippines have very detailed instructions or very ample powers to proceed as regards the southern regions in accordance with what he believes best suited to her majesty's interests and to the security of these rich possessions. in this connection i take the liberty of recommending to your excellency such action as our sovereign the queen may deem most wise on my communication (consulta) number 359 and others relative to the same subject. perhaps, as i mentioned in my communication of the 4th of july last, the only advantageous issue for us would be to send a strong expedition and to occupy jolo, our action being warranted by the piratical acts committed by several small boats of bwal, sulu; the dutch may avail themselves of the same excuse and send an expedition before us, if, as is possible, other pancos [292] [moro boats] have gone south for the same purpose; but anyhow the behavior of the sultan and datus of sulu would give us excellent reasons for taking action against them at any time. god keep your excellency many years. manila, august 16, 1849. the count of manila. his excellency, the secretary of state and "gobernaciã³n." appendix xviii regulations relative to taxes and imposts on natives and immigrants in sulu [293] general government of the philippines, treasury department, manila, february 24th, 1877. in view of the communications of the politico-military governor of sulu of october 6th of last year, in which he suggests to this general government the concession of various exemptions in favor of the natives of these islands and of any chinamen who shall establish themselves in the said place, to the end that by this means there may be promoted the immigration which the interests of that island demand: in view of the reports issued in the premises by the central administration of imposts, the office of the insular auditor, [294] and the insular departments of civil administration and the treasury: and deeming it expedient, for the realization of the high purposes that required the military occupation of jolo and for the progressive and efficacious development of the moral and material interests of this young colony, that there should be granted certain exemptions for the encouragement of the immigration thereto of the greatest possible number of inhabitants: this office of the general government in conformity with the suggestions made by the treasury department, and in accordance with the statements made by the department of civil administration, disposes the following: 1. all immigrants to the island of sulu, of whatever class, race, or nationality, who shall establish themselves definitively in the same, engaging in agricultural, industrial, or commercial pursuits, or in any art, trade, or occupation, shall be exempt during ten years from all the contributions or taxes imposed, or which in the future may be imposed, upon the inhabitants of the philippine archipelago. 2. the children of immigrants to sulu, born in said island or who establish themselves there before becoming taxpayers in the pueblos of their birth, shall commence to pay taxes at the age of twenty-five years, but shall be exempt from military service so long as they reside in the said island. this decree shall be published in the official gazette and communicated to the council of administration, the office of the captain-general, and the insular department of civil administration; and shall be returned to the treasury department for such further action as may be proper. malcampo. general government of the philippines, treasury department, manila, august 10, 1887. in view of the investigation conducted by the intendant-general of the treasury with the object of determining whether it would be expedient to prolong the term of exemption from all kinds of taxes and imposts in favor of natives and of immigrants of whatever race or nationality who are established, or who shall establish themselves, in sulu for the purpose of engaging in any kind of industry, commerce, profession, art, or trade, or in agriculture: in view of the reports issued by the said directive bureau of the treasury and the politico-military governor of sulu: and considering that exemption from all burdens constitutes one of the most efficacious means of encouraging the immigration demanded by the interest of the archipelago in question; this general government, in conformity with the suggestions made by the office of the intendant of the treasury and the politico-military governor of sulu, disposes that the term of exemption granted by superior decree of this general government of february 24th, 1877, shall be understood as extended for another term of ten years, the said extension to be reckoned from the day following that on which the first term expires, that is, from the 25th day of february of the current year. this decree shall be published in the official gazette; the government of his majesty shall be informed thereof and a copy of the records transmitted; it shall be communicated to the council of administration, the tribunal of accounts, the office of the captain-general, and the insular department of civil administration; and shall be returned to the office of the intendant of the treasury for any further action that may be proper. terrero. office of the governor-general of the philippines. most excellent and most illustrious sir: the politico-military governor of sulu, in a communication dated the 9th instant, states as follows: most excellent sir: as the time expiration of the exemptions granted to sulu and its port by decree of the general government under the able direction of your excellency, dated february 24th, 1877, and extended by superior order issued from the same office for another term of ten years, on august 23rd, 1887, is drawing near, the person who has the honor to sign hereunder believes that the moment has come to call the attention of your excellency to the matter, and he takes the liberty to set down some remarks in the premises, to the end that when your excellency determines what is deemed most expedient, they may be taken under advisement. in the exemptions granted to sulu, it must be borne in mind that they affect two distinct elements, which constitute the life and favor the development of this locality. some have reference to the exemption from all taxes, tributes, and gabels imposed, or to be imposed, in favor of natives or foreigners taking up their abode in the sulu archipelago. others refer exclusively to the declaration of a free port, with exemption from all taxes and customs formalities in favor of the capital of the island. in treating this question and in considering what ought to be done in the future, when the moment arrives for determining whether a fresh extension is expedient, or whether, on the contrary, this territory must enter upon the normal administrative life general in other localities of the philippine archipelago, the subject must be dealt with under the two aspects above set forth. in regard to the declaration of freedom of the port granted to jolo, it is undoubtedly expedient to continue it for the present without change. so long as the protocol entered into with the other nations who are parties thereto, continues in force--in which protocol our incontestable right of sovereignty over this archipelago, with the limitations therein stipulated, is declared--it would be highly impolitic to close the period of franchise granted to this port. should there be established the embarrassing obstacles and difficulties to commerce entailed by the formalities of customs regulations, the english steamers which now carry on the trade with singapore, would immediately cease to visit this port and would make their destination some other port of the island, where, under the provisions of the protocol above referred to, no one could lawfully obstruct them until after the effective occupation of the new port selected for trading operations, and until after having allowed to elapse the requisite time subsequent to publishing this resolution in the official papers of the peninsula. the distinguished intelligence of your excellency will perceive easily that after this had been repeated several times, we should find ourselves compelled either to occupy effectively all the islands of the sulu archipelago where english steamers might attempt to establish their business, or, in the end, to allow them to carry on their commercial operations at any place that suited them, which, without doubt, would be much more prejudicial than what happens at the present time; for, at any rate, so long as steamers come exclusively to this port or to that of siasi, as is the case at present, the trade can be watched easily and conveniently and without the commercial operations which are carried on giving rise to diplomatic questions; it is easy, also to prevent the traffic of arms and war supplies, which would not be the case if they touched at other points where our sphere of action is not so direct and effective. furthermore, the advantages of the present situation must also be taken into account. so long as these steamers touch only at jolo and siasi, as happens now, these two points are the only markets, whither all the people of the archipelago must necessarily go to trade, not only to supply themselves with the effects which they import and are necessary to life, but also to sell all the products they gather in their fields and in the seas, which constitute the element of commerce that justifies english vessels in visiting these regions, making it possible to collect sufficient freight to maintain the two regular lines now established. it is obvious that, since we are masters of the towns of jolo and siasi--the only points of distribution for effects necessary to the life of the natives here--we can, when we consider it expedient, prevent the sale of these effects to the villages hostile to the city, a most momentous advantage resulting therefrom and a means of government of inestimable value. so long as the moros have to supply themselves from these markets, our importance is incontestable; all their outbreaks are easily checked without appeal to violent methods; and the civilizing effect which results from the constant intercourse which is necessitated by their coming to the occupied ports, is extended, thereby modifying the sanguinary and turbulent habits of this race. if the revenues from the duties which would be imposed were of sufficient importance to cover the expenses entailed by the occupation of sulu, the arguments supporting the opinion above expressed could easily be set aside. but unfortunately there can not be expected from the custom house of jolo, in the event of its establishment, even the expenses necessary to cover the salaries of the personnel engaged therein. for, the foreign steamers which now visit this port would immediately discontinue their voyages, and even though it were possible to prevent them from making port at some other place for the purpose of carrying on their mercantile operations--a thing which would not be easy so long as the treaty is in force--what would happen? why, that the trade would be continued by means of smaller boats which would come from borneo, and it would not be feasible to prevent this except by the posting of a very large number of coastguards along the shores of the innumerable islands of sulu, a method which it would be altogether impossible to adopt. it is, therefore, unquestionably expedient to maintain the present status, whether the matter be considered under its economic aspect or under that of the policy it is necessary to develop in this territory. a very different course must, in the opinion of the undersigned, be followed in the matter of the exemption from taxation granted to the inhabitants of sulu. these exists here a numerous chinese colony, which is the element that really enjoys the benefit of the advantages flowing from the present free-port conditions, and it is neither just nor equitable that, while the chinese find in us the support and protection which enable them to carry on and develop the trade in which they alone engage, they should not contribute in any way towards the expenses of the government which furnishes them so many advantages. it is, therefore, expedient to impose upon all chinaman residing in the sulu territory the obligation to pay the same taxes as are paid by those of the same race in other parts of the philippines. the establishment of this system promises not only the profit of the sums which would be collected as a consequence thereof, but also the desideratum of introducing order into the anarchical manner of life obtaining among the chinese here. as soon as the obligation to pay taxes is imposed upon all and the lists of tax-payers are made up, individual interest will see to it that all persons living in the country are included therein; for it is unquestionable that, since each desires to be placed under the same conditions as the other, the chinamen themselves will be of very great assistance in discovering those who now are not included in the incomplete and untrustworthy census lists existing in the offices of the government of sulu. it is believed, then, that it is expedient and just to discontinue the franchise now enjoyed by the chinese here, and that they should begin to contribute at once towards defraying the expenses of the treasury, paying at least as much as is paid by their countrymen in other parts of the philippines. it would appear also equitable that the indians residing here should also begin to pay the cã©dulas [295] of the class to which they respectively belong; but there must be borne in mind the limited number of individuals of this race residing here; the expediency of encouraging by this means the immigration of fresh residents; and, above all, the services they render in any case of alarm, whether caused by juramentados or by more serious aggressions attempted against the city; all of which circumstances make it proper that they should continue enjoying the exemption from the payment of poll-tax which they now enjoy, as also exemption from all the other taxes upon the insignificant industries from which they gain a subsistence. the treasury could not hope for any happy results in this direction; and, on the other hand, if such a tax were imposed, the place would, in a very short time, be left entirely without any civilian population; for only with difficulty, and thanks to the franchises, can persons be found who will face the constant danger in which residents in jolo are placed--especially those who engage in the cultivation of the soil in the outskirts of the town; of which class the civilian population is, in a very large majority, composed. it remains, only, most excellent sir, to discuss the expediency, or otherwise, of establishing taxation upon commerce, industry, and property. all the urban property of jolo is in the hands of the chinese, with so few exceptions that there are not more than three property holders who do not belong to that race. in their hands is all the commerce, with the sole exception of two spanish houses: every thing relating to business is in their power; so that any burden imposed in this direction would not be borne by them, but would be paid by the garrison of jolo. for, united as the chinamen are in every thing that relates to the avoidance of tax-paying, they would come to a perfect understanding to surtax every thing,--not in the same proportion as the contributions they would pay, but with a considerable increase, with the result that the only tax-payer to the treasury and for the chinaman would be the unfortunate inhabitant of jolo. and since the population here consists almost entirely of the garrison, which renders such arduous services at this place, i believe that it would not be just to add to the other disadvantages that the service here offers, the very serious one that would result from the imposition of taxes in this capital. furthermore, one must not lose sight of what might happen or rather what would immediately happen, when, by taxing the commerce of the city, the majority of the chinamen now established here would go to maymbung, with a tendency to store their merchandise at other important points in the island, in which places our rule is, it may be said, nominal, and it is unnecessary to insist upon the undesirable consequences that would follow; for we should return to the condition in which maymbung stood in april of the year 1887, when this town was a very important center of resistence to our rule, due to the facility afforded in that place for the purchase of unlimited arms and ammunition, a business carried on by the foreign steamers who anchored there at that time. and all this without taking into account the undesirability, from a political point of view, of affording the moros the opportunity of purchasing their supplies at prices lower than those in this city; since, if the merchants in that town did not pay taxes they would be able to sell at lower prices than those in the capital. summing up what i have stated above and recapitulating the questions herein treated, i will conclude by submitting to the distinguished intelligence of your excellency that i consider necessary and of the highest political expediency the maintenance of the freedom of the port granted to jolo; that this franchise should be extended to siasi, which enjoys this privilege in fact though not by right; and that care should be taken to prevent the slightest obstacle from interfering with the trade at both points, to the end that foreign steamers may, in their own interest, touch only at these two points of the archipelago of sulu; that the chinamen should be formed into guilds or associations, after the pattern of the organizations prevailing in other parts of the philippines, these being necessary, further, to the making up of the lists of tax-payers; that, as a consequence of the formation of these associations, they should be compelled to pay taxes to the same extent as all other chinamen residing in the country, unless your excellency is of the opinion that the quota should be increased in consideration of the other advantages they enjoy; that there should be imposed a tax upon smokers of opium and upon the importation thereof. this tax would be a source of revenue of some consideration if it were farmed, as was the intention four years ago, when sale to the highest bidder was desisted from in view of the decree of franchises which is the subject of this communication. finally, that property, commerce, and industries should not be taxed, nor should the civilian population be burdened with the poll-tax, since the latter deserve consideration by reason of the arduous services they render in this place; and this applies to the garrison, as well as to the civilians who make up the town, who, in the end, would be the persons who alone would have to bear these burdens. such, most excellent sir, is the opinion, expressed as succinctly as possible, of the undersigned in regard to these matters, which, at no distant date, will present themselves for resolution and which your excellency will determine with your well-known ability and good judgment. which i have the pleasure to transmit to your most illustrious excellency, to the end that you may take note of the part relating to the economic side of this question. god preserve your most illustrious excellency for many years. manila, july 31st, 1896. blanco. to the most excellent and most illustrious the intendant-general of the treasury. office of the intendant-general of the treasury division of direct imposts most excellent and most illustrious sir: the just considerations set forth by the politico-military governor of sulu in a communication addressed to his high excellency the governor-general of these islands on july 9th of last year, forwarded to your most illustrious lordship on the 31st of the same month and year, reveal a close study of the questions treated, based upon practice and experience. the chief of the division of direct imposts, who signs hereunder, in presenting the report ordered by your most illustrious lordship in your decree of the first day of the following august, must begin by expressing at once his conformity with the views given by the governor of sulu, in the part relating to this division. undoubtedly considerations of the highest political moment led the high authorities of the archipelago, on august 23rd of 1887, to extend for another term of ten years the franchises granted to sulu, and since these considerations have not ceased to be of moment, to judge from the enlightened views expressed by the said politico-military governor, it is to be presumed that it is expedient to grant a fresh concession of franchises; but not, at this time, for a period of time equal to that about to expire, though for a period that might well be half that of the previous term; for, regarding the matter prudently, it might happen that during this lapse of time the conditions in the places under discussion should alter in such a way as to counsel either the total suppression of the liberties in question or their partial modification. but if there are considerations in favor of this new concession, equity counsels that there be excluded therefrom the chinese in so far as relates to the imposition of the poll-tax, since they control all the business and are the only persons who really exploit that region. consequently, the chief of the division of direct imposts has the honor to report to your most illustrious lordship: 1. that it be recommended to his high excellency the governor-general of these islands, that, to take the place of the present franchises, there be granted again, at the proper time, to the ports of jolo and siasi, the exemption from the payment of all urban and industrial taxes in favor of the natives and of the chinese established at those points. 2. that there be created at once the imposition of the poll-tax upon the chinese. 3. that the natives and the civilian population be exempt from the payment of poll-tax. your most illustrious lordship will, however, determine whatever he deems most expedient. manila, august 6th, 1897. marcelino pacheco. office of the intendant-general of the treasury division of indirect imposts most excellent and most illustrious sir: in compliance with the decree which, under date of august 10 of the current year, your most illustrious excellency saw fit to issue, to the effect that, in the shortest possible space of time the divisions of imposts should report upon the matters concerning each one in the proceedings set on foot by the politico-military governor of sulu in regard to the expediency or the inexpediency of the renewal of the exemption from taxation enjoyed by the natives in that place, i have to state to your illustrious excellency that: 1. the undersigned chief, fully agreeing with the enlightened views set forth by the governor of sulu, believes that the maintenance of the declaration of freedom of the port granted to jolo is of the highest political moment and that the franchise should be extended to siasi. 2. that in regard to indirect imposts which are of such a nature that, while they are a source of profit to the state, they bring also no small benefit to the tax-payer, these should be made applicable to the sulu archipelago, as undoubtedly has been the case, as a matter of fact, up to the present time in regard to the stamp and lottery revenues. 3. both for the reasons set forth by the governor of sulu as well as for these given by his predecessor on june 11, 1893, in favor of a tax upon opium smokers, the undersigned chief believes that it is not only just but a matter of the greatest necessity to continue the imposition of this tax. your most illustrious excellency will, however, order whatever he deems most expedient. manila, september 10th, 1897. josã© garcã©s de marcilla. office of the intendant-general of the treasury, manila, december 28, 1897. let the report of the chamber of commerce and of the administration of customs of manila be heard, within one and the same period of five days. dominguez. appendix xix the protocol of sulu, of 1877, between spain, germany, and great britain, may 30, 1877 [296] general government of the philippines royal order colonial office.--no. 281.--excellent sir: the secretary of state sent the following communication to this office on the 26th of march last: by royal order communicated by the secretary of state and for such action as is indicated therein i deliver herewith to your excellency a copy of the protocol signed on the 11th inst. by seã±or manuel silvela, secretary of state, and by the representatives of great britain and germany, for the purpose of establishing the liberty of trade and commerce in the sulu seas; said protocol takes effect on this date, as specified in article 5 of the same.--referred to your excellency by royal order with a copy of the protocol, for its execution.--god keep your excellency many years. madrid, april 2, 1877. martin de herrera. the governor-general of the philippine islands. manila, may 30, 1877. the above order shall be executed, communicated and published. moriones. [protocol referred to.] the hon. austin henry layard, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of her britannic majesty; and count von hatzfeldt, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his majesty the emperor of germany, commissioned by their respective governments to terminate the difficulties which have occurred in the sulu seas and to establish for that purpose, in a final way, the liberty of commerce in those seas, acknowledged by the secretary of state of spain in the notes which he sent on april 15, 1876, to the representatives of great britain and germany; after having examined with due attention the preliminaries of the question and especially the negotiations formerly carried on between the governments of great britain and germany and that of spain, have agreed to draw up the following protocol: the secretary of state of spain, in the name of his government, says: considering the preliminary fact that the german ships "marie louise" and "gazelle" were returned and an indemnity paid for their cargoes in 1873 and 1874, and that the german ship "minna" was returned twice in 1875 and 1874; duly appreciating the increasing requirements of navigation and commerce, and above all the legal status constituted by the notes of the spanish secretary of state dated the 15th of april last and by the official publication of said notes by the governments of great britain and germany, as also by the instructions given accordingly by said governments to their consuls, agents and commanders of their naval forces; therefore the government of his majesty the king of spain recognizes that the merchant ships going to the sulu archipelago can no longer be required to call first at zamboanga, to pay the harbor dues there and to provide themselves with a navigation permit delivered at said port. it furthermore believes that it must acknowledge, as provided in the notes of the 15th of april last, the complete liberty of direct trade and commerce for ships and subjects of great britain, the german empire and the other powers, with the sulu archipelago. considering that the governments of great britain and of germany have maintained all their claims in regard to the liberty of navigation, commerce and direct trade with the sulu archipelago and within the archipelago; that the government of his majesty the king of spain admits that it cannot guarantee the security of commerce at unoccupied places of the archipelago in return for duties and dues paid, but will guarantee perfect security to the ships and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers at places occupied by said government, and provide the establishments necessary for the protection of their trade, the spanish secretary of state remarks that there is no reason why said ships and subjects should be exempted, at places occupied by spain, from the formalities, general regulations, and ordinary duties, whose nature will be explained in the present protocol. the undersigned representatives of great britain and of germany refer, on their part, to the notes and official communications sent by them on this matter to the spanish government, and requesting the latter to acknowledge the absolute liberty of commerce and trade in all parts of the sulu archipelago, said acknowledgment having been mentioned by the spanish government in the notes of april 15, 1876. in consequence of what precedes and as the result of their conferences, the undersigned have agreed on the following declarations: i commerce and direct trading by ships and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers are declared to be and shall be absolutely free with the sulu archipelago and in all parts thereof, as well as the right of fishery, without prejudice to the rights recognized to spain by the present protocol, in conformity with the following declarations: ii the spanish authorities shall no longer require ships and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers, going freely to the archipelago of sulu, or from one point to another within the sulu waters, or from such a point to any other point in the world, to touch, before or after, at any specified place in the archipelago or elsewhere, to pay any duties whatsoever, or to get a permit from said authorities, which, on their side, shall refrain from obstructing or interfering in any way with the above mentioned trade. it is understood that the spanish authorities shall in no way and under no pretense prevent the free importation and exportation of all sorts of goods, without exception, save at such places as are occupied, and in accordance with declaration iii, and that in all places not occupied effectively by spain, neither the ships and subjects above mentioned nor their goods shall be liable to any tax, duty or payment whatsoever, or any sanitary or other regulation. iii in the places occupied by spain in the archipelago of sulu the spanish government shall be empowered to establish taxes and sanitary and other regulations, while said places are effectively occupied; but spain pledges herself, on her part, to provide in such places the offices and employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce and the application of said regulations. it is however expressly understood that the spanish government, while it is resolved to impose no restrictive regulations in the places occupied by it, pledges itself voluntarily not to establish in said places taxes or duties exceeding those provided in the spanish tariffs or in the treaties or conventions between spain and any other power. neither shall it put into force in said places exceptional regulations applicable to the commerce and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers. in case spain should occupy effectively other places in the archipelago of sulu, and provide thereat the offices and employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce, the governments of great britain and germany shall not object to the application of the rules already stipulated for places occupied at present. but, in order to avoid the possibility of new claims due to the uncertainty of business men in regard to the places which are occupied and subject to regulations and tariffs, the spanish government shall, whenever a place is occupied in the sulu archipelago, communicate the fact to the governments of great britain and germany, and inform commerce at large by means of a notification which shall be published in the official journals of madrid and manila. in regard to the tariffs and regulations stipulated for places which are occupied at the present time, they shall only be applicable to the places which may be subsequently occupied by spain six months after the date of publication in the official gazette of madrid. it remains agreed that no ship or subject of great britain, germany and other powers shall be required to call at one of the occupied places, when going to or from a place not occupied by spain, and that they shall not be liable to suffer prejudice on that account or on account of any class of merchandise shipped to an unoccupied place in the archipelago. iv the three governments represented by the undersigned pledge themselves respectively to publish the present declarations and to have them strictly respected by their representatives, consular agents and commanders of the naval forces in the seas of the orient. v if the governments of great britain and germany do not refuse their adhesion to the present protocol within 15 days from this date, or if they notify their acceptance before the expiration of said period, through their undersigned representatives, the present declarations shall then come into force. manuel silva, secretary of state of his majesty the king of spain. done at madrid, the 11th of march, 1877. a true copy.--madrid, april 2, 1877.--a true copy.--the subsecretary, francisco rubio. appendix xx the protocol of sulu of 1885, between spain, germany, and great britain, march 7, 1885 [297] general government of the philippines royal order foreign office.--no. 312.--excellent sir: the secretary of state sends me the following communication on march 29th, 1885:--excellent sir: i have the honor to forward you a translated copy of the protocol between spain, germany and great britain, the latter two nations recognizing the sovereignty of the first over the archipelago of sulu, signed in madrid on the 7th of march, 1885.--i send you this communication by royal order, and enclose a copy of the treaty referred to. god keep your excellency many years.--madrid, april 8, 1885.--tejada. manila, june 17, 1885.--to be executed and published in the official gazette. terrero. a seal which says: office of the minister of state.--translation.--the undersigned, his excellency seã±or josã© elduayen, marquis of pazo de la merced, minister of state of his majesty the king of spain; his excellency seã±or count solms sonnerwalds, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his majesty the emperor of germany, and his excellency sir robert b. d. morier, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of her britannic majesty, authorized in due form to carry on the negotiations followed in london and berlin during the years 1881 and 1882 by the representatives of his majesty the king of spain with the governments of great britain and germany, for the purpose of obtaining from these two powers the solemn recognition of the sovereignty of spain over the archipelago of sulu, have agreed on the following articles: i the governments of germany and great britain recognize the sovereignty of spain over the parts which are effectively occupied as well as over those which are not yet occupied, of the archipelago of sulu, whose limits are established in article ii. ii as expressed in article i of the treaty signed on september 23, 1836, between the spanish government and the sultan of sulu, the archipelago of sulu includes all the islands between the western extremity of the island of mindanao on one side and the mainland of borneo and the island of palawan on the other, except those mentioned in article iii. it is understood that the islands of balabak and kagayan sulu belong to the archipelago. iii the spanish government renounces, as far as regards the british government, all claims of sovereignty over the territories of the mainland of borneo which belong or may have belonged to the sultan of sulu, including the neighboring islands of balambangan, banguey, malawati, and all those comprised within a zone of three maritime leagues from the coast, and which are part of the territories administered by the company known as "the british north borneo company." iv the spanish government pledges itself to carry out in the archipelago of sulu the stipulations contained in articles i, ii, and iii of the protocol signed in madrid on march 11, 1877, viz.: (1) commerce and direct trading by ships and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers are declared to be and shall be absolutely free with the archipelago of sulu and in all parts thereof, as well as the right of fishery, without prejudice to the rights recognized to spain by the present protocol, in conformity with the following declarations: (2) the spanish authorities shall no longer require ships and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers, going freely to the archipelago of sulu, or from one point to another point in the world, to touch, before or after, at any specified place in the archipelago or elsewhere, to pay any duties whatsoever, or to get a permit from said authorities, who, on their side, shall refrain from obstructing or interfering in any way with the above mentioned trade. it is understood that the spanish authorities shall in no way and under no pretense prevent the free importation and exportation of all sorts of goods, without exception, save at such places as are occupied, and in accordance with declaration 3, and that in all places not occupied effectively by spain, neither the ships and subjects above mentioned nor their goods shall be subject to any tax, duty or payment whatsoever, or any sanitary or other regulation. (3) in the places occupied by spain in the archipelago of sulu, the spanish government shall be empowered to establish taxes and sanitary and other regulations, while said places are effectively occupied; but spain pledges herself, on her part, to provide in such places the offices and employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce and the application of said regulations. it is however expressly understood that the spanish government, which is resolved to impose no restrictive regulations in the places occupied by it, pledges itself voluntarily not to establish in said places taxes or duties exceeding those provided in the spanish tariffs or in the treaties or conventions between spain and any other power. neither shall it put into force in said places exceptional regulations applicable to the commerce and subjects of great britain, germany and the other powers. in case spain should occupy effectively other places in the archipelago of sulu, and provide thereat the offices and employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce, the governments of great britain and germany shall not object to the application of the rules already stipulated for places occupied at present. but in order to avoid the possibility of new claims due to the uncertainty of business men in regard to the places which are occupied and subject to regulations and tariffs, the spanish government shall, whenever a place is occupied in the sulu archipelago, communicate the fact to the governments of great britain and germany, and inform commerce at large by means of a notification which shall be published in the official gazettes of madrid and manila. in regard to the tariffs and regulations stipulated for places which are occupied at the present time, they shall only be applicable to the places which may be subsequently occupied by spain six months after the date of publication in the official gazette of madrid. it remains agreed that no ship or subject of great britain, germany and the other powers shall be required to call at one of the occupied places, when going to or coming from a place not occupied by spain, and that they shall not be liable to suffer prejudice on that account or on account of any class of merchandise addressed to an unoccupied place in the archipelago. v the government of her britannic majesty pledges itself to see that there is entire freedom of commerce and navigation, without distinction of flags, in the territory of north borneo administered by the "british north borneo company." if the governments of great britain and germany do not refuse their adhesion to the present protocol within fifteen days from this date, or if they notify their acceptance before the expiration of said period, through their undersigned representatives, the present declarations shall then come into force. done at madrid the 7th of march, 1885.--seal.--(signed) j. elduayen.--seal.--(signed) c. solms.--seal.--(signed) r. b. d. morier. appendix xxi decree of the general government in regard to payment of tribute by sulus, march 1, 1894 [298] office of the governor-general of the philippines, manila, march 1, 1894. in view of the obligation incurred by the sultan of sulu by virtue of which the moros of all the sulu archipelago have to pay from the first day of january of next year, one real each, as a tribute of vassalage; and since it is necessary to organize this service in a regular manner and in harmony with the customs of the races living there, i decree the following: 1. the sultan of sulu shall direct at once all the datus and chiefs of the moro rancherias [299] to make up lists of the names of the inhabitants composing each aggregation, giving therein, besides the names, the status of each individual. 2. these partial lists shall be fused in one single general census which the sultan of sulu shall deliver to the politico-military governor of that archipelago before october 1, of the current year. 3. the interpreters of jolo, siasi, tata'an, and bangao shall assist the sultan in the work of making up these lists and shall translate them into spanish; and for this extra work they shall receive the allowances designated below, the amounts being deducted from the total proceeds of the liege-money above referred to. allowances to the interpreter of jolo p20 per month. to the junior linguist of jolo p 6 do. to the interpreter of siasi p 8 do. to the interpreter of tata'an p 8 do. to the interpreter of bangao p 8 do. 4. as soon as the lists are completed and have been examined by the politico-military governor of sulu, certified copies shall be sent to this office. 5. the collection of the tribute shall be made by means of certain special cedulas, which in due time will be furnished to the sultan for distribution, who will collect the amounts paid in and deliver them over in specie at the office of the politico-military governor of sulu. 6. the total proceeds from the said tribute, after deducting the amount of the allowances to the interpreters, shall be devoted for the present to the development of the establishments of jolo, and especially to the construction of roads. to be communicated. blanco. appendix xxii royal communication relative to the rights of foreigners on the pearl fisheries of sulu [300] manila, december 25, 1895. his high excellency the minister of colonial affairs. excellent sir: in compliance with the royal order communicated under date of the 23rd of october last, i have the honor to send to your excellency a copy of the previous record of investigations transmitted by the office of this general government, together with the report of the office of the secretary, the remittance of which your excellency requests. the inquiry formulated by the politico-military governor of sulu, arising out of a resolution of the fishery board of the naval station relative to the order prohibiting foreign subjects from engaging in the pearl fisheries in the waters of the sulu archipelago, did not call for a speedy resolution nor a close study, it being sufficient to bring the matter to the knowledge of your excellency without entering deeply into the question involved, in order not to prejudice the resolution of the same, leaving to the supreme judgment of his majesty's government the entire appreciation of its reach and consequences, as the only authority acquainted with the demands of our international relations and the influence thereon of a decision in regard to a matter of such recognized importance as is that of the interpretation to be given to declaration i of the sulu protocol of may 11th of 1877, contained in article iv of the protocol between spain, germany, and great britain, signed in madrid on march 7th, 1885:--hence the brevity of the data contained in the communications above referred to and even the forbearance of this office from expressing a concrete opinion (in any case, not called for) in regard to a question as vital as it is complex. but circumstances, which are always superior to every will and every calculation, now make prompt action necessary, and not only forbid any delay, but impose upon this general government the duty of emitting an opinion which shall complement the data furnished by the office of the secretary of the same, which data were less extensive and explicit than they would certainly have been had not a respect for the free initiative of the supreme government acted as a restraining influence. the incident arising out of the presence in the city of jolo of the british subject mr. h. w. dalton, from sandakan, awaiting the arrival of a fleet of boats of light tonnage belonging to the english concern, the pearling and trading co. ltd., [301] of which he is the representative for the purpose of using the same in the mother-of-pearl shell fishery, which fact i communicated to your excellency by cablegram on the 3rd of the current month, makes more urgent the sovereign decision in regard to the concrete point as to whether foreign subjects are allowed to engage in the pearl fishery in the archipelago of sulu. in the judgment of this office (which has, on various occasions, inspired only by a regard for the best interests of the nation, expressed the opinion that the sulu protocol is too prejudicial to the said interests to permit of the points of doubtful interpretation in the same being interpreted liberally), the point in regard to the right of fishery which foreigners lay claim to exercise freely in waters under the jurisdiction of our sovereignty, is not a doubtful one at all, but is entirely contrary to their pretensions. the claims are founded, according to the statements of those who agree with the views which they involve, in declaration i of the said protocol of 1877, reproduced in the protocol of 1885 and in that signed in rome in the same year, relating to the caroline and pelew archipelagoes. this declaration runs as follows--ratified by article iv of the second of these important diplomatic documents: the direct commerce and trade of boats and subjects of great britain, of germany, and of the other powers, is declared, and shall be, absolutely free in the archipelago of sulu and in all its parts, as also the right of fishery, without prejudice to the rights recognized as belonging to spain in the present protocol, in conformity with the following declarations * * *. iii. at points occupied by spain in the archipelago of sulu, the spanish government may establish imposts, and sanitary and other regulations of whatever kind, during the effective occupation of the said points * * *. from the transcript it is evident that spain may regulate the exercise of the right of traffic and commerce, not with the purpose of restricting, and much less of denying, the principle of commercial liberty recognized in declaration i, but with that of conditioning the exercise of that right in such a way that her own rights as a sovereign nation shall not be infringed. and what she may do in regard to mercantile trade, with greater reason she may and should do in everything referring to the right of fishery, a right which is declared only in general terms, and one of which the protocol does not treat except in making the affirmation of the principle itself, whereas in regard to commerce, it descends to minute details. and this could not be otherwise, for anything else would be equivalent to impairing the sovereignty of spain; and this, in an agreement in which this sovereignty is openly recognized and proclaimed, would pre-suppose a contradiction so palpable and absurd that it is not worth while even to discuss it. spain, as a sovereign and independent state, holds and exercises her sovereignty not only in her territories and on the coasts of the same, but in her jurisdictional waters, and can, therefore, regulate the exercise therein of any right granted to foreign subjects, and may, even, in the exercise of her sovereignty, prohibit the enjoyment of such right altogether; this is an indisputable principle of international law, though there is nothing to prevent a state from limiting the same in favor of another or other states; but it is a sine qua non condition to this that there shall be an express and clear declaration of her will on this point, and no one can reasonably affirm that spain has made in the sulu protocols, neither in that of 1877, nor in that of 1885, a total or partial surrender of this right in regard to that of fishery; there is, it is true, a declaration in general terms that the fisheries are absolutely free in the archipelago of sulu; but this absoluteness of the principle is immediately qualified by the condition that it shall be without prejudice to the rights recognized as belonging to spain in the protocol, and it has already been pointed out that one of these rights--the principal one and that which contains all the others, the right of sovereignty--is proclaimed and recognized at the head of the agreement. outside this declaration in general terms, there will not be found in all the protocol a provision or regulation referring to the exercise of the right of fishery and much less a concrete and express declaration on the part of spain that she will permit the exercise thereof freely on her coasts and in her territorial waters. to permit of this a concrete, clear, and definite declaration would be necessary, such as is to be found in the morocco treaty, signed on november 30, 1861, article 57 of which establishes qualifiedly "that spanish subjects shall have a right to fish along the coasts of the moroccan empire;" and even so, in article 60 of the same treaty, it is stipulated that, in order to facilitate the coral fishery, in which the spaniards engage on the coast of morocco, fishers shall pay the sum of 150 spanish dollars for each coral fishing boat, and that through the representative of spain they shall request permission from the minister of foreign affairs of his majesty the sultan who shall issue the necessary authorization. from which it may be seen that even in the case of declarations in regard to the right of fishery which are concrete, clear and definite, there is needed, for the free exercise of the same, something more than a declaration in general terms, such as is that contained in the sulu protocol of 1877. furthermore, it is always customary in international agreements which refer to fishery rights to lay down regulations and provisions which shall regulate the exercise of such rights, as is proved by a multitude of agreements, among which are: that already cited of morocco, that of february 18th, 1886, between spain and france regarding the fishery and navigation of the bidasoa, in which the right of oyster fishing is restricted, its absolute prohibition being made possible; as also that of 1889 ratifying the preceding one, the portuguese convention of march 27th of 1893 and the coast police and fishery regulations; as well as that of august 22nd of 1894, in regard to the fisheries in the waters of the algarbes, etc.; all of which is well known by the illustrious government of his majesty, and attention is called to it here only in support of the opinion maintained, namely, that the right to authorize, condition, restrict, and even prohibit the engagement in fishery on its coast and in its jurisdictional waters is inherent in the sovereignty of an independent state; and if it has this right in regard to fisheries in general, with greater reason must it preserve and exercise the same in regard to oyster fisheries, by reason of the changes which may be produced in the sea bed, and even for the purpose of preserving the breeding grounds of the precious pearl-shell mollusk, the avicula margaritifera, the banks being the property of the nation, and like all its territory, inalienable and non-prescriptible; both so that they shall not be exhausted and that their exploitation may be reserved for the national industry. from the preceding, written with less detail than would have been the case had the pressure of time permitted, it may easily be inferred that, in the opinion of this general government, spain in spite of declaration i of the sulu protocol--perhaps it would be more correct to say, by virtue of that very declaration, the terms of which really determine the meaning of declaration iii and article i of the treaty--preserves intact her right as a sovereign nation to restrict, condition, and even prohibit engagement in the oyster fishery on her coasts and in her jurisdictional waters, without further limitations than those which she may deem expedient to self-impose. admitting her rights as a sovereign state, there arises a question of a political nature, which the circumstances above indicated convert into a problem demanding an early resolution. to what extent should spain exercise this right? on this point, the views of the general government will be expressed as concisely as possible and with the soberness demanded both by the respect due to the high prerogatives of the public authorities and by an ignorance of many of the elements which enter into the question, without a knowledge of which it is difficult to determine to what extent it is expedient to restrict the exercise of the right to engage in the oyster fisheries which foreign subjects claim to exercise freely in the sulu archipelago, a pretension which this general government regards as entirely opposed to the rights of spain and her moral and material interests in the far east. our prestige with the malay races here, our moral influence over these semi-civilized mohammedan people, who recognize no right or supremacy but that of might, demand that spain, as a colonizing nation, shall maintain the integrity of her sovereignty and shall not seem to be subjugated to the will of other powers, as would appear if, in her territories and on her coasts, with the knowledge and permission of her authorities and of her war ships, and without even heeding them, foreigners should perform acts which, like that of engaging in the mother-of-pearl fishery, being contrary to our material interests, cannot be carried out without paying tribute to the moro sultans and chieftains themselves. there is no doubt that the need for preserving cordial relations with germany and england and for maintaining the most perfect understanding between the european powers in anticipation of some concerted action in regard to the empires of china and of japan, which will render necessary in the future the expansive policy of the latter towards the south, as well as the hegemony claimed by the latter in the orient, counsel a circumspect international policy and a moderate exercise of our sovereign rights in the archipelago of sulu; and for this reason, perhaps it would be inexpedient to forbid the right of fishery to foreign subjects, as such action would certainly give rise to diplomatic questions and remonstrances, which should be avoided at any cost; but this general government deems it indispensable to condition and regulate the exercise of this fishery right, especially in so far as it relates to the pearl-producing oyster, the exploitation of which should be governed by considerations of our prestige and of the advantage and benefit of our material interests. supported therefore by our right of sovereignty, by international practice, and by the terms of declarations i and iii of the protocol of 1877 and of articles i and iv of that of 1885, there should be issued certain coast police and fishery regulations for the sulu archipelago, laying down clearly the relations which are to exist between the spanish government and foreign subjects engaging in the fishery industries along our coasts and in our jurisdictional waters; which industries should not be engaged in, especially in the case of the oyster, without the necessary authorization of the spanish authorities, and after the payment of the corresponding industrial patent or license, or of the dues which it may be deemed expedient to exact. much more might be said in regard to this important question, as unexpectedly presented as it is urgent of resolution, given the conditions created by the claim of the british subject mr. h. w. dalton; and this general government appreciates fully the deficiency of its suggestions, which will be advantageously supplemented by the great wisdom of his majesty's government, its exalted patriotism, and the solicitous care that it gives to everything touching the high interests of the nation, by which elevated sentiments they are inspired. appendix xxiii royal directions relative to the treatment of foreigners engaged in pearl fishing in the sulu waters, march 23, 1896 [302] colonial office excellent sir: examined by this office of the government the papers transmitted by your excellency with the official communication no. 1967, of september 16th last, in the question raised by the politico-military governor of sulu, by reason of a communication addressed to the same by the office of the commander-general of the naval station at manila, directing the prohibition of the mother-of-pearl fishery in the waters of sulu and the carolines; studied also the report of the general government, and that of the council of administration of the philippines, and heard also the illustrious opinion of the department of state, to secure which the papers were sent there, accompanied by the royal order of the 7th of january last; bearing in mind that our prestige among the natives in those islands would perforce suffer seriously if foreigners were to perform, without any intervention on the part of our authorities, acts, which, like that of engaging in the mother-of-pearl shell fishery, they cannot carry on without paying tribute to the moro sultans and chieftains; though it is not less true that the absolute prohibition of the right of fishery to foreigners would arouse, as wisely foreseen by your excellency, diplomatic remonstrances based upon the protocol of sulu of march 7th, 1886; his majesty the king (whom god protect), the queen regent of the kingdom acting in his name, has seen fit to direct that your excellency be informed that he has seen with pleasure the tact and prudence with which this question has been dealt with, in the first place by your excellency, and afterwards by all the authorities who have intervened in the same; that so long as the representative of the english pearling and trading company, the captains of their boats, or other foreigners, do not urge with importunity the right to carry on the industry of the mother-of-pearl shell fishery within the zone of jurisdictional waters and at occupied places, an endeavor must be made to prevent their doing so, in order, if possible, to set a precedent favorable to our interests; and that in the event of their insisting, it will be necessary to permit them to engage in the industry of the mother-of-pearl fishery, with the obligation to submit in so doing to the rules and regulations now in force or which may be put into force hereafter. it is also the wish of his majesty that your excellency be apprised of the expediency of formulating, with the greatest possible despatch, coast police and fishery regulations for the archipelagoes of sulu and the carolines; in which regulations care must be taken not to make special mention of the protocols, nor to recognize expressly the rights of foreigners, and, on the other hand, not to depart from the terms of the provisions of these international agreements, so that in the event of any foreigners claiming the right in question, they shall not be able to elude compliance with the regulations by basing their pretensions on the terms of the said protocols; for all of which your excellency will place yourself in harmony with the competent authorities whose duty it is to take cognizance of this matter, submitting afterwards for the approbation of this office drafts of the coast police and fishery regulations above referred to. by royal order i communicate the above to you for proper action. god protect your excellency many years. madrid, march 23rd, 1896. tomas castellano: rubricated. to the honorable the governor-general of the philippine islands. appendix xxiv la torre's views on the policy that should be adopted in mindanao and sulu, january 11, 1893 [303] office of the governor-general of the philippines a seal with the inscription: "office of the captain-general of the philippines. headquarters." excellent sir: at all times the condition of the unsubdued regions of the island of mindanao and, in general, of the whole archipelago, has occupied the close attention of the governors-general of these islands, and they have studied, according to their respective views, the best methods for the complete subjection of the same. for my part, i have meditated deeply upon every thing relating to this important matter, and judging both from past experience and from observations that i have been able to make personally, as i apprised your excellency after my return from a visit to the aforementioned island on may 29th last, i believe it is evident that the adoption of the same system for the subjection of different races will not be productive of good results. in the island of luzon, a properly understood policy of conciliation, accompanied by slight displays of force, will be successful in conciliating and subduing the people sooner or later; for it may be observed at once that here there does not exist that great racial antagonism which nearly always makes compromise impossible. such a policy, linked with prudence and particularly with justice on the part of the delegates of authority, will always be productive of great results, aside from the fact that there are here many villages whose inhabitants are not warlike, but, on the contrary, are docile, and await only some slight indication on our part to regard us as protectors and allies against their enemies. much has already been done in this direction, as is shown by the many politico-military provinces existing in this island; but we should not stop in this island of progress; and in order to carry forward and consummate the complete subjugation of the extensive districts not yet subdued, troops must be detailed,--not in very large numbers, but still in numbers sufficiently large to affect appreciably the service, equally necessary in other regions of the archipelago. this is one of the reasons which make requisite an increase in the army force stationed here; further, if the number of the comandancias [304] is to be increased, it is obvious that, in order to garrison them, more troops are needed. i have pointed out the need there is for employing different methods for the subjection of the different races; and in fact, in regard to the races inhabiting mindanao, i believe that it is obvious and unquestionable that favorable results will never be secured without employing methods other than those of attraction. the moro race is completely antithetic to the spanish, whether the latter be peninsular or indigenous, and will ever be our eternal enemy. the past proves clearly that those ostensible and ephemeral submissions, apparently guaranteed by oaths and agreements, do not bind the moros in the slightest degree; for, knowing nothing of the first principles of good-faith and loyalty, they do not hesitate to break their promises whenever a favorable opportunity offers and they think it possible to defeat our troops. they make a pretense of being trusting and attentive even to our smallest suggestions, but they are always watching for a good chance to open up hostilities, and will resort to treason and cunning. for these reasons it is well that they should know that we are the stronger; that our friendship suits their interests because we are backed by force--which is the only argument they can understand; that their friendship is of no moment to us; and that the instant they antagonize us, they will be promptly and severely punished. having taken up this point of view, the policy that we should adopt may be inferred. it is not necessary to undertake operations on a large scale, or to open what might be termed a regular campaign, as has been done every two or three years in the past; but, with our troops established at a number of fortified places, it may be seen at once from what has been said above, that we ought to maintain them there at any cost, and that, abandoning an attitude entirely passive, we should advance little by little in our conquest, always establishing ourselves firmly on the territory conquered. in this way we shall, step by step, bring under our dominion a large area of territory, at the same time extending our sphere of influence towards the interior. given the conditions above described, it will be understood at once how much we should lose in importance in the eyes of such an enemy if, in response to their frequent attacks, we confined ourselves entirely to a defensive policy, for they would interpret such an attitude as an indication of weakness; consequently it is impossible for us to maintain an attitude of inactivity: rather, taking advantage of the treacherous conduct of the enemy, we should castigate them by means of rapid and unexpected excursions lasting a few days, and for this purpose it is indispensable that small columns of troops be stationed at two or three well chosen points. that the moros are not disposed to be our friends is evident: and while frequent examples in the history of these islands, in addition to what has been said above, are sufficient to prove this assertion, it is further corroborated by the many despatches i have addressed to your excellency, apprising you of the attacks made by the moros upon our troops and especially of the incidents which have taken place during the last months of the year 1892. these i will recapitulate succinctly, as they show that, far from breaking the rebels, the events have only increased their strength. on the morning of october 28th, while a reconnaissance was being made at the post of baras, the detachment making the same was attacked by some fifty or sixty moros, who were awaiting them in ambush. the latter were, however, repulsed, and our troops being reã«nforced by a detachment from the fort, the enemy fled, leaving five dead on the field, besides two spears, three krises, three kampilan, and two daggers, the losses on our side being one dead and five wounded. on the morning of november 9th, again at the time of making a reconnaissance, at the post of malabang, our men were attacked by some sixty moros, who, being repulsed, fled, leaving six dead on the field--three others dying later, according to reports received--besides four kampilan, three krises, one tabas, one lance, and four daggers; the losses of our side being one soldier killed and six wounded. these two posts being afterwards visited by the military commander of illana bay and the politico-military governor of mindanao, by reason of reports having been received that some thousand moros had banded together for the purpose of attacking these two places, they informed me that excellent discipline prevailed among the troops of the said garrisons, and that the moros must have beaten a retreat, since they had not been seen in that country. on my part i have directed that the greatest possible vigilance, care, and watchfulness be exercised at all the posts, never losing sight of the fact that they are always in the presence of the enemy, as is proved by the frequency with which they have been attacked. i have ordered, further, that, when making reconnaissances or upon any other occasion when it is necessary to separate a detachment from the main body, the greatest number of soldiers that the circumstances permit be employed, so as to prevent a surprise or ambuscade, which aside from the direct loss that it entails, might have the effect of demoralizing the troops, and so of increasing the boldness and temerity of the enemy; i have given special instructions, too, that the officers display in the field the greatest possible energy, so as to keep up the spirits and confidence of the men. in the northern portion of mindanao, between iligan and mumungan the moros have also been active in making attacks, and although beaten in every case, thanks to the good discipline prevailing among the men and the judgment shown by the officers, who inspire the former with confidence and afford them a good example at all times, they still hope to have better luck in their future raids, as is proved by the despatches received from the politico-military commander of mumungan. these despatches show that our soldiers no longer fear the moro race, nor even the juramentados; and that our men always await the attack of the enemy with great calmness and bravery, as is shown by the accounts of the frequent ambuscades laid and surprises attempted by the moros. already at the beginning of 1892 the attitude of the sultans and datus in the neighborhood of mumungan was so questionable that captain abad, then commander of the fort there, having attempted to go up the river agus, accompanied by only one officer and four men--thus in the guise of absolute peace--datu ala, of balud, who is now our friend, stopped him when he approached his territory, telling him that although he wished to live at peace with us, he could not allow him to advance further, nor any part of our troops to do so. in spite of this, two months after this incident, general castilla, following closely my instructions, and taking advantage of the circumstance foreseen by me--that upon his arrival at mumungan he was visited by the neighboring datus and sultans, including the sultan of pantar, he announced to the latter, acting under instructions from me, his intention of returning the friendly visit. leaving mumungan early, in spite of a continuous heavy rain storm, he reached pantar at about eleven in the morning without making any stop, accompanied by ala and another datu, and while he was holding an affectionate interview with the sultan of pantar and the troops were resting, the captain of engineers, navarro, made a clandestine inspection of the ground and took a rough sketch of the best site for the future fort, close to a bridge that can be built across the river agus, with a turret or rough defensive fortification on the opposite bank; this done, general castilla returned that same afternoon to mumungan, which he reached before night, without having fired a shot, in spite of the predictions of the datus that he might easily meet with resistance on the road. later, all the datus living in the region lying between pantar and iligan reiterated to me, personally, in may last, at mumungan, and later to the military commander, their protestations of adhesion to spain. afterwards there came the visit that a goodly number of datus, among them the datu of pantar, made me in manila, where they remained and were entertained during fifteen days; and with the consistent approval of these, the road from iligan to mumungan was built, in consequence of which work the weekly attendance of moros at the market of iligan increased, and the datu of bukamar and another from marawi presented themselves in that place. thither also the datu amay-pakpak, now an old man, promised to send his son. the concurrence of moros at that place was further increased by the assistance that was given to a wounded moro; until, at last, a solemn oath of allegiance was secured, being taken, in the presence of the aforementioned military commander, by a great number of datus and sultans, in accordance with their ritual. on november 8th, the military commander of mumungan, under the pretext of a wedding to which the datu of pantar had invited him and which he attended, made an inspection of the country in the neighborhood of the said rancheria [305] of pantar, lying to the south of mumungan, and had an opportunity of seeing that, in conformity with the reports i had received, pantar possessed advantageous conditions for the establishment there of another advance fort, the construction of which could be commenced upon the continuation and completion up to that point of the new road built from iligan to mumungan. but in spite of the good intentions of the military commander not to break into hostilities except in the last resort, in accordance with the positive instructions i had given him, he was unable to prevent his troops being attacked upon the return journey, and therefore they opened fire upon the enemy; which proves once again the difficulty of following the path of conciliation and attraction with an enemy who pays absolutely no heed to reason; in spite of the fact that with this method there had been joined that of warning the neighboring moros who profess to be so friendly, that the only genuine proof of adhesion to which i should give credit would be that of the moral and collective support of all of them against any act of aggression within their territory committed by moros from other rancherias, whether in large or in small numbers. on november 25th i was informed by the same military commander that, while the convoy was transferring supplies from mumungan to iligan, there appeared a juramentado, who attempted to wound a soldier; but the latter, waiting for him with great calmness, defended himself valiantly, and the moro was despatched with the assistance of some other soldiers who came upon the scene. on the 10th of december i was informed that a detachment of the troops stationed at mumungan, while on its way to the market of iligan was attacked by a body of fourteen juramentados who, however, were repulsed with a loss of two killed, while, on our side, one man was lost. at baras, also, while making the reconnaissance on december 10th there appeared a band of moros in an attitude of hostility; but they were compelled to retire at the first volley from our troops. nevertheless, two juramentados separated themselves from the main body and attacked an equal number of our men; the latter awaited them firmly and killed them with bayonet thrusts. another moro was also slain while attempting a precipitate flight. recently, on the 15th of december, the military commander of mumungan, hearing of the intentions of the enemy, which were far from peaceable, determined, in order to guard against all contingencies, to continue the extension of the road and to complete and close the palisade around the new inclosure at the fort, made so as to accommodate the increased number of troops. for the first of these two purposes, he left the fort at half past five in the morning, well-armed and ready to punish the moros if they presented themselves, setting out with one hundred and fifty men of the 73rd regiment and sixteen convicts, besides a corporal and eight persons of the 73rd in charge of a company of engineers, another company of the 73rd and sixty convicts, who marched without arms and equipped for work. at ten o'clock in the morning the advance guard reached the entrance to the wood, and as the intention was to collect lumber that had already been cut and dragged to the road, the troops advanced. at this moment there appeared in the middle of the road some eight hundred moros brandishing their arms and uttering war-cries, who immediately retired to some defensive works which they had constructed out of the very logs above referred to. in view of this, our troops continued their march, opening fire at about one hundred yards from the defensive works of the enemy, and in a little while, captured the same, routing the defenders, as well as some more of the enemy who appeared on the two flanks of the column, causing some eighty deaths; on our side we had one killed and two wounded convicts. after this incident, the said military commander made his way to iligan without suffering any attack, in spite of the fact that the moros had constructed other defensive works on the road, which latter were destroyed without any casualties. the conduct of the troops on this march was brilliant, and i wish to recommend to the consideration of your excellency those who especially distinguished themselves; but i have again directed the military commander of mumungan to avoid as far as possible all necessity for fresh combats, extending, but without any compromise of dignity, the policy of conciliation which i have so strongly recommended to him. from all the above your excellency will understand with how much foresight i requested from the government of his majesty, on the 24th of april last, permission to place on a war footing as many of the seven regiments which make up the infantry in these islands as had not yet been placed on this footing, setting forth the estimated cost of the same in the plans which i sent for approval, and if the increase was necessary then, it is evident that at the present time it is much more necessary; for, as your excellency will see from what i have communicated to you in this extensive document, the condition of the moros, justifying the predictions made by me at that time, has become steadily more hostile as they never rest nor miss any opportunity of causing us the greatest possible harm, endeavoring to obstruct all the work we plan to carry out for the improvement of the means of communication between our present possessions; and while it is true that they are not successful in their attempts, still we must put a stop to their increasing audacity. i take the liberty again to call the attention of your excellency to the absolute necessity of placing on a war footing the three regiments now on a footing of peace, in accordance with the permission already granted by the department--without waiting until next july. in this way, without undertaking a regular campaign, as i have already stated, and without expense to the government, it will be possible to improve the present condition of things, which is gradually becoming somewhat discreditable to the honor of the flag. i do not doubt that your excellency will so understand it, and i thank you in advance, in the name of this suffering army, for the immediate concession of the credit necessary for the reã«nforcement above mentioned. god protect your excellency many years. manila, january 11th, 1893. most excellent sir:--eulogio despojol.--followed by a rubric. the most excellent the minister of war.--a copy.--the acting colonel in command of headquarters.--pedro de bascaran.--a seal with the inscription: "office of the captain-general of the philippines.--headquarters." a copy.--luis de la torre: rubricated. notes [1] see ethnological survey publications, vol. iv, pt. i, p. 11. [2] the spelling of proper names used throughout this paper is that adopted by the author and differs in some respects from that in use in the division of ethnology.--editor. [3] this settlement is on a small adjacent island of the same name. [4] an officer next below a datu in rank. [5] an officer next below a panglima in rank. [6] the word tumangtangis means "shedder of tears." as the summit of this mountain is the last object to be seen by sailors leaving the island, they weep from homesickness when they lose sight of it. [7] quoted in keppel's "visit to the indian archipelago," p. 70. [8] some maps place this mountain near tu'tu', but reliable moros apply the name to the mountain west of si'it and nearer to su' than to tu'tu'. [9] princess ipil and her followers were wrecked and drowned at this point. their bodies are said to have turned into stone and formed the rocks that line the shore. some of the rocks seemed to the people to resemble petrified human beings. [10] names of fruits with no english equivalents. [11] a philippine tree from the blossoms of which a perfume is made. [12] spanish word for street. [13] beach at the head of the bay. [14] a sultanate in northern borneo. [15] the mindanao herald, july 21, 1906. [16] gum copal. [17] most of these are females. [18] see below, p. 148. [19] the eleventh month of the mohammedan year. [20] sulu; the head, the chief. [21] arabic; the slave of the merciful. [22] malay; sir or mister. [23] arabic; leader, caliph, high priest. [24] a sulu form of the arabic "caliph." [25] malay-sanskrit; minister of state. [26] the central high region of sumatra. [27] malay; officer of state. it literally means "rich man." [28] sanskrit; king. [29] malay-sanskrit; emperor or caliph. it is here used as a proper noun. [30] a place in lati, sulu. [31] sulu; chicken, fowl. [32] sulu-malay; slave. [33] sanskrit; wise. [34] arabic; understanding, mind. [35] malay-sanskrit; subordinate officer of state. [36] arabic; lady, grandmother. [37] arabic; safe and sound. [38] malay; lady, woman. [39] arabic; righteous. [40] a title of nobility. [41] arabic, fatimah; the name of the prophet's daughter. [42] arabic; brilliant. [43] arabic; wife or husband. [44] arabic; beautiful. [45] arabic; hoping. [46] arabic; faithful. [47] arabic; religion. [48] arabic; trusted or trustworthy. [49] arabic; guide, leader. [50] sulu; fruit. [51] arabic; intelligent. [52] arabic; feminine of "salim" or safe and sound. [53] arabic; sleeping. [54] arabic; known. [55] arabic; noble, subordinate officer of state. [56] sanskrit; iddha, kindled, lighted, or sunshine. [57] sanskrit; indra, the god of the heavens, or most likely indira, name of lakshmi, the wife of vishnu. [58] sulu; light, sun. [59] arabic; wise. [60] the name of mohammed's wife. [61] arabic; everlasting, eternal. [62] arabic; perfection. [63] arabic; scribe. [64] arabic; educated, taught. [65] arabic; virtuous. [66] arabic; pride, glory. [67] arabic; father. [68] arabic; firm, resolute, an attribute of god. [69] arabic; mary. [70] the baklaya party should have been mentioned after the tagimaha, but it was evidently left out by mistake. tagimaha is a sanskrit word which means country. [71] arabic; generous, noble. [72] arabic; served, master. [73] arabic; noble, applied to a descendant of mohammed. [74] sulu, anchorage. the settlement lies 3 miles west of jolo. [75] it is used here as a name. as a title it is higher than raja and is equivalent to sultan or emperor. [76] the moro word for zamboanga. [77] arabic; night, a common name. [78] arabic; power, superior authority, sultan. [79] arabic; glory. [80] a corrupt form of the arabic ahmad. [81] from the arabic "sheikh," meaning chief. [82] a place in sumatra (?) [83] java. [84] arabic; master or noble, addressed to descendants of the prophet mohammed. [85] town and state in southeastern sumatra. [86] arabic; noble. this word is often pronounced by the moros as "salip" or "sarip." [87] arabic; height. [88] sanskrit; princess. [89] sanskrit; greater king, emperor. [90] in malay it indicates rank or office; in sulu it is used only as a name. [91] malay; young. [92] arabic; defender. [93] arabic; honor, respect. [94] arabic; star, meteor, bright flame. [95] arabic; chosen (by god). [96] arabic; interceder. [97] arabic; victory. [98] from the arabic `azeem or great; not from `alim, meaning learned. [99] arabic; exalter or defender. [100] arabic; israel. [101] arabic; honor. [102] arabic; orator; the pandita who reads the oration, a part of the religions services held on friday. [103] see ethnological survey publications, vol. iv, pt. 1, p. 64. [104] the servant of the giver. [105] jamiyun is sanskrit and means brother or sister's son; kulisa is indra's thunderbolt. [106] one of the names of the wife of vishnu. [107] sulu; the sun. [108] the sulus believed that alexander the great came to sulu and that their ancient rulers were descended from him. [109] sanskrit; the plant. jamiyun kulisa, indira suga, and masha'ika are the names of the ancient gods of sulu. prior to islam the sulus worshiped the vedic gods and evidently believed them to be the forefathers or creators of men. the sulu author was ignorant of this fact and used the names of the gods as names of real men. [110] arabic; faithful. [111] chief. [112] a gong used for signals and in worship. [113] western district of the island of sulu. [114] the northern and central district of the island of sulu. [115] the southern and central part of the island of sulu. [116] the eastern part of the island of sulu. [117] the town where the present sultan of sulu resides. [118] the inhabitants of the region west of the town of jolo. [119] the inhabitants of the northern coast, east of jolo. [120] arabic; generous. [121] arabic; master or served. [122] arabic; noble; a title applied to a descendant of mohammed. [123] arabic; plural of wali, a man of god. [124] sulu; anchorage; the ancient capital of sulu. [125] a district in sumatra. [126] arabic; beauty. [127] arabic; plural of karim, meaning generous. [128] arabic; orator; a high religious title, allied to imam. [129] arabic; slave or servant. [130] arabic; the giver, referring to god. [131] see p. 152. [132] genealogies; see vol. iv, pt. 1, p. 11, ethnological survey publications. [133] sanskrit; sunshine. [134] natives of the celebes; they were often called by the spaniards macassars. [135] timway or tumuway, meaning "leader" or "chief," is the title given to the chiefs of the land before islam. timway has been replaced by datu. [136] it is possible that this color distinction arose from an early superstition or belief of hindu origin assigning those divisions of the island to the four respective hindu deities, who are generally represented by those four colors. [137] quoted in keppel's "visit to the indian archipelago," p. 127. [138] this term is applied in sulu in the same sense as the malay terms orang-banua and orang-bukit, meaning hill tribes or aborigines, or, as they say in mindanao, manubus. [139] this term is used here in the same sense as orang-malayu meaning the better or seacoast malays. [140] the determination of this date and that of the rule of abu bakr is covered by a complete statement which will appear in the chapter on the early mohammedan missionaries in sulu and mindanao, to be published in a later paper. [141] the first historic seat of malay rule was pagar ruyong (in the mountains of sumatra), the capital of the so-called "empire of menangkabaw." (malay-english dictionary, r. j. wilkinson, iii, 2.) [142] brass cannon used by moros. [143] variety of mango. [144] the prince of the princes. [145] the exalter of the humble. [146] the defender of the faith; the first. [147] malay word, meaning "in the mountain." [148] the sulu equivalent of "digunung." [149] the kind. [150] "the philippine islands," blair and robertson, vol. iv, p. 174. [151] bisayas. [152] natives of the philippine islands. [153] large estates assigned to spaniards. [154] an honorific title given to the early governors of the philippines. [155] the philippine islands, blair and robertson ii, pp. 98, 99. [156] ibid., ii, p. 156. [157] ibid., vii, p. 68, 69. [158] so given in the text without explanation. it is probably a weight. [159] the philippine islands, viii, pp. 73-75. [160] apuntes sobre jolo, espina, p. 56. [161] a large canoe used by the malayan peoples with two rows of oars, very light, and fitted with a european sail; its rigging of native manufacture. (philippine islands, ii, p. 246.) [162] large moro boat with outriggers. [163] bungsu, the sultan; sire and intermediator. [164] name of boat used in the philippine islands. [165] rizal conjectures that this word is a transformation of the tagã¡l word, lampitaw, a small boat still used in the philippines. [166] we follow stanley's translation. he derives the word cacatal (zacatal) from zacatc, or sacate, signifying "reed," "hay," or other similar growths, zacatal thus being a "place of reeds" or a "thicket." [167] a long weapon resembling a sword, used by moros. [168] from kalasag, a shield. (rizal.) [169] argensola says that this native, named ubal, had made a feast two days before, at which he had promised to kill the spanish commander. (rizal.) [170] posts set upright in the ground. [171] sucesos de is islas filipinas, dr. antonio de morga, mexico, 1609; the philippine islands, xv, pp. 90-92. [172] see appendixes i and ii, pacification of mindanao. [173] fathoms. [174] the philippine islands, blair and robertson ix, pp. 283, 285-287. [175] ibid., ix, pp. 289, 290. [176] see appendix iii, moro raids of 1599 and 1600. [177] history of the philippines, barrows, pp. 153, 154. [178] see appendix iv, gallinato's expedition to jolo. [179] see appendix v, olaso's expedition. [180] the greatest sultan of mindanao, the son of bwisan. [181] an account of this fight and the moro expedition under tagal is given in "the philippine islands," blair and robertson xxvii, pp. 215-226. [182] see "letter from corcuera to philip iv." (the philippine islands, xxvii, pp. 346-359.) [183] see appendix vi, corcuera's campaign in jolo. [184] on moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century, see the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xli, pp. 277-324. [185] a spanish measure of weight used in the philippine islands, equivalent to about 133 pounds. [186] the defender of the faith. [187] relaciã³n de a entrada del sultan rey de jolã³, in archivo del bibliã³filo filipino, vol. i. [188] history of the philippines, barrows, p. 227. [189] see appendix vii, obando's report on the preparations to be undertaken to return alimud din to sulu; also appendix viii, obando's report on the circumstances attending the attempt to return alimud din to sulu. [190] the philippine islands, foreman, pp. 145, 146. [191] the sultan complained that he had not been treated in manila with dignity equal to his rank and quality, and that he had constantly been under guard of soldiers in his residence (this was explained to be a guard of honor). [192] the philippine islands, foreman, p. 147. [193] on the occupation of palawan and balabak, see appendixes ix and x. [194] history of the philippines, barrows, p. 228. [195] see appendix xi. [196] see forrest's "a voyage to new guinea," pp. 320-335. [197] another name for jolo and the name of the stream which passes through it. [198] it is more likely that elephants were obtained from borneo and sumatra. [199] some were more than 90 feet in length. [200] one of the settlements forming the town of kotabato. [201] this was an erroneous impression. it no doubt seemed so to captain forrest who judged from his observations of sultan israel who acquired a taste for european music in manila. [202] a voyage to new guinea, capt. thomas forrest, pp. 336-337. [203] name given to the network of channels by which the waters of the pasig river find their way to the sea. [204] history of the philippines, barrows, pp. 246-248. [205] see appendixes xii, xiii, xiv, and xv. [206] a variety of palm from which mats and sails are made. [207] edition of 1853, pp. 57-69. [208] a leaf chewed with betel nut. [209] amirul mu'minin or alimud din i. [210] see appendixes xvi and xvii. [211] a visit to the indian archipelago, p. 58. [212] a big dugout canoe. [213] vessels of some 11 meters length, 1 1/2 meters beam, and 40 centimeters overhang at the bow. they are furnished with outriggers and a removable deck [commonly of loose slats]. (note in montero y vidal's history of the piracy of the mohammedan malays.) [214] the spanish word for conquest transliterated. the word can not be understood by the sulus. [215] datu daniel. [216] spanish. como reconocimiento de dominio (i.e., of spain). the idea is that the settler acknowledges that he does not own the land in fee simple, but holds it as a tenant of the state. [217] a police force maintained in the philippines during spanish times. [218] troops made up of men deported from other parts of the islands. [219] a large knife used by moros in fighting. [220] men who have taken an oath to kill non-mohammedans. [221] moro cannon. [222] about 5 cents, united states currency. [223] see appendix xviii, on regulations relative to taxes and imports on natives and immigrants in sulu; also appendix xix, on the protocol of sulu of 1877 between spain, germany, and great britain; appendix xx, on the protocol of sulu of 1885 between spain, germany, and great britain; appendix xxi, decree of the general government in regard to payment of tribute of sulus; appendixes xxii and xxiii, on rights of foreigners engaged in pearl fishing in sulu waters. [224] a chief subordinate to a datu. [225] see appendix xxiv, on la torre's views on the policy that should be adopted in mindanao and sulu. [226] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xv, pp. 93-100. [227] a point and settlement on the north bank of the mindanao river and at its mouth. [228] a careful review of ronquillo's reports and letters on his pacification of mindanao shows an evident error in the use of the word bwayan to signify the settlement or stronghold of the sultan of magindanao. bwayan here, and probably in figueroa's report, too, is used in place of magindanao, which lay on the site occupied at present by kotabato. bwisan was then the sultan of magindanao and headed the opposition to ronquillo's advance up the north branch of the mindanao river. sirungan, who is mentioned in this report, might have been a datu or subdatu of magindanao, not necessarily sirungan, the raja of bwayan. [229] the correct name is sirungan. [230] cachil or kachil is a malay word signifying "little" or "young," hence a youth of distinction or a younger prince of the royal line. [231] a tributary of the mindanao river which rises in talayan, and empties at taviran. [232] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xi, pp. 135-139. [233] unsigned. [234] point or bay, not an island. [235] point or bay, not an island. [236] the strait of sunda, which separates java from sumatra. [237] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xv, pp. 190-196. [238] this word is as commonly used with an "l" as with an "r," as sirungan. [239] a strong wind south by west. [240] shields. [241] this was the first piratical expedition made against the spaniards by the inhabitants of the southern islands. (rizal.) barrantes (guerras piraticas) wrongly dates the abandonment of la caldera and the incursion of the moros 1590. continuing, he says: "the following year they repeated the expedition so that the indians retired to the densest parts of the forests, where it cost considerable trouble to induce them to become quiet, for a woman, who proclaimed herself a sibyl or prophetess, preached to them that they should not obey the spaniards any longer, for the latter had allied themselves with the moros to exterminate all the pintados." [242] native word for mountain. [243] those to whom land had been granted with control over the natives who worked on it. [244] the island of gimarã¡s, southeast of panay, and separated from it by the strait of iloilo. [245] probably gongs. [246] neither stanley nor rizal throws any light on this word. the spanish dictionaries likewise fail to explain it, as does also a limited examination of malay and tagal dictionaries. three conjectures are open: 1. a derivative of tifatas, a species of mollusk, hence a conch; 2. a malay or tagal word for either a wind or other instrument, the malay words for "to blow," "sound a musical instrument," being tiyup and tiyupkan; 3. a misprint for the spanish pifas, a possible shortened form of pifanos, signifying fifes. [247] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xv, pp. 240-244, 264-268. [248] sailing vessels. [249] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xxiii, pp. 87, 88. [250] unsigned. [251] a small vessel used as a tender to carry messages between larger vessels. [252] the philippine islands, blair and robertson, xxviii, pp. 41-63. [253] in the manuscript that we follow the letter of march 31 is given second, while that of april 5 is given first; we have arranged them chronologically. [254] garo: probably the same as garita; a fortified outpost. [255] the translation of this passage seems to be, "if god fights against a city, he who guards it watches in vain." the difficulty lies in "a custodierit," which we translate as "fights against." [256] a spanish measure of length which is about equal to 1 yard, english measure. [257] the gimbahans or sulus of the interior mountains. [258] babui, in their language, signifies "pig"; apparently they called the spaniards "swine," as expressing the acme of contempt for their besiegers. [259] "thanks be to god who has given us the victory through our lord jesus christ." [260] combã©s says (hist. mindanao, reana's ed., column 264) that this queen, named tuan baluka, was a native of basilan, and that she had acquired such ascendancy over her husband that the government of sulu was entirely in her hands. this statement explains the presence of the basilan men in the sulu stronghold. [261] zamboanga, the correct spelling is samboangan. [262] culverins of small bore. [263] this letter is unsigned; but the transcript of it made by ventura del arco places it with others ascribed to barrios. see detailed accounts of the expedition against jolo (sulu) in combã©s's hist. mindanao y jolã³ (retana and pastells ed.), cols. 349-368; diaz's conquistas, pp. 388-401: murillo velarde's hist. philipinas, fol. 92, 93; and la concepcion's hist. philipinas, v, pp. 334-351. [264] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [265] the recoletos or barefoot augustinian friars. [266] spanish expediente, the collection of all the papers referring to a single subject. [267] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [268] maestre de campo. [269] the inhabitants of koran, northeast borneo, pagan pirates subdued by sulu in 1769. [270] official designation of the audiencia when assembled in executive session under the presidency of the captain-general. [271] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [272] sp. forzados, men compelled to row in the galleys, usually as punishment for crime. [273] manila. the shorter form of its title of "la siempre noble y leal ciudad." [274] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [275] a small sailing vessel. [276] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [277] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [278] the honorable east india company. [279] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [280] i.e., of the sulus. [281] sp. champanes. [282] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [283] "en sus propios buques" (i.e., of sulu). [284] this and the following statements are not correct. [285] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [286] though inaccurate and biased, the ideas expressed in this report represent the opinion and feelings of many spanish officials who were connected with moro affairs. [287] the correct name is abu bakr. [288] such a statement is unduly biased. [289] a spanish magistrate. [290] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [291] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [292] vessels up to 80 feet length by 18 or 20 beam, made of wood, bamboo, nipah, and rattan. the moros arm them by placing at the two sides lantakas and falconets, mounted on iron swivels, and at the bow and stern, cannon set in stout pieces of timber. the sails are usually of matting made of saguran [a kind of palm-leaf], spread on bamboo poles. (note in montero y vidal's history of the piracy of the mohammedan malays.) [293] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [294] sp. contadurã­a general. [295] personal registration fees. [296] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [297] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [298] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [299] settlements. [300] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [301] the gearling & tradin (sic.). [302] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [303] from the division of archives, executive bureau, manila. [304] a term used by the spaniards to designate certain governmental districts in the philippines. [305] settlement. proofreaders from images provided by the million book project observations on the mussulmauns of india descriptive of their manners, customs, habits and religious opinions made during a twelve years' residence in their immediate society by mrs. meer hassan ali second edition, edited with notes and an introduction by w. crooke 1917 with sentiments of gratitude and profound respect the following pages are humbly dedicated, with permission, to her royal highness the princess augusta; by her royal highness's most obedient, faithfully attached, and very humble servant, b. meer hassan ali. [1832.] preface to the second edition in the present reprint the text of the original edition of this work has been reproduced without change, even the curious transliterations of the vernacular words and phrases having been preserved. the correct forms of these, so far as they have been ascertained, have been given in the notes and in the index-glossary. i have added an introduction containing an account of the authoress based on the scanty information available, and i have compiled some notes illustrating questions connected with islam and musalman usages. i have not thought it necessary to give detailed references in the notes, but a list of the works which have been used will be found at the end of the text. as in other volumes of this series, the diacritical marks indicating the varieties of the sound of certain letters in the arabic and devanagari alphabets have not been given: they are unnecessary for the scholar and serve only to embarrass the general reader. i have to acknowledge help from several friends in the preparation of this edition. mr. w. foster, c.i.e., has supplied valuable notes from the india office records on mir hasan 'ali and his family; dr. w. hoey, late i.c.s., and mr. l.n. jopling, i.c.s., deputy-commissioner, lucknow, have made inquiries on the same subject. mr. h.c. irwin, late i.c.s., has furnished much information on oudh affairs in the time of the nawabi. sir c.j. lyall, k.c.s.i, c.i.e., and professor e.g. browne, m.a., have permitted me to consult them on certain obscure words in the text. w. crooke. introduction very little is known about the authoress of this interesting book. she is reticent about the affairs of her husband and of herself, and inquiries recently made at lucknow, at the india office, and in other likely quarters in england, have added little to the scanty information we possess about her. the family of her husband claimed to be of sayyid origin, that is to say, to be descended from the martyrs, hasan and husain, the sons of fatimah, daughter of the prophet, by her marriage with her cousin-german, 'ali. the father-in-law of the authoress, mir haji shah, of whom she speaks with affection and respect, was the son of the qazi, or muhammadan law-officer, of ludhiana, in the panjab. during his boyhood the panjab was exposed to raids by the mahrattas and incursions of the sikhs. he therefore abandoned his studies, wandered about for a time, and finally took service with a certain raja--where she does not tell us--who was then raising a force in expectation of an attack by the sikhs. he served in at least one campaign, and then, while still a young man, made a pilgrimage thrice to mecca and kerbela, which gained him the title of haji, or pilgrim. while he was in arabia he fell short of funds, but he succeeded in curing the wife of a rich merchant who had long suffered from a serious disease. she provided him with money to continue his journey. he married under romantic circumstances an arab girl named fatimah as his second wife, and then went to lucknow, which, under the rule of the nawabs, was the centre in northern india of the shi'ah sect, to which he belonged. here he had an exciting adventure with a tiger during a hunting party, at which the nawab, shuja-ud-daula, was present. he is believed to have held the post of peshnamaz, or 'leader in prayer', in the household of the eunuch, almas 'ali khan, who is referred to by the authoress. his son was mir hasan 'ali, the husband of the authoress. the tradition in lucknow is that he quarrelled with his father and went to calcutta, where he taught arabic to some british officers and gained a knowledge of english. we next hear of him in england, when in may 1810 he was appointed assistant to the well-known oriental scholar, john shakespear, professor of hindustani at the military college, addiscombe, from 1807 to 1830, author of a dictionary of hindustani and other educational works. mention is made of two cadets boarding with mir hasan 'ali, but it does not appear from the records where he lived. after remaining at the college for six years he resigned his appointment on the ground of ill-health, with the intention of returning to india. he must have been an efficient teacher, because, on his resignation, the east india company treated him with liberality. he received a gift of £50 as a reward for his translation of the gospel of st. matthew, and from the court minutes it appears that on december 17, 1816, it was resolved to grant him 100 guineas to provide his passage and £100 for equipment. further, the bengal government was instructed to furnish him on his arrival with means to reach his native place, and to pay him a pension of rs. 100 _per mensem_ for the rest of his life.[1] a tradition from lucknow states that he was sent to england on a secret mission, 'to ask the home authorities to accept a contract of oudh direct from nasir-ud-din haidar, who was quite willing to remit the money of contract direct to england instead of settling the matter with the british resident at lucknow'. it is not clear what this exactly means. it may be that the king of oudh, thinking that annexation was inevitable, may have been inclined to attempt to secure some private arrangement with the east india company, under which he would remain titular sovereign, paying a tribute direct to the authorities in england, and that he wished to conduct these negotiations without the knowledge of the resident at lucknow. there does not seem to be independent evidence of this mission of mir hasan 'ali, and we are told that it was, as might have been expected, unsuccessful. no mention is made of his wife in the official records, and i have been unable to trace her family name or the date and place of her marriage. mir hasan 'ali and his wife sailed for calcutta, and travelled to lucknow via patna. she tells little of her career in india, save that she lived there for twelve years, presumably from 1816 to 1828, and that eleven years of that time were spent in the house of her father-in-law at lucknow. in the course of her book she gives only one date, september 18, 1825, when her husband held the post of tahsildar, or sub-collector of revenue, at kanauj in the british district of farrukhabad. no records bearing on his career as a british official are forthcoming. another lucknow tradition states that on his arrival at the court of oudh from england he was, on the recommendation of the resident, appointed to a post in the king's service on a salary of rs. 300 per annum. subsequently he fell into disgrace and was obliged to retire to farrukhabad with the court eunuch, nawab mu'tamad-ud-daula, agha mir. with the restoration of agha mir to power, hasan 'ali returned to lucknow, and was granted a life pension of rs. 100 _per mensem_ for his services as darogha at the residency, and in consideration of his negotiations between the king and the british government or the east india company. from the information collected at lucknow it appears that he was known as mir londoni, 'the london gentleman', and that he was appointed safir, or attaché, at the court of king ghazi-ud-din haidar, who conferred upon him the title of maslaha-ud-daula, 'counsellor of state'. by another account he held the post of mir munshi, head native clerk or secretary to the british resident. one of the most influential personages in the court of oudh during this period was that stormy petrel of politics, nawab hakim mehndi. he had been the right-hand man of the nawab sa'adat ali, and on the accession of his son ghazi-ud-din haidar in 1814 he was dismissed on the ground that he had incited the king to protest against interference in oudh affairs by the resident, colonel baillie. the king at the last moment became frightened at the prospect of an open rupture with the resident. nawab hakim mehndi was deprived of all his public offices and of much of his property, and he was imprisoned for a time. on his release he retired into british territory, and in 1824 he was living in magnificent style at fatehgarh. in that year bishop heber visited lucknow and received a courteous letter from the nawab inviting him to his house at fatehgarh. he gave the bishop an assurance 'that he had an english housekeeper, who knew perfectly well how to do the honours of his establishment to gentlemen of her own nation. (she is, in fact, a singular female, who became the wife of one of the hindustani professors at hertford, now the hukeem's dewan,[2] and bears, i believe, a very respectable character.)' the authoress makes no reference to hakim mehndi, nor to the fact that she and her husband were in his employment. the cause of her final departure from india is stated by w. knighton in a highly coloured sketch of court life in the days of king nasir-ud-daula, _the private life of an eastern king_, published in 1855. 'mrs. meer hassan was an english lady who married a lucknow noble during a visit to england. she spent twelve years with him in india, and did not allow him to exercise a moslem's privilege of a plurality of wives. returning to england afterwards on account of her health, she did not again rejoin him.'[3] the jealousy between rival wives in a polygamous musalman household is notorious. 'a rival may be good, but her son never: a rival even if she be made of dough is intolerable: the malice of a rival is known to everybody: wife upon wife and heartburnings'--such are the common proverbs which define the situation. but if her separation from her husband was really due to this cause, it is curious that in her book she notes as a mark of a good wife that she is tolerant of such arrangements. 'she receives him [her husband] with undisguised pleasure, although she has just before learned that another member has been added to his well-peopled harem. the good and forbearing wife, by this line of conduct, secures to herself the confidence of her husband, who, feeling assured that the amiable woman has an interest in his happiness, will consult her and take her advice in the domestic affairs of his children by other wives, and even arrange by her judgement all the settlements for their marriages, &c. he can speak of other wives without restraint--for she knows he has others--and her education has taught her that they deserve her respect in proportion as they contribute to her husband's happiness.'[4] it is certainly noticeable that she says very little about her husband beyond calling him in a conventional way 'an excellent husband' and 'a dutiful, affectionate son'. there is no indication that her husband accompanied her on her undated visit to delhi, when she was received in audience by the king, akbar ii, and the queen, who were then living in a state of semi-poverty. she tells us that they 'both appeared, and expressed themselves, highly gratified with the visit of an english lady, who could explain herself in their language without embarrassment, or the assistance of an interpreter, and who was the more interesting to them from the circumstance of being the wife of a syaad'.[5] from inquiries made at lucknow it has been ascertained that mir hasan 'ali had no children by his english wife. by one or more native wives he had three children: a daughter, fatimah begam, who married a certain mir sher 'ali, of which marriage one or more descendants are believed to be alive; and two sons, mir sayyid 'ali or miran sahib, said to have served the british government as a tahsildar, whose grandson is now living at lucknow, and mir sayyid husain, who became a risaldar, or commander of a troop, in one of the oudh irregular cavalry regiments. one of his descendants, mir agha 'ali sahib, possesses some landed property which was probably acquired by the risaldar. after the annexation of oudh mir hasan 'ali is said to have been paid a pension of rs. 100 _per mensem_ till his death in 1863. it is also worthy of remark that she carefully avoids any reference to the palace intrigues and maladministration which prevailed in oudh during the reigns of ghazi-ud-din haidar and nasir-ud-din haidar, who occupied the throne during her residence at lucknow. she makes a vague apology for the disorganized state of the country: 'acts of oppression may sometimes occur in native states without the knowledge even, and much less by the command of, the sovereign ruler, since the good order of the government mainly depends on the disposition of the prime minister for the time being'[6]--a true remark, but no defence for the conduct of the weak princes who did nothing to suppress corruption and save their subjects from oppression. little is known of the history of mrs. mir hasan 'ali after her arrival in england. it has been stated that she was attached in some capacity to the household of the princess augusta, who died unmarried on september 22, 1840.[7] this is probable, because the list of subscribers to her book is headed by queen adelaide, the princess augusta, and other ladies of the royal family. she must have been in good repute among anglo-indians, because several well-known names appear in the list: h.t. colebrooke, g.c. haughton, mordaunt ricketts and his wife, and colonel j. tod. the value of the book rests on the fact that it is a record of the first-hand experiences of an english lady who occupied the exceptional position of membership of a musalman family. she tells us nothing of her friends in lucknow, but she had free access to the houses of respectable sayyids, and thus gained ample facilities for the study of the manners and customs of musalman families. much of her information on islam was obtained from her husband and his father, both learned, travelled gentlemen, and by them she was treated with a degree of toleration unusual in a shi'ah household, this sect being rigid and often fanatical followers of islam. she was allowed to retain a firm belief in the christian religion, and she tells us that mir haji shah delighted in conversing on religious topics, and that his happiest time was spent in the quiet of night when his son translated to him the bible as she read it.[8] her picture of zenana life is obviously coloured by her frank admiration for the people amongst whom she lived, who treated her with respect and consideration. it is thus to some extent idyllic. at the same time, it may be admitted that she was exceptionally fortunate in her friends. her sketch may be usefully compared with that of mrs. fanny parks in her charming book, _the wanderings of a pilgrim in search of the picturesque_. mrs. parks had the advantage of having acquired a literary knowledge of hindustani, while mrs. mir hasan 'ali, to judge from the way in which she transliterates native words, can have been able to speak little more than a broken patois, knew little of grammar, and was probably unable to read or write the arabic character. colonel gardner, who had wide and peculiar experience, said to mrs. parks: 'nothing can exceed the quarrels that go on in the zenana, or the complaints the begams make against each other. a common complaint is "such a one has been practising witchcraft against me". if the husband make a present to one wife, if it be only a basket of mangoes, he must make the same exactly to all the other wives to keep the peace. a wife, when in a rage with her husband, if on account of jealousy, often says, "i wish i were married to a grass-cutter," i.e. because a grass-cutter is so poor that he can only afford to have one wife.'[9] mrs. parks from her own experience calls the zenana 'a place of intrigue, and those who live within four walls cannot pursue a straight path; how can it be otherwise, when so many conflicting passions are called forth?'[10] she adds that 'musalmani ladies generally forget their learning when they grow up, or they neglect it. everything that passes without the four walls is repeated to them by their spies; never was any place so full of intrigue, scandal, and chit-chat as a zenana.'[11] when she visited the delhi palace she remarks: 'as for beauty, in a whole zenana there may be two or three handsome women, and all the rest remarkably ugly.'[12] european officers at the present day have no opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the conditions of zenana life; but from the rumours that reach them they would probably accept the views of mrs. parks in preference to those of mrs. mir hasan 'ali. though her opinions on the life of musalman ladies is to some extent open to criticism, and must be taken to apply only to the exceptional society in which she moved, her account of the religious feasts and fasts, the description of the marriage ceremonies and that of the surroundings of a native household are trustworthy and valuable. some errors, not of much importance and probably largely due to her imperfect knowledge of the language, have been corrected in the notes of the present edition. it must also be understood that her knowledge of native life was confined to that of the musalmans, and she displays no accurate acquaintance with the religion, life or customs of the hindus. the account in the text displays a bias in favour of the shi'ah sect of musalmans, as contrasted with that of the sunnis. for a more impartial study of the question the reader is referred to sir w. muir, _annals of the early caliphate, the caliphate_, and to major r.d. osborn, _islam under the khalifs of baghdad_. [1] col. h.m. vibart, _addiscombe_, pp. 39, 41, 42. [2] _diwan_, chief agent, manager. [3] p. 208. [4] p. 182. [5] p. 290. [6] p. 227. [7] _calcutta review_, ii. 387. [8] pp. 80, 422. [9] vol. i, pp. 230, 453. [10] i. 391. [11] i. 450. [12] ii. 215. contents introductory letter letter i introductory remarks.--the characteristic simplicity of manners exhibited in native families.--their munificent charity.--the syaads. their descent, and the veneration paid to them.--their pride of birth.--fast of mahurrum.--its origin.--the sheahs and soonies.--memorandum of distances.--mount judee (judea), the attributed burying-place of adam and noah.--mausoleum of ali.--tomb of eve.--meer hadjee shah. letter ii celebration of mahurrum.--the tazia.--mussulmaun cemeteries.--an emaum-baarah.--piety of the ladies.--self-inflicted abstinence and privations endured by each sex.--instances of the devotional zeal of the mussulmauns.--attempted infringement on their religious formalities.--the resident at lucknow.--enthusiastic ardour of the poor.--manner of celebrating the mahurrum in opposition to the precepts of the khoraun.--mosque and emaum-baarah contrasted.--the supposition of mussulmauns practising idolatry confuted. letter iii continuation of mahurrum.--consecration of banners.--durgah at lucknow.--its origin explained.--regarded with peculiar veneration.--the nuwaub vows to build a new one.--its description.--procession to the durgah.--najoomies.--influence possessed and practised by them.--eunuchs.--anecdotes of some having attained great honours and wealth.--presents bestowed upon them generally revert to the donor.--rich attire of male and female slaves...page 32 letter iv mahurrum concluded.--night of mayndhie.--emaum-baarah of the king of oude.--procession to shaah nudghiff.--last day of mahurrum.--chattahs.--musical instruments.--zeal of the native gentlemen.--funeral obsequies over the tazia at kraabaallah.--sentiments of devout mussulmauns.--the fast followed by acts of charity.--remarks on the observance of mahurrum...page 42 letter v time.--how divided in hindoostaun.--observances after mahurrum--luxuries and enjoyments resumed.--black dye used by the ladies.--their nose-ring.--number of rings worn in their ears.--mode of dressing their hair.--aversion to our tooth-brushes.--toilet of the ladies.--the pyjaamahs.--the ungeeah (bodice).--the courtie.--the deputtah.--reception of a superior or elder amongst the ladies.--their fondness for jewels.--their shoes.--the state of society amongst the mussulmaun ladies.--their conversational endowments.--remark upon the fashion and duty of beards...page 55 letter vi the mussulmaun religion.--sectarians.--their difference of faith.--history of the soonies.--the caliphas omir, osman, aboubuker, &c.--mahumud's parting charge to ali.--omir's jealousy of ali.--the khoraun.--how compiled.--the calipha omir held in detestation.--creed of the sheahs.--funeral service.--opinions of the mussulmauns respecting the millennium.--the foundation of their faith exhibited.--sentiments of the most devout followers of mahumud.--bridge of sirraat, the scales, &c., explained.--emaum mhidhie.--prophecy of his reappearance.--its early fulfilment anticipated.--discourse with meer hadjee shaah on this subject...page 66 letter vii namaaz (daily prayer).--the mussulmaun prayers.--their different names and times.--extra prayer-service.--the mosque.--ablutions requisite previous to devotion.--prostrations at prayers.--mosque described.--the mussulmaun's sabbath.--its partial observance.--the amusements of this life not discontinued on the sabbath.--employment of domestics undiminished on this day.--works of importance then commenced.--reasons for appropriating friday to the sabbath.--the jews opposed to mahumud.--the prophet receives instructions from the angel gabriel.--their import and definition.--remarks of a commentator on the khoraun.--prayer of intercession.--pious observance of christmas day by a native lady.--opinions entertained of our saviour.--additional motives for prayer.--david's mother's prayer.--anecdote of moses and a woodcutter.--remarks upon the piety and devotion of the female mussulmauns...page 82 letter viii the fast of rumzaun.--motives for its strict observance.--its commencement and duration.--sentiments of meer hadjee shaah on the day of fasting.--adherence of the females to the observing this fast.--how first broken.--devout persons extend the term to forty days.--children permitted to try their zeal.--calamitous effects of the experiment.--exemptions from this duty.--joyful termination of the fast.--celebration of eade on the last day.--the nuzza.--nautchwomen and domenie.--surprise of the natives at european dancing.--remarks on their music.--anecdotes of fatima.--the chuckee...page 98 letter ix the hadje (pilgrimage to mecca).--commanded to be performed by mahumud.--eagerness of both, sexes to visit the prophet's tomb.--qualifications requisite for the undertaking.--different routes from india to mecca.--duties of the pilgrims at the holy house.--mecca and its environs.--place of abraham.--the bedouins.--anecdote of a devotee and two pilgrims.--a bedouin arab and the travellers to mecca.--the kaabah (holy house).--superstitious regard to a chain suspended there.--account of the gold water-spout.--tax levied on pilgrims visiting the tomb of mahumud by the sheruff of mecca.--sacred visit to the tombs of ali, hasan, and hosein.--the importance attached to this duty.--travellers annoyed by the arabs.--an instance recorded.--the nudghiff usheruff.--anecdotes of syaad harshim...page 112 letter x the zuckhaut (god's portion).--syaads restricted the benefit of this charity.--the sutkah.--the emaum's zaumunee (protection).--the tenths, or syaads' due.--mussulmauns attribute thanks to god only, for all benefits conferred.--extracts from the 'hyaatool kaaloob'.--mahumud's advice.--his precepts tend to inculcate and encourage charity.--remarks on the benevolence of mussulmauns...page 135 letter xi mussulmaun festivals.--buckrah eade.--ishmael believed to have been offered in sacrifice by abraham and not isaac.--descent of the mussulmauns from abraham.--the eade-gaarh.--presentation of nuzzas.--elephants.--description of the khillaut (robe of honour).--customs on the day of buckrah eade.--nou-roze (new year's day).--manner of its celebration.--the bussund (spring-colour).--the sah-bund.--observances during this month.--festival of the new moon.--superstition of the natives respecting the influence of the moon.--their practices during an eclipse.--supposed effects of the moon on a wound.--medicinal application of lime in hindoostaun.--observance of shubh-burraat. letter xii the zeenahnah.--its interior described.--furniture, decorations, &c.--the purdah (curtains).--bedstead.--the musnud (seat of honour).--mirrors and ornamental furniture disused.--display on occasions of festivity.--observations on the mussulmaun ladies.--happiness in their state of seclusion.--origin of secluding females by mahumud.--anecdote.--tamerlane's command prohibiting females being seen in public.--the palankeen.--bearers.--their general utility and contentedness of disposition.--habits peculiar to mussulmaun ladies.--domestic arrangements of a zeenahnah.--dinner and its accompanying observances.--the lota and lugguns.--the hookha.--further investigation of the customs adopted in zeenahnahs...page 163 letter xiii plurality of wives.--mahumud's motive for permitting this privilege.--state of society at the commencement of the prophet's mission.--his injunctions respecting marriage.--parents invariably determine on the selection of a husband.--first marriages attended by a public ceremony.--the first wife takes precedence of all others.--generosity of disposition evinced by the mussulmaun ladies.--divorces obtained under certain restrictions.--period of solemnizing marriage.--method adopted in choosing a husband or wife.--overtures and contracts of marriage, how regulated.--mugganee, the first contract.--dress of the bride elect on this occasion.--the ceremonies described as witnessed.--remarks on the bride.--present from the bridegroom on buckrah eade... page 179 letter xiv wedding ceremonies of the mussulmauns.--the new or full moon propitious to the rites being concluded.--marriage settlements unknown.--control of the wife over her own property.--three days and nights occupied in celebrating the wedding.--preparations previously made by both families.--ostentatious display on these occasions.--day of sarchuck.--customs on the day of mayndhie.--sending presents.--day of baarraat.--procession of the bridegroom to fetch the bride.--the bride's departure to her new home.--attendant ceremonies explained.--similarity of the mussulmaun and hindoo ceremonies.--anecdote of a moollah.--tying the narrah to the moosul...page 195 letter xv on the birth and management of children in hindoostaun.--increase of joy on the birth of a son.--preference generally shown to male children.--treatment of infants.--day of purification.--offerings presented on this occasion to the child.--the anniversary of the birthday celebrated.--visit of the father to the durgah.--pastimes of boys.--kites.--pigeons.--the mhogdhur.--sword-exercise.--the bow and arrows.--the pellet-bow.--crows.--sports of native gentlemen.--cock-fighting.--remarks upon horses, elephants, tigers, and leopards.--pigeon-shooting.--birds released from captivity on particular occasions.--reasons for the extension of the royal clemency in native courts.--influence of the prime minister in the administration of justice...page 210 letter xvi remarks on the trades and professions of hindoostaun.--the bazaars.--naunbye (bazaar cook).--the butcher, and other trades.--shroffs (money-changers).--popular cries in native cities.--the articles enumerated and the venders of them described.--the cuppers.--leechwomen.--ear-cleaners.--old silver.--pickles.--confectionery.--toys.--fans.--vegetables and fruit.--mangoes.--melons.--melon-cyder.--fish.--bird-catcher.--the butcher-bird, the coel, and lollah.--fireworks.--parched corn.--wonder-workers.--snakes.--anecdote of the moonshie and the snake-catcher.--the cutler.--sour curds.--clotted cream.--butter.--singular process of the natives in making butter.--ice.--how procured in india.--ink.--all writing dedicated to god by the mussulmauns.--the reverence for the name of god.--the mayndhie and sulmah...page 228 letter xvii seclusion of females.--paadshah begum.--the suwaarree.--female bearers.--eunuchs.--rutts.--partiality of the ladies to large retinues.--female companions.--telling the khaunie.--games of the zeenahnah.--shampooing.--the punkah.--slaves and slavery.--anecdote.--the persian poets.--fierdowsee.--saadie, his 'goolistaun'.--haafiz.--mahumud baarkur.--'hyaatool kaaloob'.--different manner of pronouncing scripture names...page 248 letter xviii evils attending a residence in india.--frogs.--flies.--blains.- musquitoes.--the white ant.--the red ant.--their destructive habits.--a tarantula.--black ants.--locusts.--superstition of the natives upon their appearance.--the tufaun, or haundhie (tempest).--the rainy season.--thunder and lightning.--meteors.- earthquakes.--a city ruined by them.--reverence of the mussulmauns for saints.--prickly heat.--cholera morbus.--mode of treatment.--temperance the best remedy.--recipe...page 258 letter xix kannoge.--formerly the capital of hindoostaun.--ancient castle.--durability of the bricks made by the aborigines.--prospect from the killaah (castle).--ruins.--treasures found therein.--the durgah baallee peer kee.--mukhburrahs.--ancient mosque.--singular structure of some stone pillars.--the durgah mukdoom jhaunneer.--conversions to the mussulmaun faith.--anecdote.--ignorance of the hindoos.--sculpture of the ancients.--mosque inhabited by thieves.--discovery of nitre.--method of extracting it.--conjectures of its produce.--residence in the castle.--reflections...page 274 letter xx delhi.--description of the city.--marble hall--the queen's mahul (palace).--audience with the king and queen.--conversation with them.--character of their majesties.--visit to a muckburrah.--soobadhaars.--the nature of the office.--durgah of shah nizaam ood deen.--tomb of shah allum.--ruins in the vicinity of delhi. --antique pillars (kootub).--prospect from its galleries.--anecdotes of juangheer and khareem zund...page 289 letter xxi natural productions of india.--trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, &c.--their different uses and medicinal qualities.--the rose.--native medical practice.--antidote to hydrophobia.--remedy for the venom of the snake.--the chitcherah (inverted thorn).--the neam-tree.--the hurrundh (castor-tree).--the umultass (cassia-tree).--the myrtle.--the pomegranate.--the tamarind.--the jahmun.--the mango.--the sherrefah.--white and red guavers.--the damascus fig.--the peach, and other fruits.--the mahdhaar (fire-plant).--the sirrakee and sainturh (jungle-grass).--the bamboo, and its various uses enumerated...page 304 letter xxii monkeys.--hindoo opinions of their nature.--instances of their sagacity.--rooted animosity of the monkey tribe to the snake.--cruelty to each other when maimed.--the female remarkable for affection to its young.--anecdotes descriptive of the belief of the natives in the monkey being endowed with reason.--the monkeys and the alligator.--the traveller and the monkeys.--the hindoo and the monkey...page 324 letter xxiii the soofies.--opinion of the mussulmauns concerning solomon.--the ood-ood.--description of the soofies and their sect.--regarded with great reverence.--their protracted fasts.--their opinion esteemed by the natives.--instance of the truth of their predictions.--the saalik and majoob soofies.--the poets haafiz and saadie.--character and attainments of saadie.--his 'goolistaun'.--anecdotes descriptive of the origin of that work.--farther remarks on the character and history of saadie.--interesting anecdotes illustrative of his virtues and the distinguishing characteristics of the soofies...page 331 letter xxiv the soofies continued.--eloy bauxh.--assembly of saalik soofies.--singular exhibition of their zeal.--mystery of soofeism.--the terms soofie and durweish explained.--anecdote of shah sherif.--shah jee and the paltaan.--dialogue on death between shah jee and his wife.--exemplary life of his grandson.--anecdote of a mussulmaun lady.--reflections on modern hindoos.--anecdotes of shah ood dowlah and meer nizaam...page 348 letter xxv mussulmaun devotees.--the chillubdhaars.--peculiar mode of worship.--propitiatory offerings.--supposed to be invulnerable to fire.--the maadhaars or duffelees.--character of the founder.--pilgrimage to his tomb.--females afflicted on visiting it.--effects attributed to the violation of the sanctuary by a foreigner.--superstition of the natives.--anecdote of sheikh suddoo and the genii.--the way of the world exemplified, a khaunie (hindoostaunie fable).--moral fable.--the king who longed for fruit...page 370 letter xxvi superstition of the natives.--fair annually kept by hindoos.--supposed practice of witchcraft by an old woman.--assaulted by an infuriated populace.--rescued by a native gentleman.--he inquires their reasons for persecuting her.--is instrumental in appeasing their malignity.--endeavours to remove their prejudice.--proneness of asiatics to superstition.--opinion of a mussulmaun on the influence of evil spirits.--account of a woman possessed by an evil spirit.--dialogue with her during the paroxysms of her affliction.--means used for her recovery.--further allusions to the false notions of the natives respecting supernatural agency...page 387 letter xxvii memoir of the life of meer hadjee shah.--his descent.--anecdote of a youthful exploit.--his predilection for the army.--leaves his home to join the army of a neighbouring rajah.--adventures on the way.--is favourably received and fostered by the rajah.--his first pilgrimage to mecca.--occurrences during his stay in arabia.--description of a tiger-hunt.--detail of events during his subsequent pilgrimages.--the plague.--seizure by pirates.--sketch of the life of fatima, an arabian lady.--relieved from slavery by meer hadjee shah.--he marries her.--observations on the piety of his life.--concluding remarks...page 400 index...page 427 introductory letter actuated by a sense of duty to the people with whom twelve years of my life were passed on terms of intimacy and kindness, i was induced to write the principal number of the following letters as faithful sketches of the manners, customs, and habits of a people but little known to the european reader. they were at first designed merely for the perusal of private friends; who, viewing them with interest, recommended my bringing them before the public, considering that the information they contained would be acceptable from its originality, as presenting a more familiar view of the opinions and the domestic habits of the mussulmaun community of hindoostaun than any hitherto presented through other channels. i have found (and i believe many will coincide with me in the opinion) that it is far easier to think with propriety than to write our thoughts with perspicuity and correctness; but when the object in view is one which conscience dictates, the humblest effort of a female pen advances with courage; and thus influenced, i venture to present my work to the public, respectfully trusting they will extend their usual indulgence to a first attempt, from the pen of a very humble scribe, more solicitous for approbation than applause. the orthography of asiatic words may differ in some instances in my pages from those of other writers--this, however, is from error, not design, and may be justly attributed to my own faulty pronunciation. i have inserted in these letters many anecdotes and fables, which at the first view, may be considered as mere nursery tales. my object, however, will i trust plead my excuse: they are introduced in order to illustrate the people whom i have undertaken to describe; and, primarily strengthened by the moral tendency of each anecdote or fable selected for my pages, i cannot but consider them as well suited to the purpose. without farther apology, but with very great deference, i leave these imperfect attempts to the liberality of my readers, acknowledging with gratitude the condescending patronage i have been honoured with, and sincerely desiring wherever anticipations of amusement or information from my observations have been formed, that the following pages may fulfil those expectations, and thus gratify my wish to be in the smallest degree useful in my generation. [b. meer hassan ali] observations, etc. letter i introductory remarks.--the characteristic simplicity of manners exhibited in native families.--their munificent charity.--the syaads.--their descent, and the veneration paid to them.--their pride of birth.--fast of mahurrum.--its origin.--the sheahs and soonies.--memorandum of distances.--mount judee (judea), the attributed burying-place of adam and noah.--mausoleum of ali.--the tomb of eve.--meer hadjee shaah. i have promised to give you, my friends, occasional sketches of men and manners, comprising the society of the mussulmauns in india. aware of the difficulty of my task, i must entreat your kind indulgence to the weaknesses of a female pen, thus exercised for your amusement, during my twelve years' domicile in their immediate society. every one who sojourns in india for any lengthened period, will, i believe, agree with me, that in order to promote health of body, the mind must be employed in active pursuits. the constitutionally idle persons, of either sex, amongst europeans, are invariably most subject to feel distressed by the prevailing annoyances of an indian climate: from a listless life results discontent, apathy, and often disease. i have found, by experience, the salutary effects of employing time, as regards, generally, healthiness of body and of mind. the hours devoted to this occupation (tracing remarks for the perusal of far distant friends) have passed by without a murmur or a sigh, at the height of the thermometer, or the length of a day during the season of hot winds, or of that humid heat which prevails throughout the periodical rains. time flies quickly with useful employment in all places; in this exhausting climate every one has to seek amusement in their own resources, from sunrise to sunset, during which period there is no moving from home for, at least, eight months out of the twelve. i have not found any occupation so pleasant as talking to my friends, on paper, upon such subjects as may admit of the transfer for their acceptance--and may i not hope, for their gratification also? the patriarchal manners are so often pictured to me, in many of the every-day occurrences exhibited in the several families i have been most acquainted with in india, that i seem to have gone back to that ancient period with my new-sought home and new friends. here i find the master and mistress of a family receiving the utmost veneration from their slaves and domestics, whilst the latter are permitted to converse and give their opinions with a freedom (always respectful), that at the first view would lead a stranger to imagine there could be no great inequality of station between the persons conversing. the undeviating kindness to aged servants, no longer capable of rendering their accustomed services; the remarkable attention paid to the convenience and comfort of poor relatives, even to the most remote in consanguinity; the beamings of universal charity; the tenderness of parents; and the implicit obedience of children, are a few of those amiable traits of character from whence my allusions are drawn, and i will add, by which my respect has been commanded. in their reverential homage towards parents, and in affectionate solicitude for the happiness of those venerated authors of their existence, i consider them the most praiseworthy people existing. on the spirit of philanthropy exhibited in their general charity, i may here remark, that they possess an injunction from their lawgiver, 'to be universally charitable'.[1] this command is reverenced and obeyed by all who are his faithful followers. they are persuaded that almsgiving propitiates the favour of heaven, consequently this belief is the inducing medium for clothing the naked, feeding the hungry, supporting the weak, consoling the afflicted, protecting the fatherless, sheltering the houseless traveller, and rendering the ear and the heart alive to the distresses of the poor in all situations. a good mussulmaun never allows the voice to pass unheeded where the suppliant applies, 'in the name of god', or 'for the love of god'. i have often been obliged to hear the mussulmauns accused of an ostentatious display of their frequent acts of charity. it may be so in some instances; human nature has failings common to all complexions. pride may sometimes open the purse of the affluent to the poor man's petition; but when the needy benefit by the rich, it is unjust to scrutinize the heart's motive, where the act itself alleviates the present sufferings of a fellow-creature. imposition is doubtless often practised with success by the indolent, who excite the good feelings of the wealthy by a tale of woe; the sin rests with him who begs unworthily, not with him who relieves the supposed distresses of his poorer neighbour. the very best of human beings will acknowledge they derive benefits from the bounty of their maker, not because they are deserving, but that 'he is merciful'. i shall have occasion to detail in my letters some of the mussulmaun observances, festivals, &c., which cannot be accomplished without feeding the poor; and, in justice to their general character, be it acknowledged, their liberality is not confined to those stated periods. the syaads[2] (meers[3]) are descendants from mahumud, the acknowledged prophet and lawgiver of the mussulmauns; and, as might be expected, are peculiar objects of respect and favour amongst the true believers (as those who hold their faith are designated). 'the poor syaad's family' are the first to be considered when the rich have determined on dispensing gifts in charity. the syaads, however, are under peculiar restrictions as regards the nature of those gifts which they are permitted to accept. money obtained by unlawful means, as forbidden in the khoraun[4] (usury for instance[5]), is deemed polluted, and must neither be offered to, nor accepted by, these 'children of the prophet'. the syaads are the lords of mussulmaun society, and every female born to them is a lady (begum[6]). heralds' offices they have none, but genealogy is strictly kept in each mussulmaun family, who can boast the high privilege of bearing the prophet's blood in their veins. the children of both sexes are taught, from the time of their first speaking intelligibly, to recount their pedigree, up to hasan, or hosein, the two sons of ali, by his cousin fatima, the daughter of their prophet: this forms a striking part of their daily education, whilst they continue in their mother's zeenahnah[7] (lady's apartment); and, from the frequent repetition, is so firmly fixed in the memory, that they have no difficulty in tracing their pedigree whenever called upon to do so, unaided by the manuscript genealogy kept with care in the parental treasury. this method of retaining lineage is not always a check against impostors; many have taken upon themselves the honourable distinction of the syaad, without having the slightest claim to the title; but when the cheat is discovered such persons are disgraced, and become aliens to the respectable. so many advantages are enjoyed by syaads, that it is not surprising there should be some, which have no right, anxious to be numbered with those who are truly the mussulmaun lords; though such men are taught to believe that, by the usurpation, they shut themselves out from the advantages of their prophet's intercession at the great day of judgment. the syaads are very tenacious in retaining the purity of their race unsullied, particularly with respect to their daughters; a conscientious syaad regards birth before wealth in negotiations for marriage: many a poor lady, in consequence of this prejudice, lives out her numbered days in single blessedness, although--to their honour be it told--many charitably disposed amongst the rich men of the country have, within my recollection of indian society, granted from their abundance sufficient sums to defray the expenses of a union, and given the marriage portion, unsolicited, to the daughters of the poorer members of this venerated race. a syaad rarely speaks of his pecuniary distresses, but is most grateful when relieved. i am intimately acquainted with a family in which this pride of birth predominates over every advantage of interest. there are three unmarried daughters, remarkable for their industrious habits, morality, and strict observance of their religious duties; they are handsome, well-formed women, polite and sensible, and to all this they add an accomplishment which is not by any means general amongst the females of hindoostaun, they have been taught by their excellent father to read the khoraun in arabic--it is not allowed to be translated,[8]--and the commentary in persian. the fame of their superiority has brought many applications from the heads of families possessing wealth, and desirous to secure for their sons wives so eminently endowed, who would waive all considerations of the marriage dowry, for the sake of the begum who might thus adorn their untitled house. all these offers, however, have been promptly rejected, and the young ladies themselves are satisfied in procuring a scanty subsistence by the labour of their hands. i have known them to be employed in working the jaullie[9] (netting) for courties[10] (a part of the female dress), which, after six days' close application, at the utmost could not realize three shillings each; yet i never saw them other than contented, happy, and cheerful,--a family of love, and patterns of sincere piety. the titles and distinctions conferred by sovereigns, or the hon. east india company in india, as khaun,[11] bahadhoor,[12] nuwaub,[13] &c., are not actually hereditary honours, though often presumed on, and indulged in, by successors. the syaads, on the contrary, are the meers and begums (nobility) throughout their generations to the end of time, or at any rate, with the continuance of the mussulmaun religion. having thus far explained the honourable distinction of the syaads, i propose giving you some account of the mahurrum,[14] a celebrated mourning festival in remembrance of their first martyrs, and which occupies the attention of the mussulmauns annually to a degree of zeal that has always attracted the surprise of our countrymen in india; some of whom, i trust, will not be dissatisfied with the observations of an individual, who having spent many years of her life with those who are chief actors in these scenes, it may be expected, is the better able to explain the nature of that mahurrum which they see commemorated every year, yet many, perhaps, without comprehending exactly why. those strong expressions of grief--the sombre cast of countenance,--the mourning garb,--the self-inflicted abstinence, submitted to by the mussulmaun population, during the ten days set apart for the fulfilment of the mourning festival, all must have witnessed who have been in hindoostaun for any period. i must first endeavour to represent the principal causes for the observance of mahurrum; and for the information of those who have witnessed its celebration, as well as for the benefit of others who have not had the same opportunity, describe the manner of celebrating the event, which occurred more than twelve hundred years ago. hasan and hosein were the two sons of fatima and ali, from whom the whole syaad race have generated; hasan was poisoned by an emissary of the usurping calipha's;[15] and hosein, the last sad victim of the family to the king yuzeed's[16] fury, suffered a cruel death, after the most severe trials, on the plains of kraabaallah,[17] on the tenth day of the arabian month mahurrum; the anniversary of which catastrophe is solemnized with the most devoted zeal. this brief sketch constitutes the origin of the festival; but i deem it necessary to detail at some length the history of that period, which may the better explain the motives assigned by the mussulmauns, for the deep grief exhibited every year, as the anniversary of mahurrum returns to these faithful followers of their martyred leaders, hasan and hosein, who, with their devoted families, suffered innocently by the hands of the guilty. yuzeed, the king of shawm,[18] it appears, was the person in power, amongst the followers of mahumud, at that early period of mussulmaun history. of the soonie sect,[19] his hatred to the descendants of mahumud was of the most inveterate kind; jealousy, it is supposed, aided by a very wicked heart, led him to desire the extirpation of the whole race, particularly as he knew that, generally, the mussulmaun people secretly desired the immediate descendants of their prophet to be their rulers. they were, however, intimidated by yuzeed's authority; whilst he, ever fearing the possibility of the syaads' restoration to their rights, resolved, if possible, on sacrificing the whole family, to secure himself in his illegal power. ali had been treacherously murdered through the contrivances of the usurping calipha; after his death, the whole family removed from shawm, the capital, to medina, where they lived some years in tranquillity, making many converts to their faith, and exercising themselves in the service of god and virtuous living. unostentatious in their habits and manners, they enjoyed the affection of their neighbours, their own good name increasing daily, to the utter dismay of their subtle enemy. in the course of time, the devout people of shawm, being heartily tired of yuzeed's tyrannical rule, and fearing the true faith would be defamed by the excesses and abuses of power committed by him, they were desirous of calling to their aid a leader from the prophet's family, who would secure, in its original purity, the performance of that religion which mahumud had taught. some thousands of respectable mussulmauns, it is related, signed a petition to hosein, requesting his immediate presence at shawm, in order, as the petition stated, 'that the religion his grandsire taught might be supported and promoted'; and declaring 'the voluptuousness and infamy of yuzeed's life to be so offensive and glaring, that the true faith was endangered by his vicious examples'; and entreating him to accept his lawful rights as 'emaum'[20] (leader of the faithful). hosein received the petition, but declined accepting the proposed restitution of his family's rights at that time; yet he held out hopes in his reply, that he might eventually listen to their entreaties, should he be convinced his presence was essential to their welfare; and, as a prelude to this, he sent his cousin moslem,[21] on whom he could rely, to make personal observation of the real state of things at shawm; expecting to learn, from his matured knowledge, the real causes of complaint, and the wishes of the people, and by whose report he would be guided, as to his final acceptance or rejection of the proposed measure for his becoming their leader. moslem, accompanied by his two sons, mere youths, left medina on this important mission, and having accomplished the tedious march without accident or interruption, he delivered hosein's letters to those persons of consequence in shawm, who were at the head of the party petitioning his appearance there, and who proffered their influence and support for the recovery of the rights and privileges so long withheld from the descendants of mahumud. moslem was kindly greeted by them, and multitudes flocked to his quarters, declaring hosein the lawful leader of true mussulmauns. elated with these flattering indications, he too promptly despatched his messengers to hosein, urging his immediate return to shawm. in the mean time, and long before the messengers could reach medina, yuzeed, learning the state of things in the capital, was seriously alarmed and greatly enraged; he issued orders for the seizure of moslem and his children, and desiring to have them brought to his presence, offered immense sums of money for their capture. the friends of moslem, however, succeeded, for a time, in secreting his person from king yuzeed's emissaries, trusting the darkness of night would enable him to escape. but the slaves and dependants of the tyrant being despatched into all quarters of the city, moslem's retreat was eventually discovered; and, through the influence of a purse of gold, his person was given up to the king's partizans. the unfortunate agent of hosein had confided the charge of his two sons to the kauzy[22] of the city, when the first report reached him of the tyrant yuzeed's fury. this faithful kauzy, as the night advanced, intended to get the poor boys conveyed to the halting place of a kaarawaun,[23] which he knew was but a few miles off, on their route for medina. the guide, to whom the youths were intrusted, either by design or mistake, took the wrong road; and, after wandering through the dreary night, and suffering many severe trials, they were taken prisoners by the cruel husband of a very amiable female, who had compassionately, at first, given them shelter as weary travellers only; but, on discovering whose children they were, she had secreted them in her house. her husband, however, having discovered the place of their concealment, and identified them as the sons of moslem, cruelly murdered the innocent boys for the sake of the reward offered for their heads. in his fury and thirst for gold, this wicked husband of the kind-hearted woman spared not his own wife and son, who strove by their united efforts, alternately pleading and resisting, to save the poor boys from his barbarous hands. this tragic event is conveyed into pathetic verse, and as often as it is repeated in the families of the mussulmauns, tears of fresh sympathy are evinced, and bewailings renewed. this forms the subject for one day's celebration during mahurrum; the boys are described to have been most beautiful in person, and amiable in disposition. after enduring ignominy and torture, and without even being brought to trial, moslem was cast from a precipice, by yuzeed's orders, and his life speedily terminated, to glut the vengeance of the tyrant king. as the disastrous conclusion of moslem's mission had not reached the ear of hosein, he, elated with the favourable reception of his cousin, and the prospect of being received at shawm in peace and good will, had without delay commenced his journey, accompanied by the females of his family, his relations, and a few steady friends who had long devoted themselves to his person and cause. the written documents of that remarkable period notice, that the whole party of hosein, travelling from medina towards shawm, consisted only of seventy-two souls: hosein having no intention to force his way to the post of leader, had not deemed it necessary to set out with an army to aid him, which he undoubtedly might have commanded by his influence with the people professing 'the faith'. yuzeed, in the mean time, having by his power destroyed moslem and the two youths his sons, and receiving positive intelligence that hosein had quitted medina to march for shawm, as his fears suggested, with an army of some magnitude, he ordered out an immense force to meet hosein on the way, setting a price on his head, and proclaiming promises of honours and rewards, of the most tempting nature, to the fortunate man who should succeed in the arduous enterprise. the first detachment of the shawmies (as they are designated in the manuscript of arabia), under a resolute chief named hurrh,[24] fell in with hosein's camp, one day's march beyond the far-famed ground, amongst mussulmauns, of kraabaallah, or hurth maaree,[25] as it was originally called. hurrh's heart was subdued when he entered the tent of the peaceable hosein, in whose person he discovered the exact resemblance of the prophet; and perceiving that his small camp indicated a quiet family party journeying on their way, instead of the formidable force yuzeed's fears had anticipated, this chief was surprised and confounded, confessed his shame to hosein that he had been induced to accept the command of the force despatched against the children of the prophet, and urged, in mitigation of his offences, that he had long been in yuzeed's service, whose commission he still bore; but his heart now yearning to aid, rather than persecute the prophet's family, he resolved on giving them an opportunity to escape the threatened vengeance of their bitterest enemy. with this view, he advised hosein to fall with his party into the rear of his force, until the main body of the shawmies had passed by; and as they were then on the margin of a forest, there to separate and secrete themselves till the road was again clear, and afterwards to take a different route from the proposed one to shawm. hosein felt, as may be supposed, grateful to his preserver; and, following his directions, succeeded in reaching the confines of kraabaallah unmolested. the ancient writings of arabia say, mahumud had predicted the death of hosein, by the hands of men professing to be of 'the true faith', at this very place kraabaallah, or hurth maaree. hosein and his family having concluded their morning devotions, he first inquired and learned the name of the place on which their tents were pitched, and then imparted the subject of his last night's dream, 'that his grandsire had appeared to him, and pronounced that his soul would be at peace with him ere that day closed'. again he fell on his knees in devout prayer, from which he rose only to observe the first warnings of an approaching army, by the thick clouds of dust which darkened the horizon; and before the evening closed upon the scene, hosein, with every male of his small party capable of bearing arms, had been hurried to their final rest. one son of hosein's, insensible from fever at the time, was spared from the sacrifice, and, with the females and young children, taken prisoners to the king's palace at shawm. the account given by historians of this awful battle, describes the courage and intrepidity of hosein's small band, in glowing terms of praise; having fought singly, and by their desperate bravery 'each arm (they say) levelled his hundreds with their kindred dust ere his own gave way to the sway of death'. amongst the number of hosein's brave defenders was a nephew, the son of hasan: this young man, named cossum,[26] was the affianced husband of hosein's favourite daughter, sakeena koobraah;[27] and previous to his going to the combat on that eventful day, hosein read the marriage lines between the young couple, in the tent of the females. i mention this here, as it points to one particular part of the celebration of mahurrum, which i shall have occasion to mention in due order, wherein all the outward forms of the wedding ceremony are strictly performed, annually. during the whole of this terrible day, at kraabaallah, the family party of hosein had been entirely deprived of water; and the river fraught[28] (euphrates) being blockaded by their enemies, they suffered exceedingly from thirst. the handsome abass,[29] another nephew of hosein, and his standard-bearer, made many efforts to procure water for the relief of the almost famishing females; he had, at one attempt, succeeded in filling the mushukh,[30] when, retreating from the river, he was discovered by the enemy, was pursued and severely wounded, the mushukh pierced by arrows, and the water entirely lost ere he could reach the camp. in remembrance of this privation of the sufferers at kraabaallah, every good mussulmaun, at mahurrum, distributes sherbet in abundance, to all persons who choose to accept this their favourite beverage (sugar and water, with a little rosewater, or kurah,[31] to flavour it); and some charitable females expend large sums in milk, to be distributed in the public streets; for these purposes, there are neat little huts of sirrakee[32] (a reed, or grass, resembling bright straw) erected by the road side of the mussulmauns' houses; they are called saabeels,[33] where the red earthen cups of milk, sherbet, or pure water are seen ranged in rows, for all who choose to call for drink. hosein, say their historians, was the last of the party who suffered on the day of battle; he was surrounded in his own camp--where, by the usage of war, at that time, they had no right to enter--and when there was not one friendly arm left to ward the blow. they relate 'that his body was literally mangled, before he was released from his unmerited sufferings'. he had mounted his favourite horse, which, as well as himself, was pierced by arrows innumerable; together they sank on the earth from loss of blood, the cowardly spearmen piercing his wounded body as if in sport; and whilst, with his last breath, 'hosein prayed for mercy on his destroyers, shimeear[34] ended his sufferings by severing the already prostrate head from the mutilated trunk'.--'thus they sealed (say those writers) the lasting disgrace of a people, who, calling themselves mussulmauns, were the murderers of their prophet's descendants.' this slight sketch gives but the outline of those events which are every year commemorated amongst the zealous followers of ali, the class denominated sheahs. the mussulmaun people, i must here observe, are divided into two distinct sects, viz. the sheahs and the soonies. the former believe ali and his descendants were the lawful leaders after mahumud; the latter are persuaded that the caliphas, as aboubuker, omir, &c., were the leaders to be accredited 'lawful'; but of this i shall speak more fully in another letter. perhaps the violence of party spirit may have acted as an inducement to the sheahs, for the zealous annual observance of this period, so interesting to that sect; whatever the motive, we very often find the two sects hoard up their private animosities and dislikes until the return of mahurrum, which scarcely ever passes over, in any extensively populated city of hindoostaun, without a serious quarrel, often terminating in bloodshed.[35] i could have given a more lengthened account of the events which led to the solemnization of this fast, but i believe the present is sufficient to explain the motives by which the mussulmauns are actuated, and my next letter must be devoted to the description of the rites performed upon the celebration of these events in india. p.s. i have a memorandum in my collection which may here be copied as its proper place. from mecca, 'the holy city', to medina the distance is twelve stages (a day's march is one stage, about twenty miles of english measurement). from medina to kraabaallah there are twenty-one stages; this distance is travelled only by those who can endure great difficulties; neither water nor provisions are to be met with on the whole journey, excepting at one halt, the name of which is shimmaar. from kraabaallah to koofah is two stages. in the vicinity of koofah[36] stands mount judee[37] (judea), on which is built, over the remains of ali, the mausoleum called nudghiff usheruff.[38] on this mount, it is said, adam and noah were buried. ali being aware of this, gave directions to his family and friends, that whenever his soul should be recalled from earth, his mortal remains were to be deposited near those graves venerated and held sacred 'by the faithful'. the ancient writers of arabia authorise the opinion that ali's body was entombed by the hands of his sons, hasan and hosein, who found the earth open to receive their sire, and which closed immediately on his remains being deposited. here, too, it is believed noah's ark rested after the deluge. when pilgrims to mecca make their zeearut[39] (all sacred visits are so called) to this mount, they offer three prayers, in memory of adam, noah, and all. the grave of eve is also frequently visited by pilgrims, which is said to be situated near jeddah; this, however, is not considered an indispensable duty, but, as they say, prompted by 'respect for the mother of men'.[40] these remarks, and many others of an interesting nature, i have been favoured with from the most venerable aged man i ever knew, meer hadjee shaah,[41] the revered father of my excellent husband; who having performed the hadje[42] (pilgrimage) three several times, at different periods of his eventful life--returning after each pilgrimage to his home in lucknow--and being a person of strict veracity, with a remarkably intelligent mind and retentive memory, i have profited largely by his information, and derived from it both amusement and instruction, through many years of social intercourse. when he had numbered more than eighty years he dwelt with hope on again performing the hadje, where it was his intention to rest his earthly substance until the great day of restitution, and often expressed his wishes to have me and mine to share with him the pilgrimage he desired to make. but this was not allowed to his prayer; his summons arrived rather unexpectedly to those who loved and revered him for virtues rarely equalled; happily for him, his pure soul was prepared to meet his creator, in whose service he had passed this life, with all humility, and in whose mercy alone his hopes for the future were centred. [1] 'whatsoever alms ye shall give, of a truth god knoweth it.... give ye your alms openly? it is well. do ye conceal them and give them to the poor? this, too, will be of advantage to you, and will do away your sins: and god is cognizant of your actions' (_koran_, ii. 274-5). [2] _sayyid_, 'lord', 'chief, the class of musalmans who claim descent from fatimah, daughter of the prophet, and 'ali, his cousin-german and adopted son; they are divided into two branches descended from hasan and husain, sons of 'ali and fatimah. [3] _mir_, a contraction of _amir_, 'lord'. [4] _koran, qur'an_. [5] 'they who swallow down usury shall arise in the resurrection only as he ariseth whom satan hath infected by his touch' (_koran_, ii. 276). but this is rather theory than practice, and many ingenious methods are adopted to avoid the prohibition. [6] _begam_, feminine of _beg_, 'lord', used to denote a sayyid lady, like khanam among pathans. [7] here, as elsewhere, _zenanah, zananah_, persian _zan_, 'woman'. [8] this is incorrect. the koran has been translated into various languages, but the translation is always interlineary with the original text. in central asia the musalman conquerors allowed the koran to be recited in persian, instead of arabic, in order that it might be intelligible to all (arnold, _the preaching of islam_, 183). [9] _jali_. [10] _kurti_, a loose, long-sleeved jacket of muslin or net, among rich women embroidered on the neck and shoulders with gold, and draped down to the ankles in full, loose folds. it is made of red or other light-coloured fabrics for girls and married women; dark blue, bronze, or white for old ladies; bronze or black for widows. [11] _khan_, 'lord', 'prince', specially applied to persons of mughal or pathan descent. [12] _bahadur_, 'champion', a mongol term; see yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 48 ff. [13] _nawab_, 'a deputy, delegate': the anglo-indian nabob (ibid., 610 ff.). [14] _muharram_, 'that which is forbidden', the first month of the musalman year, the first ten days of which are occupied with this mourning festival. [15] by his wife ja'dah, who was suborned to commit the deed by yazid. [16] yazid, son of mu'awiyah, the second caliph of the house of umaiyah, who reigned from a.d. 679 to 683. gibbon (_decline and fall_, ed. w. smith, vi. 278) calls him 'a feeble and dissolute youth'. [17] kerbala, karbala, a city of iraq, 50 miles south-west of baghdad, and about 6 miles from the euphrates. [18] syria. [19] _sunni_, ahlu's-sunnah, 'one of the path', a traditionalist. the sunnis accept the first four caliphs, abu bakr, 'umar, 'usman, 'ali, as the rightful successors of muhammad, and follow the six authentic books of the traditions. the shi'ahs, 'followers' of 'ali, maintain that he was the first legitimate imam or caliph, i.e. successor of the prophet. for a full account of the martyrdom of husain see simon ockley, _history of the saracens_ (1848), 287 ff.; sir l. pelly, _the miracle play of hasan and husain_ (1879), preface, v ff. [20] _imam._ [21] muslim. [22] _qazi_, a muhammadan law officer. [23] _karwan_, a caravan. [24] al-hurr. [25] this term is obscure. jaffur shurreef (_qanoon-e-islam_, 107) says the plain of the martyrdom was called 'mareea'. for 'hurth' prof. e.g. browne suggests _hirth_, 'a ploughed field', or _ard_, 'land'. sir c. lyall suggests al-hirah, the old arabian capital which stood near the site of the later kufah. [26] qasim. [27] sakinah, hebrew shechinah; koobraah, _kibriya_, 'noble'. [28] the euphrates is called in sumerian _pura-num_, 'great water', whence purat, purattu in semitic babylonian; perath in hebrew; frat or furat in arabic. [29] 'abbas, son of 'ali. [30] _mashk_, _mashak_, the anglo-indian mussuck, a leathern skin for conveying water, in general use amongst musalmans at this day in india; it is composed of the entire skin of a goat, properly prepared. when filled with water it resembles a huge porpoise, on the back of the beeshtie [bhishti] (water-carrier). [_author._] [31] _kora_, the fresh juice of _aloe vera_, said to be cathartic and cooling. [32] _sirki_ (_saccharum ciliare_). [33] _sabil_: see burton, _pilgrimage_, memorial ed., i. 286. [34] shimar, whose name now means 'contemptible' among shi'ahs. [35] this statement is too wide. 'among muhammadans themselves there is very little religious discussion, and sunnis and shi'ahs, who are at such deadly feud in many parts of asia, including the punjab and kashmir, have, in oudh, always freely intermarried' (h.c. irwin, _the garden of india_, 45). [36] kufah, four miles from najaf, the capital of the caliph 'ali, which fell into decay when the government was removed to baghdad. [37] confused with al-judi, mt. ararat, on which the ark rested.--_koran_, xi. 46. [38] najaf al sharif, or mashhad 'ali, 50 miles south of karbala, the tomb and shrine of 'ali. [39] _ziyarat_, 'visitation', especially to the tomb of the prophet or that of a muhammadan saint. the pilgrim says, not 'i have visited the prophet's tomb', but 'i have visited the prophet'. (burton, _pilgrimage_, i. 305.) [40] the grave is said to be nine yards long: according to others, much longer. see the flippant remark of burton, ibid., ii. 273 ff. [41] mir haji shah. [42] _hajj_, 'setting out'. letter ii celebration of mahurrum.--the tazia.--mussulmaun cemeteries.--an emaum-baarah.--piety of the ladies.--self-inflicted abstinence and privations endured by each sex.--instances of the devotional zeal of the mussulmauns.--attempted infringement on their religious formalities.--the resident at lucknow.--enthusiastic ardour of the poor.--manner of celebrating the mahurrum in opposition to the precepts of the khoraun.--mosque and emaum-baarah contrasted.--the supposition of mussulmauns practising idolatry confuted. my former letter prepares you for the celebration of mahurrum, the observance of which is at this time going forward here (at lucknow) with all that zealous emulative spirit and enthusiasm which i have before remarked the mussulmaun population of india entertain for their emaums (leaders), and their religion. this annual solemn display of the regret and veneration they consider due to the memory of departed excellence, commences on the first day of the moon (mahurrum). the mussulmaun year has twelve moons; every third year one moon is added, which regulation, i fancy, renders their years, in a chronological point of view, very nearly equal with those of europe. their day commences and ends when the stars are first visible after sunset. the first day of mahurrum invariably brings to my recollection the strongly impressed ideas of 'the deserted village'. the profound quiet and solemn stillness of an extensively populated native city, contrasted with the incessant bustle usual at all other times, are too striking to europeans to pass by unheeded. this cessation of the animated scene, however, is not of long duration; the second day presents to the view vast multitudes of people parading backwards and forwards, on horseback, in palkies, and on foot, through the broad streets and roadways, arrayed in their several mourning garbs, speeding their way to the emaum-baarahs[1] of the great men, and the houses of friends, to pay the visit of respect (zeearut), wherever a tazia is set up to the remembrance of hasan and hosein. the word tazia[2] signifies grief. the term is applied to a representation of the mausoleum at kraabaallah, erected by their friends and followers, over the remains of hasan and hosein. it is formed of every variety of material, according to the wealth, rank, or preference, of the person exhibiting, from the purest silver down to bamboo and paper, strict attention being always paid to preserve the model of kraabaallah, in the exact pattern with the original building. some people have them of ivory, ebony, sandal-wood, cedar, &c., and i have seen some beautifully wrought in silver filigree. the handsomest of the kind, to my taste, is in the possession of his majesty the king of oude, composed of green glass, with brass mouldings, manufactured in england (by whom i could not learn). all these expensive tazias are fixtures, but there are temporary ones required for the out-door ceremony, which, like those available to the poor and middling classes, are composed of bamboo frames, over which is fixed coloured uberuck[3] (lapis specularum, or tulk); these are made in the bazaar, of various sizes and qualities, to suit the views of purchasers, from two rupees to two hundred each. the more common tazias are conveyed in the procession on the tenth day, and finally deposited with funeral rites in the public burial-grounds, of which there are several outside the town. these cemeteries are denominated kraabaallah,[4] and the population of a large city may be presumed on by the number of these dispersed in the suburbs. they do not bury their dead in the vicinity of a mosque, which is held too sacred to be allowed the pollution. any one having only touched a dead body, must bathe prior to entering the mosque, or performing their usual prayer-service at home;--such is the veneration they entertain for the name of god. the opulent people of mussulmaun society have an emaum-baarah erected in the range of buildings exclusively denominated murdanah[5] (men's abode). the habitation of all mussulmauns being composed of separate departments for the males and the females, communicating by private entrances, as will be explained hereafter. the emaum-baarah is a sacred place, erected for the express purpose of commemorating mahurrum; the founder not unfrequently intends this also as the mausoleum for himself and family. but we generally find mukhburrahs[6] (mausoleums) built in conspicuous situations, for the remains of kings, princes, nobles, and sainted persons. of the latter, many are visited, at stated periods, by the multitude, with religious veneration, the illiterate attaching considerable importance to the annual pilgrimage to them; and where--to secure the influence of the particular saint's spirit, in furthering their views--mothers present their children, in numbers beyond all calculation; and each having something to hope for who visits the shrine, presents offerings of money and sweetmeats, which become the property of the person in charge of the tomb, thus yielding him a profitable sinecure, in proportion as the saint is popular amongst the ignorant. an emaum-baarah is a square building, generally erected with a cupola top, the dimensions guided by the circumstances of the founder. the floor is matted with the date-leaf mats, in common use in india, on which is spread a shutteringhie[7] (cotton carpet), and over this a clean white calico covering, on which the assembled party are seated, during the several periods of collecting together to remember their leaders: these meetings are termed mudgelluss[8] (mourning assemblies). it would be esteemed indecorous or disrespectful to the emaums, if any one in error called these assemblies moollakhaut,[9] the usual term for mere worldly visiting. the tazia is placed against the wall on the side facing mecca, under a canopy of rich embroidery. a reading-desk or pulpit (mhembur[10]) is placed in a convenient situation, for the reader to face mecca, and his voice to be heard by the whole assembly of people; it is constructed of silver, ivory, ebony, &c. to correspond with the tazia, if possible: the steps are covered sometimes with gold-cloth, or broad-cloth of black, or green,[11] if a syaad's property, being the colour worn by that race for mourning. the shape of a mhembur is a flight of steps with a flat top, without any railing or enclosed place; the reader, in his recitings, occasionally sitting on the steps, or standing, as may be most convenient to himself. on the walls of the emaum-baarah, mirrors and looking-glasses are fixed in suitable situations to give effect to the brilliant display of light, from the magnificent chandeliers suspended from the cupola and cornices. the nobles and the wealthy are excited with a desire to emulate each other in the splendour of their display on these occasions;--all the mirrors, glass, lustres, chandeliers, &c. are brought together to this place, from their several stations in the mansion; and it is due to them to admit the effect to be often imposingly grand, and the blaze of light splendid. i have frequently been reminded in these scenes of the visionary castles conjured to the imagination, whilst reading 'the arabian nights' entertainments'. on each side the tazia--the whole length of the wall--banners are ranged, in great variety of colour and fabric; some of them are costly and splendid. i have seen many constructed of the richest embroidery, on silk grounds, of gold and silver, with massy gold fringes, cords, and tassels; the staff is cased with gold or silver, worked into figures of birds and other animals, in every variety; the top of which has a crest, in some a spread hand,[12] in others a sort of plume, and not unfrequently a crest resembling a grenade, formed of the precious metals, and set with stones of great value. on the base of the tazia the several articles are placed conceived likely to have been used by hosein at kraabaallah; a turban of gold or silver tissue, a splendid sword and belt, the handle and hilt set with precious stones, a shield, the arabian bow and arrows. these ancient emblems of royalty are indispensable in order to do honour to hosein, in the view they take of his sovereign right to be the head or leader of the true mussulmauns. wax lights, red and green, are also placed in great numbers about its base, in silver or glass candlesticks; and censers of gold and silver, burning incense perpetually during mahurrum. many other minor tributes to the emaums are discovered near the tazia, as choice fruits and garlands of sweet-scented flowers, the offerings of ladies of the family to their relative's tazia. amongst the poorer classes of the people an equal proportion of zealous spirit is evinced; and according to their several abilities, so they commemorate the period, interesting alike to all. those who cannot compass the real splendour of an emaum-baarah, are satisfied with an imitative one in the best hall their habitation affords; and, where mirrors and chandeliers are not available, they are content to do honour to the emaums with lamps of uberuck, which in truth are pleasing substitutes at a small price: these lamps are made in a variety of pretty shapes, curiously painted, and ingeniously ornamented with cut paper; they burn oil in them, and, when well arranged, and diversified with their wonted taste, produce a good light, and pleasing effect. the banners of hosein, in the houses of the poor, are formed of materials according to their humble means, from tinsel imitations down to dyed muslin; and a similar difference is to be perceived in their selection of the metal of which their crests are made. mourning assemblies are held in the emaum-baarahs twice every day during mahurrum; those of the evening, however, are the most attractive, and have the fullest attendance of visitors. the master of the house, at the appointed hour, takes his seat on the floor near the pulpit, surrounded by the males of his family and intimate friends, and the crowd of strangers arrange themselves--wherever there is sitting room--without impeding the view of the tazia. one of the most popular maulvees[13] of the age is engaged to recite the particular portion appointed for each day, from the manuscript documents, called dhie mudgelluss,[14] in the persian language. this work is in ten parts and contains a subject for each day's service, descriptive of the life and sufferings of the emaums, their friends, and children, particularly as regards the eventful period of mahurrum in which they were engaged. it is, i am assured, a pathetic, fine composition, and a faithful narrative of each particular circumstance in the history of their leaders, the heroic bravery of their friends, &c. they are particularly anxious to engage an eloquent reader for this part of the performance, who by his impressive manner compels his hearers to sympathise in the affecting incidents which are recited by him. i have been present when the effect produced by the superior oratory and gestures of a maulvee has almost terrified me, the profound grief, evinced in his tears and groans, being piercing and apparently sincere. i have even witnessed blood issuing from the breast of sturdy men, who beat themselves simultaneously as they ejaculated the names 'hasan!' 'hosein!'[15] for ten minutes, and occasionally during a longer period, in that part of the service called mortem.[16] the portion of dhie mudgelluss concluded, sherbet is handed round to the assembly; and as they voluntarily abstain from luxuries at this season, a substitute for pawn[17]--the green leaf in general use amongst the natives--has been introduced, consisting of dried coffee, cocoa-nut shreds, betel-nut, cardimuns,[18] dunyah,[19] and a proportionate quantity of tobacco-leaf and lime; these are mixed together and handed to the visitors, on small silver trays. the hookha[20] is introduced to the superiors of the assembly; you are perhaps aware that inferiors do not smoke in the presence of superiors without their command or permission. this ceremony terminated, the murseeah[21] is chanted, by several well-practised voices, with good effect. this part of the service is, perhaps, the most impressive, as the very ignorant, even, can comprehend every word,--the murseeah being in the hindoostanic tongue, a poetical composition of great merit, and embracing all the subjects they meet to commemorate. the whole assembly rise up afterwards, and, as with one voice, recount the names of the lawful leaders after mahumud, entreating blessings and peace to their souls. they then repeat the names of the hated usurpers (caliphas), on whose memory they invoke curses, &c. mortem follows, beating of breasts in unison with the voices, and uttering the names of hasan and hosein; this performance concludes each day's mudgelluss, either of the morning or evening. the ladies celebrate the returning season of mahurrum with as much spirit and zeal as the confinement, in which they exist, can possibly admit of. there are but few, and those chiefly princesses, who have emaum-baarahs at command, within the boundary of the zeenahnah; the largest and best apartment in their establishment is therefore selected for the purpose of an emaum-baarah, into which none but females are admitted, excepting the husband, father, son, or brother, of the lady; who having, on this occasion, full liberty to invite her female acquaintance, those who are her nearest male relatives even are not admitted until previous notice is given, in order that the female guests may secrete themselves from the sight of these relatives of their hostess. in commemorating this remarkable event in mussulmaun history, the expressions of grief, manifested by the ladies, are far greater, and appear to me more lasting than with the other sex; indeed, i never could have given credit to the extent of their bewailings, without witnessing, as i have done for many years, the season for tears and profound grief return with the month of mahurrum. in sorrowing for the martyred emaums, they seem to forget their private griefs; the bereavement of a beloved object even is almost overlooked in the dutiful remembrance of hasan and hosein at this period; and i have had opportunities of observing this triumph of religious feeling in women, who are remarkable for their affectionate attachment to their children, husbands, and parents;--they tell me, 'we must not indulge selfish sorrows of our own, whilst the prophet's family alone have a right to our tears'. the religious zeal of these people is evinced, likewise, in a stern, systematic, line of privations, during the period of mahurrum; no one is obliged by any law or command; it is voluntary abstinence on the part of each individual--they impose it on themselves, out of pure pity and respect for their emaums' well-remembered sufferings. every thing which constitutes comfort, luxury, or even convenience at other times, on these occasions are rigidly laid aside. the pallungh and the charpoy[22] (the two descriptions of bedsteads in general use), on which the females love to lounge for some hours in the day and night, are removed from their standings, and, in lieu of this comfort, they take their rest on a common date mat, on the floor. the musnud,[23] and all its cushioned luxuries, give place, on this occasion, to the simply matted floor. the indulgence in choice dainties, at other times so necessary to their happiness, is now foregone, and their meal limited, throughout mahurrum, to the coarsest food--such as barley bread, rice and peas boiled together (called kutcher),[24] without even the usual additions to make it palatable ketcherie,[25] as ghee, salt, pepper, and spices; these ingredients being considered by the zealous females too indulgent and luxurious for humble mourners during muhurrum. the pawn leaf, another luxury of no small moment to asiatic tastes, is now banished for the ten days' mourning. a very poor substitute has been adopted, in the mixture described at the gentlemen's assembly--it is called goattur.[26] the truth is, their health would suffer from any long disuse of tobacco-leaf, lime, and a bitter gum,[27] which are in general use with the pawn; the latter is of a warm aromatic nature, and imparts a fine flavour to the other ingredients; but, as it is considered a great indulgence to eat pawn, they abstain from it altogether during mahurrum;--the mixture, they say, is only allowed for health's sake. when visitors call on the mussulmaun ladies at mahurrum, the goattur is presented on trays, accompanied by bags, neatly embroidered in silver and gold, of many different shapes and patterns, mostly their own work and invention; they are called buttooah[28] and jhaumdanies.[29] the variety of ornaments, which constitute the great delight of all classes of females in india, are entirely laid aside, from the first hour of mahurrum, until the period for mourning concludes. i never heard of any people so thoroughly attached to ornaments as the females of india are generally. they are indulged in this foible--pardonable it may be--by their husbands and parents. the wealthiness of a family may often be judged by a single glance at the principal lady of the zeenahnah, who seldom omits doing honour to her husband, by a full display of the precious metals, with a great variety of gems or jewels on ordinary occasions. the men of all ranks are proud of their wives' finery; even the poorest hold in derision all ornament that is not composed of sterling metal, of which they seem excellent judges. the massy chains of gold or silver, the solid bangles for the arms and ancles, the nut[30] (nose-ring) of gold wire, on which is strung a ruby between two pearls, worn only by married women; the joshun[31] (armlet), of silver or gold, often set with precious stones; the many rings for the fingers, thumbs, and toes, form the daily dress of a lady;--but i must not digress further. these are all removed from the person, as soon as the moon is seen, when the first day of mahurrum commences; the hair is unloosed from its usual confinement, and allowed to flow in disorder about the person; the coloured pyjaamahs[32] and deputtahs[33] are removed, with every other article of their usual costume, for a suit that, with them, constitutes mourning--some choose black, others grey, slate, or green, and the widow wears white from the day her husband dies. a widow never alters her style of dress, neither does she wear a single ornament, during her widowhood, which generally lasts with her life. i never heard of one single instance, during my twelve years' residence amongst them, of a widow marrying again--they have no law to prohibit it; and i have known some ladies, whose affianced husbands died before the marriage was concluded, who preferred a life of solitude and prayer, although many other overtures were made.[34] many of the rigidly zealous, among the females, mortify themselves by wearing their suit of mourning, during the ten days, without changing; the dress is worn next the skin, and, in very warm weather, must be comfortless after the first day--but so it is; and so many are the varieties of self-inflicted privations, at this period, that my letter might be filled with the observations i have made. i cannot, however, omit to mention my old woman-servant (ayah[35]), whose mode of abstinence, in remembrance of hosein, is rigidly severe; my influence does not prevail in dissuading her, although i fear the consequences to her health will be seriously felt if she persist in the fulfilment of her self-imposed trial. this poor old creature resolves on not allowing one drop of water, or any liquid, to pass her lips during the ten days' mourning; as she says, 'her emaum, hosein, and his family, suffered from thirst at kraabaallah, why should such a creature as she is be indulged with water?' this shows the temper of the people generally; my ayah is a very ignorant old woman, yet she respects her emaum's memory.[36] the tazia, you are to understand, graces the houses of all good mussulmauns in india, who are not of the sect called soonies. this model of their emaum's tomb is an object of profound respect. hindoos, even, on approaching the shrine, bow their heads with much solemn gravity; i often fancied they mistook the tazia for a bootkhanah[37] (the house of an idol). it is creditable to the mussulmauns, that they do not restrict any profession of people from visiting their assemblies; there is free admission granted when the emaum-baarah is first lighted up, until the hour of performing the service, when strangers, that is the multitude, are civilly requested to retire. every one is expected, on entering the outward verandah, to leave their shoes at the threshold of the sanctuary;[38] none but europeans have any occasion to be reminded of this, as it is a well known and general observance with all degrees of natives in asia. the servants, in charge of the emaum-baarah, are responsible for the due observance of respect to the place, and when any foreigners are advancing, they are politely requested to leave their shoes outside; which must be complied with, or they cannot possibly be admitted. some few years since, a party of young gentlemen, from cantonments, had made up their minds to evade the necessity for removing their boots, on the occasion of a visit to one of the great men's emaum-baarahs, at a native city; they had provided themselves with white socks, which they drew over their boots before leaving their palkies. the cheat was discovered by the servants in attendance, after they had been admitted; they made a precipitate retreat to avoid the consequences of a representation to the resident, by the proprietor of the emaum-baarah; who, hearing of the circumstance, made all possible inquiry, without, however, discovering the names of the gentlemen, who had thus, in his opinion, violated the sanctuary. the natives are aware that the resident sets the bright example of conforming to the observances of the people, over whom he is placed as governor and guardian; and that he very properly discountenances every attempt of his countrymen to infringe on their rights, prejudices, or privileges; and they have, to my knowledge, always looked up to him as to a parent and a friend, from the first to the last day of his exalted station amongst them. many a tear marked the regret of the natives, when their best, their kindest, earthly friend quitted the city he had blessed by his presence; and to the latest page of their history, his memory will doubtless be cherished with sincere veneration and respectful attachment.[39] the poor people vie with their rich neighbours, in making a brilliant light in their little halls containing the tazia; the very poorest are liberal in the expenditure of oil and tallow candles--i might say extravagantly so, but for the purity of their intentions, supposing it to be a duty--and they certainly manifest their zeal and respect to the utmost of their power; although many, to my knowledge, live all the year round on the very coarsest fare, to enable them to show this reverence to their emaum's memory. the ladies assemble, in the evening, round the tazia they have set up in their purdahed privacy--female friends, slaves, and servants, surrounding the mistress of the house, in solemn gravity. the few females who have been educated are in great request at this season; they read the dhie mudgelluss, and chant the musseeah with good effect. these women, being hired for the purpose, are detained during the ten days; when the mahurrum ceases, they are dismissed to their own homes, loaded with the best gifts the good lady their employer can conveniently spare, commensurate with the services performed. these educated females are chiefly daughters of poor syaads, who have not been married for the lack of a dowry; they live devoutly in the service of god, according to their faith. they are sometimes required, in the families of the nobility, to teach the khoraun to the young ladies, and, in that capacity, they are called oustaardie, or more familiarly artoojee.[40] as i have mentioned before, the musseeah narrative of the sufferings at kraabaallah is a really pathetic and interesting composition; the work being conveyed in the language of the country, every word is understood, and very deeply felt, by the females in all these assemblies, who, having their hearts softened by the emphatic chantings of the readers, burst into violent tears and sobbings of the most heart-rending description. as in the gentlemen's assembly, they conclude with mortem, in which they exercise themselves until they are actually exhausted; indeed, many delicate females injure their health by the violence and energy of their exertions, which they nevertheless deem a most essential duty to perform, at all hazards, during the continuance of mahurrum. this method of keeping mahurrum is not in strict obedience to the mahumudan laws; in which code may be found prohibitions against all violent and excessive grief--tearing the hair, or other expressions of ungovernable sorrow.[41] i have observed that the maulvees, moollahs,[42] and devoutly religious persons, although mixing with the enthusiasts on these occasions, abstain from the violent exhibition of sorrows which the uninformed are so prone to indulge in. the most religious men of that faith feel equal, perhaps greater sympathy, for the sufferings of the emaums, than those who are less acquainted with the precepts of the khoraun; they commemorate the mahurrum without parade or ostentatious display, and apparently wear mourning on their hearts, with their garb, the full term of forty days--the common period of mourning for a beloved object; but these persons never join in mortem, beating breasts, or other outward show of sadness, although they are present when it is exercised; but their quiet grief is evidently more sincere. i have conversed with many sensible men of the mussulmaun persuasion on the subject of celebrating mahurrum, and from all i can learn, the pompous display is grown into a habit, by a long residence amongst people, who make a merit of showy parades at all their festivals. foreign mussulmauns are equally surprised as europeans, when they visit hindoostaun, and first see the tazia conveyed about in procession, which would be counted sacrilegious in persia or arabia; but here, the ceremony is not complete without a mixture of pageantry with, the deeply expressed and public exposure of their grief.[43] the remarkable plainness of the mosque, contrasted with the superb decorations of an emaum-baarah, excited my surprise. i am told by the most venerable of syaads, 'the mosque is devoted only to the service of god, where it is commanded no worldly attractions or ornaments shall appear, to draw off the mind, or divert the attention, from that one great object for which the house of prayer is intended'. an emaum-baarah is erected for the purpose of doing honour to the memory of the emaums, and of late years the emulative spirit of individuals has been the great inducement to the display of ornamental decorations. it is rather from their respect to the founder of their religion and his descendants, than any part of their profession of faith, that the mussulmaun population of hindoostaun are guided by in these displays, which are merely the fashion of other people whom they imitate; and with far different motives to the weak-minded hindoos, who exalt their idols, whilst the former thus testify their respect to worthy mortals only. this is the explanation i have received from devout mussulmauns, who direct me to remark the strong similarity--in habit only, where 'the faith' is not liable to innovations--between themselves and the hindoo population;--the out-of-door celebrations of marriage festivals, for instance, which are so nearly resembling each other, in the same classes of society, that scarcely any difference can be discovered by the common observer. idolatry is hateful to a mussulmaun, who acknowledges 'one only true god', and 'him alone to be worshipped'.[44] they respect, venerate, love, and would imitate, their acknowledged prophet and the emaums (who succeeded mahumud in the mission), but they never worship them, as has been often imagined. on the contrary, they declare to me that their faith compels them 'to believe in one god, and that he alone is to be worshipped by the creature; and that mahumud is a creature, the prophet sent by god to make his will known, and declare his power. that to bow down and worship mahumud would be gross idolatry; and, although he is often mentioned in their prayers, yet he is never prayed to. they believe their prophet is sensible of whatever passes amongst his true disciples; and that, in proportion as they fulfil the commands he was instructed by god to leave with them, so will they derive benefit from his intercession, on that great and awful day, when all mankind shall appear before the judgment seat of god.' [1] _imambara_, 'enclosure of the imam', the place where the muharram rites are performed, as contrasted with masjid, a mosque, and 'idgah, where the service at the 'id festivals is conducted. [2] _ta'ziya_, 'consoling'. the use of these miniature tombs is said to date from the time of amir taimur (a.d. 1336-1405), who on his return from karbala made a model of husain's tomb. see a good account of them in sir g. birdwood, _sva_, 173 ff. [3] _abrak_, tale. [4] from karbala, the place of pilgrimage. [5] _mardanah_. [6] _maqbarah_, 'place of graves'. [7] _shatranj[-i]_, a chequered cloth, from _shatrang_, the game of chess. [8] _majlis_. [9] _mulaqat_. [10] _mimbar_, sometimes a wooden structure, sometimes of masonry. [11] green is the sayyid colour (e.w. lane, _modern egyptians_, i. 38). but it is an innovation in islam, and sayyids in al-hijaz, as a general rule, do not wear a green turban (burton, _pilgrimage_, ii. 4). [12] the spread hand designates the sheah sect. there are times when holding up the spread hand declares the sheah, whilst the soonie is distinguished by his holding up three fingers only. in villages, the spread hand is marked on the walls where sheahs reside during mahurrum. [_author_.] [the five spread fingers are regarded as emblematical of the prophet, fâtimah, 'ali, hasan, and husain. the sunnis prefer three fingers, signifying the first three caliphs. in its ultimate origin, the spread hand is a charm against demons and evil spirits.] [13] _maulavi_, a muhammadan doctor of law, a judge. [14] from dhie, ten; mudgelluss, assembling together for sacred purposes. [_author_.] or [_dah_, or _dahha majlis_ denotes the ten days of muharram; see sir l. pelly, _the miracle play of hasan and husain_, i. 74.] [15] corrupted by anglo-indians into _hobson-jobson_, the title of sir h. yule's _anglo-indian glossary_. [16] _matam_, 'mourning'. [17] _pan_, 'betel leaf'. [18] cardamom. [19] _dhaniya_ (_coriandrum sativitm_). [20] _huqqah_, 'a water tobacco pipe'. [21] _marsiyah_, 'a funeral elegy'. [22] _palang_, a more pretentious piece of furniture than the _charpai_, or common 'cot'. [23] _masnad_, 'a thing leaned on', a pile of cushions; the throne of a sovereign. [24] _khichar_. [25] _khichri_, the 'kedgeree' of anglo-indians. [26] _gota_. [27] catechu, hindi _kath_. [28] _batua_. [29] _jamdani_, properly a portmanteau for holding clothes (_jama_): a kind of flowered cloth. [30] _nath_. [31] _joshan_, an ornament worn on the upper arm. [32] _pa[~e]jama_, 'leg clothing', drawers. [33] _dopatta_, a sheet made of two breadths of cloth. [34] amongst the muhammadans the proportion of widows has declined steadily since 1881, and is now only 143 per mille compared with 170 in that year. it would seem that the prejudices against widow-marriages are gradually becoming weaker.--_report census of india_, 1911, i. 273. [35] [~a]y[~a], from portuguese _aia_, 'a nurse'. [36] after much, entreaty, this humble zealot was induced to take a sweet lime, occasionally, to cool her poor parched mouth. she survived the trial, and lived many years to repeat her practised abstinence at the return of mahurrum. [_author_.] [37] _butkhanah_. [38] this was a primitive semitic taboo (exodus iii. 5; joshua v. 15, &c.). the reason of this prohibition is that shoes could not be easily washed.--w.r. smith, _religion of the semites_[2], 453. [39] mordaunt ricketts was resident at lucknow between 1821 and 1830, when he was 'superannuated' owing to financial scandals, for the details of which see sir g. trevelyan, _life and letters of lord macaulay_, cap. x; h.g. keene, _here and there_, 10; on november 1, 1824, he was married at lucknow by bishop heber to the widow of george ravenscroft, the civilian who was collector of cawnpore, and there embezzled large sums of money, the property of government. he fled with his wife and child to bhinga in oudh, where, on may 6, 1823, he was murdered by dacoits. the strange story is well told by sleeman, _a journey through the kingdom of oudh_, i. 112 ff. [40] persian _ustad, ustadji_, 'an instructor'. [41] lamentation for the dead was strictly prohibited by the prophet; but, like all orientals, the indian musalmans indulge in it. (_mishkat_, i, chap, vii.) [42] _mulla_, the persian form of maulavi, 'a doctor of law'. [43] it is a mistake to suppose that the procession of the ta'ziya or tabut is peculiar to india. it is practised in persia and egypt. [44] the prophet was obliged to make some compromise with idolatry, as in the case of the black stone at mecca. but he protested against idols in one of the earliest suurahs of the koraan (lii 35-43), and in other passages. letter iii continuation of mahurrum.--consecration of banners.--durgah at lucknow.--its origin explained.--regarded with peculiar veneration.--the nuwaub vows to build a new one.--its description.--procession to the durgah.--najoomies.--influence possessed and practised by them.--eunuchs.--anecdotes of some having attained great honours and wealth.--presents bestowed upon them generally revert to the donor.--rich attire of male and female slaves. after the tazia is brought home (as the temporary ones are from the bazaar on the eve of mahurrum, attended by a ceremonious display of persons, music, flags, flambeaux, &c.), there is little to remark of out-door parade beyond the continual activity of the multitude making the sacred visits to their several emaum-baarahs, until the fifth day, when the banners are conveyed from each of them in solemn procession, to be consecrated at the durgah[1] (literally translated, 'the threshold' or 'entrance to a sanctified place'). this custom is perhaps exclusively observed by the inhabitants of lucknow, where i have had the privilege of acquiring a knowledge of the motives which guide most of their proceedings; and as there is a story attached to the durgah, not generally known to european visitors, i propose relating it here, as it particularly tends to explain the reasons for the mussulmauns conveying their banners for consecration to that celebrated shrine. 'a native of india--i forget his name--remarkable for his devotion and holy life, undertook the pilgrimage to mecca; whilst engaged in these duties at the "holy house", he was visited with a prophetic dream. abass ali (the standard-bearer and relation of hosein) appeared to him in his dream, commanding him, that as soon as his duties at mecca were fulfilled he should, without delay, proceed to kraabaallah, to the tomb of hosein; directing him, with great precision, how he was to find the exact spot of earth where was deposited the very allum[2] (banner) of hosein, which he (abass ali) had, on the great day of kraabaallah, carried to the field. the man was further instructed to possess himself of this relic secretly, and convey it about his person until he should reach his native country, when he would be more fully directed by the orderings of providence how the relic should be disposed of. 'the hadjee followed all the injunctions he had received punctually; the exact spot was easily discovered, by the impressions from his dream; and, fearing the jealousy of the arabs, he used the utmost precaution, working by night, to secure to himself the possession of so inestimable a prize, without exciting their suspicion, or attracting the notice of the numerous pilgrims who thronged the shrine by day. after several nights of severe labour he discovered, to his great joy, the metal crest of the banner; and concluding the banner and staff to have mouldered away, from their having been so long entombed in the earth, he cautiously secreted the crest about his person, and after enduring the many vicissitudes and privations, attendant on the long journey from arabia to india, he finally succeeded in reaching lucknow in safety with his prize. 'the nuwaub asof ood duolah[3] ruled at this period in oude; the pilgrim made his adventures known to him, narrating his dream, and the circumstances which led to his gaining possession of the crest. the nuwaub gave full credence to his story, and became the holder of the relic himself, rewarding the hadjee handsomely for his trouble, and gave immediate orders for a small building to be erected under the denomination of "huzerut abass ali ke durgah",[4] in which the crest was safely deposited with due honours, and the fortunate pilgrim was appointed guardian with a liberal salary. 'in the course of time, this durgah grew into great repute amongst the general classes of the mussulmaun population, who, venerating their emaum hosein, had more than common respect for this trifle, which they believed had been used in his personal service. here the public were permitted to offer their sacrifices and oblations to god, on occasions of importance to themselves; as after the performance of the rite of circumcision in particular, grand processions were formed conveying the youthful mussulmaun, richly attired, attended by music, &c. and offering presents of money and sweetmeats at the shrine which contains their emaum's sacred relic. on these occasions the beggars of every denomination were benefited by the liberality of the grateful father, and the offerings at the shrine became the property of the guardian of the durgah, who, it was expected, would deal out from his receipts to the necessitous as occasions served.' this custom is still observed, with equal veneration for the shrine and its deposit; and when a lady recovers from the perils attendant on giving to her husband's house a desired heir, she is conveyed, with all the pomp and parade due to her rank in life, to this durgah, attended by her female relatives, friends, domestics, eunuchs, and slaves, in covered conveyances; in her train are gentlemen on horseback, in palkies, or on elephants, to do honour to the joyful event; the guardian's wife having charge on these occasions of the ladies' visits; and the guardian, with the gentlemen and all the males, guarding the sanctuary outside; for they are not permitted to enter whilst it is occupied by the ladies, the eunuchs alone having that privilege where females congregate. recovery from sickness, preservation from any grievous calamity, danger, or other event which excites grateful feelings, are the usual inducements to visiting the durgah, with both males and females, amongst the mussulmaun population of lucknow. these recurrences yield ample stores of cash, clothes, &c. left at the disposal of the guardian, who, if a good man, disperses these charitable donations amongst the indigent with a liberality equal to that of the donors in their various offerings. the durgah had grown into general respect, when a certain reigning nuwaub was afflicted by a severe and tedious illness, which baffled the skill of his physicians, and resisted the power of the medicine resorted to for his recovery. a confidential najoom[5] (astrologer), in the service of his highness, of great repute in his profession, advised his master to make a vow, that 'if in the wisdom of divine providence his health should be restored, he would build a new durgah on the site of the old one, to be dedicated to abass ali, and to be the shrine for the sacred deposit of the crest of hosein'. the nuwaub, it appears, recovered rapidly after the vow had been made, and he went in great pomp and state to return thanks to god in this durgah, surrounded by the nobles and officers of his court, and the whole strength of his establishment accompanied him on the occasion. so grand was the spectacle, that the old people of the city talk of it at this day as a scene never equalled in the annals of lucknow, for splendour and magnificence; immense sums of money were distributed on the road to the populace, and at the durgah; the multitude, of all classes, hailing his emancipation from the couch of sickness with deafening cheers of vociferous exultation. in fulfilment of his vow, the nuwaub gave immediate orders for erecting the magnificent edifice, which now graces the suburbs of lucknow, about five miles from that part of the city usually occupied by the sovereign ruler of the province of oude. by virtue of the nuwaub's vow and recovery, the before-respected durgah has, thus newly built, increased in favour with the public; and, on account of the veneration they have for all that concerns their emaums, the banners which adorn the tazias of hosein must be consecrated by being brought to this sacred edifice; where, by the condescending permission of the sovereign, both the rich and the poor are with equal favour admitted, at that interesting period of mahurrum, to view the crest of their leader, and present their own banners to be touched and thus hallowed by the, to them, sacred relic. the crest is fixed to a staff, but no banner attached to it; this is placed within a high railing, supported by a platform, in the centre of the building; on either side splendid banners are exhibited on these occasions. the durgah is a square building, entered by flights of steps from the court-yard; the banner of each person is conveyed through the right entrance, opposite the platform, where it is immediately presented to touch the revered crest; this is only the work of a few seconds; that party walks on, and moves out to the left again into the court-yard; the next follows in rapid succession, and so on till all have performed this duty: by this arrangement, confusion is obviated; and, in the course of the day, perhaps forty or fifty thousand banners[6] may have touched the emaum's consecrated crest. on these occasions, the vast population of lucknow may be imagined by the almost countless multitude, of every rank, who visit this durgah: there is no tax levied on the people, but the sums collected must be immense, since every one conscientiously offers something, according to his inclination or his means, out of pure respect to the memory of hosein. the order of procession, appointed by each noble proprietor of banners, to be consecrated at the durgah, forms a grand spectacle. there is no material difference in their countless numbers; the most wealthy and the meanest subjects of the province make displays commensurate with their ability, whilst those persons who make the most costly exhibitions enjoy the greatest share of popular favour, as it is considered a proof of their desire to do honour to the memory of hosein and hasan, their venerated emaums. a description of one, just passing my house, will give you a general idea of these processions,--it belongs to a rich man of the city:--a guard of soldiers surrounds four elephants on which several men are seated, on pads or cushions, supporting the banners; the staffs of several are of silver,--the spread hand, and other crests, are formed of the same metal, set with precious stones. each banner--they all resemble--is in the shape of a long scarf of rich silk, of bright florid colours, embroidered very deep at the ends, which are finished with gold and silver bullion fringes; it is caught together near the middle, and tied with rich gold and silver cords and tassels to the top of the staff, just under the hand or crest. the silks, i observe, are of many different colours, forming an agreeable variety, some blue, purple, green, yellow, &c. red is not used; being the soonies' distinguishing colour at mahurrum it is carefully avoided by the zealous sheahs--the soonies are violently opposed to the celebration of this festival. after the elephants, a band of music follows, composed of every variety of native instruments, with drums and fifes; the trumpets strike me as the greatest novelty in their band; some of them are very long and powerful in their effect. next in the order of procession i observe a man in deep mourning, supporting a black pole, on which two swords are suspended from a bow reversed--the swords unsheathed glittering in the sun. the person who owns the banners, or his deputy, follows next on foot, attended by readers of the musseeah, and a large party of friends in mourning. the readers select such passages as are particularly applicable to the part abass ali took in the affair at kraabaallah, which is chanted at intervals, the procession pausing for that purpose. then comes dhull dhull,[7]--the name of hosein's horse at kraabaallah;--that selected for the present purpose is a handsome white arab, caparisoned according to the olden style of arabia: due care is taken to represent the probable sufferings of both animal and rider, by the bloody horsecloth--the red-stained legs--and the arrows apparently sticking in several parts of his body; on the saddle is fixed a turban in the arabian style, with the bow and arrows;--the bridle, &c. are of very rich embroidery; the stirrups and mountings of solid silver. the horse and all its attire are given after mahurrum, in charity, to a poor syaad. footmen, with the afthaadah[8] and chowrie[9]--peculiar emblems of royalty in india--attend dhull dhull. the friends of the family walk near the horse; then servants of all classes, to fill up the parade, and many foot-soldiers, who occasionally fire singly, giving to the whole description a military effect. i have seen many other processions on these fifth days of mahurrum--they all partake of one style,--some more splendid than others; and the very poor people parade their banners, with, perhaps, no other accompaniment than a single drum and fife, and the owner supporting his own banner. my next letter will contain the procession of mayndhie, which forms a grand feature of mahurrum display on the seventh night. p.s.--the najoomee are men generally with some learning, who, for their supposed skill in astrology, have, in all ages since mahumud's death, been more or less courted and venerated by the mussulmaun people;--i should say, with those who have not the fear of god stronger in their hearts than the love of the world and its vanities;--the really religious people discountenance the whole system and pretended art of the astrologer. it is wonderful the influence a najoom acquires in the houses of many great men in india;--wherever one of these idlers is entertained he is the oracle to be consulted on all occasions, whether the required solution be of the utmost importance, or the merest trifling subject. i know those who submit, with a childlike docility, to the najoom's opinion, when their better reason, if allowed to sway, would decide against the astrologer's prediction. if najoom says it is not proper for nuwaub sahib, or his begum, to eat, to drink, to sleep, to take medicine, to go from home, to give away or accept a gift, or any other action which human reason is the best guide to decide upon, najoom has said it,--and najoom must be right. najoom can make peace or war, in the family he overrules, at his pleasure; and many are the houses divided against themselves by the wicked influence of a bad man, thus exercising his crafty wiles over the weakness of his credulous master.--so much for najoomee; and now for my second notice of the eunuchs:--[10] they are in great request among the highest order of people, and from their long sojourn in a family, this class of beings are generally faithfully attached to the interest and welfare of their employer; they are much in the confidence of their master and mistress, and very seldom betray their trust. being frequently purchased, whilst children, from the base wretches who have stolen them in infancy from the parental roof, they often grow up to a good old age with the family by whom they are adopted; they enjoy many privileges denied to other classes of slaves;--are admitted at all hours and seasons to the zeenahnahs; and often, by the liberality of their patrons, become rich and honourable;--still 'he is but a slave', and when he dies, his property reverts to his owner. in oude there have been many instances of eunuchs arriving to great honour, distinctions, and vast possessions. al mauss ali khaun[11] was of the number, within the recollection of many who survive him; he was the favoured eunuch of the house of oude; a person of great attainments, and gifted with a remarkably superior mind, he was appointed collector over an immense tract of country, by the then reigning nuwaub, whose councils he benefited by his great judgment. he lived to a good old age, in the unlimited confidence of his prince, and enjoyed the good will and affection of all who could appreciate what is valuable in honest integrity. he died as he had lived, in the most perfect resignation to whatever was the will of god, in whose mercy he trusted through time, and for eternity. many of the old inhabitants speak of him with veneration and respect, declaring he was the perfect pattern for good mussulmauns to imitate. another remarkable eunuch, affrine khaun,[12] of the court of oude, is well remembered in the present generation also,--the poor having lost a kind benefactor, and the rich a sensible companion, by his death. his vast property he had willed to others than the sovereign ruler of oude (whose property he actually was), who sent, as is usual in these cases, to take possession of his estate, immediately after his death; the gates were barred, and the heirs the eunuch had chosen to his immense wealth had taken possession; which i am not aware was disputed afterwards by the reigning nuwaub, although by right of the mussulmaun law, the nuwaub owned both the slave and the slave's wealth. this accounts, perhaps, for the common practice in the higher circles of the mussulmaun population, of heaping ornaments and riches on favourite slaves; the wealth thus expended at one time, is but a loan in the hands of safe keepers, to revert again to the original proprietor whenever required by the master, or no longer of service to the slave, who has neither power to bestow, nor heirs to benefit from the property he may leave when he dies. i have frequently observed, among the most exalted ladies, that their female slaves are very often superbly dressed; and, on occasions of marriage ceremonies, or other scenes of festivity, they seem proud of taking them in their suite, handsomely dressed, and richly adorned with the precious metals, in armlets, bangles, chains, &c.; the lady thus adding to her own consequence by the display of her attendant slaves. the same may be observed with regard to gentlemen, who have men-slaves attending them, and who are very frequently attired in costly dresses, expensive shawls, and gold ornaments. [1] _dargah_, '(sacred) door-place'. [2] '_alam_. for illustrations of those banners see hughes, _dictionary of islam_, 408 ff.; mrs. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, ii. 18. [3] asaf-ud-daula, eldest son of nawab shuja'-ud-daula, on whose death in 1775 he succeeded. he changed the seat of government from faizabad to lucknow, where he died in 1797, and was buried in the imambara. he is principally remembered for his liberality. the merchants, on opening their shops, used to sing: _jisko na de maula, tisko de asaf-ud-daula_. who from heaven nought receiveth, to him asaf-ud-daula giveth. [4] mr. h.c. irwin informs me that the dargah is situated on the crommelin road, rather more than a mile south-west of the machhi bhawan fort. it was here that nawab sa'adat 'al'i, on his accession, vowed that he would reform his ways--an intention which was not realized. [5] _nujumi_, 'an astrologer'; '_ilm-i-nujum_, 'astrology, astronomy'. [6] the numbers are greatly exaggerated. [7] duldul was the name of the prophet's mule which he gave to 'ali. it is often confounded with buraq, the assyrian-looking gryphon on which he alleged that he flew to mecca. [8] _aftabgir_, 'a sun-screen'; see p. 47. [9] _chaunri_, the bushy tail of the yak, used as a fly-flapper. [10] writing in 1849, general sleeman remarks that dom singers and eunuchs are the virtual rulers of oudh.--_a journey through oudh_, i, introd. lxi, 178. [11] almas ['the diamond'] 'ali khan, known as miyan ['master'] almas, according to general sleeman, was 'the greatest and best man of any note that oude has produced. he held for about forty years miyanganj and other districts, yielding to the oude government an annual revenue of more than eighty lacs of rupees [about £850,000]. during this time he kept the people secure in life and property, and as happy as people in such a state of society can be; and the whole country under his charge was during his lifetime a garden. he lived here in great magnificence, and was often visited by his sovereign.' (ibid., i. 320 f.). lord valentia more than once speaks highly of him (_travels_, i. 136, 241). he also notes that the nawab was anxiously watching for his death, because, being a slave, under muhammadan law his estates reverted to the crown.--see n.b.e. baillie, _digest of moohummudan law_ (1875), 367 f. [12] afrin khan, 'lord of praise', mr. irwin informs me, is mentioned in the _tarikh farahbakhsh_ (tr. w. hoey, 129) as engaged in negotiations when nawab asaf-ud-daula, at the instigation of warren hastings and haidar beg, was attempting to extort money from the nawab begam. letter iv mahurrum concluded.--night of mayndhie.--emaum-baarah of the king of oude.--procession to shaah nudghiff.--last day of mahurrum.--chattahs. --musical instruments.--zeal of the native gentlemen.--funeral obsequies over the tazia at kraabaallah.--sentiments of devout mussulmauns.--the fast followed by acts of charity.--remarks on the observance of mahurrum. the public display on the seventh mahurrum is by torch-light, and called the night of mayndhie,[1] intending to represent the marriage ceremony for cossum, who, it will be remembered, in the sketch of the events of kraabaallah, was married to his cousin sakeena koobraah, the favourite daughter of hosein, on the morning of the celebrated battle. this night presents to the public all the outward and showy parade which marks the mayndhie procession of a real wedding ceremony, of which i propose speaking further in another place. this display at mahurrum is attended with considerable expense; consequently, the very rich only observe the out-door formalities to be exhibited on this occasion; yet all classes, according to their means, remember the event, and celebrate it at home. the mayndhie procession of one great personage, in native cities, is directed--by previous arrangement--to the emaum-baarah of a superior. i was present, on one occasion, when the mayndhie of the prime minister of oude was sent to the king's emaum-baarah, called shaah nudghiff,[2]--from the mausoleum of ali, of which it is an exact representation, on a small scale. it is situated near the banks of the river goomtie,[3] some distance from the palace at lucknow; the entrance to the outer court, or quadrangle, is by a handsome gateway of brickwork plastered and polished, resembling marble. on each side of the gateway, and carried up the two sides, in a line with the building, are distinct apartments, designed for the abode of the distressed and houseless poor; the back of these apartments forms a substantial wall or enclosure. the shaah nudghiff faces the gateway, and appears to be a square building, on a broad base of flights of steps, with a cupola roof; the interior is paved with black and white marble tesselated, the walls and dome neatly ornamented with plaster and gold in relief, the beading, cornices, &c. of gold, to correspond on a stone-colour ground. the cupola and cornices on the outside are richly ornamented with plaster designs, relieved with gold; on the summit of the dome is placed a crown, of pure silver, gilt, of an immense size. the decorations of the interior, for the season of mahurrum, were on a scale of grandeur not easily to be conveyed by description. the walls were well covered with handsome glasses and mirrors; the splendid chandeliers,--one containing a hundred wax lights,--in every variety, and relieved with coloured lamps--amber, blue, and green,--mellowing the light, and giving a fairy-like effect to the brilliant scene. in the centre of the building stood the green glass tazia, surrounded by wax lights; on the right of which was placed an immense lion, and on the left, a fish,[4] both formed of the same bright emerald-green glass as the tazia. the richness and elegance of the banners,--which were numerous and well arranged,--could be equalled only by the costliness of their several mountings. in asiatic buildings niches and recesses prevail in all convenient situations, and here they are appropriated for the reception of the relics of antiquity and curiosities; such as models of mecca, the tent of hosein, the gate of kraabaallah, &c.; these three are made of pure silver, and rest on tables of the same metal. many curious sabres, of all ages, shields, chain armour of the ancients, lances, &c., arranged with much taste, adorn the interior. the pulpit (mhembur) is of silver, and of very handsome workmanship; the whole of the fitting up and arrangements had been made under the eye of his majesty, and to his good taste may be ascribed all the merit of the well-ordered display for these occasions. he delighted in visiting this place, which he not only designed as a tribute of his respect to the emaums, but as the future repository for his own remains, when this world should cease to be his place of joy, or anxious care. his intention has been fulfilled--he died in 1827, aged fifty years, much and justly beloved and regretted by all who knew him; his funeral obsequies were impressively grand, according to mussulmaun custom. this good and amiable king was succeeded by his only son nusseer ood deen hyder,[5] who had just completed his twenty-second year when he began to reign. on the evening of mayndhie, the crowds of admiring people were admitted to view their paidshah's (king's) exhibition; until the distant sounds of musketry announced the approach of the spectacle, when the multitude were desired to quit the emaum-baarah. hundreds still lingering, could not be prevailed on to depart, except by the stripes dealt out unsparingly from the whips of the hurkaarahs[6] and peons, appointed to keep order on the occasion. the place cleared, and quiet restored, i had leisure to view the fairy-like palace of splendour, before the bustle of the procession reached the building. i could hardly persuade myself the picture before me was not a dream, instead of a reality. i stood at the entrance to watch the approach of the minister's train, through the gateway into the illuminated quadrangle. spacious as this court-yard is, it was nearly filled with the many people forming the mayndhie parade. i should imagine there could not be less than three thousand souls engaged in this service, including the match-lock soldiery. several trays of mayndhie are brought, with the other requisites for the usual forms of marriage gifts, such as sweetmeats, dried fruits, garlands of sweet jasmine, imitative beds of flowers, composed of uberuck: in some of the flowers, fireworks were concealed, to be let off in the quadrangle. an imitative tomb on a bier is also paraded, together with the palkie and chundole of silver, which are the covered conveyances for females of the royal family, or such of the nobility as are privileged by grants from the crown; all other females use the covered palkie, mahanah, dhollee, and the rutt.[7] several bands of music follow, and torches out of number. the elephants, camels, cavalry, &c., are left in the open space, outside the gateway--the gentlemen, dismounting, enter with dhull dhull and the trays of mayndhie. i trembled for the probable destruction of the brilliant ornaments in the emaum-baarah, when i heard the noble animal was to make the circuit round the tazia. dhull dhull, being led in, went up the steps with little difficulty; and to my astonishment, the gentle creature paced the tesselated floor, in very slow time, without once slipping, or seeming concerned at the novelty of his situation; indeed, this docile animal seemed to me the only living thing present that felt no interest in the scene--rendered more attractive and conspicuous by the gentle manners of the pretty dhull dhull himself. the circuit being made, he was conducted back into the court-yard, without the slightest accident or confusion occurring during his visit to the emaum-baarah. the model of the tomb of cossum, the chundole and palkie, the trays of mayndhie, sweetmeats, &c. were deposited here until the tenth day, when they accompany the king's temporary tazia cavalcade to kraabaallah for interment. the ceremonies performed on this night of mayndhie resemble, in every particular, those of the same rank of persons on the actual solemnization of a wedding, even to the distribution of money amongst the populace who crowd in multitudes on such occasions, though apparently more eager for the prize than the sight. the most imposing spectacle in the celebration of mahurrum, is reserved for the last day;[8] and, judging from the activity of all classes, the zealous exertions of the multitude, the deep interest marked on every face, male and female, a mere spectator might well imagine this morning to be of more importance than any other in the mussulmaun's catalogue of days. at the earliest hour of the dawning day, the preparations for the march being complete,--which had occupied the hours usually devoted to sleep,--the streets and roads present a very animated picture. from the bustle and outpouring of the multitude, on this one absorbing engagement, a stranger might be led back in imagination to the flight from egypt; the object, however, is very different from that of the children of israel. the order of the day being to commemorate the death of hosein, a grand military funeral is pourtrayed in each person's cavalcade, all pressing forward to their chosen kraabaallah,--the poor man, with his humble tazia and flags, falling in the rear of the more affluent person's display, as well for protection as for speed. there is so much of similarity in these processions, that the description of one will be sufficient to convey the idea of the whole, as they pass on in succession to the chosen place of burial.[9] the consecrated banners take the precedence, in the order of march, carried by men on elephants; then a band of music. next comes the jillewdhar[10] (sword-bearer), supporting, on a black staff, the bow reversed, with brilliant swords suspended; on each side of him are men bearing black poles, on which are fixed immense long streamers of black unspun silk,--designed to symbolize grief, despair, &c. then follows the horse, caparisoned as on the day of consecrating the banners; it is attended by servants, in the same order as when a prince rides out,--viz. a man with the afthaadah[11] (or sun),--the well-dressed grooms, holding the bridle rein on either side,--a man with the chowrie of peacock's feathers in a silver handle,--chobdhaahs[12] with long silver and gold staffs,--sota badhaahs,[13] with short staffs resembling fish, of the same materials,--hurkaarahs (running-footmen, or messengers), bearing small triangular banners with silver handles,--shoe-bearers, &c. the royal chattah[14] (umbrella), of embroidered velvet, is supported over the head of dhull dhull. this article in its plain garb, so generally used in europe, is, in hindoostaun, an original distinguishing mark of royalty, gracing the king's throne in lieu of a canopy. in oude, the chattah cannot be used by the subject when in view of the sovereign; if the king's dunkah[15] be heard abroad, the people hide their chattahs, and even descend from their carriages, elephants, horses, or palkies, standing with their hands folded, in all humility, to make obeisance to the king,--resuming them only when the royal cortège has moved out of sight. i have known many of the first nobility in the court of oude, and english gentlemen in the king's suite, exposed to the rays of the morning sun, during the hottest season of the year; in these airings, the king alone has the benefit of a chattah, except the resident happens to be of the party, who being always received as an equal, is privileged to the chattah, the chowrie, and the hookha; indulgences of which those only who have lived in india can possibly estimate the true value. but to my subject:--the saddle is adorned with hosein's chain armour, gold turban, a richly set sword, with an embroidered belt: some of the family and friends attend respectfully near the horse. then follow the bearers of incense, in gold censers, suspended to chains, which they wave about, fumigating the air with the refreshing smell of lahbaun,[16]--a sweet-scented resin from the cedar of lebanon, i imagine, though some suppose it to be the frankincense noticed in scripture. next in the cavalcade is a chanter or reader of the musseeah, who selects passages from that well-arranged work suited to the time when hosein's person was the mark for yuzeed's arrows, and which describe his conduct on the trying occasion; one or two couplets being chanted, the procession advances in slow time, halting every five minutes on the way from the beginning to the end of the march. the reader is attended by the proprietor of the tazia display, and his many relatives and friends, bare-footed, and without any covering on their heads;--many of these persons throw chaff on their heads,[17] expressive of grief, and whilst the musseeah is chanted, their boisterous expressions of sorrow are painfully severe to the mere observer of the scene. the tazia then follows, surrounded by banners, and covered with a canopy upheld by silver poles in the hands of the supporters, according to the general style of conveying their dead at the funerals of the mussulmauns. the canopy is of green, bordered and embroidered with gold. the model of cossum's tomb follows in succession, which is covered with gold cloth, and has a canopy also supported over it, in the same way, by poles carried by several men. the palkie and chundole of silver and tissue are next seen; the trays of mayndhie, the flowers of uberuck, and the other paraphernalia of the marriage ceremony, follow in due order. then the camels and elephants, conveying the tent equipage and luggage of hosein, form a long train, representing the supposed style of his march from medina to kraabaallah. the last and most judicious feature in the arrangement is the several elephants with confidential servants, distributing bread and money to the poor, who are thus attracted to the rear in countless numbers, leaving the cavalcade in quiet possession of the space of roadway uncrowded by the multitude. the bread given on these occasions is in great esteem amongst the females, who receive a small portion from the followers on their return from kraabaallah with veneration, for the emaum's sake, in whose name it is given. i have often been led to the remembrance of past times by this act of theirs, when the cross-buns of good-friday were esteemed by the aged women as possessing virtues beyond the mere substance of the cake. the whole line of march is guarded in each procession by burkhandhars[18] (matchlock men), who fire singly, at intervals on the way. several bands of music are dispersed in the cavalcade, performing solemn dirge-like airs, peculiar to the style of composition in hindoostaun and well-suited to the occasion--muffled drums and shrill trumpets, imitating the reiteration of 'hasan, hosein', when mortem is performed. i remember a fine female elephant, belonging to king ghauzee ood deen hyder, which had been so well instructed, as to keep time with the soundings from her proboscis with the occasional mortems. i cannot say that she clearly pronounced the names of the two sons of ali, yet the regularity of keeping time with the music and the human voices was of itself sufficient to excite admiration--the natives declare that she pronounces the names distinctly. her name is hoseinie, the feminine of hosein. amongst the many varieties of native musical instruments i have seen in india, the kettle-drum is the most simple and singular, which i will take the liberty of describing:--it is of well-baked earth, moulded in the usual way, and very similar in shape to those of the royal horse guards. a globe of the common size, divided into exact halves, would be about the dimension and shape of a pair of indian manufacture; the parchment is strained over the open mouth, with a thin hoop to fix it firm; the slightest pressure with the fingers on this hoop draws it into tune. the simplicity of this accompaniment to the human voice, when touched by the fingers, very much in the way europeans use the tambourine, is only to be appreciated by those who have been long acquainted with the sound. the only time when it is beaten with sticks is, when used as dunkahs, before the king and queen, on their appearing in public--a sort of alarum to warn obstructing hackeries, or carriages, to move out of the way. i have occasionally observed a singular mode of imitating the sound of cavalry going over hard ground, adopted in the processions of great men on the tenth of mahurrum; the contrivance is called chuckee,[19] and composed of ebony, or some equally hard wood, the shape and size of a pocket globe, divided into halves; each person, having the pair, beats them with a particular tact on the flat surface, so as to produce the desired sound of horses galloping; and where from fifty to a hundred men, or more, are engaged in this performance, the resemblance may be easily conceived. there are many little observances, not of sufficient importance to make them general to all who keep mahurrum, that need not here be detailed;--but one must not be omitted, as it is a feature in the domestic observances of mussulmauns. on the tazias, when about to be conveyed to kraabaallah, i discovered small portions of corn, rice, bread, fruits, flowers, cups of water, &c.;--this is in keeping with the mussulmaun funerals, who invariably convey food to the tomb with their dead.[1] for the same reason, at mahurrum, camphor and rosewater are always carried with the tazia to kraabaallah, although there is not the same occasion for the articles, as will be observed when the burial service is explained. i have seen females of rank, with their own hands, place red and green wax lights in front of the tazia in their halls, on the night of mayndhie. i was told, in answer to my inquiry, what was meant by the solemn process i had witnessed?--that these ladies had some petition to make, for which they sought the emaum's intercession at the throne of mercy. the red light was for hosein, who died in battle; the green for hasan, who died by poison,--which these colours symbolize; and that those females place great dependance on the fulfilment of their desires, who thus present to their emaums the wax lights on the night of mayndhie. i have remarked that the noblemen and gentlemen generally engaged in the service of celebrating mahurrum, walk on the tenth morning with their heads bare and their feet uncovered from their homes to the burial ground[2] called kraabaallah, whatever may be the distance,--perhaps four or five miles,--exposed to the fiery rays of the sun: some persons, who on this occasion are very scrupulous in thus humbling their nature, walk back again in the same manner, after the funeral ceremony has been duly gone through at kraabaallah. the magnitude of this undertaking can be only well understood by those who have experienced the state of an atmosphere in the shady rooms of a large house, when the thermometer ranges from eighty-four to eighty-eight, or even ninety degrees; and when, if you venture to the verandah for a few seconds, the flames of heated wind are not only insupportable to europeans, but frequently produce severe attacks of fever. the luxurious habits of the eastern great men may be well recollected when counting over the proofs of zeal exhibited in this undertaking, where every selfish consideration for the time is banished. the nobility (or indeed any one who lays the slightest claim to gentility) never walk from one house to another during their lives, but at this particular season; even in their gardens indulging in whatever luxury they may boast, by being conveyed round in their palkie, or thonjaun[22]--a chair with poles, supported by bearers. on the tenth day, the good mussulmauns rigidly fast until after the third watch; not even a drop of water, or the hookha, enters their mouths;--as they believe hosein's sufferings only concluded just before the third watch, they cautiously abstain from indulgences, until that hour has passed. the procession having reached kraabaallah, the whole ceremony of a funeral is gone through. the tazia is committed to the grave with equal solemnity to that which is observed when their dead are deposited in the tomb: this occupies some time. i never witnessed the movements at kraabaallah,--the season of the year, the confusion, and the anticipated feuds between sheahs and soonies, ever deterred me from gratifying my curiosity. it is always expected that the bad feelings between the two sects, amongst the lower orders of the people, may produce a real battle on the imitative ground of kraabaallah; and i have heard of many such terminations of the mahurrum at lucknow, where the enthusiastic sheahs and soonies--having reserved their long hatred for a favourable opportunity of giving it vent,[23]--have found an early grave on the very ground to which their tazia has been consigned. private quarrels are often reserved for decision on the field of kraabaallah. i may here remark, swords form a part of every man's daily costume, from the king to the poorest peasant; save only the devout men, who having forsaken the world have no occasion for a sword. i have often heard them say, 'my trust is not resting on a morsel of steel, but on the great mercy of my god'.--'what shall i defend? my life? where is the arm that can assault me without the permission of my god; if he ordains it, should i murmur, or ward off the blow?'--'is it my worldly goods i am to defend? from whose bounty have i received them? is not the great giver able to defend his gifts? and if he wills that i should lose them, what shall i say, but as yoube[24] (job) said, "it is the lord, to do his own will"; blessed be his great name for ever.' these are the sentiments of the devout men of all creeds; and these are likewise the exemplary opinions of some good mussulmauns i have known in india. returned to their home, the rich men are occupied in dispensing benefits among the poor. food, money, and clothes, are distributed in nearly as great proportions as when they have to mourn over a recent separation by death from a beloved relative. the clothes worn during mahurrum are never retained for the next occasion, but always distributed amongst the poor, who derive so many advantages from the annual commemoration of mahurrum, that the philanthropic heart will rather be pleased than vexed at the zeal which produces such a harvest of benefits to the necessitous. the riches of a native city may be calculated by the immense sums expended at mahurrum every year; and if no greater advantage be derived from the gorgeous display of the wealthy, than the stimulus to honest industry amongst the several trades, whose labour is brought into use on these occasions, there is enough in the result to excuse the expenditure of surplus cash in apparent trifles. this, however, is strictly the result, not the design, of those expensive displayers at mahurrum, who are actuated solely by fervent zeal, in keeping a continued remembrance of the sufferings of their emaums, and doing honour to their memory. it is not my province either to praise or condemn, but merely to mark out what i observe of singularity in the habits, manners, and customs of the mussulmauns, in whose domestic circles i have been so many years a sojourner. on the subject which my pen has faintly traced to your view,--the celebration of mahurrum,--i cannot refrain from offering one remark; i think them to be actuated by so fervent a zeal, that if they could believe with me, that whatever we do in this life is for eternity, they would still persevere in this their supposed duty of honouring their emaums. [1] _mendhi_ in its primary sense is the plant _lawsonia alba_, the leaves of which are used for dyeing the hands and feet of the bride and bridegroom; hence, the marriage rites on this occasion. [2] this edifice was built under the superintendence of ghauzee ood deen hyder, first king of oude; and it is here his remains are deposited. may his soul rest in peace! [_author_.] [this building was named after shah najaf or najaf ashraf, the scene of the martyrdom of 'ali, 120 miles south-west of baghdad. the capture of the shah najaf, in which the guns of captain peel played a leading part, was a notable incident in the relief of lucknow by sir colin campbell.--t.r.e. holmes, _history of the indian mutiny_ (1885), 398 ff.] [3] the gumti, gomati, 'abounding in cattle'. [4] the fish is a symbol of sovereignty, or authority emanating from the sovereign, in hindoostaun, since the period of timour.--possessors of jaghires, collectors of districts, &c., have permission to use the fish, in the decorations on their flags, in the way similar to our armorial bearings. in oude the fish is represented in many useful articles--pleasure boats, carriages, &c. some of the king's chobdhaars carry a staff representing a gold or silver fish. [_author_.] [the order of the fish (_mahi maratib_) is said to have been founded by khusru parviz, king of persia (a.d. 591-628), and thence passed to the moghul emperors of delhi and to the court of oudh.--w.h. sleeman, _rambles and recollections_, ed. v.a. smith, 135 ff.] [5] nasir-ud-din haidar, son of ghazi-ud-din haidar, whom he succeeded in 1827, died, poisoned by his own family, in 1837. 'he differed from his father, ghazi-ud-din haidar, in being considerably more debauched and disreputable. his father had been an outwardly decent hedonist and voluptuary, but the son was under no restraints of any sort or kind, and it is probable that his character was not unfavourably depicted in that highly coloured sketch, "the private life of an eastern king" (by w. knighton, 1855). "any one", we are told, "was his friend who would drink with him," and his whole reign was one continued satire upon the subsidiary and protected system.'--h.c. irwin, _the garden of india_, p. 117. [6] _harkara_, 'a messenger, orderly'. [7] _palki_, the common palanquin or litter; _chandol_, usually carried by four men at each end (a drawing representing one carried by twelve men will be found in n. manucci, _storia do mogor_, iv. 32, and see ii. 76 f.;) _miyana_, a middle-sized litter out of which the type used by europeans was developed; the anglo-indian 'dhooly', properly _duli_; the _rath_ is a kind of bullock-carriage, often with four wheels, used by women and by portly merchants. [8] known as 'ashura. [9] see a graphic account of the procession at bombay in sir g. birdwood, _sva_, 177 ff. [10] _jilaudar, jalaudar_, properly an attendant holding the bridle of a mounted officer or magnate. [11] the afthaadah is a sun embroidered on crimson velvet, both sides the same, and fixed on a circular framework, about two yards in circumference; this is attached to a silver or gold staff, the circle deeply and fully flounced with gold brocade, or rich silk bound with silver ribands. the person riding is sheltered from the rays of the sun by the afthaadah being carried in an elevated position. [_author_.] (see p. 38.) [12] _chobdar_, 'a stick-or staff-bearer'. [13] _sontabardar_, 'a bearer of the silver stick or mace'. [14] _chhata_, a mark of dignity in the east. [15] _danka_, 'a kettle-drum'. [16] _loban_, _luban_, frankincense, olibanum, procured from various species of _boswellia_. [17] as early as a.d. 1000 the people of baghdad used to throw dust and ashes about the streets, and dress in black sackcloth on the anniversary of the death of husain (ockley, _history of the saracens_, 418). the custom was common among the hebrews (isaiah iii. 26, xlvii. 1; job ii. 8, & c.). robertson smith suggests that the dust was originally taken from the grave, and the ashes from the funeral pyre (_religion, of the semites_, 413). [18] _barqandaz_, 'lightning-darter'. [19] _charkhi_; the description is reproduced, without acknowledgement, by mrs. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, i. 299. [20] the practice of offering food to the dead is an indian innovation on musalman practice; it is based on the hindu custom of offering flour-balls (_pinda_) to the spirit of the dead man. [21] this was a hebrew practice, condemned by the prophets (2 samuel xv. 30; ezekiel xxiv. 17). [22] _tamjhan, thamjan_, the anglo-indian 'tonjon' or 'tomjohn', the derivation of which is obscure. see yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 930 f. [23] ill-feeling between sunnis and shi'ahs is not universal in india. 'though the sunnis consider the shi'ah observances as impious, they look on with the contempt of indifference. the fact that the british government punishes all who break the peace may have something to do with this. still the sunni and the shi'ah in india live on much better terms, and have more respect for each other than the turk has for the persian, or the persian for the turk. some musalman poets, indeed, are both sunnis and shi'ahs.'--e. sell, _the faith of islam_, 292 f.; cf. p. 14. [24] aiyub. letter v time.--how divided in hindoostaun.--observances after mahurrum.--luxuries and enjoyments resumed.--black dye used by the ladies.--their nose-ring.--number of rings worn in their ears.--mode of dressing their hair.--aversion to our tooth-brushes.--toilet of the ladies.--the pyjaamahs.--the ungeeah (bodice).--the courtie.--the deputtah.--reception of a superior or elder amongst the ladies.--their fondness for jewels.--their shoes.--the state of society amongst the mussulmaun ladies.--their conversational endowments.--remarks upon the fashion and duty of beards. in my last i alluded to the 'third watch'; it will now, perhaps, be necessary to explain the divisions of time, as observed by the mussulmauns of hindoostaun. the day is divided into four equal parts, or watches, denominated purrhs[1]; as, first purrh, second purrh, &c. the night is also divided into four purrhs, each of which is subdivided into ghurries[2] (hours), varying in number with the changes of season; the longest days require eight ghurries to one purrh; the shortest, only six. the same division is observed for the night. the day is reckoned from the earliest dawn to the last decline of light:--there is very little twilight in the upper provinces of india. by this method of calculating time, you will understand that they have no occasion for those useful, correct, mechanical time-keepers, in general use in europe; but they have a simple method of measuring the hour, by means of a brass vessel, with a small aperture at the bottom, which, being floated on a tank or large pan of water, one drop to a second of time forces its way through the aperture into the floating vessel, on which marks are made outside and in, to direct the number of ghurries by the depth of water drawn into it; and in some places, a certain division of time is marked by the sinking of the vessel. each hour, as it passes, is struck by the man on duty with a hammer on a broad plate of bell-metal, suspended to the branch of a tree, or to a rail;--the gong of an english showman at the country fairs is the exact resemblance of the metal plates used in india for striking the hours on, and must, i think, have been introduced into england from the east. the durwaun (gate-keeper), or the chokeedhars (watchmen), keep the time.[3] in most establishments the watchmen are on guard two at a time, and are relieved at every watch, day and night. on these men devolves the care of observing the advance of time by the floating vessel, and striking the hour, in which duty they are required to be punctual, as many of the mussulmauns' services of prayer are scrupulously performed at the appointed hours, which will be more particularly explained when their creed is brought forward in a future letter; and now, after this digression, i will pursue my subject. when a member of the mussulmaun family dies, the master of the house mourns forty days, during which period the razor is laid aside.[4] in the same manner the devout mussulmaun mourns every year for his martyred emaums; this, however, is confined to the most religious men; the general practice of the many is to throw off their mourning garb and restore the razor to its duties on the third day after the observances of mahurrum have terminated. it is stated, on the authority of ancient arabian writers, on whose veracity all mussulmauns rely, that the head of hosein being taken to yuzeed, one of his many wives solicited and received the head, which she gave to the family of the martyred leader, who were prisoners to the king, and that they contrived to have it conveyed to kraabaallah, where it was deposited in the same grave with his body on the fortieth day after the battle.[5] when a death occurs in a mussulmaun family, the survivor provides dinners on the third, seventh, and fortieth days succeeding, in memory of the deceased person; these dinners are sent in trays to the immediate relatives and friends of the party,--on which sacred occasion all the poor and the beggars are sought to share the rich food provided. the like customs are observed for hosein every year. the third day offering is chiefly composed of sugar, ghee, and flour, and called meetah[6]; it is of the consistence of our rice-puddings, and whether the dainty is sent to a king or a beggar there is but one style in the presentation--all is served in the common brown earthen dish,--in imitation of the humility of hosein and his family, who seldom used any other in their domestic circle. the dishes of meetah are accompanied with the many varieties of bread common to hindoostaun, without leaven, as sheah-maul,[7] bacherkaunie,[8] chapaatie,[9] &c.; the first two have milk and ghee mixed with the flour, and nearly resemble our pie-crust. i must here stay to remark one custom i have observed amongst natives: they never cook food whilst a dead body remains in the house;[10] as soon as it is known amongst a circle of friends that a person is dead, ready-dressed dinners are forwarded to the house for them, no one fancying he is conferring a kindness, but fulfilling a duty. the third day after the accomplishment of the mahurrum ceremonies is a busy time with the inmates of zeenahnahs, when generally the mourning garb is thrown off, and preparations commence at an early hour in the morning for bathing and replacing the banished ornaments. abstinence and privation being no longer deemed meritorious by the mussulmauns, the pawn--the dear delightful pawn, which constitutes the greatest possible luxury to the natives,--pours in from the bazaar, to gladden the eye and rejoice the heart of all classes, who after this temporary self-denial enjoy the luxury with increased zest. again the missee[11] (a preparation of antimony) is applied to the lips, the gums, and occasionally to the teeth of every married lady, who emulate each other in the rich black produced;--such is the difference of taste as regards beauty;--where we admire the coral hue, with the females of hindoostaun, nature is defaced by the application of black dye. the eyelid also is pencilled afresh with prepared black, called kaarjil[12]: the chief ingredient in this preparation is lampblack. the eyebrow is well examined for fear an ill-shaped hair should impair the symmetry of that arch esteemed a beauty in every clime, though all do not, perhaps, exercise an equal care with eastern dames to preserve order in its growth. the mayndhie is again applied to the hands and feet, which restores the bright red hue deemed so becoming and healthy. the nose once more is destined to receive the nutt[13] (ring) which designates the married lady; this ring, i have before mentioned, is of gold wire, the pearls and ruby between them are of great value, and i have seen many ladies wear the nutt as large in circumference as the bangle on her wrist, though of course much lighter; it is often worn so large, that at meals they are obliged to hold it apart from the face with the left hand, whilst conveying food to the mouth with the other. this nutt, however, from ancient custom, is indispensable with married women, and though they may find it disagreeable and inconvenient, it cannot possibly be removed, except for mahurrum, from the day of their marriage until their death or widowhood, without infringing on the originality of their customs, in adhering to which they take so much pride. the ears of the females are pierced in many places; the gold or silver rings return to their several stations after mahurrum, forming a broad fringe of the precious metals on each side the head; but when they dress for great events,--as paying visits or receiving company,--these give place to strings of pearls and emeralds, which fall in rows from the upper part of the ear to the shoulder in a graceful, elegant style. my ayah, a very plain old woman, has no less than ten silver rings in one ear and nine in the other,[15] each of them having pendant ornaments; indeed, her ears are literally fringed with silver. after the hair has undergone all the ceremonies of washing, drying, and anointing with the sweet jessamine oil of india, it is drawn with great precision from the forehead to the back, where it is twisted into a queue which generally reaches below the waist; the ends are finished with strips of red silk and silver ribands entwined with the hair, and terminating with a good-sized rosette. the hair is jet black, without a single variation of tinge, and luxuriantly long and thick, and thus dressed remains for the week,--about the usual interval between their laborious process of bathing;--nor can they conceive the comfort other people find in frequent brushing and combing the hair. brushes for the head and the teeth have not yet been introduced into native families, nor is it ever likely they will, unless some other material than pigs' bristles can be rendered available by the manufacturers for the present purposes of brushes. the swine is altogether considered abominable to mussulmauns; and such is their detestation of the unclean animal that the most angry epithet from a master to a slave would be to call him 'seur'[15] (swine). it must not, however, be supposed that the natives neglect their teeth; they are the most particular people living in this respect, as they never eat or drink without washing their mouths before and after meals; and as a substitute for our tooth-brush, they make a new one every day from the tender branch of a tree or shrub,--as the pomegranate, the neem,[16] babool,[17] &c. the fresh-broken twig is bruised and made pliant at the extremity, after the bark or rind is stripped from it, and with this the men preserve the enamelled-looking white teeth which excite the admiration of strangers; and which, though often envied, i fancy, are never surpassed by european ingenuity. as i have rather prematurely introduced the native ladies' style of dress into this letter, i may as well conclude the whole business of their toilet under the present head, instead of reserving the detail of the subject for a future letter when the zeenahnah is to be described, and accordingly proceed to tell you that the ladies' pyjaamahs are formed of rich satin, or gold cloth, goolbudden,[18] or mussheroo[19] (striped washing silks manufactured at benares), fine chintz,--english manufacture having the preference,--silk or cotton ginghams,--in short, all such materials are used for this article of female dress as are of sufficiently firm texture, down to the white calico of the country, suited to the means of the wearer. by the most fashionable females they are worn very full below the knee, and reach to the feet, which are partially covered by the fulness, the extremity finished and the seams are bound with silver riband; a very broad silver riband binds the top of the pyjaamah; this being double has a zarbund[20] (a silk net cord) run through, by which this part of the dress is confined at the waist. the ends of the zarbund are finished with rich tassels of gold and silver, curiously and expressly made for this purpose, which extend below the knees: for full dress, these tassels are rendered magnificent with pearls and jewels. one universal shape is adopted in the form of the ungeeah[21] (bodice), which is, however, much varied in the material and ornamental part; some are of gauze or net, muslin, &c., the more transparent in texture the more agreeable to taste, and all are more or less ornamented with spangles and silver trimmings. it is made to fit the bust with great exactness, and to fasten behind with strong cotton cords; the sleeves are very short and tight, and finished with some fanciful embroidery or silver riband. even the women servants pride themselves on pretty ungeeahs, and all will strive to have a little finery about them, however coarse the material it is formed of may happen to be. they are never removed at night but continue to be worn a week together, unless its beauty fades earlier, or the ornamental parts tarnish through extreme heat. with the ungeeah is worn a transparent courtie (literally translated shirt) of thread net; this covers the waistband of the pyjaamah but does not screen it; the seams and hems are trimmed with silver or gold ribands. the deputtah is a useful envelope, and the most graceful part of the whole female costume. in shape and size, a large sheet will convey an idea of the deputtah's dimensions; the quality depends on choice or circumstances; the preference is given to our light english manufacture of leno or muslin for every-day wear by gentlewomen; but on gala days, gold and silver gauze tissues are in great request, as is also fine india muslin manufactured at decca--transparent and soft as the web of the gossamer spider;--this is called shubnum[22] (night dew), from its delicate texture, and is procured at a great expense, even in india; some deputtahs are formed of gold-worked muslin, english crape, coloured gauze, &c. on ordinary occasions ladies wear them simply bound with silver riband, but for dress they are richly trimmed with embroidery and bullion fringes, which add much to the splendour of the scene, when two or three hundred females are collected together in their assemblies. the deputtah is worn with much original taste on the back of the head, and falls in graceful folds over the person; when standing, it is crossed in front, one end partially screening the figure, the other thrown over the opposite shoulder. i should say they rarely stand; but when distinguished guests, or their elders amongst relatives, are announced, this mark of respect is never omitted. it is an interesting sight, as they have much ease and grace in their manner, which no tutoring could impart; they rise and arrange their drapery, advance a few steps from their place in the hall, and embrace their visitor thrice in due form, ending by salaaming, with the head bowed very low towards the ground and the open hand raised to the forehead, three times in succession, with solemnity and dignity. i have told you, in a former letter, how many precious ornaments were laid aside on the eve of mahurrum, and need hardly describe them again. their fondness for good jewellery perhaps exceeds the same propensity in any other females on the globe: the rude workmanship of native jewellers is never an object of weighty consideration, provided the precious metals are unalloyed in quality. the same may be remarked in their selection of jewels: pearls of the largest size, even when discoloured or misshapen, are selected in preference to the most regular in form and colour, of a smaller size; large diamonds, having flaws, are often preferred to smaller ones most perfect. the gentlemen are good judges of precious stones, and evince some taste in their style of ornaments; they are worn on their turbans, and in necklaces or harrhs[23]--rings, armlets, &c.; but these are all laid aside at seasons of devotion, when they are restricted wearing, not only ornaments, but mixed articles of silk and wool in their apparel. the most religious men and women invariably abstain from ornamental dress in every way, deeming it frivolous vanity, and inconsistent with that they profess--'to be seeking god, and forsaking worldly things'. the ladies never wear stockings,[24] and only cover the feet with shoes when pacing across their court-yard, which bounds their view and their walks. nevertheless, there is a fashion and taste about the ladies' shoes, which is productive of much emulation in zeenahnah life;--they are splendidly worked in many patterns, with gold and silver spangles, variously-coloured small seed beads and embroidery--the whole one mass of glittering metal;--they are made with sharp points curling upwards, some nearly reaching half-way to the knees, and always worn down at the heel, as dressing slippers; the least costly for their every-day wear are of gold embroidery on velvet; the less opulent condescend to wear tinsel work, and the meanest servants yellow or red cloth with silver binding. the same style of shoes are worn by the males as by the females; i have seen some young men with green shagreen slippers for the rainy season; these are made with a high heel and look unseemly. the fashion of shoes varies with the times in this country, as well as in others--sometimes it is genteel to have small points to the shoes; at another, the points are long and much curled; but they still retain the preference for pointed shoes whatever be the fashion adopted. the greatest novelty in the way of shoes, which came under my observation in india, was a pair of silver embroidery, small pointed, and very neatly made: on the points and round the instep small silver bells were fastened, which produced harmony with every step, varied by the quick or more gentle paces of the wearer; these were a present to me from a lady of distinction in oude. upon visiting this lady on one occasion, my black silk slippers, which i had left at the entrance (as is the custom here), had most likely attracted the curiosity of the begum's slaves, for when that lady attended me to the threshold, they could nowhere be found; and i was in danger of being obliged to soil my stockings by walking shoeless to my palkie, across the court-yard. in this dilemma the lady proffered me the pair here described; i was much amused with the novelty of the exchange, upon stepping into the musical shoes, which, however they may be prized by native ladies, did not exactly suit my style of dress, nor convenience in walking, although i must always remember the begum's attention with gratitude. the ladies' society is by no means insipid or without interest; they are naturally gifted with good sense and politeness, fond of conversation, shrewd in their remarks, and their language is both correct and refined. this, at first, was an enigma to me, considering that their lives are spent in seclusion, and that their education was not conducted on european principles; the mystery, however, has passed away upon an intimate acquaintance with the domestic habits of the people. the men with whom genteel women converse, are generally well educated, and from the naturally inquisitive disposition of the females, not a word escapes the lips of a father, husband, or brother, without an inquiry as to its meaning, which having once ascertained, is never forgotten, because their attention is not diverted by a variety of pursuits, or vain amusements. the women look up to the opinions of their male relatives with the same respect as children of other climes are accustomed to regard their tutor or governess,--considering every word pronounced as worthy of imitation, and every sentiment expressed, as a guide to their own. thus the habit of speaking correctly is so familiar to the females of mussulmaun society, that even women servants, long accustomed to serve in zeenahnahs, may be readily distinguished by their language from the same class of people in attendance on european ladies. p.s. all good mussulmauns are expected to wear their beards, by command of the prophet; so says my informant, who is of 'the faith', and wears his beard, in accordance with the injunction of his lawgiver. in modern times, however, the mussulmauns have seen fit to modify the strict letter of the law, and we perceive generally, mustachios only reserved on the upper lip. this ornament is trained with the nicest care amongst the fashionable young men of the present day, and made to creep over the lip at each corner of the mouth with curling points; well-trained mustachios being with them much esteemed. the religious mussulmauns become more scrupulous as they advance in knowledge of their faith, when they allow their beards to grow and their heads to be shaven; if the hair turns white--while to look well is an object of interest--a dye is resorted to, composed of mayndhie and indigo, which restores its youthful appearance, and the beard retains its black glossy hue for about six weeks, when the process of dyeing is again made the business of a convenient hour.[25] the vanities of the world ceasing to charm (the heart being fixed on more important subjects), the beard is permitted to retain its natural colour; and, truly, the venerable countenance of an aged mussulmaun, with a silvery-white beard flowing nearly to his girdle, is a picture that would interest every beholder well acquainted with bible history. when the mussulmaun determines on fulfilling the command of his lawgiver, in making the pilgrimage to mecca, the beard is allowed to grow whatever be his age; and this may be considered a badge of their faith, none being admitted at 'the holy house' who have not this passport on their chin. [1] _pahar_. [2] _ghari_, about twenty-four minutes. [3] _darwan, chaukidar_. [4] see p. 64. [5] according to the shi'ahs, zainu-l-'abidin obtained from yazid, after forty days, the head of husain, and brought it to karbala. they deny that the head is at cairo and the body at karbala. others say that the head was sent to medina, and buried near the grave of fatimah.--burton, _pilgrimage_, ii. 40; ockley, _history of the saracens_, 412, 415 note. [6] _mitha_, 'sweet'. [7] _shirmal_, bread made with milk. [8] _baqirkhani_, a kind of crisp bread or cake, like piecrust, made of milk, sugar, and flour. [9] _chapati_, the griddle cake, the standard food of the people. [10] no food should be cooked in the house of a musalman during the forty days of mourning. sir j.g. frazer thinks that this is due to the risk of eating the ghost clinging to the food (_journal anthropological institute_, xv. (1886) 92 ff.). [11] _missi_, from _mis_, 'copper', because copper-filings form its chief ingredient, to which are added myrobalan, gall-nuts, vitriol, &c. the custom is based on the arab admiration for the rose-red colour of the inner lip.--burton, _a thousand nights and a night_, iii. 365. [12] _kajal_. [13] _nath_, a love-token presented to the bride by the bridegroom. the very mention of it is considered indelicate. [14] they generally adopt an odd number. [15] _suar_. [16] _nim_ (_melia azidirachta_). [17] _babul_ (_acacia arabica_). [18] _gulbadan_, 'with body like a rose', a fine silk fabric. [19] _mashru_ 'conformable to law', a silk-cotton cloth, which--but not pure silk--a musulman can wear during prayer. [20] _zerband_, 'fastening below', 'a girth'. [21] _angiya_. [22] _shabnam_. the finest varieties of these cloths were made at dacca. aurungzeb is said to have remonstrated with his daughter for wearing what he thought to be a _coa vestis_. she answered that she wore seven folds of this cloth. [23] _har_, a necklace, an embroidered garland thrown round the neck of a visitor on his departure, as a mark of respect. these garlands were substituted for the pearl necklaces which, in former days, were presented to guests. [24] 'stockings are never worn [in the zenana]: but i have seen little coloured stockings, made of the wool from cashmir, worn at times during the cold season.'--mrs. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, i. 456. [25] according to the traditions, the prophet said, 'change the whiteness of your hair, but not with anything black'. the first caliph is said to have dyed his beard red with henna. nowadays indigo is largely used. letter vi the mussulmaun religion.--sectarians.--their difference of faith.--history of the soonies.--the caliphas omir, osman, aboubuker, &c.--mahumud's parting charge to ali.--omir's jealousy of ali.--the khoraun.--how compiled.--the calipha omir held in detestation.--creed of the sheahs.--funeral service.--opinions of the mussulmauns respecting the millennium.--the foundation of their faith exhibited.--sentiments of the most devout followers of mahumud.--bridge of sirraat, the scales, &c. explained.--emaum mhidhie.--prophecy of his reappearance.--its early fulfilment anticipated.--discourse with the meer hadjee shaah on this subject. i do not presume to offer opinions on the nature, substance, or character, of the mussulmaun faith; but confine myself to the mere relation of such facts as i have received from the best possible authority, viz. the religious men who are of that faith, and live in strict accordance with the tenets they profess. there are two sects of the mussulmaun persuasion, as i have before remarked, viz. the sheahs and the soonies. the leaders of the former are called emaums; and those of the latter caliphas. the sheahs acknowledge ali and his immediate descendants (eleven in number) 'the right and only lawful emaums', in succession, after mahumud. the soonies declare the caliphas--as omir, aboubuker, &c.--to be their lawful leaders after mahumud. i do not find that there is any great difference in the points of faith between the two sects; they are equally guided by the same laws and ordinances inculcated by mahumud in the khoraun;--the sheahs pursuing the pattern of observances traced out in the life and manners of ali and his descendants;--and the soonies taking their examples from the manners of the caliphas. there is a distinguishing method in ablutions before prayers, and also in the manner of bowing and prostrating in their devotional exercises;[1] this difference, however, has nothing to do with their faith,--the subject and form of their daily prayer is one; but both sects have extra services for particular occasions, agreeable to the instruction of their favourite leaders. the namaaz (daily prayer) was taught by mahumud to his followers, every line of which is religiously reverenced by mussulmauns, and cannot be altered by sectarian principles. the mussulmaun faith is founded on three roots; from these spring, with the sheahs, six branches; with the soonies, five. the roots are as follows:-first.--'there is but one god, self existing; ever was, and ever will be; in whom is all power, majesty, and dominion; by whom all things are, and were created. with whom is neither partner or substance:[2] and he alone is to be worshipped.' second.--'the prophets were all true; and all their writings to be relied on, with a true faith.' third.--'the resurrection of the dead is certain.' the sheahs' branches, or emanations, from the three roots of their faith, are as follow:-1st.--'namaaz,'[3] (prayer five times daily); a necessary duty, never to be omitted. 2nd.--'rumzaun,'[4] (fasting) the whole thirty days of that month; a service acceptable to god from his humble creatures. 3rd.--'the hadje,'[5] (pilgrimage to mecca); commanded by mahumud, and therefore to be obeyed. 4th.--'zuckhaut;'[6] the fortieth portion of all worldly goods to be set apart every year (an offering to god) for the service of the poor. 5th.--to fight in the road of god, or in his service, against the idolaters. 6th.--to believe that the twelve emaums were the true and lawful leaders, after mahumud; to follow in their path, or example, and to succour and defend the syaads, their descendants. the soonies omit the last branch in their profession of faith; with this solitary exception, the creed of the two sects, from all i can understand, is the same. the sheahs are those who celebrate mahurrum: in my description of that event will be seen the zealous partizans of the sect; and here may be introduced with propriety, some account of the opposite party denominated soonies. the word calipha[7] implies the master or head of any trade, profession, or calling,--as the master of the tailors, the head master of a college or school, &c. omir was the first to usurp the title after mahumud's death, and to him succeeded aboubuker, and then ausmaun (osman).[8] aboubuker may have claimed some relationship to mahumud;--he was converted by his preaching from idolatry to the faith;--he gave his daughter in marriage to mahumud, by whom two sons were born to him, ishmael and ibrahim.[9] 'an angel appeared to mahumud, saying, which of thy family shall be taken from thee, oh, mahumud! such is the command of god; two of thy youth must die, and i am sent to demand of thee whether it is thy wish ishmael and ibrahim, thine own sons, shall be taken from this world, or hasan and hosein, the sons of fatima thy daughter?' the historian continues, after dwelling much on the virtues of the prophet's only daughter, 'such was the affection of mahumud for his daughter fatima and her children, and so well he knew the purity of their hearts, that he hesitated not a moment in replying, "if the lord graciously permits his servant to choose, i freely offer my two sons ishmael and ibrahim; that hasan and hosein may live by his mercy "'. omir was also a convert to the faith mahumud taught: he likewise gave a daughter in marriage to mahumud;[10] by whom, however, the same historian remarks, his house was not peopled. his only daughter, fatima, lived to add numbers to his family: she was born to him by the pious female (a widow) who was his first wife[11] and to whom he was united before he commenced his work of conversion. ali, to whom fatima was married, was the nephew of mahumud, and from this union the syaad race descend to the present day. the prophet observing real piety in ali, designed him not only to be the most suitable husband for his amiable daughter, but the best qualified person to be chosen as his successor, when he should be called by 'the hand of death'; and in the most public manner gave charge of his flock to ali, not long before that event occurred. mahumud's speech to ali on that occasion is much reverenced by the sheah sect;--it has been translated for me by my husband, and is as follows:-'you, my son, will suffer many persecutions in the cause of religion; many will be the obstructions to your preaching, for i see they are not all as obedient and faithful as yourself. usurpers of the authority, delegated to you, will arise, whose views are not pure and holy as your own; but let my admonitions dwell on your mind, remember my advice without swerving. the religion i have laboured to teach, is, as yet, but as the buds shooting forth from the tree; tender as they are, the rude blasts of dissension may scatter them to the winds, and leave the parent tree without a leaf:--but suffered to push forth its produce quietly, the hand of time will ripen and bring to perfection that which has been the business of my awakened life to cultivate. never, my son, suffer your sword to be unsheathed in the justice of your cause; i exhort you to bear this injunction on your mind faithfully; whatever may be the provocations you receive, or insults offered to your person,--i know this trial is in store for my son,--remember the cause you are engaged in; suffer patiently; never draw your sword against the people who profess the true faith, even though they are but by name mussulmauns. 'against the enemies of god, i have already given you directions; you may fight for him--the only true god,--but never against him, or his faithful servants.' when mahumud was numbered with the dead, omir soon set himself forward as the lawful successor; he was of good address, and insinuating manners, and succeeded in drawing 'numbers to his threshold'. he preached the same doctrine mahumud had taught, but sensual indulgence and early developed ambition were more strong in his heart than the faith he preached. omir grew jealous of ali's virtues and forbearance, under the various trials of oppression and injustice he chose to visit him with; and resolved that, if possible, he would destroy not only ali, but his whole family. omir caused his house to be fired treacherously, but as the historians say, 'the mercy of god watched over the sanctified family'; they escaped from the flames, with no other loss than that of their small property. the khoraun was not the work of any particular period in the life of mahumud. it was not compiled into a book until after mahumud's death, who was totally unacquainted with letters; each chapter having been conveyed by the angel gabriel[12] to mahumud, his inspired memory enabled him to repeat, verbatim, the holy messenger's words to his disciples and converts when assembled as was their daily custom. to as many as committed verse, chapter, or portion to memory, by this oral communication, mahumud rewarded with the highest seats in his assembly (meaning nearest his person); and to those who wished for employment, he gave the command of detachments sent out against the infidels. the whole khoraun was thus conveyed to mahumud by the angel gabriel, at many different periods of his mission; and by daily repetition, did he instil into the memory of his followers that mental scripture. but when omir usurped the right to lead, he ambitiously planned for himself a large share of popularity by causing the khoraun to be committed to paper, and he accordingly gave orders, that the best scribes should be employed to convey its precepts to writing. ali had been engaged in the same employment for some time, perceiving the future benefit to the faith which would accrue from such a labour, and on the very day, when omir was seated in form to receive the work of his scribes, ali also presented himself with his version of the khoraun. it is asserted that omir treated him with some indignity, and gave the preference to the volume his own scribes had prepared, desiring ali, nevertheless, to leave that he had transcribed with him, though he candidly told him he never intended it should be 'the book for the people'. ali found, on this trying occasion, the benefit of mahumud's advice, to keep his temper subdued for the trial, and withdrew with his book clasped to his heart, assuring omir, that the volume should only be the property of his descendants; and that when the twelfth emaum, prophesied by mahumud, should disappear from the eye of man, the khoraun he had written should also disappear, until that emaum returned, with whom the book he had written should again be found. the name of omir is detestable to all lovers of literature, or admirers of ancient history and valuable records. by his orders, the bath was heated with the valuable collection of manuscripts, which it had been the work of ages to complete.[13] omir was told that the people valued the writings of the ancients, and that they were displeased at this irreparable destruction of valuable records; he asked if the people were not satisfied with the khoraun? and if satisfied, why should they seek for other knowledge than that book contained? declaring it to be an useless employment of time, to be engaged in any other readings. they say the collection of books thus destroyed was so vast, that it served the purpose, to which it was applied, for many successive days. i have thus far given the accounts i have received of the origin of the two sects amongst the mussulmauns from good authority. my husband says, that in hindoostaun the two sects may be nearly equal in number;[14] in persia the sheahs certainly prevail; in turkey all are soonies; and in arabia the sheahs are supposed to preponderate. on the whole, perhaps, the two sects are about equally divided. the mussulmauns' creed, of the sheah sect, is as follows:-'i believe in one god, supreme over all, and him alone do i worship. 'i believe that mahumud was the creature of god, the creator; i believe that mahumud was the messenger of god, (the lord of messengers); and that he was the last of the prophets. i believe that ali was the chief of the faithful, the head of all the inheritors of the law, and the true leader appointed of god; consequently to be obeyed by the faithful. also i believe that hasan and hosein, the sons of ali, and ali son of hosein, and mahumud son of ali, and jaufur son of mahumud, and moosa son of jaufur, and ali son of moosa, and mahumud son of ali, and ali son of mahumud, and hasan son of ali, and mhidhie (the standing proof) son of hasan; the mercy of god be upon them! these were the true leaders of the faithful, and the proof of god was conveyed by them to the people.'[15] this creed is taught to the children of both sexes, in mussulmaun families, as soon as they are able to talk; and, from the daily repetition, is perfectly familiar to them at an early age. i propose describing the funeral service here, as the substance of their particular faith is so intimately connected with the appointed service for the dead. the dead body of a mussulmaun, in about six hours after life is extinct, is placed in a kuffin[16] (coffin) and conveyed to the place of burial, with parade suited to the rank he held in life. a tent, or the kaanaut[17] (screen), is pitched in a convenient place, where water is available near to the tomb, for the purpose of washing and preparing the dead body for interment. they then take the corpse out of the coffin and thoroughly bathe it; when dry, they rub pounded camphor on the hands, feet, knees, and forehead, these parts having, in the method of prostrating at prayer, daily touched the ground; the body is then wrapped neatly in a winding-sheet of white calico, on which has been written particular chapters from the khoraun:[18] this done, it is taken up with great gentleness and laid in the grave on the side, with the face towards mecca. the officiating maulvee steps solemnly into the grave (which is much deeper and wider than ours), and with a loud voice repeats the creed, as before described; after which he says, 'these were thy good and holy leaders, o son of adam! (here he repeats the person's names). now when the two angels come unto thee, who are the maccurrub[19] (messengers) from thy great and mighty god, they will ask of thee, "who is thy lord? who is thy prophet? what is thy faith? which is thy book? where is thy kiblaah?[20] who is thy leader?" 'then shalt thou answer the maccurrub thus:- '"god, greatest in glory, is my only lord; mahumud, my prophet; islaaim, my faith, (islaaim means true faith); the khoraun, my book; the kaubah (holy house at mecca), my kiblaah; '"emaum ali, son of aboutalib, " hasan and hosein, " ali, surnamed zynool auberdene, " mahumud, " baakur, " jaufur, " saadick, " moosa, " khazim, " ali, " reezah, " mahumud, " ul jawaad, " ali, " ul hoodah, " hasan, " ul ushkeree, " mhidhie, the standing proof that we are waiting for.[21] '"these are all my leaders, and they are my intercessors, with them is my love, with their enemies is my hatred, in the world of earth and in the world to come eternal."' then the maulvee says:-'know ye for a truth, o man (repeating his name), that the god we worship is one only, great and glorious, most high and mighty god, who is above all lords, the only true god. 'know ye also, that mahumud is the best of the lord's messengers. 'that ali and his successors (before enumerated, but always here repeated) were the best of all leaders. 'that whatever came with mahumud is true, (meaning the whole work of his mission);--death is true; the interrogation by moonkih and nykee[22] (the two angels) is true; the resurrection is true; destruction is true; the bridge of sirraat[23] is true; the scales are true; looking into the book is true; heaven and earth are true; hell is true; the day of judgment is true. 'of these things there is no doubt--all are true; and, further, that god, the great and glorious god, will raise all the dead bodies from their graves.' then the maulvee reads the following prayer or benediction, which is called dooar[24] prayer:-'may the lord god, abundant in mercy, keep you with the true speech; may he lead you to the perfect path; may he grant you knowledge of him, and of his prophets. 'may the mercy of god be fixed upon you for ever. ameen.' this concluded, the maulvee quits the grave, and slowly moves forty measured paces in a line with it; then turning round, he comes again to the grave, with the same solemnity in his steps, and standing on the edge, he prays, 'o great and glorious god, we beseech thee with humility make the earth comfortable to this thy servant's side, and raise his soul to thee, and with thee may he find mercy and forgiveness.' 'ameen, ameen,' is responded by all present. this ends the funeral service: the earth is closed over by the servants, &c. and, except with the very poor, the grave is never entirely forsaken day or night, during the forty days of mourning; readers of the khoraun are paid for this service, and in the families of the nobility the grave is attended for years by those hired, who are engaged to read from that book perpetually, relieving each other at intervals day and night. they believe that when the maulvee quits the grave, the angels enter to interrogate the dead body, and receive the confession of his particular faith; this is the object of the maulvee's retiring forty paces, to give the angels time to enter on their mission to the dead. the mussulmauns all believe that mhidhie, the standing proof as he is called, will visit the earth at a future period; they are said to possess prophecies, that lead them to expect the twelve hundred and sixtieth year of the hegirah, as the time for his coming. the soonies say, this emaum has yet to be born:--the sheahs believe that emaum mhidhie is the person to reappear. some believe he is still on earth, dwelling, as they conjecture, in the wilds and forests; and many go so far as to assert, that mhidhie visits (without being recognized) the holy house of mecca annually, on the great day of sacrifice; but i cannot find any grounds they have for this opinion.[25] they also possess a prophecy, on which much dependance is placed, that 'when the four quarters of the globe contain christian inhabitants, and when the christians approach the confines of kaabah, then may men look for that emaum who is to come'. and it is the general belief amongst mussulmauns, founded on the authority of their most revered and valued writers, that emaum mhidhie will appear with jesus christ at his second coming; and with whom, they declare and firmly believe, he will act in concert to purge the world of sin and wickedness. when, they add, 'all men shall be of one mind and one faith'. of the three principal roots of the mussulmauns' faith, little need be further said in explanation. i have had various opportunities of learning their undisguised thoughts, and wish only to impart what the people are, who are so little known to the world in general. all persons having had the opportunity of studying the peculiarities of their particular faith, will, i think, give them due credit, that reverence for, and belief in god, forms a prominent trait in their character and faith: 'the english translation of the khoraun by sale, (imperfect as all works must be, where the two languages are inadequate to speak each other's meaning,) will tell without a commentary, that the worship of god was the foundation on which mahumud built his code of laws; and that the prophets were all acknowledged by him as messengers sent from god to his people, in every age of the world; and, lastly, that mahumud was the prophet, who came when the people of the earth, vicious and profane, had fallen into the most dissolute habits, worshipping idols instead of god.' this passage is the sentiment expressed to me by a worthy man, and a true mussulmaun; i have traced it out for the sake of explaining what is in the hearts of the mussulmauns of the present day. when i have conversed with some of them on the improbability of mahumud's prophetic mission, i have been silenced by a few words, 'how many prophets were sent to the israelites?'--'many.'--'you cannot enumerate them? then, is it too much to be probable that god's mercy should have been graciously extended to the children of ishmael? they also are abraham's seed. the israelites had many prophets, in all of whom we believe; the ishmaelites have one prophet only, whose mission was to draw men from idolatry to the true god. all men, they add will be judged according to their fidelity in the faith they have professed. it is not the outward sign which makes a man the true mussulmaun; neither is it the mere profession of christianity which will clear the man at the last day. religion and faith are of the heart.' in their collection of writings, i have had access to a voluminous work, entitled 'hyaatool kaaloob'[26] (enlightener of the heart). my husband has translated for me, occasionally, portions of this valuable work, which bears a striking similarity to our holy scriptures, though collected after a different manner; i have acquired, by this means, a more intimate acquaintance with the general character of the mussulmaun's belief. this book contains all the prophets' lives, at every age of the world. it was compiled by mahumud baakur, first in arabic, and afterwards translated by him into the persian language, for the benefit of the public; and is of great antiquity--i cannot now ascertain the exact date. the mussulmaun belief on the subject of the resurrection is, 'when the fulness of time cometh, of which no man knoweth, then shall the earth be destroyed by fire--and after this will be the resurrection of the dead'. the branches emanating from the roots of the mussulmaun faith will require further explanation which shall follow in due course. i will in this letter merely add what is meant by the bridge of sirraat,[27] the scales,[28] and looking into the book as noted in the burial service. 'the bridge of sirraat', they understand, is to be passed over by every person in their passage to eternity, and is represented sharp as the keenest sword.[29] the righteous will be gifted with power to pass over with the rapidity of lightning, neither harm nor inconvenience will attend them on the passage. the wicked, on the contrary, will be without help, and must be many times injured and cut down in the attempt. an idea has crept into the minds of some, that whoever offers up to god, at different periods of his life, such animals as are deemed clean and fitting for sacrifice, the same number and kind, on their day of passing sirraat, shall be in readiness to assist them on the passage over. on this supposition is grounded the object of princes and nobles in india offering camels in sacrifice on the day of buckrah eade.[30] this event answers our scripture account of abraham's offering, but the mussulmauns say, the son of abraham so offered was ishmael, and not isaac. i have disputed the point with some of their learned men, and brought them to search through their authorities; in some one or two there is a doubt as to which was the son offered, but the general writers and most of the mussulmauns themselves believe ishmael was the offering made by abraham. 'the scales are true;' the mussulmauns believe, that on the day of judgment, the good and the bad deeds of every mortal will be submitted to the scales prepared in heaven for that purpose. 'looking into the book is true;' the mussulmauns believe that every human being from their birth is attended by two angels,[31] one resting on the right shoulder the other on the left, continually; their business is to register every action of the individual they attend; when a good action is to be recorded, they beseech the almighty in his mercy to keep the person in the good and perfect way; when evil ways are to be registered, they mourn with intercessions to god that his mercy may be extended, by granting them repentant hearts, and then, his forgiveness. thus they explain 'looking into the book is true', that whatever is contained in this book will be looked into on the day of judgment, and by their deeds therein registered shall they be judged. in the 'hyaatool kaaloob' is to be found the lives of the emaums, from which is gleaned the following remarks:-the emaum mhidhie was an orphan at nine years old. alrouschid,[32] the king of bagdad, advised by his wicked minister, resolved on destroying this boy (the last of the emaums), fearing as he grew into favour with the people, that the power of his sovereignty would decrease. the king sent certain soldiers to seize mhidhie, who was at prayers in an inner room when they arrived. the soldiers demanded and were refused admittance they then forced an entrance and proceeded to the room in which the emaum was supposed to be at prayers, they discovered him immersed to the waist in a tank of water; the soldiers desired him to get out of the water and surrender himself, he continued repeating his prayer, and appeared to take no notice of the men nor their demand. after some deliberations amongst the soldiers, they thought the water was too shallow to endanger their lives, and one entered the tank intending to take the emaum prisoner, he sank instantly to rise no more, a second followed who shared the same fate; and the rest, deterred by the example of their brother soldiers, fled from the place, to report the failure of their plan to the king at bagdad. this writer reports that emaum mhidhie was secretly conveyed away, supposed by the interposition of divine providence, and was not again seen, to be recognized, on earth; yet it is believed he still lives and will remain for the fulfilment of that prophecy which sayeth:--'when mecca is filled with christian people emaum mhidhie will appear, to draw men to the true faith; and then also, jesus christ will descend from heaven to mecca, there will be great slaughter amongst men; after which there will be but one faith--and then shall there be perfect peace and happiness over all the world.' the mussulmauns of the present age discourse much on the subject of that prophecy--particularly during the contest between the greeks and turks, of which however they had no very correct information, yet they fancied the time must be fast approaching, by these leading events, to the fuller accomplishment; often, when in conversation with the most religious men of the country, i have heard them declare it as their firm belief that the time was fast approaching when there should be but one mind amongst all men. 'there is but little more to finish;' 'the time draws near;' are expressions of the mussulmauns' belief, when discoursing of the period anticipated, as prophesied in their sacred writings;--so persuaded are they of the nearness of that time. in relating the substance of my last serious conversation with the devout meer hadjee shaah, i shall disclose the real sentiments of most, if not every religious reflecting, true mussulmaun of his sect in india. meer hadjee shaah delighted in religious conversations; it was his happiest time when, in the quiet of night, the meer, his son, translated, as i read, the holy bible to him. we have often been thus engaged until one or two, and even to a later hour in the morning; he remembered all he heard, and drew comparisons, in his own mind, between the two authorities of sacred writings--the khoraun and bible; the one he had studied through his long life, the other, he was now equally satisfied, contained the word of god; he received them both, and as the 'two witnesses' of god. the last serious conversation i had with him, was a very few days before his death; he was then nearly in as good health as he had been for the last year; his great age had weakened his frame, but he walked about the grounds with his staff, as erect as when i first saw him, and evinced nothing in his general manner that could excite a suspicion that his hours had so nearly run their course. we had been talking of the time when peace on earth should be universal; 'my time, dear baittie[33] (daughter), is drawing to a quick conclusion. you may live to see the events foretold, i shall be in my grave; but remember, i tell you now, though i am dead, yet when jesus christ returns to earth, at his coming, i shall rise again from my grave; and i shall be with him, and with emaum mhidhie also.' this was the substance of his last serious conversation with me, and within one short week he was removed from those who loved to hear his voice; but he still lives in the memory of many, and those who knew his worth are reconciled by reflecting on the 'joy that awaits the righteous'. 'other sheep i have, which are not of this fold: them also i must bring, and they shall hear my voice; and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd.' also, 'in my father's house are many mansions'. these were particularly pleasing passages to him, and often referred to in our scriptural conversations. [1] the shi'ahs only wipe or rub the feet, instead of washing them, as do the sunnis. in the standing posture (_qiyam_) in prayer, the sunnis place the right hand over the left below the navel; the shi'ahs keep their hands hanging on both sides of the body. [2] i have met with the creed of the modern jews, some time in the course of my life, in hurd's _history of all religions_; the belief of the mussulmauns, as regards the unity of god, strictly coincides with that of the jews, described in the first four articles of their creed. [_author_.] [3] _namaz_, liturgical prayer, as contrasted with _du'a_, ordinary prayer. [4] _ramzan, ramazan_. [5] _hajj_. [6] _zakat_. [7] khalifah, 'successor,' 'lieutenant,' 'viceregent.' [8] 'umar, abu bakr, 'usman. [9] no son named ishmail is recorded. ibrahim, his son from his slave girl, mary the copt, died a.d. 631, and was buried at medina. the daughter of abu bakr was 'ayishah. [10] the prophet married hafsah, daughter of 'umar, as his third wife. [11] khadijah. [12] 'whoso is the enemy of gabriel--for he has by god's leave caused to descend on thy heart the confirmation of previous revelations.'--_koran_, ii. 91. [13] 'the story of the destruction of the library at alexandria is first told by bar-hebraeus (abulfaragius), a christian writer who lived six centuries later: it is of very doubtful authority.'--_encyclopaedia britannica_, i. 570. [14] this is incorrect, sunnis very largely preponderating over shi'ahs. according to the latest information there were in the united provinces of agra and oudh, nearly 6-1/2 million sunnis and 183,000 shi'ahs (_imperial gazetteer_ (1908), xxiv. 172). this information was not collected in recent census reports. in the whole of india, in 1881, there were 46-3/4 million sunnis, as compared with 809,561 shi'ahs. [15] the correct list of the imams recognized by the imamiya or orthodox shi'ahs is as follows: 'ali, son-in-law of the prophet; al-hasan, son of 'ali, al-husain, second son of 'ali; 'ali zain-ul-'abidin, son of al-husain; muhammad al-baqir, son of zain-ul-'abidin; ja'afar as-sadiq, son of muhammad al-baqir; ar-raza, son of musa; muhammad at-taqi, son of ar-raza; 'ali-an naqi, son of muhammad at-taqi; al-hasan al-askari, son of 'ali-an naqi; muhammad, son of al-hasan al-askari, or the imam al-mahdi, who is believed to be still alive, and will appear in the last days as the mahdi. [16] _kafn_, properly 'a winding-sheet'. [17] _qanat_. [18] the religious man generally prepares his own winding-sheet, keeping it always ready, and occasionally taking out this monitor to add another verse or chapter, as the train of thought may have urged at the time. i have seen this done by the meer hadjee shaah, who appropriated a piece of fine white cambric muslin, he had received from me, to this sacred purpose. i have often been a silent observer of my revered friend whilst he was engaged in writing passages from the book whose rules he lived by. the anticipated moment when he should require this his kuffin dress, was never clouded by dread, but always looked forward to with cheerfulness and fervent hope; for he trusted in the mercy of god whom he loved and worshipped. [_author_.] [many pilgrims buy at mecca the shroud in which they desire to be buried, and wash it in the well zamzam, supposing that the holy water will secure the repose of the soul after death.] [19] maccurrub means those angels who are at all times privileged to appear in the presence of god;--they are supposed to have eyes of great brilliance. in order that the mussulmauns may have the reply ready for that awful moment, they have a custom of repeating the responses to the angel every evening, when the lamp is first lighted, as they say this sudden light resembles the angels' eyes. i had noticed the custom for some time, and fancied the mussulmaun people worshipped light, until i was made acquainted with the real motive for this general observance both with the men and women. [_author._] [_muqarrab_, 'those allowed to come near'.] [20] kiblaah is the holy place to which men turn their face when offering up their prayer to god, as the jews face jerusalem. literally, 'worshipping place'. [_author._] [_qiblah_: the direction of prayer was changed by the prophet from jerusalem to mecca (_koran_, ii. 138-9, with sale's note).] [21] see p. 72. [22] munkir, or munkar, and nakir are the two recording angels. [23] see p. 78. [24] _du'a_. [25] al-mahdi, 'the directed one', who will appear in the last day. according to the shi'ahs, he has already appeared in the person of muhammad abu'l-qasim, the 12th imam. later claimants are sayyid ahmad, who fought against the sikhs in 1826; muhammad ahmad ibn sayyid abdulla, who fled after the fatal day of omdurman, and was killed in battle in 1899. [26] _hayat[u']l-qulub_ compiled by muhammad baqir, whose last work was published a.d. 1627. it has been partly translated into english by j.l. morrick, boston, 1850. [27] sirat, the bridge over which the soul must cross on its way to paradise. [28] mizan, the balance, with which the deeds of the dead man are weighed.--_koran_, xxi. 47. [29] may not this be a poetical symbol, similar to the scythe? [_author._] [30] baqarah 'id, 'cow festival,' held on the 10th of the month zu'l-hijjah, the month of pilgrimage, the attempted sacrifice of ishmael having, it is said, occurred at mount mina, near mecca. [31] kiramu'l-katibin, one recording the good, the other the evil actions of the dead. [32] harun-al-rashid, 'aaron the orthodox', fifth abbasid caliph, of baghdad (a.d. 763 or 776-809), best known from _the arabian nights_. [33] _beti_. letter vii namaaz (daily prayer).--the mussulmaun prayers.--their different names and times.--extra prayer-service.--the mosque.--ablutions requisite previous to devotion.--prostrations at prayers.--mosque described.--the mussulmauns' sabbath.--its partial observance.--the amusements of this life not discontinued on the sabbath.--employment of domestics undiminished on this day.--works of importance then commenced.--reasons for appropriating friday to the sabbath.--the jews opposed to mahumud.--the prophet receives instructions from the angel gabriel.--their import and definition. remarks of a commentator on the khoraun.--prayer of intercession.--pious observance of christmas day by a native lady.--opinions entertained of our saviour.--additional motives for prayer.--david's mother's prayer.--anecdote of moses and a woodcutter.--remarks upon the piety and devotion of the female mussulmauns. the mussulmaun lawgiver commanded namaaz (daily prayer) five times a day: 1st. 'the soobhoo namaaz,' to commence at the dawn of day. 2nd. 'the zohur,' at the second watch of the day, or mid-day. 3rd. 'the ausur,' at the third day watch. 4th. 'the muggrib,' at sunset; and, 5th. 'the eshaa,' at the fourth ghurrie of the night.[1] these are the commanded hours for prayer. mahumud himself observed an additional service very strictly, at the third watch of the night, which was called by him, 'tahujjoot,'[2] and the most devout men, in all ages of their faith, have imitated this example scrupulously. 'the soobhoo namaaz' is deemed a necessary duty, and commences with the earliest dawn of day. the several prayers and prostrations occupy the greatest part of an hour, with those who are devout in their religious exercises; many extend the service by readings from an excellent collection, very similar to our psalms, called 'the vazefah'.[3] 'the zohur namaaz', an equally essential duty, commences at mid-day, and occupies about the same time as 'the soobhoo'. 'the ausur namaaz' commences at the third day watch. the religious men are not tempted to excuse themselves from the due observance of this hour; but the mere people of the world, or those whose business requires their time, attach this service to the next, and satisfy their conscience with thinking that the prayer-hours combined, answers the same purpose as when separately performed. 'the muggrib namaaz'. this is rigidly observed at sunset; even those who cannot make it convenient at other hours, will leave their most urgent employment to perform this duty at sunset. who that has lived any time in india, cannot call to mind the interesting sight of the labouring classes, returning to their home after the business of the day is over? the sun sinking below the western horizon, the poor man unbinds his waist, and spreads his cummerbund on the side of the road; he performs his ablutions from his brass lota of water, and facing mecca, bows himself down under the canopy of heaven, to fulfil what he believes to be his duty at that hour to his merciful god. 'the eshaa namaaz' commences at the fourth ghurrie of the night. the form of prayer for this namaaz is much longer than the rest. the devout men extend their prayers at this still hour of the night; they tell me that they feel more disposed at this time to pour out their hearts to god in praise and thanksgiving, than at any other period of the day or night; and i have known many of them to be at silent prayer for hours together. many persons in their early life may have neglected that due obedience expected in the commanded daily prayers; in after life, they endeavour to make up the deficiency, by imposing on themselves extra services, to fulfil the number omitted. by the same rule, when a member of the family dies, and it is suspected the due performance of namaaz had been neglected by him, the survivor, who loved him or her in life, is anxious for the soul's rest, and thus proves it by performing additional prayers for the benefit of the soul of that beloved individual. if a mussulmaun falls from affluence to penury, twelve devout men of his faith engage to fast and pray, on a day fixed by themselves, to make intercession for their friend:--they believe in the efficacy of good men's prayers; and meer hadjee shaah has often declared to me, that he has witnessed the benefit of this exercise by the happiest results, in many such cases. the khoraun, it is commanded, shall be read. a person perhaps dies before he has been awakened to a love of sacred things; his friends therefore engage readers to attend his grave, and there to read the khoraun for the benefit of the departed soul.[4] they have a firm belief in the efficacy of prayer by proxy; and the view they have of departed spirits is still more singular. they believe the soul hovers over the body in the grave for some time, and that the body is so far animated, as to be sensible of what is passing; as when the maulvee is repeating the service, the angels visit in the grave, or when the khoraun is read; hence the belief in the efficacy of prayer and reading as substitutes for neglected or omitted duties whilst on earth. there are in all the mosques men retained to do the requisite service there,[5] that is, to keep it clean, and to prevent any thing that could pollute the sanctuary from entering; to call at the stated hours for namaaz, with a loud voice, so that all the neighbourhood may hear and go to prayers; he mounts the minaret as the hour is striking, and pronounces, 'allah wo uckbaar!' 'mahumudoon russool allah!'[6]--god alone is true! mahumud is god's prophet!--with a voice, the extent of which can only be imagined by those who have heard it; this summons is repeated many times over. the mosque is open day and night for all who choose to enter for the purpose of prayer. the mussulmauns, however, in their prayer-services are not restricted to the mosques; all places are deemed holy where no unclean animal has been to defile the spot, as dogs or swine, nor any idol been set up for worship. the person coming to namaaz must not have contaminated himself by touching the dead, or any other thing accounted unclean, until he has bathed his whole body and changed his clothes. this resembles the mosaic law. ablutions are regarded as essentially necessary: if any one is ill, and to use water would be dangerous, or if there be no water to be found where the mussulmaun is about to pray, there is an allowed substitute, merely to rub the hands, feet, knees, and head with the dry dust of clay, and this is counted to them for ablutions. thus prepared, the devotee spreads his prayer-carpet[7] (generally of fine matting) in the most convenient place to himself, if not in the mosque;--perhaps under a tree, in the verandah, or in a room, no matter where, taking care, under all circumstances, that the carpet is spread to face the kaabah (holy house at mecca). at the commencement of his prayers, he stands erect, his hands lifted up, the palms held out towards heaven, where the eyes are also turned whilst expressing adoration and praise to god. this ended, he prostrates himself before the almighty, his forehead touching the ground; the form of words here used expresses the unworthiness of the creature permitted to approach and worship the creator; again he stands to repeat the glorious perfections of god; he then kneels in worship and prayer, after which prostrations are resumed, &c. in the performance of some of the services they prostrate five times, standing up and kneeling an equal number of times; the shortest services have three, and all the prayers and praises are arranged in arabic,--that most expressive language,--which to translate, they say, is to corrupt the meaning of the prayers. for this reason the khoraun is not allowed in any other than the original language; and for the benefit of the unlearned in arabic, it is commented upon, passage by passage, in the persian language. the mosques are all erected on one plan; the entrance to the outer court is secured by a gate or door always on the latch, without locks, bars, or bolts; in the paved yard a tank or reservoir for bathing or ablutions is usually provided. the mosque itself is square, with a dome and two minarets; the side next the court-yard is the entrance, and generally this front is entirely open; the back of the mosque faces mecca, in which direction the prayer must be offered to be effectual. these houses of prayer are generally kept clean and neat, but not the slightest ornament allowed within the walls; the floor is matted, and a plain wooden mhembur (pulpit) is provided. shoes never enter within the precincts of the mosque; 'put off thy shoes' is strictly observed by mussulmauns in all sacred places--a man praying with shoes on his feet would be accounted mad or a heathen.[8] the sabbath of the mussulmauns is kept on friday, commencing on the preceding night, after the manner of the jews, only with the difference of the day.[9] as a religious rest, the sabbath is but partially observed with mussulmauns. the soonies, i have remarked, pay much more attention to its institutions than the sheahs; but with either sect, the day is less strictly kept, than might have been expected from people who really seem to make religion their study, and the great business of their lives. both sects have extra prayers for the day besides the usual namaaz, which, the religious people perform with, great punctuality, whether they carry their devotions to the mosque, or offer their prayers in due form in their own abode. on the sabbath they make it a point to bathe and change their apparel; the public offices are closed, and the shops partially shut until mid-day; the rulers,--as kings or nuwaubs,--distinguish the day by not receiving their courtiers and the public visitors, as on other days. charitable donations are likewise more bountifully dispensed from the rich to the poor on friday. these observances serve to convince us that they believe in the constituted sabbath; still there is not that strict respect for the holy day which could satisfy the scrupulous feelings of a christian; the servants are quite as much employed on friday as on any other day;--the dhurzie[10] (tailor), dhobhie[11] (washerman), and indeed the whole establishment of servants and slaves, male and female, find their work undiminished on the sabbath. the ladies amuse themselves with cards or dice, the singing women even are quite as much in request as on other days; and all the amusements of life are indulged in without once seeming to suspect that they are disobeying the law of god, or infringing on their actual duties. indeed, i believe they would keep the day strictly, if they thought doing so was a necessary duty: but i have often observed, that as friday is one of their 'fortunate days', works of any importance are commenced on this day;--whether it be building a house,--planting a garden or field,--writing a book,--negotiating a marriage,--going a journey,--making a garment, or any other business of this life which they wish should prosper. with them, therefore, the day of rest is made one of the busiest in the calendar; but i must do them the justice to say, that they believe their hearts are more pure after the ablutions and prayers have been performed. and that as nothing, however trifling or important, according to their praiseworthy ideas, should ever be commenced without being first dedicated to god,--from whose mercy they implore aid and blessings on the labour of their hands,--they set apart friday for commencing whatever business they are anxious should prosper. this was the excuse made by the pious meer hadjee shaah. mahumud's biographers notice in many instances the strict observance of the sabbath, at the period in which he flourished; they also say he selected friday to be observed as the mussulmaun sabbath in distinction from the jews, who it would seem were jealous of mahumud's teaching, and annoyed both him and his followers in every way they could possibly devise. and the khoraun commentators, on the subject of mahumud's mission, declare, when speaking of the place to which the mussulmaun bow in prayer, 'that when mahumud first commenced his task of teaching the ignorant arabians to forsake their idol worship, and to turn to the only true god, he was often reviled and insulted by the jews; who even ridiculed the presumption of the mussulmauns in daring to bow down, in their worship, towards jerusalem, in the same direction with them. mahumud was sadly perplexed whether to abstain or continue the practice, as he was unwilling to offend the jews: in this trial he was visited by the angel gabriel, who brought the following command to him from god:-'turn from jerusalem; and when thou bowest down to me, face that holy house of abraham, the place of sacrifice: that shall be thy kiblaah, o mahumud.' kiblaah is the point to which men bow in worship.[12] kaabah is the 'holy house' where abraham's sacrifice was offered. mecca is the city or tract of country surrounding the house. thus they will say: 'i am making my pilgrimage to mecca, to visit the kaabah, which in my namaaz, has been my kiblaah when worshipping my god.' a commentator on the khoraun writes, in allusion to the prevailing worldly-minded men of his day, the following expressive definition of the objects most worshipped by them, and concludes with the one only kiblaah deserving men's attention. 'the sovereign's kiblaah is his well-ornamented crown.' 'the sensualist's kiblaah, the gratification of his appetites.' 'the lover's kiblaah, the mistress of his heart.' 'the miser's kiblaah, his hoards of gold and silver.' 'the ambitious man's kiblaah, this world's honours and possessions.' 'the mere professor's kiblaah, the arch of the holy house.' and 'the righteous man's kiblaah, the pure love of god,--which may all men learn and practise.' the mussulmaun faith directs them to believe, not only in the prophets and their writings, but also that they are intercessors at the throne of grace; for this reason mahumud taught his followers to call on god to hear them for the sake of,-'1st. adam, suffee ali ("the pure" is the nearest possible translation).' '2nd. noah, the prophet of god.' '3rd. abraham, the friend of god.' '4th. moses, who conversed with god.' '5th. jesus, the soul of god.' '6th. mahumud, the prophet of god.'[13] those persons who are devout in the exercise of their religious duties day by day, in the concluding part of the morning namaaz strictly observe the practice of mahumud and the emaums, in the prayers of intercession; and the 'salaam-oon-ali khoom',[14] (peace or rest be with thee) o adam suffee ali! and to thee, o noah, the prophet of god! and to thee, o abraham! &c. &c. going through the line in the manner and rotation above-described, concluding with the several emaums, twelve in number (as in their creed). it will be seen by this, that they have reverence for all who came from god, to teach mankind his will. they believe also, that the holy prophets are sensible of the respect paid to them by existing mortals, as also when on earth they knew what was in the hearts of those men they conversed with. i have the honour to be acquainted with a lady of the mussulmaun religion, who lives in accordance with the faith she professes. there was a period in her life, within my recollection, when she had very severe trials of a domestic nature. she trusted in god for relief, and followed in the way she had been instructed, keeping fasts and holy days; testifying her respect for the prophets, by observing those days for extra prayer and giving alms, which the khoraun and commentaries represent as worthy to be done, by the devout mussulmauns. amongst the number of days strictly observed by this pious lady during her troubles, was the nativity of jesus christ, for whose sake she fed the hungry, clothed the naked, and gave alms to the necessitous. i was the more delighted when first hearing of this circumstance, because i had judged of the mussulmaun faith by common report, and fancied they rejected, with the jews, our redeemer having come. they, on the contrary, believe, according to their prophet's words, 'that he was born of the virgin mary; that he worked miracles; that he ascended after his earthly commission had ceased, to the seventh heaven; that he will again visit the earth (when their emaum mhidhie will also appear), to cleanse the world of its corrupt wickedness, when all men shall live in peace, and but one faith shall prevail, in the worship of the true god'. the mussulmaun work, 'hyaatool kaloob' (which i have so often referred to), contains, with the lives of all the prophets, the life of jesus christ, his acts, and the ungeel[15] (gospel). the gospel they have is in many things different from ours; it is not formed into books by the apostles, neither are the miracles united with the gospel, but are detailed as the acts of christ jesus. what they understand by the ungeel, is, 'the word of god by the mouth of jesus';--for instance, the sermon on the mount, or, in other words, the precepts of jesus. i am indebted to the meer for this information. the mussulmauns say, 'all power belongs to god.--who would dare dispute the miracle of christ's birth? is there any thing difficult with god? god first formed adam from the dust; and by his word all things were created. is there any thing too great for his power? let no man, then, dispute the birth of christ by a pure virgin.' they believe that jesus christ was the prophet of god, but they believe not that he is god; and they deem all who thus declare christ to be god, as unfaithful both to god and to christ. i have said the mussulmauns of each sect have extra prayers, beside the namaaz, or daily services of prayer. i suppose there are a greater variety of prayers amongst these people than with those of any other religion. very few, if any, of the devout men, in the early ages of their religion, have omitted to leave behind them some testimony of their regard for posterity in the form of 'prayers', dictating the words most likely to lead the heart of the creature to the worship of the creator; and also directions how to pray for any particular object they may desire to accomplish by the aid of god, in whom they are instructed and believe the fulness of power, as of glory, ever was, is, and will be to all eternity. if the mussulmaun suffers by persecution, by sickness, by loss of property, or any other distress of mind or body, he applies himself to the particular prayer of a favourite emaum, or holy scribe, suited to his exact case. i cannot do better here than copy the translation my husband has made of the leading causes for the use of that prayer called 'daaood's[16] (david's) mother's prayer', in which i have known so many people to be engaged, when under difficulties, at the appointed period, viz. the fifteenth day of the month rujub. the prayer itself occupies about sixteen closely written pages, and the person intending to make use of it, is expected to bathe and fast, as commanded by mahumud, who instructed his followers in this prayer, which was then called 'the opening of difficulties',[17] afterwards, and to the present day 'david's mother's prayer', by reason of a miraculous occurrence which followed her having fulfilled the task of fasting, preparation, and the prayer alluded to. 'a very poor woman had been engaged in the family of the emaum jaffur saadick,[18] as wet-nurse to his son; she was much respected in the family, who wished to have retained her with them, when the child was weaned; but she would return to her own village, where her son was living, at some distance from the city of koofah. 'her son, named daaood, grew up under her maternal care, and proved the great comfort and solace of her life, by his dutiful and affectionate bearing towards her. at that period the reigning king of arabia was a most cruel man, and an idolater; he persecuted all the professors of the "true faith" whenever they came within his reach, with the most barbarous brutality. 'one day, at an early hour, daaood's mother presented herself at the house of the emaum, in great distress of mind, and related the heavy affliction which had befallen her, in the loss of her dearly loved son (then a fine youth), who had been decoyed by the wicked emissaries of the king, for the purpose, it was feared, of immolation--as it was known to be his custom, when, laying the foundation of a building, to deposit living victims of the mussulmaun faith beneath it. the poor woman had no hope her eyes would ever again be blessed with the sight of her fondly-loved son, and still more agonizing were her fears, that his protracted sufferings would be of the same terrible description with numbers of the faithful who had fallen into the hands of that wretched heathen king. 'her friends in the emaum's family grieved over the sad affliction with which their favourite had been visited. the emaum strove to comfort her, and proposed that she should perform the prayer in which mahumud had instructed his followers for "the opening of difficulties". "alas!" replied the woman, "poor ignorant that i am, how shall i repeat that prayer; i cannot read: knowest thou not, my emaum, that i am not acquainted with letters?" "but i will teach you the prayer," answered the emaum; "you shall repeat it after me, and by diligence you will acquire it perfectly by that day, on which our prophet commanded his followers to perform the fast and offer this prayer, that god might be pleased to remove their calamities." 'the poor woman obeyed all the injunctions and advice of the emaum jaffur saadick punctually; acquired, by her diligence, the words of the prayer; strictly observed the preparation by fast; and, on the fifteenth "day of rujub", the prayer was duly performed, with sincere devotion and perfect faith in god's power, and his infinite mercy. 'in the mean time, it appears, the king having been much troubled in a dream, he was warned to release his prisoner from captivity without delay, at the peril of destruction to himself and all he possessed. the warning dream presented him with a view of the gulf to which he was condemned, if he delayed the release of daaood from his confinement. the person of the youth was so clearly represented to the king in his dream, that there could be no possible mistake in the particular captive to be freed, out of the many he held in bondage. the king awakening from his troubled sleep, demanded of his attendants where the young man was confined; and learning from the chief officer of his court that daaood was sent to a distant place, to be the offering buried under the foundation of a house, erecting by his command: the swiftest camels were ordered immediately, to convey messengers with two bags of gold, and the king's mandate, peremptorily ordering the release of the youth, if happily he yet existed; and if the building was proceeding with, the superintendent was cautioned to pull it down with the utmost care and dispatch, so that nothing should be omitted which could be done to preserve that life now so dear to the hopes of the king. 'the messengers reached the place on the third day after daaood had been immured in the foundation of the building. small, indeed, were the hopes that the king's desires would be gratified. the builder, however, more humane than his employer, had so raised the work round the person of daaood, as to leave him unhurt by its pressure, and having left a small aperture for air, his life was preserved;--the masonry being removed promptly, and with caution, the youth was discovered not only alive, but even uninjured by the confinement. the courier mounted the boy on the camel, with the present of gold contained in two bags, and conveyed daaood, without loss of time, to his mother's abode. 'all the particulars having undergone due investigation, it was clearly proved that it was on that very day when the poor woman was occupied in her fast and prayer, that her son daaood was released from the foundation of the king's house and restored to his home. from this time forward the prayer of "opening difficulties" was denominated "or of daaood's mother".' turning over my collection of curiosities for the story of daaood's mother, which the meer translated for me many years since, i met with an ancient anecdote which. i received from the same dear revered friend i must often quote as my author when i am detailing the particulars of things which i have heard and not seen,--meer hadjee shaah,--who tells me he has found the following anecdote in the 'commentary on the history of moses'.--it is translated by my husband. 'when huzerut[19] moosa (moses), "to whose spirit be peace!" was on earth, there lived near him a poor yet remarkably religious man, who had for many years supported himself and his wife by the daily occupation of cutting wood for his richer neighbours; four small copper coins (equivalent to our halfpence) proved the reward of his toil, which at best afforded the poor couple but a scanty meal after his day's exertions. 'the prophet moosa passed the woodcutter one morning, who accosted him with "o moosa! prophet of the most high; behold i labour each day for my coarse and scanty meal; may it please thee, o huzerut! to make a petition for me to our gracious god, that he may in his mercy grant me at once the whole supply for my remaining years, so that i shall enjoy one day of earthly happiness, and then, with my wife, be transferred to the place of eternal rest". moosa promised and made the required petition; his prayer was answered from mount tor, thus:-'"this man's life is long, o moses! nevertheless, if he be willing to surrender life when his supply is exhausted, tell him thy prayer is heard, the petition accepted, and the whole amount shall be found beneath his jhaawn namaaz[20] (prayer-carpet) after his early prayers." 'the woodcutter was satisfied when moosa told him the result of his petition, and when the first duties of the morning were concluded, he failed not in looking for the promised remittance, where, to his surprise, he found a heap of silver coins. calling his wife, the woodcutter told her what he had required of the lord through his holy prophet moosa; pointing to the result, they both agreed it was very good to enjoy a short life of happiness on earth and depart in peace; although they could not help again and again recurring to the number of years on earth they had thus sacrificed. "we will make as many hearts rejoice as this the lord's gift will admit," they both agreed, "and thus we shall secure in our future state the blessed abode promised to those who fulfil the commands of god in this, since to-morrow our term of life must close." 'the day was spent in providing and preparing provisions for the meal. the whole sum was expended on the best sorts of food, and the poor made acquainted with the rich treat the woodcutter and his wife were cooking for their benefit. the food was cooked for the indigent, and allotments made to each hungry applicant, reserving for themselves one good substantial meal, to be eaten only when the poor were all served and satisfied. it happened at the very moment they were seated to enjoy this their last meal, as they believed, a voice was heard, "o friend! i have heard of your feast,--i am late, yet may it be that you have a little to spare, for i am hungry to my very heart. the blessing of god be on him who relieves my present sufferings from hunger!" the woodcutter and his wife agreed that it would be much, better for them to go to heaven with half a bellyful, than leave one fellow-creature on earth famishing for a meal; they, therefore, determined on sharing their own portion with him who had none, and he went away from them rejoicing. "now," said the happy pair, "we shall eat our half-share with unmixed delight, and with thankful hearts. by to-morrow eve we shall be transferred to paradise." 'they had scarcely raised the savoury food to their opening mouths, when a voice of melancholy bewailing arrested their attention, and stayed the hands already charged with food;--a poor wretched creature, who had not tasted food for two whole days, moaned his piteous tale in accents that drew tears from the woodcutter and his wife--their eyes met and the sympathy was mutual; they were more willing to depart for heaven without the promised benefit of one earthly enjoyment, than suffer the hungry creature to die from want of that meal they had before them. the dish was promptly tendered to the bewailing subject, and the woodcutter and his wife consoled each other by thinking that, as their time of departure was now so near at hand, the temporary enjoyment of a meal was not worth one moment's consideration. "to-morrow we die, then of what consequence to us whether we depart with full or empty stomachs!" and now their thoughts were set on the place of eternal rest. they slept, and arose to their morning orisons with hearts resting humbly on their god, in the fullest expectation that this was their last day on earth: the prayer was concluded, and the woodcutter in the act of rolling up his carpet, on which he had bowed with gratitude, reverence, and love to his creator, when he perceived a fresh heap of silver on the floor;--he could scarcely believe it was not a dream. "how wonderful art thou, o god!" cried the poor woodcutter; "this is thy bounteous gift that i may indeed enjoy one day before i quit this earth." and when moosa came to him, he (moosa) was satisfied with the goodness and power of god; but he retired again to the mount to inquire of god the cause of the woodcutter's respite. the reply given to moosa was, "that man has faithfully applied the wealth given in answer to his petition. he is worthy to live out his numbered years on earth, who, receiving my bounty, thought not of his own enjoyments whilst his fellow men had wants he could supply." and to the end of the woodcutter's long life, god's bounty lessened not in substance; neither did the pious man relax in his charitable duties of sharing with the indigent all that he had, and with the same disregard to his own enjoyments.' i have but little to add, as regards the manner of worship amongst my mussulmaun acquaintance; but here i cannot omit remarking, that the women are devout in their prayers and strict in their observance of ordinances. that they are not more generally educated is much to be regretted; this, however, is their misfortune, not their fault. the mussulmaun faith does not exclude the females from a participation in the eternal world,[21]--as has so often been assorted by people who could not have known them,--and the good mussulmaun proves it by his instruction of the females under his control in the doctrines of mahumud, and who he believes to be as much dependent on him for guidance on the road to heaven, as for personal protection from want or worldly dangers. the pure life of fatima, mahumud's only daughter, is greatly esteemed as an example of female excellence, whom they strive to imitate as much as possible, as well in religious as in moral or domestic duties. they are zealous to fulfil all the ordinances of their particular faith,--and i have had the best possible opportunity of studying their character,--devotion to god being the foundation on which every principal action of their lives seems to rest. in my delineation of character, whether male or female, i must not be supposed to mean the whole mass of the mussulmaun population. there are good and bad of every class or profession of people; it has been my good fortune to be an inmate with the pious of that faith, and from their practice i have been aided in acquiring a knowledge of what constitutes a true disciple of mahumud. [1] the writer mixes up the persian and arabic names of the hours of prayer. the proper names, according to this list, are: i, namaz-i-subh, from dawn to sunrise; ii, salatu'l-zuhr, when the sun has begun to decline; iii, salatu'l 'asr, midway between nos. ii and iv; iv, sala tu'l-maghrib, a few minutes after sunset; v, salatu'l 'isha, when night has closed in. [2] _namaz-i-tahajjid_, the prayer after midnight. [3] _wazifah_, 'a daily ration of food', a term used for the daily lesson or portion of the _koran_ read by devout musalmans. the _koran_ is divided into thirty lessons (_siparah_) for use during the month ramazan. [4] special readers (_muqri_) of the _koran_ are needed, owing to the want of vowels in the arabic character (sale, _preliminary discourse_, 47). readers are often employed to recite the _koran_ over a corpse on the way to karbala. [5] known as khadim. [6] _allahu akbar ... muhammadan rasulu'llah._ in english the entire call runs: 'allah is most great (four times), i testify that there is no god but allah (twice), i testify that muhammad is the apostle of allah (twice), come to prayer (twice), come to salvation (twice), allah is most great (twice), there is no god but allah!' [7] known as _ja'e-namaz,_ 'place of prayer'. [8] see p. 27. [9] the _salatu'l-juma'_, the friday prayer, is obligatory. friday was appointed a sabbath to distinguish musalmans from jews and christians. [10] _darzi_. [11] _dhobi_. [12] see p. 74. [13] the correct titles are as follows: adam, _safiyu'llah,_ 'the chosen one of god'; noah, _nabiyu'llah_, 'the prophet of god'; abraham, _khalilu'llah_, 'the friend of god'; moses, _kalimu'llah_, 'he that spoke with god'; jesus, _ruhu'llah_, 'a spirit from god'; muhammad, _rasulu 'illah,_ 'the prophet of god'. [14] _salam-'alai-kum._ [15] _injil, [greek: e'uaggélion]_, the gospel, as opposed to _taurat_, the pentateuch. [16] daud. [17] the fatiha, or opening chapter of the _koran_, used like the pator-noster. [18] ja'afar as-sadiq. [19] _hazrat_, 'reverend', or 'superior'. [20] _ja'e-namaz_, known also as _sajjadah_, or _musalla_. [21] the assertion that the koran teaches that women have no souls is incorrect. see the texts collected by hughes, _dictionary of islam_, pp. 677 ff. letter viii the fast of rumzaun.--motives for its strict observance.--its commencement and duration.--sentiments of meer hadjee shaah on the duty of fasting.--adherence of the females to the observing this fast.--how first broken.--devout persons extend the term to forty days.--children permitted to try their zeal.--calamitous effects of the experiment.--exemptions from this duty.--joyful termination of the fast.--celebration of eade on the last day.--the nuzza.--nautchwomen and domenie.--surprise of the natives at european dancing.--remarks on their music.--anecdotes of fatima.--the chuckee. 'the poor man fasts, because he wanteth meat; the sick man fasts, because he cannot eat. the miser fasts, with greedy mind, to spare; the glutton fasts, to eat a greater share. the hypocrite, he fasts to seem more holy; the righteous man, to punish sinful folly.' the secret motive of the heart, man cannot fathom in his neighbour's deeds. there are some actions so praiseworthy in themselves, that the charitably disposed will pass over the probable actuating motive, when looking only to the fair example. i have, however, reason to think that the mussulmauns generally, in fulfilling the commanded fast of rumzaun, have an unexceptionable motive. they are taught by their lawgiver, that the due performance of this rigid fast is an acceptable service to god the creator, from man the creature: they believe this, and therefore they fast? amongst the well-informed it is persevered in as a duty delightful to be permitted to perform; the ignorant take some merit to themselves in having faithfully observed the command; yet all the fasting population are actuated more or less by the same motive,---the desire to please god by fulfilling his commands, delivered to them by their acknowledged prophet. the severity of a mussulmaun's fast can alone be understood by those who have made the trial, as i frequently have, of the strict rules of abstinence which they observe; and with the additional privations to be endured at the period of the hottest months and the longest days in the same climate, as will sometimes be the case with all their movable fasts. the mussulmaun fast commences when the first streak of light borders the eastern horizon, and continues until the stars are clearly discerned in the heavens. during this period not the slightest particle of food, not one single drop of water, or any other liquid, passes the lips; the hookha, even, is disallowed during the continuance of the fast, which of itself forms not only a luxury of great value, but an excellent antidote to hunger. amongst the really religious mussulmauns the day is passed in occasional prayer, besides the usual namaaz, reading the khoraun, or the lives of the prophets. i have witnessed some, in their happy employment of these fatiguing days, who evinced even greater animation in their conversation than at other times; towards the decline of a day, when the thermometer has stood at eighty-nine in the shade of a closed house, they have looked a little anxious for the stars appearing, but,--to their credit be it told,--without the slightest symptom of impatience or fretfulness at the tardy approach of evening. my revered friend, meer hadjee shaah, always told me that the great secret of a fast, to be beneficial, was to employ time well, which benefited both soul and body; employment suited to the object of the fast being the best possible alleviation to the fatigue of fasting. he adds, if the temper be soured either by the abstinence or the petty ills of life, the good effects of the fast are gone with the ruffled spirit, and that the person thus disturbed had much better break his fast, since it ceases to be of any value in the sight of him to whom the service is dedicated; the institution of the fast having for its object to render men more humble, more obedient to their god; all dissensions must be forgotten; all vicious pursuits abandoned, to render the service of a fast an acceptable offering to god. in the zeenahnah, the females fast with zealous rigidness; and those who have not the happiness to possess a knowledge of books, or a husband or father disposed to read to them, will still find the benefit of employment in their gold embroidery of bags and trimmings, or other ornamental needle-work; some will listen to the khaaunie[1] (tales), related by their attendants; others will overlook, and even assist in the preparations going forward for opening the fast. ladies of the first quality do not think it a degradation to assist in the cooking of choice dishes. it is one of the highest favours a lady can confer on her friends, when she sends a tray of delicate viands cooked by her own hands. so that with the prayers, usual and occasional, the daily nap of two hours, indulged in throughout the year, occupation is made to fill up the day between dawn and evening; and they bear the fatigue with praiseworthy fortitude. those who are acquainted with letters, or can afford to maintain hired readers, pass this month of trials in the happiest manner. the fast is first broken by a cooling draught called tundhie[2]; the same draught is usually resorted to in attacks of fever. the tundhie is composed of the seeds of lettuce, cucumber, and melon, with coriander, all well pounded and diluted with cold water, and then strained through muslin, to which is added rose-water, sugar, syrup of pomegranate, and kurah[3] (a pleasant-flavoured distilled water from the blossom of a species of aloe). this cooling draught is drank by basins' full amongst the rozedhaars[4] (fasters), and it is generally prepared in the zeenahnah apartments for the whole establishment, male and female. some of the aged and more delicate people break their fast with the juice of spinach[5] only, others choose a cup of boiling water to sip from. my aged friend, meer hadjee shaah, has acquired a taste for tea, by partaking of it so often with me; and with this he has broken his fast for several years, as he says, with the most comforting sensations to himself. i have seen some people take a small quantity of salt in the first instance, preparatory to a draught of any kind of liquid. without some such prelude to a meal, after the day's fast, the most serious consequences are to be apprehended. after indulging freely in the simple liquids, and deriving great benefit and comfort from a hookha, the appetite for food is generally stayed for some time: many persons prefer a rest of two hours before they can conveniently touch the food prepared for them, and even then, seldom eat in the same proportion as they do at other meals. many suffice themselves with the one meal, and indulge in that very sparingly. the servants and labouring classes, however, find a second meal urgently necessary, which they are careful to take before the dawning day advances. in most families, cold rice-milk is eaten at that early hour. meer hadjee shaah, i have before noticed, found tea to be the best antidote to extreme thirst, and many are the times i have had the honour to present him with this beverage at the third watch of the night, which he could enjoy without fear of the first streaks of light on the horizon arriving before he had benefited by this luxury. the good things provided for dinner after the fast are (according to the means of the party) of the best, and in all varieties; and from the abundance prepared, a looker-on would pronounce a feast at hand; and so it is, if to feed the hungry be a feast to the liberal-hearted bestower, which with these people i have found to be a part and parcel of their nature. they are instructed from their infancy to know all men as brothers who are in any strait for food; and they are taught by the same code, that for every gift of charity they dispense with a free good will, they shall have the blessing and favour of their creator abundantly in return. on the present occasion, they cook choice viands to be distributed to the poor, their fellow-labourers in the harvest; and in proportion to the number fed, so are their expectations of blessings from the great giver of all good, in whose service it is performed. in my postscript you will find several anecdotes of the daughter of mahumud on the subject of charity. when any one is prevented fulfilling the fast of rumzaun in his own person he is instructed to consider himself bound to provide food for opening the fast of a certain number of poor men who are rozedhaars. the general food of the peasantry and lower orders of the people--bread and dhall[6]--is deemed sufficient, if unable to afford anything better. when any one dies without having duly observed the fast, pious relatives engage some devout person to perform a month's fast, which they believe will be accepted for the neglectful person. many devout mussulmauns extend the fast from thirty to full forty days, by the example of mahumud and his family; and it is no unusual thing to meet with others who, in addition to this month, fast every thursday through the year; some very rigid persons even fast the month preceding and the following month, as well as the month of rumzaun. some very young people (children we should call them in happy england) are permitted to try their fasting powers, perhaps for a day or two during the month of rumzaun. the first fast of the noviciate is an event of no small moment to the mother, and gives rise to a little festival in the zeenahnah; the females of the family use every sort of encouragement to induce the young zealot to persevere in the trial when once commenced, and many are the preparations for the opening last with due éclat in their circle--sending trays of the young person's good things to intimate friends, in remembrance of the interesting event; and generally with a parade of servants and music, when the child (i must have it so) belongs to the nobility, or persons of consequence, who at the same time distribute money and food to the poor. these first fasts of the young must be severe trials, particularly in the hot season. i have heard, it is no uncommon thing for the young sufferers to sink under the fatigue, rather than break the fast they have had courage to commence. the consolation to the parents in such a case would be, that their child was the willing sacrifice, and had died 'in the road of god', as all deaths occurring under performances of a known duty are termed. within my recollection a distressing calamity of this nature occurred at lucknow, in a very respectable family. i did not know the party personally, but it was the topic in all the houses i visited at that period. i made a memorandum of the circumstance at the time, from which the following is copied: 'two children, a son and daughter of respectable parents, the eldest thirteen and the youngest eleven years of age, were permitted to prove their faith by the fast, on one of the days of rumzaun; the parents, anxious to honour their fidelity, expended a considerable sum of money in the preparations for celebrating the event amongst their circle of friends. every delicacy was provided for opening their fast, and all sorts of dainties prepared to suit the epicurean palates of the asiatics, who when receiving the trays at night would know that this was the testimony of the children's perseverance in that duty they all hold sacred. 'the children bore the trial well throughout the morning, and even until the third watch of the day had passed, their firmness would have reflected credit on people twice their age, making their first fast. after the third watch, the day was oppressively hot, and the children evinced symptoms of weariness and fatigue; they were advised to try and compose themselves to sleep; this lulled them for a short time, but their thirst was more acute when they awoke than before. the mother and her friends endeavoured to divert their attention by amusing stories, praising their perseverance, &c. the poor weak lady was anxious that they should persevere; as the day was now so far gone, she did not like her children to lose the benefit of their fast, nor the credit due to them for their forbearance. the children endeavoured to support with patience the agony that bowed them down--they fainted, and then the mother was almost frantic, blaming herself for having encouraged them to prolong their fast against their strength. cold water was thrown over them; attempts were made to force water into their mouths; but, alas! their tender throats were so swollen, that not a drop passed beyond their mouths. they died within a few minutes of each other; and the poor wretched parents were left childless through their own weakness and mistaken zeal. the costly viands destined for the testimony of these children's faith, it may be supposed, were served out to the hungry mendicants as the first offerings dedicated to the now happy spirits of immortality.' this is a sad picture of the distressing event, but i have not clothed it in the exaggerated garb some versions bore at the time the circumstance happened. there are some few who are exempt from the actual necessity of fasting during rumzaun; the sick, the aged, women giving nourishment to infants, and those in expectation of adding to the members of the family, and very young children, these are all commanded not to fast.[7] there is a latitude granted to travellers also; but many a weary pilgrim whose heart is bent heavenward will be found taking his rank amongst the rozedhaars of the time, without deeming he has any merit in refraining from the privileges his code has conferred upon him; such men will fast whilst their strength permits them to pursue their way. towards the last week of rumzaun the haggard countenances and less cheerful manners of the fasting multitude seem to increase, but they seldom relax unless their health is likely to be much endangered by its continuance. the conclusion of the month rumzaun is celebrated as an eade[8] (festival), and, if not more splendid than any other in the mussulmaun calendar, it is one of the greatest heart-rejoicing days. it is a sort of thanksgiving day amongst the devout people who have been permitted to accomplish the task; and with the vulgar and ignorant, it is hailed with delight as the season of merriment and good living--a sort of reward for their month's severe abstinence. the namaaz of the morning, and the prayer for eade, commence with the dawn; after which the early meal of eade is looked forward to with some anxiety. in every house the same dainties are provided with great exactness (for they adhere to custom as to a law): plain boiled rice, with dhie[9] (sour curd) and sugar, forms the first morning repast of this eade; dried dates are eaten with it (in remembrance of the prophet's family, whose greatest luxury was supposed to be the dates of arabia).[10] a preparation of flour (similar to our vermicelli)[11] eaten with cold milk and sugar, is amongst the good things of this day, and trifling as it may appear, the indulgence is so great to the native population, that they would consider themselves unfortunate rozedhaars, if they were not gratified, on this occasion, with these simple emblems of long-used custom. the very same articles are in request in mussulmaun society, by this custom, from the king to the meanest of his subjects. the ladies' assemblies, on this eade, are marked by all the amusements and indulgences they can possibly invent or enjoy, in their secluded state. some receiving, others paying visits in covered conveyances; all doing honour to the day by wearing their best jewellery and splendid dresses. the zeenahnah rings with the festive songs and loud music, the cheerful meeting of friends, the distribution of presents to dependants, and remembrances to the poor; all is life and joy, cheerful bustle and amusement, on this happy day of eade, when the good lady of the mansion sits in state to receive nuzzas from inferiors, and granting proofs of her favour to others. nuzza[12] is an offering of money from inferiors to those who rank in society above the person presenting; there is so much of etiquette observed in native manners, that a first visit to a superior is never made without presenting a nuzza. when we arrived in india, an old servant of my husband's family, named muckabeg, was sent to meet us at patna to escort us to lucknow; on entering our budgerow[13] he presented fourteen rupees to me, which were laid on a folded handkerchief. i did not then understand what was intended, and looked to the meer for explanation; he told me to accept muckabeg's 'nuzza'. i hesitated, remarking that it seemed a great deal more than a man in his situation could afford to give away. my husband silenced my scruples by observing, 'you will learn in good time that these offerings are made to do you honour, together with the certain anticipation of greater benefits in return; muckabeg tenders this nuzza to you, perhaps it is all the money he possesses, but he feels assured it will be more than doubly repaid to him in the value of a khillaut[14] (dress of honour) he expects from your hands to-day. he would have behaved himself disrespectfully in appearing before you without a nuzza, and had you declined accepting it, he would have thought that you were either displeased with him, or did not approve of his coming.' this little incident will perhaps explain the general nature of all the nuzzas better than any other description i could offer. kings and nuwaubs keep the festival in due form, seated on the throne or musnud, to receive the congratulations and nuzzas of courtiers and dependants, and presenting khillauts to ministers, officers of state, and favourites. the gentlemen manage to pass the day in receiving and paying visits, all in their several grades having some inferiors to honour them in the presentation of offerings, and on whom they can confer favours and benefits; feasting, music, and dancing-women, filling up the measure of their enjoyments without even thinking of wine, or any substitute stronger than such pure liquids as graced the feasts of the first inhabitants of the world. the nautchwomen in the apartments of the gentlemen, and the domenie[15] in the zeenahnahs are in great request on this day of festivity, in every house where the pleasures and the follies of this world are not banished by hearts devoted solely to the service of god. 'the nautch' has been, so often described that it would here be superfluous to add to the description, feeling as i do an utter dislike both to the amusement and the performers. the nautchunies are entirely excluded from the female apartments of the better sort of people; no respectable mussulmaun would allow these impudent women to perform before their wives and daughters. but i must speak of the domenie, who are the singers and dancers admitted within the pale of zeenahnah life; these, on the contrary, are women of good character, and their songs are of the most chaste description, chiefly in the hindoostaunie tongue. they are instructed in native music and play on the instruments in common use with some taste,--as the saattarah[16] (guitar), with three wire strings; the surringhee[17] (rude-shaped violin); the dhome or dholle[18] (drum), in many varieties, beaten with the fingers, never with sticks. the harmony produced is melancholy and not unpleasing, but at best all who form the several classes of professors in native societies are indifferent musicians. amateur performers are very rare amongst the mussulmauns; indeed, it is considered indecorous in either sex to practise music, singing, or dancing; and such is the prejudice on their minds against this happy resource amongst genteel people of other climates, that they never can reconcile themselves to the propriety of 'the sahib logue',--a term in general use for the english people visiting india,--figuring away in a quadrille or country dance. the nobles and gentlemen are frequently invited to witness a 'station-ball'; they look with surprise at the dancers, and i have often been asked why i did not persuade my countrywomen that they were doing wrong. 'why do the people fatigue themselves, who can so well afford to hire dancers for their amusement?' such is the difference between people of opposite views in their modes of pleasing themselves: a native gentleman would consider himself disgraced or insulted by the simple inquiry, 'can you dance, sing, or play?' the female slaves are sometimes taught to sing for their ladies' amusement, and amongst the many hindoostanie airs there are some that would please even the most scientific ear; although, perhaps, they are as old as the country in which they were invented, since here there are neither composers of modern music, nor competitors for fame to bring the amusement to a science. prejudice will be a continual barrier to improvement in music with the natives of india; the most homely of their national airs are preferred at the present day to the finest composition of modern europe. my promised postscript is a translation from the persian, extracted from 'the hyaatool kaaloob'. the author is detailing the manner of living habitual to mahumud and his family, and gives the following anecdotes 'hudeeth' [19] (to be relied on), which occurred at the season of rumzaun; the writer says:-'it is well known that they (mahumud's family) were poor in worldly wealth; that they set no other value on temporal riches (which occasionally passed through their hands) but as loans from the great giver of all good, to be by them distributed amongst the poor, and this was done faithfully; they kept not in their hands the gifts due to the necessitous. the members of mahumud's family invariably lived on the most simple diet, even when they could have commanded luxuries. 'at one season of rumzaun,--it was in the lifetime of mahumud,--fatima, her husband ali, and their two sons, hasan and hosein, had fasted two days and nights, not having, at that period, the means of procuring the smallest quantity of food to break their fast with. habitually and from, principle, they disguised from the world or their friends all such temporal trials as it seemed good in the wisdom of divine providence to place in their chequered path; preferring under any circumstances of need, to fix their sole trust in the mercy and goodness of god for relief, rather than by seeking aid from their fellow-creatures lessening their dependence on him. 'on the evening above mentioned, mahumud went to the cottage of fatima, and said, "daughter, i am come to open my fast with thee."--"in the name of the most merciful god, be it so," was the reply of fatima; yet secretly she sorrowed, that the poverty of her house must now be exposed to her beloved father. 'fatima spread the dustha-khawn[20] (a large square of calico) on the floor of the room near her father, placed empty plates before him, then retired to her station for prayers; spreading her mat in the direction of kaabah, she prostrated herself to the earth before god in the humblest attitude, imploring his merciful aid, in this her moment of trial. fatima's fervent prayer was scarcely finished, when a savoury smell of food attracted her attention; raising her head from the earth, her anxious eye was greeted with the view of a large bowl or basin filled with sulleed[21] (the arabian food of that period). fatima again bowed down her head, and poured out in humble strains that gratitude to god with which her heart overflowed. then rising from her devotions, she took up the savoury food and hurried with it to her father's presence, and summoned her husband and the children to partake of this joyous meal, without even hinting her thoughts that it was the gift of heaven. 'ali had been some time seated at the meal, when he, knowing they had no means of procuring it, looked steadily on fatima, and inquired where she had secreted this delicious food; at the same time recurring to the two days' fast they had endured. "rebuke her not, my son," said mahumud; "fatima is the favoured of heaven, as was myriam[22] (mary), the mother of esaee[23] (jesus), who, living in her uncle zechareah's[24] (zachariah's) house, was provided by god with the choicest of fruits. zechareah was poor, and oft he hungered for a meal; but when he entered myriam's apartment, a fresh supply of rare fruits was wont to greet his eye. zechareah asked, whence had ye these precious gifts? myriam answered, an angel from god places the fruit before me; eat, my uncle, and be satisfied."' the writer thus leaves the story of the miraculous food to fatima's prayer, and goes on as follows:-'at another season of the fast, this family of charity endured a severe trial, which was miraculously and graciously rewarded. fatima had a female slave, who shared with her equally the comforts and the toils of life. 'the food allotted to every member of ali's family was two small barley cakes for each day; none had more or less throughout the family. the labour of domestic affairs was shared by fatima with her female slave, and each took their day for grinding the barley at the chuckee,[25] with which the cakes were made. 'on the--day of rumzaun, the corn was ground as usual, the cakes made, and the moment for opening the fast anxiously anticipated, by this abstemious family. the evening arrived, and when the family had fulfilled their prayer-duty, the party assembled round the homely dustha-khawn with thankful hearts, and countenances beaming with perfect content. all had their allotted portions, but none had yet tasted of their cakes, when the voice of distress caught their ears. "give me, oh, give me, for the love of god! something to relieve my hunger and save my famishing family from perishing." fatima caught up her barley cakes, and ran out to the supplicant, followed by her husband, the two children, and the slave. the cakes were given to the distressed creature, and as they comprised their whole stock, no further supply awaited their returning steps, nor even a substitute within the bare walls of their cottage; a few grains of salt had been left from cooking the barley cakes, and each took a little of the small quantity, to give a relish to the water they now partook of freely; and then retired to sleep away the remembrance of hunger. 'the next day found them all in health, and with hearts at peace; the day was passed in useful occupation, and when evening drew nigh, the same humble fare was ready for the fasting family, whose appetites were doubly keen by the lengthened abstinence. again they meet to partake in gratitude the great gift of divine goodness, wholesome sustenance; when, lo! the sound of sorrowing distress, petitioning in the holy name adored by these pious souls,--"for the love of god!"--arrested their attention. an appeal so urgently made carried with it a command to their devout hearts, and the meal so long delayed to their own necessities was again surrendered to the beggar's prayers. 'this family of charity had returned to their empty hut, and were seated in pious conversation to beguile their sufferings; not a murmuring word or sigh escaped their sanctified mouths. as the evening advanced thus occupied, a pleasing joy seemed to fill the heart of fatima, who secretly had sorrowed for her good dear children's privations; presently a bright and powerful light filled the room, an angel stood before them; his appearance gave them no alarm;--they beheld his presence with humility. "thy good deeds", said the angel (gabriel), "are acceptable to god, the all merciful! by whose command i come to satisfy the demands of mortal nature; this fruit (dates) is the gift of him you serve; eat and be at peace." the meal was ample which the angel brought to this virtuous family, and having placed it before them, he vanished from their sight.' the chuckee, before mentioned, is two flat circular stones (resembling grindstones in england), the upper stone has a peg or handle fixed in it, near the edge, with which it is forced round, by the person grinding, who is seated on the floor; the corn is thrown in through a circular hole on the upper stone, and the flour works out at the edges between the two stones. this is the only method of grinding corn for the immense population throughout oude, and most other parts of hindoostaun even to the present day. the late king of oude, ghauzieood deen hyder, was at one time much pressed by some english friends of his, to introduce water-mills, for the purpose of grinding corn; he often spoke of the proposed plan to the meer, and declared his sole motive for declining the improvement was the consideration he had for the poor women, who by this employment made an excellent living in every town and village, and who must, by the introduction of mills, be distressed for the means of support. 'my poor women', he would often say, 'shall never have cause to reproach me, for depriving them of the use and benefit of their chuckee.' i have before said it is not my intention to offer opinions on the character of the mussulmaun people, my business being merely to relate such things as i have heard and seen amongst them. the several translations and anecdotes i take the opportunity of placing in these letters, are from authorities the mussulmauns style, hudeeth (authentic),--that are not, cannot, be doubted, as they have been handed down either by mahumud or by the emaums, whose words are equally to be relied on. when any passages in their sacred writings are commented on by different authors, they give their authority for the opinion offered, as emaum such-a-one explains it thus. you understand, therefore, that the mussulmauns believe these miracles to have occurred to the members of their prophet's family as firmly as we believe in the truth of our holy scripture. [1] _kahani_. [2] _thandi_. [3] see p. 13. [4] _rozadar_, 'one who keeps fast' (_roza_). [5] _spinacea oleracea_, or _basella alba_. [6] dhall [_dal_] is a sort of pea, sometimes cooked in a savoury way with garlic, salt, ghee, pepper and herbs. it is about the consistence of thick pea-soup--but without meat. [_author_.] [7] but it is directed that infirm people, unable to fast, should feed a poor person when the fast is over. women in child and those suckling children are advised to fast at some other more convenient season. [8] 'idu'l-fitr, 'the festival of the breaking of the fast'. [9] _dahi_. [10] the ajwah date is never sold in arabia, because the prophet advised that whosoever break the fast every day with, six or seven of those fruits need fear neither poison nor magic.--burton, _pilgrimage_, i. 401 f. [11] known as _siwayan_, which musalman servants present on this day to their european masters in india. [12] _nazr, nazar_. [13] a lumbering, keelless barge, formerly much used by europeans travelling on the ganges and its tributaries: _bajra_ meaning 'heavy'. [14] _khil'at._ [15] _domni_, a woman of the dom or singer class. [16] _sitara_, 'three-stringed', but often possessing four or more strings of steel and brass wire, played with a steel wire frame. [17] _saranyi_. [18] _dhol_: 'dhome' is a mistake. [19] _hadis_, the sayings of the prophet, not of an uninspired divine or teacher. [20] _dastarkhwan_, a modification of the arab leathern table-spread (_sufra_). [21] _tharid_, bread moistened with broth and mixed with scraps of meat. [22] maryam. [23] 'isa'l-masih. [24] zakariya (_koran_, iii. 32, vi. 85, xix. 1-12, xxi. 89). [25] _chakki_. letter ix the hadje (pilgrimage to mecca).--commanded to be performed by mahumud.--eagerness of both sexes to visit the prophet's tomb.--qualifications requisite for the undertaking.--different routes from india to mecca.--duties of the pilgrims at the holy house.--mecca and its environs.--place of abraham.--the bedouins.--anecdote of a devotee and two pilgrims.--a bedouin arab, and the travellers to mecca.--the kaabah (holy house).--superstitious regard to a chain suspended there.--account of the gold water-spout.--tax levied on pilgrims visiting the tomb of mahumud by the sheruff of mecca.--sacred visit to the tombs of ali, hasan, and hosein.--the importance attached to this duty.--travellers annoyed by the arabs.--an instance recorded.--the nudghiff usheruff.--anecdotes of syaad harshim. 'the pilgrimage to mecca' is commanded by mahumud to his followers at least once during their lifetime, provided the obstacles are not insurmountable. indulgences are made for the sick, or individual poverty. all who have the means at command, whatever may be their distance from the place, are expected to perform the hadje themselves if possible; or, if prevented by any circumstances they cannot control, they are required to pay the expenses of other persons willing to be their proxies. whatever information i have acquired on the subject of this pilgrimage has been gleaned from frequent conversations with meer hadjee shaah, who, as i have before remarked, performed the hadje from hindoostaun to mecca, at three different periods of his eventful life. if the fatigues, privations, and difficulties of the pilgrimage to mecca be considered, the distance from hindoostaun must indeed render the hadje a formidable undertaking; yet, the piously disposed of both sexes yearn for the opportunity of fulfilling the injunctions of their lawgiver, and at the same time, gratifying their laudable feelings of sympathy and curiosity--their sympathy, as regards the religious veneration for the place and its purposes; their curiosity, to witness with their own eyes those places rendered sacred by the words of the khoraun in one instance, and also for the deposits contained in the several tombs of prophets, whom they have been taught to reverence and respect as the servants of god. every year may be witnessed in india the mussulmauns of both sexes forming themselves into kauflaahs[1] (parties of pilgrims) to pursue their march on this joyous expedition, believing, as they do, that they are fulfilling a sacred duty. the number of women is comparatively few, and those chiefly from the middling and lower classes of the people, whose expenses are generally paid by the rich females. the great obstacle to the higher classes performing the pilgrimage themselves is, that the person must at times be necessarily exposed to the view of the males. the lower orders are less scrupulous in this respect, who, whilst on the pilgrimage, wear a hooded cloak[2] of white calico, by which the person is tolerably well secreted, so that the aged and youthful have but one appearance; the better sort of people, however, cannot reconcile themselves to go abroad, unless they could be permitted to have their covered conveyances, which in this case is impossible. the qualifications necessary for all to possess, ere they can be deemed fit subjects for the hadje, are, as i learn, the following: 'they must be true mussulmauns in their faith; that is, believe in one only true god, and that mahumud is his prophet. 'they must strictly obey the duties commanded by mahumud; that is, prayer five times daily, the fast of rumzaun, &c. 'they must be free from the world; that is, all their debts must be paid, and their family so well provided for, according to their station, that no one dependent on them may be in want of the necessaries of life during the absence of the pilgrim from his home and country. 'they must abstain from all fermented or intoxicating liquors, and also from all things forbidden to be eaten by the law (which is strictly on the mosaic principle). 'they must freely forgive their enemies; and if they have given any one cause of offence, they must humble themselves, and seek to be forgiven. 'they must repent of every evil they have committed, either in thought, word, or deed, against god or their neighbour.' thus prepared, the pious mussulmaun sets out on his supposed duty, with faith in its efficacy, and reliance on the goodness of divine providence to prosper him in the arduous undertaking. many kauflaahs from the upper provinces of india, travel overland to bombay; others make calcutta their place of embarkation, in the arab ships, which visit those ports annually with returning pilgrims from arabia, cargoes of coffee, arabian fruits, and drugs. some few enterprising people make the whole pilgrimage by land; this is, however, attended with so many and severe difficulties, that but few of the present day have courage to attempt it. in those cases their road would be from delhie to cashmire, through buckaria,[3] making a wide circuit to get into persia. this is the most tedious route, but possesses the advantages of more inhabited places on the line of march, and therefore provisions are the more readily procured. there is one route from the lahore province,--the english territory here is bounded by the river suttledge, which the traveller crosses into the sikh country,--through afghastaan and persia. i have not heard of the kauflaahs making this their road of late; there seems to be always a disposition to fear the sikhs,[4] who are become a powerful nation under runjeet singh; but i am not aware what ground the pilgrims have for their distrust, except that they can scarcely expect the same courtesy from these people as from the mussulmauns, who would naturally aid and assist the pilgrims, and respect the persons thus labouring to accomplish the command of their prophet. whatever may be the chosen route, the pilgrims must make up their minds to many trials necessarily incident to the undertaking; and to the habits of the mussulmauns of india, i cannot suppose any fatigue or trial greater than the voyage by sea, in an arab vessel. it is well for those persons whose hearts have undergone that thorough change, which by the law fits them for the hadje; with such men, earthly calamities, privations, or any other mere mortal annoyances, are met with pious fortitude, having consolations within which strengthen the outward man: in all their trials they will say, 'it is in the road of god, by him cometh our reward'. the duty of the pilgrims, on their arrival at the holy place, is to worship god, and visit the tombs of the prophets. there are forms and regulations to be observed in the manner of worship; certain circuits to be made round the kaabah; saluting with the lips the sacred stone therein deposited; and calling to remembrance the past wonders of god, with reverence and piety of heart. i have often heard meer hadjee shaah speak of the comfort a humble-minded pilgrim enjoys at the time he is making his visit to the holy house; he says, 'there the heart of the faithful servant of god is enlightened and comforted; but the wicked finds no rest near kaabah'. the pilgrims visit the tombs of every prophet of their faith within their reach; as the mausoleum of hasan and hosein, the nudghiff usheruff of ali, and, if it be possible, jerusalem also. at dimishk (damascus) they pay respect to the burying-place of yieyah[5] (st. john), over whose earthly remains is erected, they say, the jumna musjud[6] (mosque), to which the faithful resort on fridays (their sabbath) to prayer. within the confines of the holy house, life is held so sacred that not the meanest living thing is allowed to be destroyed; and if even by accident the smallest insect is killed, the person who has caused the death is obliged to offer in atonement, at the appointed place for sacrificing to god, sheep or goats according to his means.[7] according to the description of meer hadjee shaah the city of mecca is situated in the midst of a partially barren country; but at the spot called taaif,[8]--only one day's journey from mecca,--the soil is particularly fertile, producing all kinds of fruit and vegetables in great abundance, and the air remarkably pure and healthy. the word taaif implies in the arabic 'the circuits completed'. it is recorded 'that the angel gabriel brought this productive soil, by god's command, and placed it at a convenient distance from mecca, in order that the pilgrims and sojourners at the holy house might be benefited by the produce of the earth, without having them sufficiently near to call off their attention from the solemn duty of worshipping their god, which they are expressly called upon to perform at mecca'. my informant tells me that there is a stone at mecca known by the appellation of 'ibraahim mukhaun' (place of abraham):[9] on this is seen the mark of a human foot, and believed by pilgrims, on good authority, to be the very stone on which abraham rested his foot when making occasional visits to his son ishmael: at the performance of this duty he never dismounted from his camel, in compliance with his sacred promise made to sarah the mother of isaac. the pilgrimage to mecca is most securely performed by those persons who travel in a humble way; riches are sure to attract the cupidity of the bedouins. a poor pilgrim they respect, and with him they will share their last meal or coin. the bedouin arab delights in hospitably entertaining men of his own faith, provided they are really distressed; but the consequence of deception would be a severe visitation on the delinquent. the two following stories i have received from meer hadjee shaah, descriptive of some of the incidents that occur to pilgrims, and therefore may be acceptable here. 'a good mussulmaun of hindoostaun resolved on undertaking the hadje, being under the strong impression of a warning dream that his earthly career would speedily terminate. he travelled on foot, with one companion only, who was a faithfully-attached friend; they had no worldly wealth, and journeyed on their way as mendicants, trusting for each day's food to the bountiful care of divine providence: nor was their trust in vain, since the hearts of all who saw these pious travellers were moved by the power of god to yield them present relief. 'on a certain day these pilgrims had journeyed from the dawn until eve without a meal, or meeting any one to assist them, when they were at last encountered by a religious devotee of another nation, with whom they conversed for some time. their new acquaintance having found they were indeed poor, not even possessed of a single coin to purchase corn or food of any kind, expressed his hearty sympathy, and desired to be of service to the pilgrims; he therefore disclosed to them that he was in possession of a secret for the transmutation of metals,[10] and offered some of his prepared powder to the elder hadjee, by which he would have persuaded him want should never again intrude; adding, "you will with this be independent of all future care about subsistence on your pilgrimage." 'the pious hadjee, however, was of a different mind from the devotee, and politely rejected the offer of the powder by which he was to acquire riches, declaring that the possession of such an article would rob him of the best treasure he enjoyed, namely, the most perfect reliance on him, by whom the birds of the air are fed from day to day without labour or care, and who had hitherto fed him both in the city and in the desert; and that in this trust he had comforts and consolations which the whole world could not grant him: "my god, in whom i trust, will never desert me whilst i rely on him alone for succour and support."' my excellent friend says, such pilgrims as the one described may pass through the haunts of the bedouins without fear or sorrow, and they are always respected. the next anecdote i am about to relate will develop more particularly the arab's natural disposition, and how necessary it is for men really to be that they would seem, when placed by circumstances within their reach. some of the parties were known to my venerable relative. 'six mussulmauns from india were travelling on foot in arabia; they assumed the title of pilgrim mendicants. on a certain day they drew nigh to the tent of a bedouin arab, who went out to meet them, and entering into conversation, soon discovered by their talk that they were poor pilgrims from india, who depended on casual bounties from men of their faith for their daily meal. the bedouin, though a robber, had respect for the commands of his religion; and with that respect he boasted a due share of hospitable feeling towards all who were of his own faith; he accordingly told them they were welcome to his home, and the best meal he could provide for them, which offers they very gladly accepted, and followed him to the tent. 'the arab desired his wife to take water to his guests and wash their feet after the fatigue of their day's march, and told her in secret to divert their attention whilst he went out in search of plunder, that the hospitality of an arab might be shown to the strangers. then mounting his fleet-camel, he was quickly out of sight. many a weary circuit the arab made, his ill stars prevailed; not a kauflaah nor a traveller could he meet, whence a supply might be extracted, to be the means of providing for his guests; his home was penniless, and with the bedouins, none give credit. his bad success dispirited him, and he returned to the back of his tent, to consult what was best to be done in this emergency. the only thing he possessed in the world fit for food was the animal on which he rode, from day to day, to levy contributions upon the passing traveller. 'his only immediate resource was to kill his favourite camel. his honour was at stake; the sacrifice would be great; he was attached to the beast; the loss would be irreparable, he thought:--yet every weighty argument on one side to preserve the camel's life, was as quickly overturned in the reflection of his arabian honour;--his visitors must be fed, and this was the only way he could contrive the meal. with trembling hands and half-averted eyes, the camel's blood was shed; with one plunge his favourite ceased to breathe. for some minutes, the arab could not look on his poor faithful servant; but pride drove pity from her haunt, and the animal was quickly skinned and dressed in savoury dishes, with his wife's assistance. at length, the food prepared, the arab and his wife placed the most choice portions before their guests, and whilst they dined attended them with respectful assiduity; selecting for each the most delicate pieces, to induce the travellers to eat, and evince the cordial welcome tendered by the host.[11] 'the travellers having dined; the arab and his wife took their turn at the feast with appetites most keen,--forgetful even, for the time, whence the savoury dishes were procured; and if an intruding thought of his favourite camel shot across the mind of the arab, it was quickly chased in the reflection that his prided honour was secured by the sacrifice, and that reflection was to him a sufficient compensation. 'the pilgrims, refreshed by food, were not inclined to depart, and as they were urged to stay by their friendly host, they slept comfortably in the arab's tent, on coarse mats, the only bed known to the wandering bedouins. the morning found them preparing to pursue their march; but the arab pressed their continuance another day, to share with him in the abundance his camel afforded for the whole of the party. the travellers were not unwilling to delay their departure, for they had journeyed many days without much ease, and with very little food; their host's conversation also was amusing, and this second day of hospitality by the arab was an addition to the comfort and convenience of the weary pilgrims. 'the following morning, as was fixed, the travellers rose to take leave of their benevolent host and his attentive wife; each as he embraced the arab, had some grateful word to add, for the good they had received at his hands. the last of the pilgrims, having embraced the arab, was walking from the tent, when the dog belonging to the host seized the man by his garment and held him fast. "what is this?" inquired the arab, "surely you must have deceived me; my dog is wise as he is trusty,--he never yet lied to his master. this labaadhar of yours he has taken a fancy to it seems; but you shall have my coat of better-looking stuff for your old chintz garment. we will exchange labaadhars,[12] my friend," said the arab, throwing his own towards the hesitating traveller. his fellow-pilgrims, hearing altercation, advanced, and with surprise listened to the parley going on between the host and guest.--"i have a veneration for my chintz, old as it is," said the pilgrim; "it has been my companion for many years, brother; indeed i cannot part with it." the dog held fast the garment, and the arab, finding persuasion was but loss of words, cast a frown of deep meaning on the travellers, and addressed them:--"ye came to me beggars, hungry and fatigued; i believed ye were poor, and i sheltered ye these two days, and fed ye with my best; nay, more, i even killed my useful camel, that your hunger might be appeased. had i known there was money with any of ye, my poor beast's life might yet have been spared; but it is too late to repent the sacrifice i made to serve you," then, looking steadfastly at the chintz-robed traveller, he added, in a tone of sharp authority, "come, change garments!--here, no one disputes my commands!" 'the trembling pilgrim reluctantly obeyed. the arab took up the garment and proceeded with it to where the fire was kindled. "now we shall see what my trusty dog discovered in your tattered chintz," said the arab, as he threw it on the fire. all the pilgrims hovered round the flames to watch what would result from the consuming garment, with intense anxiety. the arab drew from the embers one hundred gold mohurs, to the surprise and wonder of all the travellers, save him who owned the chintz garment; he had kept his treasures so secretly, that even in their greatest distress he allowed his brother pilgrims to suffer, with himself, want and privations which, owing to his lust for gold, he had no heart to relieve. 'the arab selected from the prize he had obtained, by the exchange of garments, ten gold mohurs, and presented them to the owner with a sharp rebuke for his duplicity, alluding to the meanness he had been guilty of in seeking and accepting a meal from a bedouin, whilst he possessed so much wealth about his person; then adding,--"there is nothing hidden from god; i killed my sole treasure to give food to the poor hungry travellers; my deed of charity is rewarded; deceit in you is punished by the loss of that wealth you deserved not to possess.--depart, and be thankful that your life is spared; there are some of my tribe who would not have permitted you to go so easily: you have enough spared to you for your journey; in future, avoid base deceptions."' of the kaabah (holy house) many wonderful things are recorded in the several commentaries on the khoraun, and other ancient authorities, which it would fill my letter to detail. i will, however, make mention of the mystic chain as a sample of the many superstitious habits of that age. it is said, 'a chain was suspended from the roof of kaabah, whither the people assembled to settle (by the touch) disputed rights in any case of doubt between contending parties.' many curious things are related as having been decided by this mystic chain,[13] which it should seem, by their description, could only be reached by the just person in the cause to be decided, since, however long the arm of the faulty person, he could never reach the chain; and however short the person's arm who was in the right, he always touched the chain without difficulty. i will here relate one of the anecdotes on this subject. 'two pilgrims travelled together in arabia; on the way one robbed the other of his gold coins, and secreted them carefully in the hollow of his cane or staff. his companion missing his cash, accused him of the theft, and when disputes had risen high between them, they agreed to visit the mystic chain to settle their difference. arriving at kaabah, their intentions being disclosed to the keepers of the place, the thief claimed the privilege, being the accused, of first reaching to touch the chain; he then gave the staff in which he had deposited the money into his fellow-pilgrim's hands, saying, "keep this, whilst i go to prove my innocence." he next advanced and made the usual prayer, adding to which, "lord, whatever i have done amiss i strive to remedy; i repent, and i restore"; then raising his arm, he touched the chain without difficulty. the spectators were much surprised, because all believed he was actually the thief. the man who lost his gold, freely forgave his fellow-traveller, and expressed sorrow that he had accused him wrongfully; yet he wished to prove that he was not guilty of falsehood--having really lost his gold,--and declared he also would approach the chain to clear himself from such a suspicion. "here," said he to the criminal, "take back your staff;" and he advanced within the kaabah, making the required prayer, and adding, "now my creator will grant me mercy and favour, for he knoweth my gold was stolen, and i have not spoken falsely in that, yet i know not who is the thief." he raised his hand and grasped the chain, at which the people were much amazed.' it is presumed, by writers of a later period, that this circumstance threw the mystic properties of the chain out of favour; for it was soon after removed secretly, these writers add, and its disappearance made the subject of much conjecture; no one could ever ascertain by whom it was taken, but the general belief is, that it was conveyed away by supernatural agency. another marvellous story is recorded of the kaabah, as follows: 'a poor pilgrim, nearly famishing with hunger, while encircling the holy house, on looking up towards the building observed the water-spout of gold[14] hanging over his head. he prayed that his wants might be relieved, adding, "to thee, o god, nothing is difficult. at thy command, that spout of gold may descend to my relief;" holding the skirt of his garment to receive it, in answer to his faithful address. the spout had been firmly fixed for ages, yet it fell as the pilgrim finished his prayer. he lost no time in walking away with his valuable gift, and offered it to a merchant for sale, who immediately recognizing the gold spout of kaabah, accused the pilgrim of sacrilege, and without delay handed him over to the sheruff[15] of mecca, to answer for his crime. he declared his innocence to the sheruff, and told him how he became possessed of the treasure. the sheruff had some difficulty in believing his confession, yet perceiving he had not the appearance of a common thief, he told him, if what he had declared was true, the goodness of god would again be extended towards him on the trial he proposed to institute. the spout was restored to its original position on the kaabah, and made secure. this done, the pilgrim was required to repeat his faithful address to god, in the presence of the assembled multitude; when, to their astonishment, it again descended at the instant his prayer was finished. taking up the spout without hesitation, he was walking away with it very quietly, when the people flocked round him, believing him to be some sainted person, and earnestly requested him to bestow on them small portions of his raiment as relics of his holy person. the sheruff then clothed him in rich garments, and in lieu of the gold spout--which none could now dispute his right to,--the same weight of gold in the current coin of arabia was given to him, thus raising him from beggary to affluence.' i have often heard meer hadjee shaah speak of this gold spout which adorns the kaabah, being held in great veneration by the pilgrims who make the hadje to that place. all mussulmauns performing the pilgrimage pay a kind of tax to the sheruff of mecca. the present possessors of power in mecca are of the soonie sect. the admission money, in consequence, falls heavy on the sheahs, from whom they exact heavy sums, out of jealousy and prejudice. this renders it difficult for the poor sheah pilgrim to gain admittance, and it is even suspected that in many cases they are induced to falsify themselves, when it is demanded of them what sect they belong to, rather than be denied entrance after their severe trial to reach the confines of mecca. the tax levied on the soonies is said to be trifling in proportion to that of the sheahs. amongst the different places visited by each hadjee,--after the circuit is made,--a zeearut to the tomb of ali at nudghiff usheruff, and the far-famed kraabaallah of hasan and hosein are esteemed indispensable engagements, if it be possible; there is not, however, any command to this effect in the mussulmaun law, but the sheahs, zealous for their leaders, are willing to think they do honour to their memory, by visiting those tombs which contain the mortal remains of their respected emaums. travelling through this part of arabia, meer hadjee shaah says, is attended with much inconvenience and fatigue; but he failed not at each pilgrimage he made, to pay a visit to the mausoleums of his forefathers. he tells me that kraabaallah was for a long time almost an interdicted visit, through the power of the soonies, who were so jealous of the respect paid to the emaums, that the turks (who are soonies) raised the price of admission within the gates to one hundred gold pieces. at that time very few people could gratify their yearnings beyond the outside view of the mausoleum; and even now that the entrance-money is much reduced the sums so collected yield a handsome revenue to the turks. i will here introduce an anecdote which proves the value certain individuals set on the zeearut (sacred visit) to kraabaallah, which i have received from my revered pilgrim-friend and relative. 'amongst the applicants for admission at the gates of kraabaallah was an aged woman clothed in ragged garments. the gate-keeper, judging from her appearance, that she was destitute of money, scoffed at her presumption; she, however, produced the price of admission with much confidence of manner, and demanded entrance without further delay. the keepers now suspected the old woman to be a thief, and commenced interrogating her how she became possessed of so large a sum. the poor old woman answered them, "i have laboured hard for thirty years at my spinning-wheel, and have debarred myself during those years of all superfluities, contenting myself with a bare subsistence; i have done this that the dearest wish of my heart might once in my lifetime be gratified, to visit and weep over the tomb of my emaums. here, take the fruits of my labour, and let me have my reward; every moment delayed is agony to me."' in journeying through arabia, pilgrims are much annoyed with the intrusion they so frequently meet with from the idle arabs, who force their way into every stranger's place of sojourn without ceremony, to strain the nerves of charity from 'brethren of the faith'. there is a maxim well known amongst mussulmauns,--the words of mahumud,--'with the faithful, all are brothers'; and this is the pass-word with those idle men who pretend to have too much pride to beg, and are yet too indolent to labour for their support. a mussulmaun,--however great his rank,--is seated with his friends and attendants; an arab, who lives by this method, stalks into the tent or apartment, salutes the master with, 'salaam-oon-ali koom!' (health or peace be with you!) and unbidden takes his seat on the nearest vacant spot to the head person of the assembly. after the first surprise excited by the stranger's intrusion, he looks at the master and says, 'i claim the privilege of a brother'; by which it is to be understood the arab requires money from the richer man of his faith. a small sum is tendered, he receives it without indicating any sense of obligation, rises from his seat, and moves off with no other than the familiar salute which marked his entrance, 'salaam-oon-ali koom!'[16] a rich eunuch, of lucknow, accompanied meer hadjee shaah on one of his pilgrimages, with a large kauflaah. upon one occasion, when the whole party were seated in friendly conclave, some of these idle arabs entered in the way described; the eunuch was unacquainted with the language, or the manners of arabia, and expressed his dislike to their freedom in warm language, and evident anger in his countenance; many had claimed the tribute of brotherhood, when the eunuch, who was accustomed in his own country to receive respect and deference from inferiors, lost all patience with the uncourtly intrusion of the arabs, and evinced his wrath to the proud arab then present, who understood by his violent manners, if not by his language, that he was offended with him. the good sense and kindly manner of meer hadjee shaah restored tranquillity in the assembly; he gave money to the man, and apologized for his friend's ignorance of the customs of arabia: thus preventing the enraged arab from fulfilling his threat of forcing the eunuch to appear before the sheruff of mecca. nudghiff usheruff, the burying-place of ali, is the resort of many pious men of the mussulmaun persuasion, as well as the shrine to be visited by 'the faithful' of the sheah sect. amongst the many singular stories i have heard of the devout men of that religion, i select one from the number relating to a man whose abode was--through choice--near the shrine of their beloved emaum ali. i shall give it in exactly the style i have received it, through my husband's translation, from an old work in the persian language. 'in the reign of nadir shaah,[17] a devout man of the faith took up his abode in the vicinity of nudghiff usheruff in arabia. he was a syaad, named harshim;[18] a man of great learning, whose heart was set on seeking with love the most merciful god, whom he served faithfully. syaad harshim, conscious that the riches and honours of this world are inadequate to procure eternal happiness, and feeling convinced that the more humble a man's mode of living is, the greater are the prospects of escaping temptations in this life of probation, resolved on labouring for his daily bread, and relinquished with his paternal home, the abundance and riches which his ancient house had long boasted. 'syaad harshim selected nudghiff usheruff for his sojourn, and the business of a woodman for a calling. the piety of his life, and the goodness of his heart, drew upon him the respect of the inhabitants of the city. it was his practice to spend every day in the jungle (wilderness) cutting fire-wood, of which he gave a light burthen to his ass; and returning towards evening to the populated city, he found ready customers for the load which his day's labour produced. his honesty and love of truth were proverbial: he asked the price for his wood which he intended to take; if more was offered, it was rejected,--if less, he would not accept it. 'one evening, a man of superior address to his usual customers, but poorly clad, met him at the entrance of the street, and bargained for the load of wood. syaad harshim was penetrating, and could not help expressing his surprise at the circumstance of one, evidently moving in a higher sphere, being there to purchase wood. "i see," said the syaad to the purchaser, "that your station is superior to your circumstances!--how is this?"--"my story," replied the stranger, "is not, i fear, uncommon in this age of the world. i will relate it briefly:--i was once a rich man, and my mind was set on making the pilgrimage. aware that valuables and money would be an incumbrance to me on my journey, i applied to the kauzy of this city to take charge of all my worldly riches during my absence, to which he readily consented, and having packed my jewels, money, and valuables in a strong chest with a good lock, i gave it into his charge and departed. '"my pilgrimage accomplished, and tired of a wandering life, i returned home after a few years' absence, waited on the kauzy, and applied for the treasure i had deposited in his care; he denied all knowledge of me or my valuables, pretended not to understand me, called me an impostor, and eventually drove me from his house with violence. i again tried the kauzy by expostulation, and sent my friends to him, but all without benefit; for here i am as you see me, syaad harshim, reduced to penury by the kauzy's injustice. the world esteems him a person of great character, and condemns me as the unjust one. well! i can say no more; i know that god is merciful, i put my trust in him!" "ameen," responded the syaad, "do you so, and it will yet be well with you." 'the stranger lingered with the sympathizing woodman, and after some time had elapsed he asked him if he would interest himself with the kauzy to effect a restitution of his rights, adding, "all are willing to give you, o syaad, great credit for superior virtues." harshim replied he had no merit to call for his fellow-mortals' good opinion, but as he felt interested in the affair he would certainly visit the unjust man, and requested the stranger to meet him at the kauzy's door on the following morning. 'arrived at the kauzy's residence, harshim was received with evident pleasure, for though but a woodman, he yet was known to be a person of superior rank, and a man universally respected for his great piety. after the common salutations, the syaad stated the object of his visit, assuring the kauzy he was actuated purely by good feelings towards him in the part he had undertaken;--being desirous only of preserving his soul from the evil that attended the unjust men of this world, who die without repentance and restitution to those whom they have injured. then calling the stranger forward, he said with firmness of voice and manner, "behold this man! he left money and jewels in your charge whilst he went on his duty to the pilgrimage; he comes now to demand his property, give back his chest of treasures without delay, honestly and justly, as you hope for mercy in a future state!" 'the kauzy answered, "i have it not, syaad harshim, you may believe me; this fellow wickedly raises the falsehood to injure me, and it is as much to his own dishonour as to my discredit. i beg, therefore, you will neither give credit to his base assertions, nor think so meanly of me; my station as kauzy of this district should, methinks, screen me from such imputations."--"true," said harshim, "the station you occupy in the world, and the place you hold as kauzy, prevent suspicion from attaching to you; hence this poor man has not yet found redress to the justice of his claims. i would have you believe me sincerely your friend, in desiring to bring your heart to repentance, and thus only can your soul's safety be secured. i know you to have this man's property, and your own heart even now convicts you of the injustice you practise. nothing is hidden from god;--reflect on the punishment prepared for the unrepenting hypocrite. listen, whilst i relate to you my own convictions, or rather experience, of that terrible punishment which is prepared for the impenitent hardened sinner beyond the grave. '"i have been a woodman for several years, and by my daily labour have earned my coarse food. some years since, i was sick and unable to pursue my usual occupation; my supply was thus cut off. requiring temporary relief, i applied to a rich banker of this city for a trifling loan; my request was promptly complied with, and i engaged to repay the sum by two pice each day upon again resuming my employment. by the mercy of god i recovered; and on the evening of each day, as i sold the wood my day's labour produced in the market, i paid the banker two pice. on the very day, however, that the last two were to have been paid, the banker died. thus i remained his debtor still. often had i thought of the circumstance that i was his debtor, and with real regret; yet the sum was small, and with this i became reconciled. '"not long after his decease i was visited with a dream, important to all the world to know, and i therefore desire to make it public. judgement was opened to my view; the beauty of heaven was displayed on one side, and the torments of hell on the other. my dream presented many people waiting their award, whom i had known in life, and amongst the number my creditor the banker; he was standing on the brink of that fiery yawning gulf which is prepared for the wicked and unjust. his attendant angels produced the documents of their faithful keeping,--good and evil actions of every mortal are thus registered,--one exhibited a small blank book in which not one good deed had been recorded, and that presented by the other, containing the evils of his ways on earth, appeared to me an immense volume filled throughout. '"'take him to his merited torments!' was pronounced in an awful tone of command.--'have mercy! have pity!' cried the banker, in a supplicating voice.--'produce one claim for pity,' was heard.--the banker in agony looked wildly round, as if in search of something he might urge in extenuation, when casting his eyes on me he exclaimed, 'there! oh, there is one! who when in trouble i relieved, and he is still my debtor!' '"in my dream this appeared too slender a benefit to draw forth the slightest remission of the punishments awarded to his deserts. 'away with him!' was heard.--'oh!' cried the banker's soul, 'draw near to me, thou good, virtuous, and humble woodman, that the reflected light of thy virtues may give one instant's ease to my present torture. let me but touch the righteous harshim, and i will depart to my just punishment with submission!' '"i was permitted to gratify the unhappy spirit, wondering at the same time what benefit he could derive from touching me. advancing near the tortured soul he stretched forth his hand and touched me on the knee; it was like a firebrand; i drew back hastily and found my knee was scorched. 'return to men with warnings,' said the wretched spirit. 'tell them of my unhappy state; tell them what are the tortures of the wicked; that touch you have received on your knee, is of the same nature my whole body suffers in eternal flames.'--the pain i suffered in my knee disordered my sleep; i awoke in agony, and here it is to this day," said the woodman, untying a bandage from his knee. "examine the place, and be warned, o kauzy, by the terrible certainty i have brought from that banker whom you knew, and who is now suffering for his injustice on earth. i have been lame from that night of my dream," continued syaad harshim, "but i shall rejoice in the pain, if the example influence one hardened sinner to repent, whilst repentance may avail." 'during the recital of the dream, syaad harshim watched the countenance of the kauzy, who tried in vain to hide the guilty changes of his face. the syaad at last fixed his keen eyes on him, "now, friend," said he, "it would be great folly to add guilt to guilt by farther subterfuge. i know the day, the hour, you ingeniously substituted a false key to this man's chest; i could tell you what you wickedly took out; the place where it is secreted, even, is not hidden from my knowledge; go, bring it from your wife's apartment; a little labour will remove it from the corner near the bedstead." 'the kauzy was now subdued by the commanding truths of the syaad, and his heart being softened by the fearful relation of the banker's torment, he sank to the earth with shame and remorse,--"i acknowledge my sin, thou holy man of truth;--forgive me!" he cried, "forgive me, oh my god! i am indeed repentant, and by this holy man's means i am brought to a sense of my guilt!" he then went to the women's apartment, brought out the chest and delivered it to the owner, entreating syaad harshim to forgive him. 'the syaad replied, "i have nothing to forgive, nor power to remit; my advice you have freely, and may it serve you! seek pardon from god who loves to be sought, and whose mercy never faileth. he is not the god of revenge, where repentance is sincere; but he is the god of mercy to all who seek him faithfully. his mercy is already extended to you, for he has given you time to repent:--but for his mercy, you had been taken to your punishment, whilst you had no thoughts of repentance in your guilty heart. farewell! let me know by your future life, that syaad harshim's lost labour in the jungle of this day, has produced something to the better harvest--awakening one sinner to a sense of his danger."' meer hadjee shaah has related to me many singular anecdotes of this syaad harshim, which are generally spoken of, and believed to be true by the sojourners at nudghiff usheruff. his memory is much respected by the mussulmauns, and the acts of his life are registered with the veneration paid to saints, amongst people of more enlightened nations. they confidently assert, that whenever syaad harshim presented himself at the entrance to nudghiff usheruff, the gates, which are always kept locked, flew open to receive him. in proof that he disregarded worldly possessions, the following is related of him in the ancient works both of arabia and persia:-'the great conqueror, nadir shaah, on one occasion visited the shrine of ali, with a vast retinue of his chiefs, courtiers, and followers. the king heard, whilst at nudghiff usheruff, of the sainted life led by the woodman, syaad harshim, in that neighbourhood, and he felt disposed to tender a present of money and valuables, to induce the syaad's prayer for his future prosperity. accordingly, the king commanded trays to be filled from his indian spoils, which were sent with a message, humbly couched, entreating the good syaad would accept his offering of respect, and make prayers to god for him. 'the trays were conveyed by servants of the king, who arrived at the syaad's hut at the moment he was satisfying the demands of nature with a meal of coarse barley bread and pure water. "what is all this?" inquired the syaad, on seeing the valuables before him. "an humble offering from the great nadir shaah," replied the messenger, "who entreats you will honour him by the acceptance of his presents, and offer your pious prayer for god's mercy in his behalf." "my prayers", said the syaad, "i can promise shall be made duly and truly, but not my acceptance of his gifts. take back these hateful, useless things! tell nadir shaah, syaad harshim will not even touch them." the messenger tried persuasions without avail; he was constrained to return to his royal master, with his loaded trays. 'no sooner were the king's servants out of sight, than the wife of syaad harshim vented her disappointment in no measured strain of anger towards her husband. "here am i," said the old lady, "a very slave in consequence of our poverty, a very beggar in appearance, and my scanty meal of coarse bread is scarce sufficient to keep me in bodily strength; surely you ought to have remembered me, when the king's offering was before you--even if you liked not to accept it for yourself."--"i might indeed", he replied, "have done as you say, wife, had i known your sentiments sooner; but i believed you were as contented as myself with homely fare and honest labour; but be comforted, you shall have a share of the next offering made by the king to syaad harshim, provided your present inclination remains unchanged by time." this promise quieted the wife's angry humour, and peace was again restored between them. '"wife," said the syaad, "this al-kaulock[19] (arab's coat of calico) of mine requires a little of thy labour: as i have now no other garment to change with, i trust you may please to wash it whilst i take my sleep;--one caution you must observe,--i have occasion for the water in which this dress is to be washed; preserve it carefully for me, my good wife;" and he laid him down on his mat to sleep. the wife, obedient to her husband's wishes, washed his dress, and took care to preserve the dirty water; when he awoke, she brought him the clean garment, and received his warm commendations for her diligence. she then produced the pan of dirty water, in which she had cleansed the garment, saying, "there, syaad harshim, i have done as you desired."--"very good," replied her husband, "now you must farther oblige me by drinking it--you know there is nothing in this water but the sweat of my body produced by my daily labour." the wife, disgusted at the strange request of her husband, looked with amazement, and fancied he must have lost his senses. "what is this you require of me? would you poison your wife, o syaad harshim, with the filth from your skin, the accumulation of many days' labour in the jungles? art thou mad, to ask thy wife a request so unheard of?" '"listen to me, wife," said the syaad, in gentle terms; "you profess to love, honour, and respect me, as your faithful, lawful husband; pray can the dirt from my body be more offensive to your palate than the scum of nadir shaah, whom you only know by name? you would have accepted the filthy offerings of a cruel man, who plundered and sacrificed his victims to obtain the treasures he possesses;--you would not have scrupled to obtain your future sustenance by the coins of nadir shaah, gained as they were by the spilling of human blood? is this your love for syaad harshim?" the wife threw herself at her husband's feet, when his speech was finished: "pardon me, my dear husband! pardon my ignorance and self-love; i see myself disgraced by harbouring one wish for more than is gained by honest industry. no longer have i any desire for the gold of nadir shaah. contented as yourself, my dear, good husband! i will continue to labour for the honest bread that sustains, nor ever again desire my condition to be changed."' the woodman, syaad harshim, lived to a great age; many a tear hath fallen on his grave from the good pilgrims visiting the shrine of ali, near which he was buried; and his resting place is reverenced to this day by the passing traveller of his own faith. [1] _kafilah_. [2] the _burqa'_: see drawing in hughes, _dictionary of islam_, p. 95. [3] bokhara. [4] _the origin of the sikhs_, by h. colebrooke, esq., gives a faithful picture of those warlike people. [the best account of their beliefs is by m. macauliffe, _the sikh religion_, oxford, 1909.] [5] yahya. on the capture of damascus by the muhammadans, the churches were equally divided between the christians and their conquerors. the great cathedral of st. john was similarly divided, and for eighty years the two religions worshipped under the same roof.--arnold, _the preaching of islam_, p. 50. [6] a vulgar corruption of jame' masjid, the cathedral mosque. [7] on the taboos attached to the sanctuary, see burton, _pilgrimage_, i. 379 f. [8] at-ta'if, meaning 'circumambulation'. when adam settled at mecca, finding the country barren, he prayed to allah to supply him with a piece of fertile land. immediately a mountain appeared, which, having circumambulated the ka'aba, settled itself down eastward of mecca. hence it was called kita min sham, 'a piece of syria,' whence it came. (burton, ii. 336.) 'its fertile lands produce the fruits of syria in the midst of the arabian desert' ( gibbon, _decline and fall_, vi. 255). [9] at mecca are 'evident signs, with the standing place of abraham; and he who enters it is safe' _(koran_, iii. 90). on the north side of the ka'aba, just by its door, is a slight hollow in the ground, lined with marble. the spot is called mi'jan, and it is supposed to be the place where abraham and ishmael kneaded the chalk which they used in building the ka'aba: the stone, with the mark of abraham's feet, is shown.--burckhardt, quoted by hughes, _dictionary of islam_, p. 337; burton, ii. 311; sale, _preliminary discourse_, p. 84. [10] the asiatics, generally, have faith in certain properties of chemical productions to alter the nature of the common to the precious metals. i have often witnessed the anxious exertions of natives in india, who try all sorts of experiments in alchemy, expecting to succeed; but i have never known any other issue from the many laborious efforts of individuals than waste of time and property in these absurd schemes. [_author_.] [11] one of the best-known versions of this famous tale is found in _the decameron_ of boccaccio, day 5, novel 9. it goes back to buddhist times, and is told of hatim tai, the model of oriental liberality. for numerous parallels, see a.c. lee, _the decameron of boccaccio, its sources and analogues_, 1909, pp. 170 ff. [12] _labada_, 'a rain coat, wrapper'. [13] this is probably some local tradition, of which no record appears in travellers' accounts of the ka'aba. [14] on the north-west side of the ka'aba is a water-spout, called mi'zabu'r-rahmah, 'the spout of mercy'. it is made of gold, and was sent from constantinople in a.d. 1573. it carries the rain-water from the roof, and discharges it on the grave of ishmael.--hughes, _dictionary of islam_, pp. 257, 337. [15] the sharif, 'honourable,' is the local ruler of mecca and the hajaz: see _encyclopaedia britannica_, xvii. 952; burton, _pilgrimage_, ii. 3. [16] _as-salamu-'alai-kum_, 'peace be with you!' [17] nadir shah, born a shepherd, a.d. 1687, aided shah tahmasp against ashraf, leader of the afghans, defeated him, and restored his master in 1730. afterwards he deposed tahmasp, and raised his infant son to the throne of persia, under the title of 'abbas iii. but he continued to rule the country, and on the death of 'abbas in 1736 he became king. he marched on india in 1739, defeated the emperor muhammad on the historic field of panipat, sacked delhi, and perpetrated a horrible massacre. he returned to persia laden with spoil, but his tyranny excited the hostility of the nobles, and he was assassinated in 1747, and buried at mashhad. [18] sayyid hashim. [19] _alkhalaq_, turkish, 'a coat with sleeves'. letter x the zuckhaut (god's portion).--syaads restricted the benefit of this charity.--the sutkah.--the emaum's zaumunee (protection).--the tenths, or syaads' due.--mussulmauns attribute thanks to god only, for all benefits conferred.--extracts from the 'hyaatool kaaloob'.--mahumud's advice.--his precepts tend to inculcate and encourage charity.--remarks on the benevolence of mussulmauns. on the subject of zuckhaut, commanded by mahumud to his followers, i shall have little to remark;--the nature of the institute is intended to oblige mankind to share with the poor a due portion of those benefits they have received through the bounty of divine providence. every mussulmaun is expected by this law to set apart from his annual income one-fortieth part, denominated zuckhaut (god's portion), for the sole benefit of the poor. i believe there are not many,--judging by what i have witnessed among the mussulmaun population of hindoostaun,--who do not expend a much larger portion of their yearly income in charitable donations, than the enjoined fortieth part. the poor syaads are not allowed to receive any relief from 'the zuckhaut'[1]; they being of the prophet's blood, are not to be included with the indigent for whom these donations are generally set apart. the strict mussulmaun of the sheah sect usually deducts one-tenth[2] from whatever money comes into his possession as 'the syaads' due', to whom it is distributed, as proper objects present themselves to his knowledge; much in the same way as the tribe of levi are entitled to the tenth of the produce from their brethren of israel by the mosaic law. the syaads are likewise restricted from accepting many other charitable offerings,--sutkah for instance--by which is meant the several things composing peace-offerings, offerings in atonement, &c. the better to explain this i must here describe some of the habits of the mussulmaun population:--when any person escapes from a threatened danger, or accident, their friends send offerings of corn, oil, and money; all that is thus sent to the person preserved, must be touched by his hand and then distributed amongst the poor and needy. if any member of a family be ill, a tray is filled with corn, and some money laid on it: it is then placed under the bed of the sick person for the night; in the morning this is to be distributed amongst the poor. some people cook bread, and place it in the same way with money under the bed of the sick. all these things are called sutkah[3] in whatever form they are planned, which is done in a variety of ways; and, when distributed to the poor, are never to be offered to, nor allowed to be accepted by, the syaad race. the scapegoat, an animal in good health and without blemish, is another offering of the sutkah denomination: a syaad is not allowed to be one of the number to run after the goat released from the sick chamber. when any one is going a journey, the friends send bands of silk or riband, in the folds of which are secured silver or gold coins; these are to be tied on the arm of the person projecting the journey, and such offerings are called 'emaum zaumunee',[4] or the emaum's protection. should the traveller be distressed on his journey, he may, without blame, make use of any such deposits tied on his arm, but only in emergencies; none such occurring, he is expected, when his journey is accomplished in safety, to divide all these offerings of his friends amongst righteous people. the syaads may accept these gifts, such being considered holy,--paak[5] is the original word used, literally clean. they believe the emaums have knowledge of such things as pertain to the followers of mahumud and his descendants. thus they will say, when desiring blessings and comforts for another person, 'emaum zaumunee, zaumunee toom kero!'[6] may the emaums protect you, and give you their safe support! the tenths, or syaads' dues, are never appropriated to any other use than the one designed. thus they evince their respect to the descendants of mahumud; by these tenths the poorer race of syaads are mainly supported; they rarely embark in trade, and never can have any share in banking, or such professions as would draw them into dealings of usury. they are chiefly employed as writers, moonshies,[7] maulvees, and moollahs, doctors of law, and readers of the khoraun; they are allowed to enter the army, to accept offices of state; and if they possess any employment sufficient to support themselves and family, the true syaad will not accept from his neighbours such charitable donations as may be of service to the poor brethren of his race. the syaads, however poor, are seldom known to intrude their distresses, patiently abiding until relief be sent through the interposing power of divine goodness. such is the way in which they receive the blessings showered by the orderings of the almighty, that one never hears a mussulmaun offer thanks to his earthly benefactor, in return for present benefits; but 'shooghur allah!'[8] all thanks to god! i was somewhat surprised when first acquainted with these people, that they accepted any kind of service done them with the same salutation as when first meeting in the morning, viz. salaam, and a bow. i inquired of the meer if there was no word in hindoostaunie that could express the 'thank you!' so common to us in england? he bade me remark that the mussulmauns return thanks to god whenever they receive a benefit from mortals, whom they consider but as the agents appointed by god to distribute his gifts. 'all thanks to god!' is repeated with every benefit received; and this follows every meal or cup of water as naturally, as to eat or to drink is preceded by 'bis ma allah!'[9]--in the name, or to the praise of god! amongst the many choice things i have gleaned from the work so often quoted in my letters, viz. 'hyaatool kaaloob', the following, through my meer's aid in translation, may here be inserted. mahumud's advice 'observe, ye faithful, there are five things most acceptable to god the creator, from man, his creature:-1st. 'a generous gift, made when you have the greatest necessity yourself for that which you give away. 2nd. 'all gifts that are free-will offerings of the heart, neither expecting nor desiring your bounty, should be rewarded, either by returns or acknowledgements. 3rd. 'to be most humble, when in the enjoyment of the greatest prosperity. 4th. 'to promote peace, when the reason for indulging your anger is most enticing. 5th. 'to forgive freely from the heart, when the power to revenge is present with you.' you perceive a system of charitable feeling is inculcated by the laws of mahumud; and in every-day practice it is found to be the prominent feature in their general habits. it is common with the meanest of the people to offer a share of their food to any one calling upon them at meal-time. i have seen this amiable trait of character in all classes of the people; and often on a river voyage, or a land journey, when the servants cook their dinner under a tree or by the bank of the river, if a dog, which they consider an unclean animal, advances within their reach, a portion of their food is thrown to him with that kindliness of feeling which induces them to share with the hungry, whatever gifts they receive from the author of all good.[10] except in seasons of famine, no one need despair of having sufficient to support nature, wherever the mussulmauns congregate. i speak it to their credit, and in justice to their character. [1] see p. 67. [2] known among indian musalmans as _dasaundh_, 'tithes'. [3] _sadaqah_, used in the koran (ii. 265) for almsgiving. in india the term is applied to the custom by which money, clothes, grain, &c., are waved over a patient, or only shown to him, and then given away to beggars; or they are placed near the foot of a tree, on the bank of a river, or where four roads meet, and are then supposed to carry away the disease with them.--jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, p. 252. [4] _imam zamini_, 'a gift to the guardian saint'. when about to go on a journey, or when any misfortune befalls a person, a coin or metal ring is tied up in a cloth coloured with turmeric, in the name of the imam zamin, and worn on his left arm. when the traveller reaches his destination, or gets rid of his affliction, it is taken off, and its value, with some money in addition, is spent in food or sweetmeats, which are offered in the name of the saint.--jaffur shurreef, p. 182. [5] _pak_. [6] _imam zamani, zamani tum karo_. [7] _munshi_, 'a writer, secretary'. [8] _shukr allah_. [9] _bi'smi'llah_: the full form is _bi'smi'llah'r-rahmani'r-rahim_, 'in the name of allah, the compassionate, the merciful!' these latter titles are omitted when going into battle, or when slaughtering animals. [10] the prophet ordered that when a dog drinks from a vessel, it must be washed seven times, the first cleansing being with earth. but the dog of the seven sleepers will be admitted into heaven.--_koran_, xviii. 17. letter xi mussulmaun festivals.--buckrah eade.--ishmael believed to have been offered in sacrifice by abraham and not isaac.--descent of the mussulmauns from abraham.--the eade-gaarh.--presentation of nuzzas.--elephants.--description of the khillaut (robe of honour).--customs on the day of buckrah eade.--nou-roze (new year's day).--manner of its celebration.--the bussund (spring-colour).--the sah-bund.--observances during this month.--festival of the new moon.--superstition of the natives respecting the influence of the moon.--their practices during an eclipse.--supposed effects of the moon on a wound.--medicinal application of lime in hindoostaun.--observance of shubh-burraat. an account of the mussulmaun festivals, i imagine, deserves a letter; for in many of them i have been able to trace, not only the habits and manners of the people with whom i was sojourning, but occasionally marks of their particular faith have been strongly developed in these observances, to most of which they attach considerable importance. buckrah eade, for instance, is a festival about as interesting to the natives, as christmas-day is to the good people of england; and the day is celebrated amongst all classes and denominations of mussulmauns with remarkable zeal and energy. the particular event which gives rise to buckrah eade[1] is the well-known circumstance of abraham offering his son in sacrifice to god. the mussulmauns, however, insist that the son so offered was ishmael, and not isaac, as our scriptures declare. i have before remarked that i had frequent arguments with the learned men of that persuasion on this subject, which provoked a minute investigation of their most esteemed authors, to decide between our opinions. the author of 'the hyaatool kaaloob' advances many authorities, which the mussulmauns deem conclusive, all of whom declare that ishmael was the son demanded and offered in sacrifice; and two only, i think, of the many names that author quotes, were disposed to doubt whether it was isaac or ishmael. an evident proof, i think, that on some former occasion there had existed a difference of opinion on this subject among men of their persuasion. the result of the present inquiry, however, is that they believe ishmael was the offering and not isaac; whilst i remain equally convinced of the correctness of our sacred book. the mussulmauns, i should remark, as well as the jews, trace their origin to abraham, the former through ishmael, and the latter through isaac; and it is more than probable that to this circumstance may be attributed the decided prejudice of opinion, in favour of ishmael being the person offered in sacrifice. whether this be the case or not, these children of abraham annually testify their reverence for their progenitor, and respect for his faith towards god, in the way most congenial to their particular ideas of honouring the memory of their forefathers. i have thus attempted to sketch the origin of the festival, it shall now be my task to describe the way in which the mussulmauns of hindoostaun celebrate buckrah eade. on this day all classes of people, professing 'the faith' sacrifice animals, according to their circumstances; some offer up camels, others sheep and goats, lambs or kids. it is a day of religious veneration, and therefore by the pious prayers are added to sacrifice;--it is also a day of joyful remembrances, consequently one of festivity amongst all ranks of the mussulmaun population. kings, princes, or nuwaubs, with the whole strength of their establishments, celebrate the event, by going in great state to an appointed place, which is designated 'the eade-gaarh'[2] where the animals designed for immediate sacrifice are previously conveyed. on the arrival of the cavalcade at the eade-gaarh, the head moollah reads the form of prayer appointed for the occasion, and then presents the knife to the royal personage, who with his own hand sheds the blood of the camel he offers in sacrifice, repeating an impressive prayer as he presents the steel to the throat of the animal. the exact moment of the king's sacrifice is announced by signal, when a grand salute from the artillery and infantry commences the day's rejoicing. an account of the procession on these occasions may be interesting to my readers, though no description can give an adequate idea of its imposing appearance. i have witnessed the buckrah eade celebrations at lucknow, where expense and good taste are neither wanted nor spared, to do honour to the great occasion. the several persons forming the king's suite, whether nobles or menials, together with the military, both horse and foot, are all dressed in their best apparel. the elephants have undergone a thorough cleansing in the river, their hides have been well oiled, which gives a jetty hue to the surface, and their heads painted with bright colours, according to the fancy of their keepers; their housings and trappings are the most costly and brilliant the possessors can procure, some with gold, others with silver howdahs (seats), and draperies of velvet or fine cloth embroidered and fringed with gold. the horses of individuals, and those of the irregular troops, are, on this occasion, caparisoned with embroidered horsecloths and silver ornaments, necklaces of silver or gold; or in the absence of these costly adornings, the less affluent substitute large coloured beads and tufts of variegated silk on their horses' necks. many of the horses have stars and crescents painted upon the chest and haunches: the tail and mane are dyed red with mayndhie.[3] the procession is formed in the following order: fifty camels, in pairs, carrying swivels, and each attended by two gunners and a camel-driver; the men dressed in clean white dresses, with turbans and sashes of red and green: the trappings of the camel are composed of broadcloth of the same colours. next to these is a park of artillery, the men in new regimentals of blue, faced with red and yellow lace. two troops of horse soldiers, in new regimentals, scarlet cloth unrurkas[4] (coats) and white trousers, with high-crowned caps of lambskin, similar to the persian caps: these horsemen have black belts, and are armed with pistols in the holsters, a sabre and lance. then follows a regiment of nujeebs[5] (foot soldiers), their jackets red, with small cap turban of black leather ornamented with the kirrich[6] or dirk (part of the armorial bearings of the house of oude): their trousers reach no lower than the hams, where they are ornamented with black points turning upwards on the white, leaving the thighs and legs perfectly bare. the dunkah[7] (kettle drums) on a horse, richly ornamented with scarlet cloth drapery, embroidered and fringed with gold, the rider dressed in scarlet and gold, with a turban to correspond, both being ornamented with the royal insignia,--a fish.[8] the elephant carriages, containing first his majesty and the resident, the others conveying the prime minister and the favoured nobles of his majesty's suite, form an impressive feature in the cortège, from their splendour and novelty. the king's carriage is composed chiefly of silver, open on every side, with a canopy of crimson velvet, embroidered and fringed with gold, the curtains and lining to correspond; this carriage is drawn by four elephants, exactly of one size (the rest have but two), each very richly attired in velvet and gold coverings. the king and his suite are very splendidly dressed in the native costume. the chowries and afthaadah are flourished before him, and on each side; the royal carriage is guarded by the irregular horse in great numbers, and immediately followed by led horses, very richly caparisoned, their grooms neatly dressed in white, with turbans of red and green. to these succeed the royal naalkie,[9] a species of conveyance supported by bearers, constructed of beautifully wrought gold; the bearers in loose scarlet coats, embroidered with gold, bearing the royal insignia on their coats and turbans. a gold palkie, supported in the same style; an elegant state carriage, with eight black horses in hand, the coachman (a european) dressed in scarlet, with a cocked-hat and staff feather. hurkaarahs (running messengers), chobdhaahs with gold and silver staffs, are seen on either side and in front of the king's carriage, reiterating the king's titles and honours as they proceed. then follow the english gentlemen composing the king's suite, in their court dresses, on elephants. to them succeed the native nobility, great officers of state, &c., on many elephants,--i should think more than fifty,--and the whole followed by military, both horse and foot. the procession has an imposing effect, particularly when viewed from an open space. the regiments have each their colours unfurled, and their bands of music playing english pieces. i have often thought if our theatrical managers could witness some of these splendid processions, they might profit by representing on the stage the grand exhibition of an eastern monarch, which loses much of its splendour by my indifferent powers of description. after the ceremony at the eade-gaarh has concluded, the king and his suite return in the same well-arranged order, and arriving at his palace, enters the throne-room, where being seated, he receives nuzzas in due form, presented in turn by every person belonging to the court, whether relations, nobles, courtiers, dependants, servants, or slaves; every person observing a proper etiquette in their approach to the throne, the inferiors keeping back until their superiors retire,--which each one does immediately after presenting his nuzza; thus confusion is prevented in the hall of audience. as a description of the ceremony of presenting nuzzas, on such occasions, may be acceptable to some of my friends, i will describe that which i witnessed at the court of oude. the king was seated on his throne of pure gold, dressed in a very costly habit of persian velvet, embroidered with gold; on his neck, valuable haarhs (necklaces) of diamonds, pearls, rubies and emeralds, were suspended in many rows, reaching from the neck nearly to the waist. the throne is a flat surface, about two yards square, raised about two feet from the floor, upon three sides of it is a railing; a square canopy, supported by poles, is attached to the four corners of the throne, which, together with the poles, are formed of wood, and cased over with pure gold, into which are set precious stones of great value. the canopy and cushions, on which the king takes his seat, are of crimson velvet, very richly embroidered with gold and pearls; a deep fringe of pearls of a good size finishes the border of the canopy. the chattah is of corresponding costly materials (crimson velvet and gold), fringed also with red pearls. the king's crown is elegantly formed, richly studded with diamonds, and ornamented with handsome plumes of the birds of paradise. over his head was supported the velvet chattah. on either side of the throne stood a nobleman with chowries of peacock's-feathers in gold handles, which they kept waving continually over the king's person. to the right of the throne were gilt chairs with velvet seats placed for the accommodation of the resident and his lady, who were accompanied by many english ladies and gentlemen standing, as also by the european gentlemen attached to the king's suite: the latter, in their court dresses of puce cloth, richly embroidered with gold, had a very good effect, mingled with the well-dressed lady-visitors of the resident. to the left of the throne stood the native gentlemen holding high offices in the court of oude, each richly dressed in the asiatic costume. at the king's feet stood the vizier (prime minister), whose business it is, on such occasions, to deposit the nuzzas on the throne after they have been accepted by his majesty. as the company advanced the head chamberlain announced the name and rank of each person in the presence of the king. the second chamberlain directed such persons, after presenting the nuzza, the way they must retire from the hall. the nuzzas of the first nobility consisted of twenty-one gold mohurs[10]; those of less exalted persons were proportioned to their rank and circumstances; whilst servants and slaves, with inferior dependants of the court, tendered their humble tribute of respect in rupees of silver. the person presenting has the offering placed on a clean white folded kerchief; he advances with his head bowed low, until within ten paces of the throne; he then stands erect for a few seconds, with his hands folded and held forward, after which he bows his head very low three times, and each time places his open hand to his forehead,--this is called 'salaaming'; this done, he advances to the foot of the throne, repeats the three salaams, then presents with both hands the nuzza on the kerchief, which the king touches with, his hand, and the vizier receives and deposits with the collected heap by the side of his majesty. when the ceremony of presenting nuzzas has concluded, the king rises and advances with the resident to the centre of the audience hall, where the person in charge of the haarhs[11] is in attendance with several of these marks of distinction, one of which the king selects and places with his own hands over the head of the resident; the resident then takes one and places it on the king in a similar way. should the vizier be in favour at this time, he is invested with the haarh, both by his majesty and the resident; but if, unfortunately for him, he does not enjoy his royal master's confidence, he takes this opportunity of testifying his dissatisfaction by omitting the favour to his vizier. the haarh is actually of very little value but as a badge of distinction peculiar to native courts, to which the natives attach so much importance, that i wonder not at their anxiety to be honoured with this distinguishing mark of the king's satisfaction. european visitors, both male and female, are generally adorned with haarhs on these occasions. the king then conducts the resident to the entrance,--when taking leave, he pours otta[12] on his hands, with the 'khodah afiz!'[13] (god be with you!) and sometimes out of compliment to the resident, his majesty offers otta also to each of the english visitors, as they pass him at the door. on these great court days, the vizier's nuzza is usually of great value,--sometimes a lac of rupees has been presented, when the vizier is much in favour, who is sure to receive ten times the value of his nuzza ere the day is passed. when this large sum is presented, the minister has his one hundred bags (each containing a thousand rupees), covered with crimson silk, and tied with silver ribands, placed on each side the throne prior to the king's arrival; who, on seeing this proof of his faithful servant's attachment, condescends to embrace him in the presence of the assembled court--an honour of vast magnitude in the estimation of natives. the king confers favour on, as well as receives homage from, his subjects, on the day of buckrah eade. on some, titles or other distinctions are conferred; to others presents, according to his good will and pleasure: many receive khillauts; and should there be an unfortunate omission, in the distribution of princely munificence, that person understands to his sorrow, that he is out of favour, without needing to be told so by word of mouth. the title of khaun, nuwaub, rajah, or any other distinction conferred by the king, is accompanied by the dress of honour, and often by elephants, horses, or the particular kind of native palkie which are alone used by princes and the nobility. the elephant is always given ready furnished with the several necessary appendages, as silver howdah, embroidered jhewls[14] (draperies), &c.; and the horse richly caparisoned for riding. the naalkie and palkie are vehicles conferred on native gentlemen with their titles, which cannot be used by any persons than those who have received the grant from their sovereign; and there is quite as much ambition to be thus distinguished in a native court, as may be traced amongst the aspirants for 'the orders' in the several european states. though the naalkie and palkie are restricted to the use of privileged persons, all are allowed the services of the elephant. i knew a professed beggar, who made his diurnal tour through the city of lucknow on one. a beggar, however, in native estimation, is not the despicable creature he is in european opinion; a degree of veneration is always evinced towards men, who live on the casual bounty of their fellow mortals, and profess not to have either a worldly calling or other means of support. the beggar, i allude to, was called shaah jhee[15]; he had originally been a travelling mendicant, and made a visit to lucknow, when the late king was a young man, whom he met by accident outside the town; and, i believe, without knowing to whom he was speaking, predicted some favourable circumstances which should attend him eventually; the young prince then disclosed himself to the beggar, and promised him if his predictions were verified, he would reward him in the way he wished. shaah jhee left the oude district, and travelled over most parts of hindoostaun. returning after many years' absence to lucknow, he found the prince seated on the throne of his ancestors, and watching for a favourable opportunity to present himself, made his claims to the sovereign, who, remembering the circumstance and his promise, conferred the required reward--to be allowed to demand five cowries daily from every shopkeeper in the city of lucknow. the king added to this humble demand a house to reside in, and the elephant on which he went to collect his revenue. eighty-five cowries (shells) are valued at one pice, or a halfpenny; yet so vast is this capital of oude, that shaah jhee was in the receipt of a handsome daily allowance, by this apparently trifling collection. most of the respectable gentlemen in lucknow maintain an elephant for their own use, where it is almost as common to meet them as horses. though most persons, i observe, avoid falling in with, the royal cortège, (which is always announced by the sound of the dunkah), unless they are disposed to court the king's observation; then they draw up their elephant, and oblige the animal to kneel down whilst the king passes on, the owner standing in his howdah to make salaams; others, i have seen, dismount in time, and stand in a humble posture, with the hands folded and the head bowed low, doing reverence and attracting his majesty's notice as he passes on. these little acts of ceremonious respect are gratifying to the king, and are frequently the means of advancing the views of the subject to his favour. the khillauts, presented by the king, vary in the number of the articles composing the gift, as well as in the quality. the personal rank, and sometimes the degree of estimation in which the receiver is held, is defined by the value and number of an individual's khillaut. i have known some gentlemen tenacious to a foible, about the nature of the khillaut that could consistently be accepted; i have heard it even expressed, 'i shall be disgraced in the eyes of the world, if my khillaut has not the full complement usually conferred on men of my rank'. it is the honour they value, not the intrinsic worth of the articles, for it is no uncommon thing to find them distributing the dress of honour amongst their dependants, on the same day they have received it. the splendid articles composing khillauts are as follows: swords with embroidered belts, the handle and scabbard either enamelled or embossed silver, often set with precious stones; the most inferior have silver mountings and velvet scabbards; shields studded with silver; kirrich (dirk), the handle and sheath equally as rich as the swords; embroidered or gold cloth chupkunds[16] (coats); shawl-stuff labaadahs[17] (pelisses), trimmed with sable; turbans of shawl or muslin; ornaments for the turban of diamonds and emeralds, the inferior of paste; strings of pearls and emeralds for the neck; shawls, always in pairs, of more or less value; shawl-kerchiefs; shawl cummerbunds[18] (girdles); shawl lahaafs[19] (counterpanes); gold cloth, gold and silver muslins, and shawl stuff, in pieces, each being sufficient to form a dress; benares silks, or rich satin for trousers; pieces of fine embroidered muslin for shirts. these are the usual articles of value given in khillauts to the most exalted favourites. in some instances the king confers one hundred and one pieces in a khillaut; in others seventy-five, and down to five articles, which is the lowest number given in this much-prized dress of honour. in a khillaut of five pieces, i have observed, generally, a coarser kind of gold cloth dress, a coloured muslin turban, a pair of coarse shawls, a coarse shawl romall[20] (kerchief), and a girdle. i have also observed, that the higher the numbers rise, the quality of the articles increased in value; consequently, when we hear of any one being invested with the highest number, we calculate that each piece is of the very best quality and fabric. when khillauts are conferred, the investiture usually takes place in the king's presence, who sometimes condescends to place one of the articles on the receiver with his own hands; at other times he merely touches the turban with his hand, and the individuals are clothed by the prime minister. after receiving the khillaut, each person approaches the throne and does homage to the king, presenting a nuzza in accordance with his rank, and the value of the khillaut. the revenue collectors and zemindhaars[21] (landlords of farms) crowd to the court on these days, to testify their respect and share in the honours distributed with a liberal hand. these persons may well be solicitous to receive this badge of distinction, which they find increases their influence over the ryotts[22] (cultivators). on the morning of buckrah eade, the king gives a public breakfast at lucknow, to the resident and his suite, and to such of the native nobility as are privileged to 'the chair'[23] at the royal banquets. the breakfast concluded, many varieties of sports commence, as elephant-fighting, tiger sports, &c.[24] the entertainment is got up with great magnificence, neither expense nor trouble being spared to render the festivities of the day conspicuous. after the resident and his party have retired, the king returns to his private apartments, where the forms of state are thrown aside with the splendid robes; and the ease and comfort of real asiatic life is again indulged in, without the parade so studiously observed in public, as being essential to the sovereign's dignity. the trammels of state must indeed be irksome to those who indulge in that sort of luxurious ease which forms the chief comfort of native life. the evening at court is passed by the king and his favourite courtiers, with music and the performances of dancing-girls; a variety of fire-work exhibitions; the witticisms of the court-jesters, and such other amusements as are suited to asiatic taste. the magnificent style of celebrating buckrah eade at lucknow is perhaps unequalled by any other native court now existing in hindoostaun. the rejoicings on this festival are not confined to the higher classes alone; but it is a period of equal interest to every individual of the mussulmaun community. the custom of the court is imitated by the subjects in their several grades, each striving to do honour to the day according to their ability. the religious classes add, to their usual namaaz, the appointed prayer for the occasion of buckrah eade. the rich send presents of goats and sheep to their neighbours and to the poor, so that the meanest of the people are enabled to offer sacrifice and rejoice in the good things of which they partake: new suits of clothes are also distributed to the dependants of the family and to the poor. in short, on this day, there seems a spirit of benevolence abroad, that is even remarkable beyond the general generosity of their natural character, as all who have any thing to share will assuredly, on this occasion, impart a blessing to the needy, and gratify their friends and acquaintances. the bride and bridegroom elect exchange presents of goats, &c.; the tutor writes a copy of verses on the day, and presents it to his pupil; the pupil in return sends his tutor a dress and money to enable him to keep eade with his family. the ladies dress in their most costly jewels and apparel to receive or pay visits. the children have their sports and amusements. whenever i have entered a native house on these days, all seemed cheerful and happy, and enjoying themselves in whatever way was most congenial to their particular tastes; 'every one must be cheerful (they say) on buckrah eade'. on this day, millions of animals are sacrificed in remembrance of abraham's faith. i have often thought how striking is the similarity between the mosaic and mussulmaun institutes,--indeed my recollections of scripture history have frequently been realized in the views i have had of the domestic habits of the mussulmauns. they are forbidden the use of unclean animals; the swine is equally abominable to mussulmauns as to the jews; neither are they less scrupulous in discarding from their kitchen any kind of animal food prohibited by their laws, or which has not been killed by one of their faith. in this process the person, who is to slay, turns the animal's head towards mecca, repeats the short appointed prayer, and with one plunge the animal has ceased to feel: they are expert in the art of despatching life, so that the animal's sufferings may not be protracted unnecessarily;--an amiable trait of character and worthy of imitation. * * * * * 'nou-roze'[25] (new year's day) is a festival of eade of no mean importance in the estimation of mussulmaun society. the exact period of commencing the mussulmaun new year is the very moment of the sun's entering the sign aries. this is calculated by those practical astronomers, who are in the service of most great men in native cities;--i should tell you they have not the benefit of published almanacks as in england,--and according to the hour of the day or night when the sun passes into that particular sign, so are they directed in the choice of a colour to be worn in their garments on this eade: if at midnight, the colour would be dark puce, almost a black; if at mid-day, the colour would be the brightest crimson. thus to the intermediate hours are given a shade of either colour applicable to the time of the night or the day when the sun enters the sign aries; and whatever be the colour to suit the hour of nou-roze, all classes wear the day's livery, from the king to the meanest subject in the city. the king, on his throne, sits in state to receive congratulations and nuzzas from his nobles, courtiers and dependants. 'mabaarukh nou-roze!'[26] (may the new year be fortunate!) are the terms of salutation exchanged by all classes of society, the king himself setting the example. the day is devoted to amusements, a public breakfast at the palace, sending presents, exchanging visits, &c. the trays of presents prepared by the ladies for their friends are tastefully set out, and the work of many days' previous arrangement. eggs are boiled hard, some of these are stained in colours resembling our mottled papers; others are neatly painted in figures and devices; many are ornamented with gilding; every lady evincing her own peculiar taste in the prepared eggs for 'nou-roze'. all kinds of dried fruits and nuts, confectionary and cakes, are numbered amongst the necessary articles for this day's offering: they are set out in small earthen plates, lacquered over to resemble silver, on which is placed coloured paper, cut out in curious devices (an excellent substitute for vine leaves) laid on the plate to receive the several articles forming 'nou-roze' presents. amongst the young people these trays are looked forward to with child-like anxiety. the ladies rival each other in their display of novelty and good taste, both in the eatables and the manner of setting them off with effect. the religious community have prayers read in their family, and by them it is considered both a necessary duty and a propitious commencement to bring in the new year by 'prayer and praises'. when it is known that the nou-roze will occur by daylight, the ladies have a custom of watching for the moment the year shall commence by a fresh rose, which being plucked from the stalk is thrown into a basin of water, the eye downwards. they say, this rose turns over of itself towards the sun at the very moment of that luminary passing into the sign aries. i have often found them thus engaged; but i never could say i witnessed the actual accomplishment of their prediction. the nou-roze teems with friendly tokens between the two families of a bride and bridegroom elect, whose interchange of presents are also strictly observed. the children receive gifts from their elders; their nurses reap a harvest from the day; the tutor writes an ode in praise of his pupil, and receives gifts from the child's parents; the servants and slaves are regaled with dainties and with presents from the superiors of the establishment; the poor are remembered with clothes, money and food; the ladies make and receive visits; and the domenie attend to play and sing in the zeenahnah. in short, the whole day is passed in cheerful amusements, suited to the retirement of a zeenahnah and the habits of the people. * * * * * there is a festival observed at lucknow called bussund[27] (spring-colour). i should remark here, that almost all the trees of india have perpetual foliage; as the season approaches for the new leaves to sprout, the young buds force off the old leaves; and when the trees are thus clothed in their first delicate foliage, there is a yellow tinge in the colour which is denominated bussund (spring). a day is appointed to be kept under this title, and then every one wears the bussund colour: no one would be admitted at court without this badge of the day. the elephants, horses and camels of the king, or of his nobles, are all ornamented with the same colour on their trappings. the king holds a court, gives a public breakfast, and exhibits sports with ferocious animals. the amusements of this day are chiefly confined to the court: i have not observed much notice taken of it in private life. the last month of the periodical rains is called sahbaund.[28] there is a custom observed by the mussulmaun population, the origin of which has never been clearly explained to me; some say it is in remembrance of the prophet elisha or elijah, and commences the first friday of sahbaund, and is followed up every succeeding friday through this concluding month of the rainy season.[29] this ceremony may have had its origin with devout persons willing to honour or to invoke the prophet elijah, who, as our scripture informs us, 'prayed, and the clouds gave no rain for the space of three years; and again he prayed and the heavens were opened to his prayer'. or in that of elisha parting the waters with the mantle of elijah, after succeeding him in the prophetic office, 2 kings ii. 14; or a still more probable event, calculated to excite the pious to some such annual notice as is observed with these people, in the same chapter, the twentieth and following verses, where we find it said of elisha, 'and he said, bring me a new cruse, and put salt therein. and they brought it to him. and he went forth unto the spring of the waters, and cast the salt in there, and said, thus saith the lord, i have healed these waters; there shall not be from thence any more dearth or barren land. so the waters were healed unto this day, according to the saying of elisha which he spake.' the learned men call it a zeenahnah, or children's custom; but it is common to see children of all ages amongst the males, partake of, and enjoy the festival with as much glee as the females or their juniors. a bamboo frame is formed to the shape of a chinese boat: this frame-work is hidden by a covering of gold and silver tissue, silk, or coloured muslin, bordered and neatly ornamented with silver paper. in this light bark many lamps are secreted, of common earthenware. a procession is formed to convey the tribute, called 'elias ky kishtee[30]', to the river. the servants of the family, soldiers, and a band of native music attend in due order of march: the crowd attracted by this childish play is immense, increasing as they advance through the several streets on the way to the river, by all the idlers of the place. the kishtee (boat) is launched amidst a flourish of trumpets and drums, and the shouts of the populace; the small vessel, being first well lighted, by means of the secreted lamps, moves down gently with the stream. when at a little distance, on a broad river, in the stillness of evening, any one--who did not previously know how these little moving bodies of light were produced--might fancy such fairy scenes as are to be met with in the well-told fables of children's books in happy england. this custom, though strongly partaking of the superstitious, is not so blameable as that which i have known practised by some men of esteemed good understanding, who having a particular object in view, which they cannot attain by any human stratagem or contrivance, write petitions to the emaum mhidhie on fridays, and by their own hands commit the paper to the river, with as much reverence as if they thought him present in the water to receive it. the petition is always written in the same respectful terms, as inferiors here well know how to address their superiors; and every succeeding friday the petition is repeated until the object is accomplished, or the petitioner has no further inducement to offer one. i have made particular inquiries whether such sensible people (as i have seen thus engaged) placed any dependence on this mode of petitioning. the only answer i have received, is, 'those who think proper thus to petition, certainly believe that it will be effectual, if they persevere in it.' the new moon is a festival in the family of every good mussulmaun.[31] they date the new moon from the evening it first become visible, and not as we do--from the moment it changes. the event is announced in native cities by firing salutes from the field-pieces of kings, nuwaubs, &c. amongst the religious people there is much preparation in bathing and changing the dress against the evening the moon is expected to be visible, and when the guns have announced that it is visible, they have the khoraun brought, which they open at the passage where mahumud praises god for this particular blessing. a small looking glass is then brought, on which passage it is placed, and the book held in such a position that the moon may be first seen by the person reflected in the glass. they then repeat the prayer, expressly appointed for this occasion, and that done, the whole family rise and embrace each other, making salaams and reverence to their superiors and elders. the servants and slaves advance for the same purpose, and nothing is heard for some minutes, but 'may the new moon be fortunate!' reiterated from every mouth of the assembled family. i cannot answer for the motives which actuate the ignorant people to bow when they first see the new moon; but the pious mussulmaun, i am assured, bows to the creator for the visible blessing, and not to the object. the first eatables handed round to secure good luck and health throughout the month are sugar-candy and cheese. i fancy this is a mere zeenahnah custom, for i do not find the males so particular about eating this most extraordinary mixture as the females. the servants' wages are paid by the month, and in well-regulated families the first day of the moon is hailed by dependants and domestics with no small share of anxiety. indeed, these people make the moon of much more importance in the regulation of domestic affairs than the inhabitants of more polished countries, for they attribute the influence of that planet over the inhabitants of the earth in many extraordinary ways. it may be deemed superstitious, but as my business is to relate the most material ceremonies among this people, i cannot well omit noticing some of their observances at this time. if any person is ill, and bleeding is the only good remedy to be pursued, the age of the moon is first discussed, and if it happens to be near the full, they are inflexibly resolute that the patient shall not lose blood until her influence is lessened. and should it happen at the commencement of the second quarter, or a few days after the full, the difficulty is to be overcome by deprecating the evil influence of the moon over the patient, by burning a brand of straw which is flourished about the sick person's head, who is brought out into the moon's presence for this important operation.[32] many equally extraordinary things of this sort i have been obliged to witness in the zeenahnah. the full moon is deemed propitious for celebrating the marriage festivals. if this be not possible, care is always to be taken that the ceremony does not fall at the period when she is in the unfavourable sign; they say the happiness of the young couple depends on this being carefully avoided, as in the opinion of every mussulmaun 'the moon in scorpio' is unpropitious for any business of moment.[33] when a journey is contemplated the moon's age is the first consideration; indeed, the favourable signs of madam luna's movements are not only selected for commencing a journey, but for all undertakings of like importance;--whether to build, to write, to plant, to take medicine, &c. what will be said of the singular custom, 'drinking the moon at a draught'? a silver basin being filled with water is held in such a situation that the full moon may be reflected in it; the person to be benefited by this draught is required to look steadfastly at the moon in the basin, then shut his eyes and quaff the liquid at one draught.[34] this remedy is advised by medical professors in nervous cases, and also for palpitations of the heart. i have seen this practised, but i am not aware of any real benefit derived by the patient from the prescription. when the planet venus is in conjunction with the moon, they say the time is most favourable to offer prayers to god for any particular object they may have in view. at this time they write charms or talismans to be worn by children. i remember having witnessed a gentleman thus occupied, who wrote little scraps in the arabic character to distribute amongst the children of his friends, who wore them enclosed in silver cases on their arms. an eclipse of the moon is an event of great interest, both with the mussulmaun and the hindoo population, although they have very opposite ideas of the causes of an eclipse. many of the notions entertained by the lower classes of mussulmauns upon the nature of an eclipse are borrowed from the hindoos.[34] some think that it is caused by the anger of god towards the people of the earth; others say the moon is in debt, and many other equally odd conceits exist amongst the ignorant people, and among them only. yet a sensation of awe is felt by most; and where is the intelligent creature who can view an eclipse or any other phenomenon of nature without the same feeling of awe, although all are not equally ready to express the sensation? loud cries from the mixed population, mussulmauns and hindoos, announce the commencement of an eclipse, whether it be of the sun or the moon. the voice of the mussulmaun is distinguished by the namaazies'[35] call to prayers--'allah wo uckbaar![36] (god alone is great!) to this summons the faithful attend diligently, and they are generally occupied in the form of prayer appointed by mahumud until the shadow has passed over the sun or moon eclipsed. the ladies prepare offerings of corn, oil, and money to be distributed amongst the poor. the gentlemen give presents to the needy. the astronomer who predicts to his royal or noble master the exact period of an eclipse, is rewarded, when it is over, with money, a dress, and a crescent of pure gold in some instances. a bride elect sends sutkah[38] to her intended husband, accompanied by a goat or kid, which must be tied to the leg of his bedstead during the continuance of an eclipse: these offerings are afterwards distributed in charity. women expecting to become mothers are carefully kept awake during an eclipse, as they declare the infant's security depends on the mother being kept from sleep; they are not allowed to use a needle, scissors, knife, or any other instrument during an eclipse, for fear of drawing blood, which would be injurious at that period, both to the mother and child; neither are the animals in a similar state neglected; a mixture of cow-dung and drugs is rubbed over the belly of such animals, whether cows, sheep, goats, &c., and all these are securely housed until the planet is again resplendent: they fancy that both the animal and its young would be endangered by exposure during the time of the eclipse. the power of the moon on wounded persons is believed universally to be of dangerous tendency. i have heard many extraordinary relations by people who, as they tell me, have suffered from exposure to the moon whilst a wound was fresh. one person had received a severe sabre-cut on his arm; the place was sewed up by the barber (the only surgeon amongst the natives), and being much exhausted he laid down to sleep in the open air. the moon was near the full, and after some hours' exposure to her influence he awoke in great agony; the barber examined the arm early in the morning and found the cut in a state of corruption, the sewing having burst; the wound was cleansed, and dressed with pounded camphor; the place eventually healed, and the man lived many years to tell his story, always declaring his belief that the moon had been the cause of his sufferings; he was the more certain of this as he dreamed whilst exposed to her influence, that a large black woman (an inhabitant of the moon) had wrestled with him, and hurt his wound. the usual application in india to a fresh wound is that of slacked lime. a man in our employ was breaking wood, the head of the hatchet came off, and the sharp edge fell with considerable force on the poor creature's foot; he bled profusely and fainted, lime was unsparingly applied, to the wound, the foot carefully wrapped up, and the man conveyed to his hut on a charpoy (bedstead), where he was kept quiet without disturbing the wound; at the end of a fortnight he walked about, and in another week returned to his labour.[39] lime is an article of great service in the domestic economy of the natives. i have experienced the good effects of this simple remedy for burns or scalds: equal proportions of lime, water, and any kind of oil, made into a thin paste, and immediately applied and repeatedly moistened, will speedily remove the effects of a burn; and if applied later, even when a blister has risen, the remedy never fails: i cannot say how it might act on a wound, the consequence of a neglected burn. the lime used with pawn by the natives of india is considered very beneficial to health; and they use it in great quantities, considering that they never eat pawn without lime, and the most moderate pawn eaters indulge in the luxury at least eight times in the course of the day. the benefit of lime is worth the consideration of the medical world--as a preventive in some climates, as a renovater in others. shubh-burraat,[40] is the designation of one of the months of the mussulmauns (you are aware their month is the duration of the moon). the night of the full moon shubh-burraat is a period of great and interesting importance to the mussulmaun people of every degree; for on this night they are persuaded the fate of every human being is fixed in heaven; and that whatever is to be their doom is then registered in the book of life. those who are to retain health, life, prosperity, or any other blessing, and those who are to be visited by sickness, sorrows, adversity or death; in short, whatever is to occur throughout the year is on this night assuredly noted in heaven for each individual on earth. on this night they are instructed also to remember their friends and relatives who have been separated from them by death, and the injunction is followed up with much pious respect and marked veneration. food is cooked and portioned out in the name of each departed object of their regard, over which the elder of the family,--if a maulvee is not available,--reads a certain form of prayer called fahteeah[41]; this done, each portion (if convenient) is conveyed to the several tombs wherein those friends are deposited; or if not convenient to send the food to the burying ground, it is distributed amongst the poor of the city and the suburbs; the beggars congregating in those places to indulge in the luxuries prepared to the memory of the dead. the food prepared on this occasion must not contain any animal food. bread of various kinds, sweet rice, and meetah[42] (a mixture of sugar, ghee, and flour), are the usual dainties i have observed in these offerings. fireworks are in universal request on the night of shubh-burraat, which is required to be passed in wakefulness; and to this may be ascribed the never-varying custom of letting them off: it is an amusement these people take delight in at all times, and on this occasion most usefully, to keep them awake. the younger branches, at all events, derive this benefit from the pastime. the religious community make it a night of strict devotion; they offer prayers and intercessions for the souls of their departed friends, since they imagine that this period, of all others, is most favourable to prayer, as they believe the heart is more open to the throne of mercy, the prayer more effectual, and that the real penitent suing for pardon on the night of shubh-burraat, is certainly heard and his sins forgiven. the sheah sect attach still greater importance to this night, as the anniversary of the birth of emaum mhidhie.[43] they also remember hasan and hosein as martyrs; and in memory of their sufferings the zeearut[44] (circuit as at mahurrum), is performed by walking round the ground in front of their apartments, repeating the burial service, with some trifling alterations; likewise the salaams to the prophets and emaums are duly performed during this night of fate. there is a singular opinion current amongst the mussulmauns, that the trees hold converse at this momentous period.[45] the really pious characters amongst the mussulmauns declare that they discountenance superstition in every way; but they strictly adhere to every habit or custom on record which was the practice of mahumud and his family, the emaums. of course, they do not think the observances of shubh-burraat are at all bordering on superstition, whatever may be thought of the practice by others. [1] see p. 78. [2] 'idgah, the place where the rites of the 'id festival are conducted. it generally consists of a pavement, with a wall to the west, facing east. [3] see p. 42. [4] _angarkha_. [5] _najib_, 'noble'; the half-disciplined militia of native states. [6] _kirch_, a straight thrusting sword. [7] see p. 48. [8] see p. 43. [9] _nalki_, a kind of litter, the use of which was regarded as a mark of dignity: see sleeman, _rambles_, p. 135. [10] a coin worth, about rs. 16. [11] haarh is a name given to any sort of ornament which we should designate a necklace. the haarhs presented on these occasions at the oude court are composed of silver ribands very prettily platted and confined at each division of plats by knobs covered with silver riband. the prices of these haarhs are from five to twenty-five rupees each, depending on the size. [_author_.] see p. 62. [12] _'itr_, essence of roses. [13]_khuda hafiz_. [14] _jhul_. [15] _shahji_, 'my lord'. [16] _chapkan_, the cassock-like frock, which is the usual dress of respectable natives. [17] _labada_, a sort of overcoat. [18] _kamarband_, 'loin-band'. [19] _lahaf_, a corruption of _ghilaf_, 'a wrapper'. [20] _rumal_, 'face-wiper'. [21] _zamindar_, 'a landowner'. [22] _ra'iyat_. [23] many native gentlemen are allowed to be seated in the king's presence at court daily, but not at the banquet, which is a distinction reserved only for the nobility and favourites. [_author_.] [24] for an account of the animal fights before lord w. bentinck in 1831 see mrs. f. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, i. 176 ff.; w. knighton, _private life of an eastern king_, p. 147 ff. [25] _nauroz_. specially a persian feast: see sir j. malcolm, _history of persia_,[2] ii. 341 _n_., 404; s.g.w. benjamin, _persia and the persians_, p. 198; o.j. wills, _the land of the lion and the sun_, ed. 1891, p. 48. [26] _nauroz mubarak_. [27] basant or spring feast, held at the vernal equinox. [28] sawan, the fourth month of the hindu year, july-august. [29] the feast is held in honour of the mythical khwaja khizr, 'the green one', a water spirit identified with the prophet elisha (see sale on _koran_, xviii. 63). the launching of the little boats is, in essence, a form of magic intended to carry away the evils which menace the community, and to secure abundant rainfall. [30] _ilyas ki kishti_. [31] this is known as hilal. [32] the semites, like other races, believed in the influence of the moon. 'the sun shall not strike thee by day, nor the moon by night' (ps. cxxi. 6). it was believed to cause blindness and epilepsy. sir j.g. frazer has exhaustively discussed the question of the influence of the moon. the harvest moon, in particular, brings fertility, and hears the prayers of women in travail: the moon causes growth and decay, and she is dangerous to children. many practical rules are based on her influence at the various phases (_the golden bough_[3] part i, vol. ii, p. 128; part iv, vol. ii, p. 132 ff.). [33] 'the sixth house is scorpio, which is that of slaves and servants, and of diseases' (abul fazl, _akbarnama_, tr. h. beveridge, ii. 12). [34] here the moon is supposed to exert a curative influence. [35] hindus believe that during an eclipse the moon is being strangled by a demon, rahu. cries are raised, drums and brazen pans are beaten to scare him. [36] properly the mu'azzin or official summoner to prayer. [37] _allahu akbar_. [38] all offerings of intercession or thanksgivings are denominated sutkah [_author_] (_sadaqah_, see p. 136). [39] lime liniment, composed of equal parts of lime-water and a bland oil, is recognized in surgical practice. [40] _shab-i-bara'at_, 'the night of record', is a feast held on the 15th of the month sha'ban, when a vigil is kept, with prayers and illuminations. on this occasion service in memory of the deceased ancestors of the family is performed. on this night the fortunes of mortals during the coming year are said to be recorded in heaven. see p. 51. [41] al-fatihah, 'the opening one', the first chapter of the koran. [42] _mitha, mithai_, 'sweetmeats'. [43] imam mahdi, see pp. 72, 76. [44] _ziyarat_, see p. 15. [45] compare the oracular trees of the greeks (sir j.g. frazer, _pausanias_, ii. 160). for legends of speaking trees in india, w. crooke, _popular religion and folklore of n. india_,[2] ii. 89. letter xii the zeenahnah.--its interior described.--furniture, decorations, &c.--the purdah (curtains).--bedstead.--the musnud (seat of honour).--mirrors and ornamental furniture disused.--display on occasions of festivity.--observations on the mussulmaun ladies.--happiness in their state of seclusion.--origin of secluding females by mahumud.--anecdote.--tamerlane's command prohibiting females being seen in public.--the palankeen.--bearers.--their general utility and contentedness of disposition.--habits peculiar to mussulmaun ladies.--domestic arrangements of a zeenahnah.--dinner and its accompanying observances.--the lota and lugguns.--the hookha.--further investigation of the customs adopted in zeenahnahs. before i introduce the ladies of a mussulmaun zeenahnah to your notice, i propose giving you a description of their apartments. imagine to yourself a tolerably sized quadrangle, three sides of which is occupied by habitable buildings, and the fourth by kitchens, offices, lumber rooms, &c.; leaving in the centre an open court-yard. the habitable buildings are raised a few steps from the court; a line of pillars forms the front of the building, which has no upper rooms; the roof is flat, and the sides and back without windows, or any aperture through which air can be received. the sides and back are merely high walls forming an enclosure, and the only air is admitted from the fronts of the dwelling-place facing the court-yard. the apartments are divided into long halls, the extreme corners having small rooms or dark closets purposely built for the repository of valuables or stores; doors are fixed to these closets, which are the only places i have seen with them in a zeenahnah or mahul[1] (house or palace occupied by females); the floor is either of beaten earth, bricks, or stones; boarded floors are not yet introduced. as they have neither doors nor windows to the halls, warmth or privacy is secured by means of thick wadded curtains, made to fit each opening between the pillars. some zeenahnahs have two rows of pillars in the halls with wadded curtains to each, thus forming two distinct halls, as occasion may serve, or greater warmth be required: this is a convenient arrangement where the establishment of servants, slaves, &c., is extensive. the wadded curtains are called purdahs[2]; these are sometimes made of woollen cloth, but more generally of coarse calico, of two colours, in patchwork style, striped, vandyked, or in some other ingeniously contrived and ornamented way, according to their individual taste. besides the purdahs, the openings between the pillars have blinds neatly made of bamboo strips, wove together with coloured cords: these are called jhillmuns or cheeks.[3] many of them are painted green; others are more gaudy both in colour and variety of patterns. these blinds constitute a real comfort to every one in india, as they admit air when let down, and at the same time shut out flies and other annoying insects; besides which the extreme glare is shaded by them,--a desirable object to foreigners in particular. the floors of the halls are first matted with the coarse date-leaf matting of the country, over which is spread shutteringhies[4] (thick cotton carpets, peculiarly the manufacture of the upper provinces of india, wove in stripes of blue and white, or shades of blue); a white calico carpet covers the shutteringhie, on which the females take their seat. the bedsteads of the family are placed, during the day, in lines at the back of the halls, to be moved at pleasure to any chosen spot for the night's repose; often into the open courtyard, for the benefit of the pure air. they are all formed on one principle, differing only in size and quality; they stand about half-a-yard from the floor, the legs round and broad at bottom, narrowing as they rise towards the frame, which is laced over with a thick cotton tape, made for the purpose, and platted in checquers, and thus rendered soft, or rather elastic, and very pleasant to recline upon. the legs of these bedsteads are in some instances gold, silver gilt, or pure silver; others have enamel paintings on fine wood; the inferior grades have them merely of wood painted plain and varnished; the servants' bedsteads are of the common mango-wood without ornament, the lacing of these for the sacking being of elastic string manufactured from the fibre of the cocoa-nut. such are the bedsteads of every class of people. they seldom have mattresses; a soojinee[5] (white quilt) is spread on the lacing, over which a calico sheet, tied at each corner of the bedstead with cords and tassels; several thin flat pillows of beaten cotton for the head,--a muslin sheet for warm weather, and a well wadded ruzzie[6] (coverlid) for winter, is all these children of nature deem essential to their comfort in the way of sleeping. they have no idea of night dresses; the same suit that adorns a lady, is retained both night and day, until a change be needed. the single article exchanged at night is the deputtah,[7] and that only when it happens to be of silver tissue or embroidery, for which a muslin or calico sheet is substituted. the very highest circles have the same habits in common with the meanest, but those who can afford shawls of cashmere prefer them for sleeping in, when the cold weather renders them bearable. blankets are never used except by the poorest peasantry, who wear them in lieu of better garments night and day in the winter season: they are always black, the natural colour of the wool. the ruzzies of the higher orders are generally made of silk of the brightest hues, well wadded, and lined with dyed muslin of assimilating colour; they are usually bound with broad silver ribands, and sometimes bordered with gold brocaded trimmings. the middling classes have fine chintz ruzzies, and the servants and slaves coarse ones of the same material; but all are on the same plan, whether for a queen or the meanest of her slaves, differing only in the quality of the material. the mistress of the house is easily distinguished by her seat of honour in the hall of a zeenahnah; a musnud[8] not being allowed to any other person but the lady of the mansion. the musnud carpet is spread on the floor if possible near to a pillar about the centre of the hall, and is made of many varieties of fabric,--gold cloth, quilted silk, brocaded silk, velvet, fine chintz, or whatever may suit the lady's taste, circumstances, or convenience. it is about two yards square, and generally bordered or fringed, on which is placed the all-important musnud. this article may be understood by those who have seen a lace-maker's pillow in england, excepting only that the musnud is about twenty times the size of that useful little article in the hands of our industrious villagers. the musnud is covered with gold cloth, silk, velvet, or calico, with square pillows to correspond, for the elbows, the knees, &c. this is the seat of honour, to be invited to share which, with the lady-owner, is a mark of favour to an equal or inferior: when a superior pays a visit of honour, the prided seat is usually surrendered to her, and the lady of the house takes her place most humbly on the very edge of her own carpet. looking-glasses or ornamental furniture are very rarely to be seen in the zeenahnahs, even of the very richest females. chairs and sofas are produced when english visitors are expected; but the ladies of hindoostaun prefer the usual mode of sitting and lounging on the carpet; and as for tables, i suppose not one gentlewoman of the whole country has ever been seated at one; and very few, perhaps, have any idea of their useful purposes, all their meals being served on the floor, where dusthakhawns[9] (table-cloths we should call them) are spread, but neither knives, forks, spoons, glasses, or napkins, so essential to the comfortable enjoyment of a meal amongst europeans. but those who never knew such comforts have no desire for the indulgence, nor taste to appreciate them. on the several occasions, amongst native society, of assembling in large parties, as at births and marriages, the halls, although extensive, would be inadequate to accommodate the whole party. they then have awnings of white calico, neatly flounced with muslin, supported on poles fixed in the courtyard, and connecting the open space with the great hall, by wooden platforms which are brought to a line with the building, and covered with shutteringhie and white carpets to correspond with the floor-furniture of the hall; and here the ladies sit by day and sleep by night very comfortably, without feeling any great inconvenience from the absence of their bedsteads, which could never be arranged for the accommodation of so large an assemblage--nor is it ever expected. the usually barren look of these almost unfurnished halls is on such occasions quite changed, when the ladies are assembled in their various dresses; the brilliant display of jewels, the glittering drapery of their dress, the various expressions of countenance, and different figures, the multitude of female attendants and slaves, the children of all ages and sizes in their variously ornamented dresses, are subjects to attract both the eye and the mind of an observing visitor; and the hall, which when empty appeared desolate and comfortless, thus filled, leaves nothing wanting to render the scene attractive. the buzz of human voices, the happy playfulness of the children, the chaste singing of the domenies fill up the animated picture. i have sometimes passed an hour or two in witnessing their innocent amusements, without any feeling of regret for the brief sacrifice of time i had made. i am free to confess, however, that i have returned to my tranquil home with increased delight after having witnessed the bustle of a zeenahnah assembly. at first i pitied the apparent monotony of their lives; but this feeling has worn away by intimacy with the people, who are thus precluded from mixing generally with the world. they are happy in their confinement; and never having felt the sweets of liberty, would not know how to use the boon if it were to be granted them. as the bird from the nest immured in a cage is both cheerful and contented, so are these females. they have not, it is true, many intellectual resources, but they have naturally good understandings, and having learned their duty they strive to fulfil it. so far as i have had any opportunity of making personal observations on their general character they appear to me obedient wives, dutiful daughters, affectionate mothers, kind mistresses, sincere friends, and liberal benefactresses to the distressed poor. these are their moral qualifications, and in their religious duties they are zealous in performing the several ordinances which they have been instructed by their parents or husbands to observe. if there be any merit in obeying the injunctions of their lawgiver, those whom i have known most intimately deserve praise, since 'they are faithful in that they profess'. to ladies accustomed from infancy to confinement this is by no means irksome; they have their employments and their amusements, and though these are not exactly to our taste, nor suited to our mode of education, they are not the less relished by those for whom they were invented. they perhaps wonder equally at some of our modes of dissipating time, and fancy we might spend it more profitably. be that as it may, the mussulmaun ladies, with whom i have been long intimate, appear to me always happy, contented, and satisfied with the seclusion to which they were born; they desire no other, and i have ceased to regret they cannot be made partakers of that freedom of intercourse with the world we deem so essential to our happiness, since their health suffers nothing from that confinement, by which they are preserved from a variety of snares and temptations; besides which, they would deem it disgraceful in the highest degree to mix indiscriminately with men who are not relations. they are educated from infancy for retirement, and they can have no wish that the custom should be changed, which keeps them apart from the society of men who are not very nearly related to them. female society is unlimited, and that they enjoy without restraint. a lady whose friendship i have enjoyed from my first arrival in india, heard me very often speak of the different places i had visited, and she fancied her happiness very much depended on seeing a river and a bridge. i undertook to gain permission from her husband and father, that the treat might be permitted; they, however, did not approve of the lady being gratified, and i was vexed to be obliged to convey the disappointment to my friend. she very mildly answered me, 'i was much to blame to request what i knew was improper for me to be indulged in; i hope my husband and family will not be displeased with me for my childish wish; pray make them understand how much i repent of my folly. i shall be ashamed to speak on the subject when we meet.' i was anxious to find out the origin of secluding females in the mussulmaun societies of hindoostaun, as i could find no example in the mosaic law, which appears to have been the pattern muhumud followed generally in domestic habits. i am told by the best possible authority, that the first step towards the seclusion of females occurred in the life of mahumud, by whose command the face and figure of women were veiled on their going from home, in consequence of some departure from strict propriety in one of his wives (ayashur,[10] the daughter of omir); she is represented to have been a very beautiful woman, and was travelling with mahumud on a journey in arabia. 'the beautiful ayashur, on her camel, was separated from the party; she arrived at the serai (inn, or halting-place) several hours after they had encamped, and declared that her delay was occasioned by the loss of a silver bangle from her ankle, which after some trouble she had discovered, and which she produced in a bruised state in testimony of her assertion. mahumud was displeased, and her father enraged beyond measure at his daughter's exposing herself to the censure of the public, by allowing any thing to detach her from the party.' mahumud assuaged omir's anger by a command then first issued, 'that all females, belonging to the faithful, should be compelled to wear a close veil over their face and figure whenever they went abroad.' in arabia and persia the females are allowed to walk or ride out with a sort of hooded cloak, which falls over the face, and has two eye-holes for the purpose of seeing their way.[11] they are to be met with in the streets of those countries without a suspicion of impropriety when thus habited. the habit of strict seclusion, however, originated in hindoostaun with tamerlane the conqueror of india. when tamerlane[12] with his powerful army entered india, he issued a proclamation to all his followers to the following purport, 'as they were now in the land of idolatry and amongst a strange people, the females of their families should be strictly concealed from the view of strangers'; and tamerlane himself invented the several covered conveyances which are to the present period of the mussulmaun history in use, suited to each grade of female rank in society. and the better to secure them from all possibility of contamination by their new neighbours, he commanded that they should be confined to their own apartments and behind the purdah, disallowing any intercourse with males of their own persuasion even, who were not related by the nearest ties, and making it a crime in any female who should willingly suffer her person to be seen by men out of the prescribed limits of consanguinity. tamerlane, it may be presumed, was then ignorant of the religious principles of the hindoos. they are strictly forbidden to have intercourse or intermarry with females who are not strictly of their own caste or tribe, under the severe penalty of losing that caste which they value as their life. to this may be attributed, in a great degree, the safety with which female foreigners travel daak[13] (post) in their palankeens, from one point of the indian continent to another, without the knowledge of five words of the hindoostaunie tongue, and with no other servant or guardian but the daak-bearers, who carry them at the rate of four miles an hour, travelling day and night successively. the palankeen is supported on the shoulders of four bearers at once,--two having the front pole attached to the vehicle, and two supporting the pole behind. the four bearers are relieved every five or six minutes by other four, making the set of eight to each palankeen,--this set conveys their burden from eight to ten miles, where a fresh party are in waiting to relieve them, and so on to the extent of the projected journey; much in the same way as relays of horses are stationed for post-travelling in england. perhaps the tract of country passed through may not present a single hut or habitation for miles together, often through jungles of gloomy aspect; yet with all these obstacles, which would excite fear or distrust in more civilized parts of the world, females travel in india with as perfect security from insult as if they were guarded by a company of sepoys, or a troop of cavalry. i am disposed to think that the invention of covered conveyances by tamerlane first gave rise to the bearers. it seems so probable that the conqueror of the hindoos should have been the first to degrade human nature, by compelling them to bear the burden of their fellow-creatures. i can never forget the first impression, on my mind, when witnessing this mode of conveyance on my landing at calcutta; and although i am willing to agree that the measure is one of vast utility in this climate, and to acknowledge with gratitude the benefit i have derived by this personal convenience, yet i never seat myself in the palankeen or thonjaun[14] without a feeling bordering on self-reproach, as being one amongst the number to perpetuate the degradation of my fellow-mortals. they, however, feel nothing of this sentiment themselves, for they are trained from boyhood to the toil, as the young ox to the yoke. it is their business; the means of comfort is derived to them by this service; they are happy in the employment, and generally cheerful, and form a class of people in themselves respected by every other both for their services and for their general good behaviour. in the houses of foreigners they are the most useful amongst the whole establishment; they have charge of property, keep the furniture in exact order, prepare the beds, the lamps, and the candles, where wax is used. tallow having beef-fat in its manufacture is an abomination, to the hindoos, by whom it is considered unholy to slay, or even to touch any portion of the slaughtered cattle of their respect: for believing in transmigration, they affirm that these animals receive the souls of their departed relations. the bearers make the best of nurses to children, and contribute to the comfort of their employer by pulling the punkah night and day: in short, so necessary are these servants to the domestic economy of sojourners in the east, that their merits as a people must be a continual theme of praise; for i know not how an english establishment could be concluded with any degree of comfort without these most useful domestics. but i have allowed my pen to stray from the subject of female seclusion, and will here bring that part of my history to a close in very few words. those females who rank above peasants or inferior servants, are disposed from principle to keep themselves strictly from observation; all who have any regard for the character or the honour of their house, seclude themselves from the eye of strangers, carefully instructing their young daughters to a rigid observance of their own prudent example. little girls, when four years old, are kept strictly behind the purdah, and when they move abroad it is always in covered conveyances, and under the guardianship of a faithful female domestic, who is equally tenacious us the mother to preserve the young lady's reputation unblemished by concealing her from the gaze of men. the ladies of zeenahnah life are not restricted from the society of their own sex; they are, as i have before remarked, extravagantly fond of company, and equally as hospitable when entertainers. to be alone is a trial to which they are seldom exposed, every lady having companions amongst her dependants; and according to her means the number in her establishment is regulated. some ladies of rank have from two to ten companions, independent of slaves and domestics; and there are some of the royal family at lucknow who entertain in their service two or three hundred female dependants, of all classes. a well-filled zeenahnah is a mark of gentility; and even the poorest lady in the country will retain a number of slaves and domestics, if she cannot afford companions; besides which they are miserable without society, the habit of associating with numbers having grown up with infancy to maturity: 'to be alone' is considered, with women thus situated, a real calamity. on occasions of assembling in large parties, each lady takes with her a companion besides two or three slaves to attend upon her, no one expecting to be served by the servants of the house at which they are visiting. this swells the numbers to be provided for; and as the visit is always for three days and three nights (except on eades, when the visit is confined to one day), some forethought must be exercised by the lady of the house, that all may be accommodated in such a manner as may secure to her the reputation of hospitality. the kitchen and offices to the zeenahnah, i have remarked, occupy one side of the quadrangle; they face the great or centre hall appropriated to the assembly. these kitchens, however, are sufficiently distant to prevent any great annoyance from the smoke;--i say smoke, because chimneys have not yet been introduced into the kitchens of the natives. the fire-places are all on the ground, something resembling stoves, each admitting one saucepan, the asiastic style of cooking requiring no other contrivance. roast or boiled joints are never seen at the dinner of a native: a leg of mutton or sirloin of beef would place the hostess under all sorts of difficulties, where knives and forks are not understood to be amongst the useful appendages of a meal. the variety of their dishes are countless, but stews and curries are the chief; all the others are mere varieties. the only thing in the shape of roast meats, are small lean cutlets bruised, seasoned and cemented with pounded poppy-seed, several being fastened together on skewers: they are grilled or roasted over a charcoal fire spread on the ground, and then called keebaab,[15] which word implies, roast meat. the kitchen of a zeenahnah would be inadequate to the business of cooking for a large assembly; the most choice dishes only (for the highly favoured guests), are cooked by the servants of the establishment. the needed abundance required on entertaining a large party is provided by a regular bazaar cook, several of whom establish themselves in native cities, or wherever there is a mussulmaun population. orders being previously given, the morning and evening dinners are punctually forwarded at the appointed hours in covered trays, each tray having portions of the several good things ordered, so that there is no confusion in serving out the feast on its arrival at the mansion. the food thus prepared by the bazaar cook (naunbye,[16] he is called), is plain boiled-rice, sweet-rice, kheer[17] (rice-milk), mautungun[18] (rice sweetened with the addition of preserved fruits, raisins, &c., coloured with saffron), sallons[19] (curries) of many varieties, some cooked with vegetables, others with unripe fruits with or without meat; pillaus of many sorts, keebaabs, preserves, pickles, chatnees, and many other things too tedious to admit of detail. the bread in general use amongst natives is chiefly unleavened; nothing in the likeness of english bread is to be seen at their meals; and many object to its being fermented with the intoxicating toddy (extracted from a tree). most of the native bread is baked on iron plates over a charcoal fire. they have many varieties, both plain and rich, and some of the latter resembles our pastry, both in quality and flavour. the dinners, i have said, are brought into the zeenahnah ready dished in the native earthenware, on trays; and as they neither use spoons or forks, there is no great delay in setting out the meal where nothing is required for display or effect, beyond the excellent quality of the food and its being well cooked. in a large assembly all cannot dine at the dustha-khawn of the lady-hostess, even if privileged by their rank; they are, therefore, accommodated in groups of ten, fifteen, or more, as may be convenient; each lady having her companion at the meal, and her slaves to brush off the intruding flies with a chowrie, to hand water, or to fetch or carry any article of delicacy from or to a neighbouring group. the slaves and servants dine in parties after their ladies have finished, in any retired corner of the court-yard--always avoiding as much as possible the presence of their superiors. before any one touches the meal, water is carried round for each lady to wash the hand and rinse the mouth. it is deemed unclean to eat without this form of ablution, and the person neglecting it would he held unholy; this done, the lady turns to her meal, saying, 'bis ma allah!'--(in the name or to the praise of god!) and with the right hand conveys the food to her mouth, (the left is never used at meals)[20]; and although they partake of every variety of food placed before them with no other aid than their fingers, yet the mechanical habit is so perfect, that they neither drop a grain of rice, soil the dress, nor retain any of the food on their fingers. the custom must always be offensive to a foreign eye, and the habit none would wish to copy; yet every one who witnesses must admire the neat way in which eating is accomplished by these really 'children of nature'. the repast concluded, the lota[21] (vessel with water), and the luggun[22] (to receive the water in after rinsing the hands and mouth), are passed round to every person, who having announced by the 'shuggur allah!'--all thanks to god!--that she has finished, the attendants present first the powdered peas, culled basun,[23]--which answers the purpose of soap in removing grease, &c., from the fingers,--and then the water in due course. soap has not even yet been brought into fashion by the natives, except by the washermen; i have often been surprised that they have not found the use of soap a necessary article in the nursery, where the only substitute i have seen is the powdered pea. lotas and lugguns are articles in use with all classes of people; they must be poor indeed who do not boast of one, at least, in their family. they are always of metal, either brass, or copper lacquered over, or zinc; in some cases, as with the nobility, silver and even gold are converted into these useful articles of native comfort. china or glass is comparatively but little used; water is their only beverage, and this is preferred, in the absence of metal basins, out of the common red earthen katorah[24] (cup shaped like a vase). china dishes, bowls, and basins, are used for serving many of the savoury articles of food in; but it is as common in the privacy of the palace, as well as in the huts of the peasantry, to see many choice things introduced at meals served up in the rude red earthen platter; many of the delicacies of asiatic cookery being esteemed more palatable from the earthen flavour of the new vessel in which it is served. i very well remember the first few days of my sojourn at lucknow, feeling something bordering on dissatisfaction, at the rude appearance of the dishes containing choice specimens of indian cookery, which poured in (as is customary upon fresh arrivals) from the friends of the family i had become a member of. i fancied, in my ignorance, that the mussulmaun people perpetuated their prejudices even to me, and that they must fear i should contaminate their china dishes; but i was soon satisfied on this point: i found, by experience, that brown earthen platters were used by the nobility from choice; and in some instances, the viand would have wanted its greatest relish if served in china or silver vessels. custom reconciles every thing: i can drink a draught of pure water now from the earthen katorah of the natives with as much pleasure as from a glass or a silver cup, and feel as well satisfied with their dainties out of an earthen platter, as when conveyed in silver or china dishes. china tea sets are very rarely found in the zeenahnah; tea being used by the natives more as a medicine than a refreshment, except by such gentlemen as have frequent intercourse with the 'sahib logue' (english gentry), among whom they acquire a taste for this delightful beverage. the ladies, however, must have a severe cold to induce them to partake of the beverage even as a remedy, but by no means as a luxury.[25] i imagined that the inhabitants of a zeenahnah were sadly deficient in actual comforts, when i found, upon my first arrival in india, that there were no preparations for breakfast going forward: every one seemed engaged in pawn eating, and smoking the hookha, but no breakfast after the morning namaaz. i was, however, soon satisfied that they felt no sort of privation, as the early meal so common in europe has never been introduced in eastern circles. their first meal is a good substantial dinner, at ten, eleven, or twelve o'clock, after which follow pawn and the hookha; to this succeeds a sleep of two or three hours, providing it does not impede the duty of prayer;--the pious, i ought to remark, would give up every indulgence which would prevent the discharge of this duty. the second meal follows in twelve hours from the first, and consists of the same substantial fare; after which they usually sleep again until the dawn of day is near at hand. it is the custom amongst natives to eat fruit after the morning sleep, when dried fruits, confectionery, radishes, carrots, sugar-cane, green peas, and other such delicacies, are likewise considered wholesome luxuries, both with the ladies and the children. a dessert immediately after dinner is considered so unwholesome, that they deem our practice extremely injudicious. such is the difference of custom; and i am disposed to think their fashion, in this instance, would be worth imitating by europeans whilst residing in india. i have been much amused with the curious inquiries of a zeenahnah family when the gardener's dhaullie is introduced. a dhaullie,[26] i must first tell you, is a flat basket, on which is arranged, in neat order, whatever fruit, vegetables, or herbs are at the time in season, with a nosegay of flowers placed in the centre. they will often ask with wonder--'how do these things grow?'--'how do they look in the ground?'--and many such child-like remarks have i listened to with pity, whilst i have relieved my heart by explaining the operations of nature in the vegetable kingdom, a subject on which they are perfectly ignorant, and, from the habits of seclusion in which they live, can never properly be made to understand or enjoy. i have said water is the only beverage in general use amongst the mussulmaun natives. they have sherbet, however, as a luxury on occasions of festivals, marriages, &c. this sherbet is simply sugar and water, with a flavour of rose-water, or kurah[27] added to it. the hookha is almost in general use with females. it is a common practice with the lady of the house to present the hookha she is smoking to her favoured guest. this mark of attention is always to be duly appreciated; but such is the deference paid to parents, that a son can rarely be persuaded by an indulgent father or mother to smoke a hookha in their revered presence;--this praiseworthy feeling originates not in fear, but real genuine respect. the parents entertain for their son the most tender regard; and the father makes him both his companion and his friend; yet the most familiar endearments do not lessen the feeling of reverence a good son entertains for his father. this is one among the many samples of patriarchal life, my first letter alluded to, and which i can never witness in real life, without feeling respect for the persons who follow up the patterns i have been taught to venerate in our holy scripture. the hookha, as an indulgence of a privilege, is a great definer of etiquette. in the presence of the king or reigning nuwaub, no subject, however high he may rank in blood or royal favour, can presume to smoke. in native courts, on state occasions, hookhas are presented only to the governor-general, the commander-in-chief, or the resident at his court, who are considered equals in rank, and therefore entitled to the privilege of smoking with him; and they cannot consistently resist the intended honour. should they dislike smoking, a hint is readily understood by the hookha-bahdhaar[28] to bring the hookha, charged with the materials, without the addition of fire. application of the munall[29] (mouth-piece) to the month indicates a sense of the honour conferred. [1] _mahall._ [2] _parda._ [3] _jhilmil, chiq,_ the anglo-indian 'chick'. [4] _shatranji_, see p. 19. [5] _sozani_ (_sozan_, 'a needle'), an embroidered quilt. [6] _razai_, a counterpane padded with cotton. [7] _dopatta_, a double sheet: see p. 26. [8] see p. 24. [9] _dastarkhwan_, see p. 108. [10] 'ayishah, daughter of abubakr, third and best loved wife of the prophet, though she bore him no child. the tale of the scandal about her is historical, but it is treated as a calumny (_koran_, xxiv. ii, 22, with sale's note). [11] known as the _burqa_. [12] amir taimur, known as taimur lang, 'the lame', was born a.d. 1336; ascended the throne at balkh, 1370; invaded india and captured delhi, 1398; died 1405, and was buried at samarkand. there seems to be no evidence that he introduced the practice of the seclusion of women, an ancient semitic custom, which, however, was probably enforced on the people of india by the brutality of foreign invaders. [13] _dak_. [14] see p. 32. [15] _kabab_, properly, small pieces of meat roasted on skewers. [16] _nanbai_, a baker of bread _(nan)_. [17] _khir_, milk boiled with rice, sugar, and spices. [18] _mutanjan_, a corruption of _muttajjan_, 'fried in a pan'; usually in the form _mutanjan pulao_, meat boiled with rice, sugar, butter, and sometimes pine-apples or nuts. [19] _salan_, a curry of meat, fish, or vegetables. [20] the left hand is used for purposes of ablution. [21] the musalman _lota_, properly called _badhna_, differs from that used by hindus in having a spout like that of a teapot. [22] _lagan_, a brass or copper pan in which the hands are washed: also used for kneading dough. [23] _besan_, flour, properly that of gram (_chana_). the prejudice against soap is largely due to imitation of hindus, who believe themselves to be polluted by fat. arabs, after a meal, wash their hands and mouths with soap (burton, _pilgrimage_, ii. 257). sir g. watt (_economic dictionary_, iii. 84 ff.) gives a long list of other detergents and substitutes for soap. [24] _katora_. [25] the prejudice against the use of tea has much decreased since this book was written, owing to its cultivation in india. musalmans and many hindus now drink it freely. [26] _dali_, the 'dolly' of anglo-indians. [27] see p. 13. [28] _huqqahbardar_. [29] _munhnal_. letter xiii plurality of wives.--mahumud's motive for permitting this privilege.--state of society at the commencement of the prophet's mission.--his injunctions respecting marriage.--parents invariably determine on the selection of a husband.--first marriages attended by a public ceremony.--the first wife takes precedence of all others.--generosity of deposition evinced by the mussulmaun ladies.--divorces obtained under certain restrictions.--period of solemnizing marriage.--method adopted in choosing a husband or wife.--overtures and contracts of marriage, how regulated.--mugganee, the first contract.--dress of the bride elect on this occasion.--the ceremonies described as witnessed.--remarks on the bride.--present from the bridegroom on buckrah eade. the mussulmauns have permission from their lawgiver to be pluralists in wives, as well as the israelites of old.[1] mahumud's motive for restricting the number of wives each man might lawfully marry, was, say his biographers, for the purpose of reforming the then existing state of society, and correcting abuses of long standing amongst the arabians. my authority tells me, that at the period of mahumud's commencing his mission, the arabians were a most abandoned and dissolute people, guilty of every excess that can debase the character of man: drunkards, profligate, and overbearing barbarians, both in principle and action. mahumud is said unvariedly to have manifested kindly feelings towards the weaker sex, who, he considered, were intended to be the companion and solace of man, and not the slave of his ungovernable sensuality or caprice; he set the best possible example in his own domestic circle, and instituted such laws as were then needed to restrain vice and promote the happiness of those arabians who had received him as a prophet. he forbade all kinds of fermented liquors, which were then in common use; and to the frequent intoxication of the men, were attributed their vicious habits, base pursuits, and unmanly cruelty to the poor females. mahumud's code of laws relating to marriage restricted them to a limited number of wives; for at that period they all possessed crowded harems, many of the inhabitants of which were the victims of their reckless persecution; young females torn from the bosom of their families and immured in the vilest state of bondage, to be cast out upon the wide world to starvation and misery, whenever the base master of the house or tent desired to make room for a fresh supply, often the spoils of his predatory excursions. by the laws of mahumud his followers are restrained from concubinage; they are equally restricted from forced marriages. the number of their wives must be regulated by their means of supporting them, the law strictly forbidding neglect, or unkind treatment of any one of the number his followers may deem it convenient to marry. at the period when mahumud issued these necessary laws for the security of female comfort and the moral habits of the males, there existed a practice with the arabs of forcing young women to marry against their inclination, adding, year by year, to the many wretched creatures doomed, for a time, to all the miseries of a crowded hut; and at last, when tired of their persons or unable to provide them with sustenance, turning them adrift without a home, a friend, or a meal. to the present day the law against forced marriages is revered, and no marriage contract can be deemed lawful without the necessary form of inquiry by the maulvee, who, in the presence of witnesses, demands of the young lady, 'whether the contract is by her own free will and consent?' this, however, i am disposed to think, in the present age, is little else than a mere form of 'fulfilling the law' since the engagement is made by the parents of both parties, the young couple being passive subjects to the parental arrangement, for their benefit as they are assured. the young lady, from her rigid seclusion, has no prior attachment, and she is educated to be 'obedient to her husband'. she is taught from her earliest youth to look forward to such match as her kind parents may think proper to provide for her; and, therefore, can have no objection to accepting the husband selected for her by them. the parents, loving their daughter, and aware of the responsibility resting on them, are cautious in selecting for their girls suitable husbands, according to their particular view of the eligibility of the suitor. the first marriage of a mussulmaun is the only one where a public display of the ceremony is deemed necessary, and the first wife is always considered the head of his female establishment. although he may be the husband of many wives in the course of time, and some of them prove greater favourites, yet the first wife takes precedence in all matters where dignity is to be preserved. and when the several wives meet--each have separate habitations if possible--all the rest pay to the first wife that deference which superiority exacts from inferiors; not only do the secondary wives pay this respect to the first, but the whole circle of relations and friends make the same distinction, as a matter of course; for the first wife takes precedence in every way. should the first wife fortunately present her husband with a son, he is the undisputed heir; but the children of every subsequent wife are equals in the father's estimation. should the husband be dissolute and have offspring by concubines--which is not very common,--those children are remembered and provided for in the distribution of his property; and, as very often occurs, they are cherished by the wives with nearly as much care as their own children; but illegitimate offspring very seldom marry in the same rank their father held in society. the latitude allowed by 'the law' preserves the many-wived mussulmaun from the world's censure; and his conscience rests unaccused when he adds to his numbers, if he cannot reproach himself with having neglected or unkindly treated any of the number bound to him, or their children. but the privilege is not always indulged in by the mussulmauns; much depends on circumstances, and more on the man's disposition. if it be the happy lot of a kind-hearted, good man to be married to a woman of assimilating mind, possessing the needful requisites to render home agreeable, and a prospect of an increasing family, then the husband has no motive to draw him into further engagements, and he is satisfied with one wife. many such men i have known in hindoostaun, particularly among the syaads and religious characters, who deem a plurality of wives a plague to the possessors in proportion to their numbers. the affluent, the sensualist, and the ambitious, are most prone to swell the numbers in their harem. with some men, who are not highly gifted intellectually, it is esteemed a mark of gentility to have several wives. there are some instances of remarkable generosity in the conduct of good wives (which would hardly gain credit with females differently educated), not necessary to the subject before me; but i may here add to the praise of a good wife among these people, that she never utters a reproach, nor gives evidence by word or manner in her husband's presence that she has any cause for regret; she receives him with undisguised pleasure, although she has just before learned that another member has been added to his well-peopled harem. the good and forbearing wife, by this line of conduct, secures to herself the confidence of her husband; who, feeling assured that the amiable woman has an interest in his happiness, will consult her and take her advice in the domestic affairs of his children by other wives, and even arrange by her judgment all the settlements for their marriages, &c. he can speak of other wives without restraint,--for she knows he has others,--and her education has taught her, that they deserve her respect in proportion as they contribute to her husband's happiness. the children of her husband are admitted at all times and seasons, without restraint or prejudice; she loves them next to her own, because they are her husband's. she receives the mothers of such children without a shade of jealousy in her manner, and delights in distinguishing them by favours and presents according to their several merits. from this picture of many living wives in mussulmaun society, it must not be supposed i am speaking of women without attachment to their husbands; on the contrary, they are persons who are really susceptible of pure love, and the generosity of their conduct is one of the ways in which they prove themselves devoted to their husband's happiness. this, they say, was the lesson taught them by their amiable mother, and this is the example they would set for the imitation of their daughters. i do not mean to say this is a faithful picture of all the females of zeenahnah life. the mixture of good and bad tempers or dispositions is not confined to any class or complexion of people, but is to be met with in every quarter of the globe. in general, i have observed those females of the mussulmaun population who have any claim to genteel life, and whose habits are guided by religious principles, evince such traits of character as would constitute the virtuous and thoroughly obedient wife in any country; and many, whom i have had the honour to know personally, would do credit to the most enlightened people in the world. should the first wife prove a termagant or unfaithful--rare occurrences amongst the inmates of the harem,--the husband has the liberty of divorcing her by paying down her stipulated dowry. this dowry is an engagement made by the husband on the night of baarraat[2] (when the bridegroom is about to take his bride from her parents to his own home). on which occasion the maulvee asks the bridegroom to name the amount of his wife's dowry, in the event of separation; the young man is at liberty to name any sum he pleases. it would not prevent the marriage if the smallest amount were promised; but he is in the presence of his bride's family, and within her hearing also, though he has not yet seen her;--it is a critical moment for him, thus surrounded. besides, as he never intends to separate from the lady, in the strict letter of the law, he cannot refrain from gratifying those interested in the honour he is about to confer by the value of the promised dowry, and, therefore, he names a very heavy sum, which perhaps his whole generation never could have collected in their joint lives. this sum would of itself be a barrier to divorce; but that is not the only object which influences the mussulmaun generally to waive the divorce; it is because they would not publish their own disgrace, by divorcing an unfaithful or undutiful wife. if the first wife dies, a second is sought after on the same principle which guided the first--'a superior to head his house'. in this case there would be the same public display which marked the first wife's marriage; all the minor or secondary wives being introduced to the zeenahnah privately; they are in consequence termed dhollie[3] wives, or brought home under cover. many great men appear to be close imitators of king solomon, with whose history they are perfectly conversant, for i have heard of the sovereign princes in hindoostaun having seven or eight hundred wives at one time in their palaces. this is hearsay report only, and i should hope an exaggeration.[4] the first marriage is usually solemnized when the youth is eighteen, and the young lady thirteen, or fourteen at the most; many are married at an earlier age, when, in the opinion of the parents, an eligible match is to be secured. and in some cases, where the parents on both sides have the union of their children at heart, they contract them at six or seven years old, which marriage they solemnly bind themselves to fulfil when the children have reached a proper age; under these circumstances the children are allowed to live in the same house, and often form an attachment for each other, which renders their union a life of real happiness. there are to be found in mussulmaun society parents of mercenary minds, who prefer giving their daughters in marriage as dhollie wives to noblemen or men of property, to the preferable plan of uniting them with a husband of their own grade, with whom the girl would most likely live without a rival in the mud-walled tenement; this will explain the facilities offered to a sovereign or nobleman in extending the numbers of his harem. some parents excuse themselves in thus disposing of their daughters on the score of poverty, and the difficulty they find in defraying the expenses of a wedding: this i conceive to be one great error in the economy of the mussulmaun people,--unnecessary expense incurred in their marriage ceremonies, which hampers them through life in their circumstances. parents, however poor, will not allow their daughter to be conveyed from their home, where the projected union is with an equal, without a seemingly needless parade of music, and a marriage-portion in goods and chattels, if they have no fortune to give beside; then the expense of providing dinners for friends to make the event conspicuous, and the useless articles of finery for the girl's person, with many other ways of expending money, to the detriment of the parents' finances, without any very substantial benefit to the young couple. but this dearly-loved custom cannot be passed over; and if the parents find it impossible to meet the pecuniary demands of these ceremonies, the girl has no alternative but to live out her days singly, unless by an agent's influence she is accepted as a dhollie wife to some man of wealth. girls are considered to have passed their prime when they number from sixteen to eighteen years; even the poorest peasant would object to a wife of eighteen. there has been the same difficulty to encounter in every age of mussulmaun history in hindoostaun; and in the darker periods of civilization, the obstacles to settling their daughters to advantage induced the villagers and the uneducated to follow the example of the rajpoots, viz., to destroy the greater proportion of females at their birth. in the present age, this horrid custom is never heard of amongst any classes of the mussulmaun population[5]; but by the rajpoot hindoos it is still practised, as one of their chiefs very lately acknowledged in the presence of a friend of mine. i have often heard meer hadjee shaah declare that it was a common occurrence within his recollection, among the lower classes of the people in the immediate vicinity of loodeeanah,[6] where he lived when a boy; and that the same practice existed in the oude territory, amongst the peasantry even at a much later date. one of the nuwaubs of oude,--i think asoof ood dowlah,--hearing with horror of the frequent recurrence of this atrocity in the remote parts of his province, issued a proclamation to his subjects, commanding them to desist from the barbarous custom[7]; and, as an inducement to the wicked parents to preserve their female offspring alive, grants of land were to be awarded to every female as a marriage-portion on her arriving at a proper age. it is generally to be observed in a mussulmaun's family, even at this day, that the birth of a girl produces a temporary gloom, whilst the birth of a boy gives rise to a festival in the zeenahnah. some are wicked enough to say, 'it is more honourable to have sons than daughters', but i believe the real cause is the difficulty to be encountered in settling the latter suitably. the important affair of fixing upon a desirable match for their sons and daughters is the source of constant anxiety in the family of every mussulmaun, from the children's earliest years to the period of its accomplishment. there is a class of people who make it the business of their lives to negotiate marriages. both men and women of this description are of course ingeniously expert in the art of talking, and able to put the best colouring on the affair they undertake; they occupy every day of their lives in roving about from house to house, and, as they have always something entertaining to say, they generally gain easy admittance; they make themselves acquainted with the domestic affairs of one family in order to convey them to another, and so continue in their line of gossiping, until the economy of every person's house is familiar to all. the female gossip in her researches in zeenahnahs, finds out all the expectations a mother entertains for her marriageable sons or daughters, and details whatever she learns in such or such a zeenahnah, as likely to meet the views of her present hostess. every one knows the object of these visits, and if they have any secret that the world may not participate in, there is due caution observed that it may not transpire before this mrs. gad-about. when intelligence is brought, by means of such agency, to the mother of a son who happens to be marriageable, that a lady of proper rank has a daughter to be sought, she consults with her husband, and further inquiries are instituted amongst their several friends, male and female; after due deliberation, the connexion being found desirable, the father will consult an omen before negotiations are commenced. the omen to decide the important step is as follows:--several slips of paper are cut up, on half the number is written 'to be', on the other half, 'not to be'; these papers are mixed together and placed under the prayer-carpet. when the good mussulmaun is preparing for his evening namaaz he fails not in his devotions to ask for help and guidance in an affair of so much importance to the father as the happiness and well-being of his son. at the portion of the service when he bows down his head to god, he beseeches with much humility, calling on the great power and goodness of god to instruct and guide him for the best interest of his child; and then he repeats a short prayer expressive of his reliance on the wisdom of god, and his perfect submission to whatever may be his wise decree in this important business. the prayer concluded, he seats himself with solemn gravity on the prayer-carpet, again and again imploring divine guidance, without which he is sure nothing good can accrue: he then draws one slip from under his carpet; if 'to be' is produced, he places it by his left side;--a second slip is drawn out, should that also bear the words 'to be' the business is so far decided. he then offers thanks and praises to god, congratulates his wife on the successful issue of the omen, and discusses those plans which appear most likely to further the prospects of their dearly-loved son. but should the second and third papers say 'not to be' he is assured in his heart it was so decided by 'that wisdom which cannot err:' to whom he gives praise and glory for all mercies received at his hand: after this no overture or negotiation would be listened to by the pious father from the same quarter.[8] the omen, however, proving favourable, the affair is decided; and in order to gain the best possible information of the real disposition of all parties concerned, a confidential friend is sent to the zeenahnah of the young lady's mother to make her own observations on what passes within; and to ascertain, if possible, whether the report brought by the female agent was true or exaggerated; and finally, to learn if their son would be received or rejected as a suitor, provided advances were made. the female friend returns, after a day or two's absence, to the anxious parents of the youth, and details all she has seen or heard during her visit. the young lady may, perhaps, have been seen (this is not always conceded to such visitors), in which case her person, her manners, her apparent disposition, the hospitality and good breeding of the mother and other members of the zeenahnah, are described; and lastly, it is hinted that, all other things suiting, the young lady being yet disengaged, the projected offer would not be disagreeable to her parents. the father of the youth then resolves on sending a male agent in due form to negotiate a marriage, unless he happens to be personally acquainted with the girl's father; in which case the lady is desired to send her female agent on the embassy, and the father of the youth speaks on the subject in the meantime to the girl's father. a very intimate friend of mine was seeking for a suitable match for her son, and being much in her confidence, i was initiated in all the mysteries and arrangements (according to mussulmaun rule) of the affair pending the marriage of her son. the young lady to be sought (wooed we should have it), had been described as amiable and pretty--advantages as much esteemed as her rank;--fortune she had none worth mentioning, but it was what is termed in indian society a good and equal match. the overture was, therefore, to be made from the youth's family in the following manner: on a silver tray covered with gold brocade and fringed with silver, was laid the youth's pedigree, traced by a neat writer in the persian character, on richly embossed paper ornamented and emblazoned with gold figures. the youth being a syaad, his pedigree was traced up to mahumud, in both paternal and maternal lines, and many a hero and begum of their noble blood filled up the space from the prophet down to the youthful meer mahumud, my friend's son. on the tray, with the pedigree, was laid a nuzza, or offering of five gold mohurs, and twenty-one (the lucky number) rupees; a brocaded cover, fringed with silver, was spread over the whole, and this was conveyed by the male agent to the young begum's father. the tray and its contents are retained for ever, if the proposal is accepted: if rejected, the parties return the whole without delay, which is received as a tacit proof that the suitor is rejected: no further explanation is ever given or required. in the present instance the tray was detained, and in a few days after a female from their family was sent to my friend's house to make a general scrutiny of the zeenahnah and its inmates. this female was pressed to stay a day or two, and in that time many important subjects underwent discussion. the youth was introduced, and everything according with the views entertained by both parties, the fathers met, and the marriage, it was decided, should take place within a twelvemonth, when the young lady would have accomplished her thirteenth year. 'do you decide on having mugganee[9] performed?' is the question proposed by the father of the youth to the father of the young maiden. in the present case it was chosen, and great were the preparations of my friend to do all possible honour to the future bride of her son. mugganee is the first contract, by which the parties are bound to fulfil their engagement at an appointed time. the dress for a bride[10] differs in one material point from the general style of hindoostaunie costume: a sort of gown is worn, made of silver tissue, or some equally expensive article, about the walking length of an english dress; the skirt is open in front, and contains about twenty breadths of the material, a tight body and long sleeves. the whole dress is trimmed very richly with embroidered trimming and silver riband; the deputtah (drapery) is made to correspond. this style of dress is the original hindoo fashion, and was worn at the court of delhi for many centuries; but of late years it has been used only on marriage festivals amongst the better sort of people in hindoostaun, except kings or nuwaubs sending khillauts to females, when this dress, called a jhammah,[11] is invariably one of the articles. the costly dresses for the present mugganee my friend prepared at a great expense, and with much good taste; to which were added a ruby ring of great value, large gold ear-rings, offerings of money, the flower-garlands for the head, neck, wrists, and ankles, formed of the sweet-scented jessamine; choice confectionery set out in trays with the pawns and fruits; the whole conveyed under an escort of soldiers and servants with a band of music, from the residence of meer mahumud to that of his bride elect, accompanied by many friends of the family. these offerings from the youth bind the contract with the young lady, who wears his ring from that day to the end of her life. the poorer sort of people perform mugganee by the youth simply sending a rupee in a silk band, to be tied on the girl's arm. being curious to know the whole business of a wedding ceremony amongst the mussulmaun people, i was allowed to perform the part of 'officiating friend' on this occasion of celebrating the mugganee. the parents of the young lady having been consulted, my visit was a source of solicitude to the whole family, who made every possible preparation to receive me with becoming respect; i went just in time to reach the gate at the moment the parade arrived. i was handed to the door of the zeenahnah by the girl's father, and was soon surrounded by the young members of the family, together with many lady-visitors, slaves, and women-servants of the establishment. they had never before seen an english-woman, and the novelty, i fancy, surprised the whole group; they examined my dress, my complexion, hair, hands, &c., and looked the wonder they could not express in words. the young begum was not amongst the gazing throng; some preliminary customs detained her behind the purdah, where it may be supposed she endured all the agony of suspense and curiosity by her compliance with the prescribed forms. the lady of the mansion waited my approach to the dulhaun[12] (great hall) with all due etiquette, standing to receive and embrace me on my advancing towards her. this ceremony performed, i was invited to take a seat on the musnud-carpet with her on the ground; a chair had been provided for me, but i chose to respect the lady's preference, and the seat on the floor suited me for the time without much inconvenience. after some time had been passed in conversation on such subjects as suited the taste of the lady of the house, i was surprised at the servants entering with trays, which they placed immediately before me, containing a full-dress suit in the costume of hindoostaun. the hostess told me she had prepared this dress for me, and i must condescend to wear it. i would have declined the gaudy array, but one of her friends whispered me, 'the custom is of long standing; when the face of a stranger is first seen a dress is always presented; i should displease sumdun begum by my refusal;--besides, it would be deemed an ill omen at the mugganee of the young bohue[13] begum if i did not put on the native dress before i saw the face of the bride elect.' these i found to be weighty arguments, and felt constrained to quiet their apprehensions of ill-luck by compliance; i therefore forced the gold dress and the glittering drapery over my other clothes, at the expense of some suffering from the heat, for it was at the very hottest season of the year, and the dulhaun was crowded with visitors. this important point conceded to them, i was led to a side hall, where the little girl was seated on her carpet of rich embroidery, her face resting on her knees in apparent bashfulness. i could not directly ascertain whether she was plain, or pretty as the female agent had represented. i was allowed the privilege of decorating the young lady with the sweet jessamine guinahs,[14] and placing the ring on the forefinger of the right hand; after which, the ear-rings, the gold-tissue dress, the deputtah were all in their turn put on, the offering of money presented, and then i had the first embrace before her mother. she looked very pretty, just turned twelve. if i could have prevailed on her to be cheerful, i should have been much gratified to have extended my visit in her apartment, but the poor child seemed ready to sink with timidity; and out of compassion to the dear girl, i hurried away from the hall, to relieve her from the burden my presence seemed to inflict, the moment i had accomplished my last duty, which was to feed her with my own hand, giving her seven pieces of sugar-candy; seven, on this occasion, is the lucky number, i presume, as i was particularly cautioned to feed her with exactly that number of pieces. returning to the assembly in the dulhaun, i would have gladly taken leave; but there was yet one other custom to be observed to secure a happy omen to the young people's union. once again seated on the musnud with sumdun begum,[15] the female slaves entered with sherbet in silver basins. each person taking sherbet is expected to deposit gold or silver coins in the tray; the sherbet-money at this house is collected for the bride; and when during the three days' performance of the marriage ceremony at the bridegroom's house sherbet is presented to the guests, the money collected there is reserved for him. the produce of the two houses is afterwards compared, and conclusions drawn as to the greatest portion of respect paid by the friends on either side. the poor people find the sherbet-money a useful fund to help them to keep house; but with the rich it is a mere matter to boast of, that so much money was collected in consequence of the number of visitors who attended the nuptials. after the mugganee ceremony had been performed, and before the marriage was solemnized, the festival of buckrah eade occurred;--in the eleventh letter you will find it remarked, the bride and bridegroom elect then exchange presents;--my friend was resolved her son's presents should do honour to both houses, and the following may give you an idea of an eade-gift. thirty-five goats and sheep of the finest breed procurable, which i succeeded in having sent in their natural dress, instead of being adorned with gold-cloth and painted horns: it was, however, with some persuasion the folly of this general practice was omitted in this instance. the guinah or garland, of flowers on a tray covered with brocade. the guinah are sweet-scented flowers without stalks, threaded into garlands in many pretty ways, with great taste and ingenuity, intermixed with silver ribands; they are formed into bracelets, necklaces, armlets, chaplets for the head, and bangles for the legs. there are people in lucknow who make the preparing of guinahs a profitable business, as the population is so extensive as to render these flower-ornaments articles of great request. a tray filled with pawns, prepared with the usual ingredients, as lime, cuttie[16] (a bitter gum), betel-nut, tobacco, spices, &c.; these pawns are tied up in packets of a triangular form and covered with enamelled foil of many bright colours. several trays of ripe fruits of the season, viz., kurbootahs[17] (shaddock), kabooza[18] (melons), ununas[19] (pine apple), guavers,[20] sherreefha[21] (custard-apple), kummeruck,[22] jarmun[23] (purple olives), orme[24] (mango), falsah,[25] kirhnee,[26] baer,[27] leechie,[28] ormpeach,[29] carounder,[30] and many other kinds of less repute. confectionery and sweetmeats, on trays, in all the varieties of indian invention; a full-dress suit for the young lady; and on a silver tray the youth's nuzza of five gold mohurs, and twenty-one rupees. the eade offering of meer mahumud was escorted by servants, soldiers, and a band of music; and the young lady returned a present to the bridegroom elect of thirty-five goats and sheep, and a variety of undress skull-caps, supposed to be her own work, in spangles and embroidery. i may state here, that the natives of india never go bare-headed in the house. the turban is always worn in company, whatever may be the inconvenience from heat; and in private life, a small skull-cap, often of plain white muslin, just covers the head. it is considered disgraceful in men to expose the head bare; removing the turban from the head of an individual would be deemed as insulting as pulling a nose in europe. whatever eade or festival may occur between the mugganee and the final celebration of nuptials, presents are always interchanged by the young bride and bridegroom; and with all such observances there is one prevailing custom, which is, that though there should be nothing at hand but part of their own gifts, the trays are not allowed to go back without some trifling things to keep the custom in full force. [1] the _koran_ (iv. 3) allows musalmans to marry 'by twos, or threes, or fours'; but the passage has been interpreted in various ways. [2] _barat_. [3] _duli_, 'the anglo-indian 'dhooly'. such wives are so called because they are brought to the houses of their husbands in an informal way, without a regular marriage procession. [4] the king of vijayanagar had twelve thousand wives: four thousand followed him on foot and served in the kitchen; the same number marched with him on horseback; the remainder in litters, and two or three thousand of them were bound to burn themselves with his corpse (nicolo conti, _india in the fifteenth century_, part iii, p. 6). in orissa a palm-leaf record states that one monarch died prematurely just as he had married his sixty-thousandth wife, and a european traveller speaks of a later prince who had four thousand ladies (sir w. hunter, _orissa_. ii, 132 f.). manucci states that there were more than thirty thousand women in the palace of shah jahan at dheli, and that he usually had two thousand women of different races in his zenana (_storia de major_, i. 195, ii. 330). tippoo sultan of mysore married nine hundred women (jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 93). [5] there in evidence that infanticide did prevail among some musalman tribes. where actual infanticide has disappeared, it has often been replaced by neglect of female infants, except in those castes where, owing to a scarcity of girls, they command a high price.--_reports census of india_, 1911, i. 216 ff; _panjab_, 1911, i. 231. [6] ludhiana. [7] no record of this proclamation has been traced in the histories of the time. [8] the bride is often selected by praying for a dream in sleep, by manipulating the rosary, or by opening the _koran_ at random, and reading the first verse which comes under the eye. another method is to ascertain to which of the elements--fire, air, earth, water--the initials of the names of the pair correspond. if these agree, it is believed that the engagement will be prosperous.--jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 37. [9] _mangni_, 'the asking'. [10] compare the full account of brides' dress in mrs. f. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, i. 425. [11] _jama_. [12] _dalan_. [13] _bahu_, properly a son's wife or daughter-in-law: commonly applied to a bride or young wife. [14] probably the _genda_ or french marigold (_tagetes erecta_). [15] sumdun is always the title of the bride's mamma; bohue, that of the young wife, and, therefore, my thus designating her here is premature. [_samdhan_ means a connexion by marriage. the mothers of bride and bridegroom are _samdhan_ to each other.] [16] _kuth, kuttha_, the gum of _acacia catechu_. [17] the shaddock (_citrus decumana_) is called _chakoira_; possibly confused with the next. [18] _kharbuzah, cucumis melo_. [19] _ananas, ananassa saliva_. [20] guava. [21] _sharifah, anona squamosa_. [22] _kamrak, averrhoa carambola_. [23] _jamun, jaman, eugenia jambolana_. [24] _am, mangifera indica_. [25] _falsa, phalsa, greuria asiatica_. [26] _kirni, canthium parviflorum_. [27] _ber, zizyphus jujuba_. [28] _lichi, nephelium lichi_. [29] possibly some confusion between _um_, the mango, and _alu, aru_, the peach. [30] _karaunda, carissa carandas_. letter xiv wedding ceremonies of the mussulmauns.--the new or full moon propitious to the rites being concluded.--marriage settlements unknown.--control of the wife over her own property.--three days and nights occupied in celebrating the wedding.--preparations previously made by both families.--ostentatious display on those occasions.--day of sarchuck.--customs on the day of mayndhie.--sending presents.--day of baarraat.--procession of the bridegroom to fetch the bride.--the bride's departure to her new home.--attendant ceremonies explained.--similarity of the mussulmaun and hindu ceremonies.--anecdote of a moollah.--tying the narrah to the moosul. when the young lady's family have made all the necessary arrangements for that important event (their daughter's nuptials), notice is sent to the friends of the intended bridegroom, and the gentlemen of both families meet to settle on what day the celebration is to take place. they are guided in the final arrangement by the state of the moon--the new or full moon has the preference; she must, however, be clear of scorpio, which, as i have before stated, they consider the unfortunate sign.[1] there are some moons in the year considered very unpropitious to marry in. at mahurrum, for instance, no emergency as to time or circumstance would induce the female party to consent to the marriage solemnities taking place. in rumzaun they have scruples, though not equal to those which they entertain against fulfilling the contract in mahurrum, the month of mourning. marriage settlements are not known in mussulmaun society. all contracts are made by word of mouth; and to their credit, honourable reliance is usually followed by honourable fulfilment of agreements. the husband is expected to be satisfied with whatever portion of his wife's fortune the friends may deem consistent or prudent to grant with their daughter. the wife is at liberty to keep under her own control any separate sum or allowance her parents may be pleased to give her, over and above the marriage portion granted to the husband with his wife.[2] the husband rarely knows the value of his wife's private property unless, as sometimes happens, the couple in after years have perfect confidence in each other, and make no separate interests in worldly matters. occasionally, when the married couple have not lived happily together, the wife has been known to bury her cash secretly; and perhaps she may die without disclosing the secret of her treasure to any one. in india the practice of burying treasure is very common with females, particularly in villages, or where there are fears entertained of robbers. there is no difficulty in burying cash or other treasure, where the ground floors of the houses are merely beaten earth--boarded floors, indeed, are never seen in hindoostaun--in the houses of the first classes of natives they sometimes have them bricked and plastered, or paved with marble. during the rainy season i have sometimes observed the wooden tuckht[3] (a portable platform) in use with aged or delicate females, on which they make their seats from fear of the damp from the mud floor; but they complain that these accommodations are not half so comfortable as their ordinary seat. the division of personal property between married people has the effect of rendering the wife much more independent than the married lady of other countries. the plan is a judicious one in the existing state of mussulmaun society, for since the husband could at his pleasure add other wives, the whole property of the first wife might be squandered on these additions. in the middling classes of society, and where the husband is a religious person, this division of property is not so strictly maintained; yet every wife has the privilege, if she chooses to exercise it, of keeping a private purse, which the good wife will produce unasked to meet her husband's emergencies; and which the good husband is never known to demand, however great may be his necessities. there are many traits of character in the mussulmaun world that render them both amiable and happy, wherever politeness of behaviour is brought to bear. i have seen some bright examples of forbearance and affectionate solicitude in both sexes, which would do honour to the most refined societies of the civilized world. the marriage ceremony occupies three days and nights:--the first is called, sarchuck;[4] the second, mayndhie;[5] and the third, baarraat,[6] (fate or destiny is the meaning of this word). i am not aware that three days are required to accomplish the nuptials of the young couple in any other society of mussulmauns distinct from those of hindoostaun. judging by similar usages among the hindoo population, i am rather disposed to conjecture that this is one of the customs of the aborigines, imitated by the invaders, as the outward parade and publicity given to the event by the mussulmauns greatly resemble those of the surrounding hindoos. there are no licences granted, nor any form of registry kept of marriages. any person who is acquainted with the khoraun may read the marriage ceremony, in the presence of witnesses if it be possible; but they usually employ a professed moollah or maulvee, in consideration of such persons being the most righteous in their lives; for they make this engagement a religious, as well as a civil contract.[7] the day being fixed, the elders, male and female, of the two families, invite their several relatives, friends, and acquaintances to assemble, according to their means and convenience for entertaining visitors. the invitations are written in the persian character on red paper, describing the particular event which they are expected to honour. during the week previous to sarchuck, both families are busily engaged in sending round to their several friends trays of ready-cooked dinners. rich and poor share equally on these occasions; the reason assigned for which is, that the persons' nuptials may be registered in the minds of those who partake of the food, who in the course of time, might otherwise forget that they had ever heard of the young couple's nuptials. the mother of bohue begum actively employed the intervening time, in finishing her preparations for the young lady's departure from the parental roof with suitable articles, which might prove the bride was not sent forth to her new family without a proper provision. there is certainly too much ostentation evinced on these occasions; but custom, prided custom, bids defiance to every better argument; and thus the mother, full of solicitude that her daughter should carry with her evident marks of parental affection, and be able to sustain her rank in life, loads her child with a profusion of worldly goods. the poorest people, in this instance, imitate their superiors with a blameable disregard to consequences. many parents among the lower orders incur heavy debts to enable them to make a parade at their children's wedding, which proves a source of misery to themselves as long as they live. it may be presumed the sumdun begum prepared more suits of finery than her daughter could wear out for years. a silver bedstead with the necessary furniture, as before described; a silver pawn-dawn,[8] round, and shaped very like a modern spice-box in england; a silver chillumchee[9] (wash-hand basin), and lota (water-jug with a spout, nearly resembling an old-fashioned coffee-pot); a silver luggun[10] (spittoon); silver surraie[11] (water-bottle); silver basins for water; several dozens of copper saucepans, plates and spoons for cooking; dishes, plates, and platters in all variety needful for the house, of metal or of stone. china or glass is rarely amongst the bride's portion, the only articles of glass i remember to have seen was the looking-glass for the bride's toilette, and that was framed and cased in pure silver. stone dishes are a curious and expensive article, brought from persia and arabia, of a greenish colour, highly polished; the natives call them racaab-puttie,[12] and prefer them to silver at their meals, having an idea that poisoned food would break them; and he who should live in fear of such a calamity, feels secure that the food is pure when the dish of this rare stone is placed before him perfect. amongst the various articles sent with the bride to her new home is the much prized musnud, cushions and carpet to correspond; shutteringhies, and calico carpets, together with the most minute article used in native houses, whether for the kitchen, or for the accommodation of the young lady in her apartments; all these are conveyed in the lady's train when she leaves her father's house to enter that of her husband. i am afraid my descriptions will be deemed tediously particular, so apt are we to take the contagion of example from those we associate with; and as things unimportant in other societies are made of so much consequence to these people, i am in danger of giving to trifles more importance than may be agreeable to my readers. on the day of sarchuck the zeenahnahs of both houses are completely filled with visitors of all grades, from the wives and mothers of noblemen, down to the humblest acquaintance of the family. to do honour to the hostess, the guests appear in their best attire and most valuable ornaments. a wedding in the family of a respectable mussulmaun is very often the medium of reconciling long standing estrangements between friends. human nature has the same failings in every climate; there will be some who entertain jealousies and envyings in all societies, but a wedding with these people is a perfect peace-maker, since none of the invited can consistently stay away; and in such an assembly, where is the evil mind to disturb harmony, or recur to past grievances? the day of sarchuck is the first time the young lady receives the appellation of dullun,[13] at which time also the bridegroom is designated dullha.[14] dullun is kept in strict confinement, in a dark room or closet, during the whole three days' merriment going forward under the parental roof; whilst the bridegroom is the most prominent person in the assembly of the males, where amusements are contrived to please and divert him, the whole party vieing in personal attentions to him. the ladies are occupied in conversation and merriment, and amused with the native songs and music of the dominie, smoking the hookha, eating pawn, dinner, &c. company is their delight, and time passes pleasantly with them in such an assembly. the second day, mayndhie, is one of bustle and preparation in the sumdun begum's department; it is spent in arranging the various articles that are to accompany the bride's mayndhie, which is forwarded in the evening to the bridegroom with great parade. it is so well known that i need hardly mention the fact, that the herb mayndhie[15] is in general request amongst the natives of india, for the purpose of dyeing the hands and feet; it is considered by them an indispensable article to their comfort, keeping those members cool and a great ornament to the person. long established custom obliges the bride to send mayndhie on the second night of the nuptials to the bridegroom; and, to make the event more conspicuous, presents proportioned to the means of the party accompany the trays of prepared mayndhie. the female friends of the bride's family attend the mayndhie procession in covered conveyances, and the male guests on horses, elephants, and in palkies; trains of soldiers, servants, and bands of music swell the procession (among people of distinction) to a magnitude inconceivable to those who have not visited the native cities of hindoostaun, or witnessed the parade of a marriage ceremony. amongst the bride's presents with mayndhie, may be noticed every thing requisite for a full-dress suit for the bridegroom, and the etceteras of his toilette; confectionery, dried fruits, preserves, the prepared pawns, and a multitude of trifles too tedious to enumerate, but which are nevertheless esteemed luxuries with the native young people, and are considered essential to the occasion. one thing i must not omit, the sugar-candy, which forms the source of amusement when the bridegroom is under the dominion of the females in his mother's zeenahnah. the artush bajie,[16] (fireworks) sent with the presents, are concealed in flowers formed of the transparent uberuck:[17] these flowers are set out in frames, called chumund,[18] and represent beds of flowers in their varied forms and colours; these in their number and gay appearance have a pretty effect in the procession, interspersed with the trays containing the dresses, &c. all the trays are first covered with basket-work raised in domes, and over these are thrown draperies of broadcloth, gold-cloth, and brocade, neatly fringed in bright colours. the mayndhie procession having reached the bridegroom's house, bustle and excitement pervade through every department of the mansion. the gentlemen are introduced to the father's hall; the ladies to the youth's mother, who in all possible state is prepared to receive the bride's friends. the interior of a zeenahnah has been already described; the ladies crowd into the centre hall to witness, through the blinds of bamboo, the important process of dressing the young bridegroom in his bride's presents. the centre purdah is let down, in which are openings to admit the hands and feet; and close to this purdah a low stool is placed. when all these preliminary preparations are made, and the ladies securely under cover, notice is sent to the male assembly that, 'dullha is wanted'; and he then enters the zeenahnah court-yard, amidst the deafening sounds of trumpets and drums from without, and a serenade from the female singers within. he seats himself on the stool placed for him close to the purdah, and obeys the several commands he receives from the hidden females, with childlike docility. the moist mayndhie is then tied on with bandages by hands he cannot see, and, if time admits, one hour is requisite to fix the dye bright and permanent on the hands and feet. during this delay, the hour is passed in lively dialogues with the several purdahed dames, who have all the advantage of seeing though themselves unseen; the singers occasionally lauding his praise in extempore strains, after describing the loveliness of his bride, (whom they know nothing about), and foretelling the happiness which awaits him in his marriage, but which, in the lottery, may perhaps prove a blank. the sugar-candy, broken into small lumps, is presented by the ladies whilst his hands and feet are fast bound in the bandages of mayndhie; but as he cannot help himself, and it is an omen of good to eat the bride's sweets at this ceremony, they are sure he will try to catch the morsels which they present to his mouth and then draw back, teasing the youth with their banterings, until at last he may successfully snap at the candy, and seize the fingers also with the dainty, to the general amusement of the whole party and the youth's entire satisfaction. the mayndhie supposed to have done its duty, the bandages are removed; his old unnah,[19] the nurse of his infancy (always retained for life), assists him with water to wash off the leaves, dries his feet and hands, rubs him with otta,[20] robes him in his bride's presents, and ornaments him with the guinah. thus attired he takes leave of his tormentors, sends respectful messages to his bride's family, and bows his way from their guardianship to the male apartment, where he is greeted by a flourish of trumpets and the congratulations of the guests, many of whom present nuzzas and embrace him cordially. the dinner is introduced at twelve amongst the bridegroom's guests, and the night passed in good-humoured conviviality, although the strongest beverage at the feast consists of sugar and water sherbet. the dancing-women's performances, the display of fireworks, the dinner, pawn, and hookha, form the chief amusements of the night, and they break up only when the dawn of morning approaches. the bride's female friends take sherbet and pawn after the bridegroom's departure from the zeenahnah, after which they hasten away to the bride's assembly, to detail the whole business of their mission. i have often heard the ladies complain, that the time hangs very heavy on their hands whilst the party have gone to perform mayndhie, until the good ladies return with their budget of particulars. hundreds of questions are then put to them by the inquisitive dames, how the procession passed off?--whether accident or adventure befel them on the march?--what remarks were made on the bride's gifts?---but most of all they want to know, how the bridegroom looked, and how he behaved under their hands? the events of the evening take up the night in detailing, with the occasional interruptions of dinner, pawn, and sherbet; and so well are they amused, that they seldom feel disposed to sleep until the crowing of the cock warns them that the night has escaped with their diversified amusements. the eventful baarraat arrives to awaken in the heart of a tender mother all the good feelings of fond affection; she is, perhaps, about to part with the great solace of her life under many domestic trials; at any rate, she transfers her beloved child to another protection. all marriages are not equally happy in their termination; it is a lottery, a fate, in the good mother's calculation. her darling child may be the favoured of heaven for which she prays; she may be, however, the miserable first wife of a licentious pluralist; nothing is certain, but she will strive to trust in god's mercy, that the event prove a happy one to her dearly-loved girl. i have said the young bride is in close confinement during the days of celebrating her nuptials; on the third she is tormented with the preparations for her departure. the mayndhie must be applied to her hands and feet, the formidable operations of bathing, drying her hair, oiling and dressing her head, dyeing her lips, gums, and teeth with antimony, fixing on her the wedding ornaments, the nut (nose-ring) presented by her husband's family: the many rings to be placed on her fingers and toes, the rings fixed in her ears, are all so many new trials to her, which though a complication of inconveniences, she cannot venture to murmur at, and therefore submits to with the passive meekness of a lamb. towards the close of the evening, all this preparation being fulfilled, the marriage portion is set in order to accompany the bride. the guests make their own amusements for the day; the mother is too much occupied with her daughter's affairs to give much of her time or attention to them; nor do they expect it, for they all know by experience the nature of a mother's duties at such an interesting period. the bridegroom's house is nearly in the same state of bustle as the bride's, though of a very different, description, as the preparing for the reception of a bride is an event of vast importance in the opinion of a mussulmaun. the gentlemen assemble in the evening, and are regaled with sherbet and the hookha, and entertained with the nuutch-singing and fireworks until the appointed hour for setting out in the procession to fetch the bride to her new home. the procession is on a grand scale; every friend or acquaintance, together with their elephants, are pressed into the service of the bridegroom on this night of baarraat. the young man himself is mounted on a handsome charger, the legs, tail, and mane of which are dyed with mayndhie, whilst the ornamental furniture of the horse is splendid with spangles and embroidery. the dress of the bridegroom is of gold-cloth, richly trimmed with a turban to correspond, to the top of which is fastened an immense bunch of silver trimming, that falls over his face to his waist, and answers the purpose of a veil,[21] (this is in strict keeping with the hindoo custom at their marriage processions). a select few of the females from the bridegroom's house attend in his train to bring home the bride, accompanied by innumerable torches, with bands of music, soldiers, and servants, to give effect to the procession. on their arrival at the gate of the bride's residence, the gentlemen are introduced to the father's apartments, where fireworks, music, and singing, occupy their time and attention until the hour for departure arrives. the marriage ceremony is performed in the presence of witnesses, although the bride is not seen by any of the males at the time, not even by her husband, until they have been lawfully united according to the common form. in the centre of the hall, in the zeenahnah, a tuckht (platform) six feet square is placed, on which the musnud of gold brocade is set. this is the bride's seat when dressed for her nuptials; she is surrounded by ladies who bear witness to the marriage ceremony. the purdahs are let down, and the maulvee, the bridegroom, the two fathers, and a few male friends are introduced to the zeenahnah court-yard, with a flourish of trumpets and deafening sounds of drums. they advance with much gravity towards the purdahs, and arrange themselves close to this slender partition between the two sexes. the maulvee commences by calling on the young maiden by name, to answer to his demand, 'is it by your own consent this marriage takes place with ----?' naming the person who is the bridegroom; the bride answers, 'it is by my consent.' the maulvee then explains the law of mahumud, and reads a certain chapter from that portion of the khoraun which binds the parties in holy wedlock.[22] he then turns to the young man, and asks him to name the sum he proposes as his wife's dowry. the bridegroom thus called upon, names ten, twenty, or perhaps a hundred lacs of rupees; the maulvee repeats to all present the amount proposed, and then prays that the young couple thus united may be blessed in this world and in eternity. all the gentlemen then retire, except the bridegroom, who is delayed, as soon as this is accomplished, entering the hall until the bride's guests have retreated into the side rooms: as soon as this is accomplished he is introduced into the presence of his mother-in-law and her daughter by the women servants. he studiously avoids looking up as he enters the hall, because, according to the custom of this people, he must first see his wife's face in a looking-glass, which is placed before the young couple, when he is seated on the musnud by his bride. happy for him if he then beholds a face that bespeaks the gentle being he hopes fate has destined to make him happy; if otherwise he must submit; there is no untying the sacred contract. many absurd customs follow this first introduction of the bride and bridegroom. when the procession is all formed, the goods and chattels of the bride are loaded on the heads of the carriers; the bridegroom conveys his young wife in his arms to the chundole (covered palankeen), which is in readiness within the court, and the procession moves off in grand style, with a perpetual din of noisy music until they arrive at the bridegroom's mansion. the poor mother has perhaps had many struggles with her own heart to save her daughter's feelings during the preparation for departure; but when the separation takes place the scene is affecting beyond description. i never witnessed anything to equal it in other societies: indeed, so powerfully are the feelings of the mother excited, that she rarely acquires her usual composure until her daughter is allowed to revisit her, which is generally within a week after her marriage. p.s.--i have remarked that, in important things which have nothing to do with the religion of the mussulmauns, they are disposed to imitate the habits of the hindoos; this is more particularly to be traced in many of their wedding customs. in villages where there are a greater proportion of hindoos than mussulmauns the females of the two people mix more generally than is usually allowed in cities or large towns; and it is among this mingled population that we find the spirit of superstition influencing the female character in more marked manner than it does in more populous places, which the following anecdote, will illustrate. the parties were known to the person who related the circumstance to me. 'a learned man, a moollah[23] or head-teacher and expounder of the mahumudan law, resided in a village six koss (twelve miles english) distant from lucknow, the capital of oude. this moollah was married to a woman of good family, by whom he had a large progeny of daughters. he lived in great respect, and cultivated his land with success, the produce of his farm not only supporting his own family, but enabling the good moollah to distribute largely amongst the poor, his neighbours, and the passing traveller. a hungry applicant never left his door without a meal of the same wholesome, yet humble fare, which formed his own daily sustenance. bread and dhall he preferred to the most choice delicacies, as by this abstemious mode of living, he was enabled to feed and comfort the afflicted with the residue of his income. 'this moollah was one of the most pious men of the age, and alive to the interests of his fellow-mortals, both temporal and eternal. he gave instruction gratis to as many pupils as chose to attend his lectures, and desired to acquire from his matured knowledge an introduction to the points of faith, and instruction in the mussulmaun laws. numbers of young students attended his hall daily, to listen to the expounding of the rules and maxims he had acquired by a long life devoted to the service of god, and his duty to mankind. in him, many young men found a benefactor who blended instruction with temporal benefits; so mild and persuasive were this good moollah's monitions, that he lived in the affection, venerations and respect of his pupils, as a fond father in the love of his children. 'the wife of this good man managed the domestic affairs of the family, which were very little controlled by her husband's interference. on an occasion of solemnizing the nuptials of one of their daughters, the wife sent a message to the moollah, by a female slave, requiring his immediate presence in the zeenahnah, that he might perform his allotted part in the ceremony, which, as elder of the house, could not be confided to any other hands but his. this was to "tie the naarah to the moosul".[24] 'the moollah was deeply engaged in expounding to his pupils a difficult passage of the khoraun when the slave entered and delivered her message. "coming", he answered, without looking at the messenger, and continued his exposition. 'the good woman of the house was in momentary expectation of her husband's arrival, but when one hour had elapsed, her impatience overcame her discretion, and she dispatched the slave a second time to summon the moollah, who, in his anxiety to promote a better work, had forgotten the subject of tying the naarah to the moosul. the slave again entered the hall, and delivered her lady's message; he was then engaged in a fresh exposition, and, as before, replied "coming", but still proceeding with his subject as if he heard not the summons. 'another hour elapsed, and the wife's ordinary patience was exhausted; "go to your master, slave!" she said with authority in her voice and manner; "go ask your master from me, whether it is his intention to destroy the peace of his house, and the happiness of his family. ask him, why he should delay performing so important a duty at this ceremony, when his own daughter's interest and welfare are at stake?" 'the slave faithfully conveyed the message, and the moollah, finding that his domestic peace depended on submitting to the superstitious notions of his wife, accompanied the slave to the zeenahnah without further delay. 'the moollah's compliance with the absurd desires of his wife surprised the students, who discussed the subject freely in his absence. he having always taught them the folly of prejudice and the absurdity of superstition, they could not, comprehend how it was the moollah had been led to comply with a request so much at variance with the principles he endeavoured to impress upon them. 'on his return, after a short absence, to his pupils, he was about to re-commence the passage at which he had left off to attend his wife's summons; one of the young men, however, interrupted him by the inquiry, "whether he had performed the important business of tying the naarah to the moosul?"--"yes," answered the moollah, very mildly, "and by so doing i have secured peace to my wife's disturbed mind."--"but how is it, reverend sir," rejoined the student, "that your actions and your precepts are at variance? you caution us against every species of superstition, and yet that you have in this instance complied with one, is very evident."--"i grant you, my young friend," said the moollah, "that i have indeed done so, but my motive for this deviation is, i trust, correct. i could have argued with you on the folly of tying the naarah to the moosul, and you would have been convinced by my arguments; but my wife, alas! would not listen to anything but the custom--the custom of the whole village. i went with reluctance, i performed the ceremony with still greater; yet i had no alternative if i valued harmony in my household: this i have now secured by my acquiescence in the simple desire of my wife. should any evil accident befall my daughter or her husband, i am spared the reproaches that would have been heaped upon me, as being the cause of the evil, from my refusal to tie the naarah to the moosul. the mere compliance with this absurd custom, to secure peace and harmony, does not alter my faith; i have saved others from greater offences, by my passive obedience to the wishes of my wife, who ignorantly places dependance on the act, as necessary to her daughter's welfare." 'the students were satisfied with his explanation, and their respect was increased for the good man who had thus taught them to see and to cherish the means of living peaceably with all mankind, whenever their actions do not tend to injure their religious faith, or infringe on the principles of morality and virtue.' [1] see p. 158. [2] for the right of the bride to her private property, see n.e.b. baillie, _digest of moohummudan law_ (1875), 146 ff. [3] _takht._ [4] _sachaq_, the fruits and other gifts carried in procession in earthen pots ornamented with various devices.--jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 73. [5] _menhdi_. [6] _barat, barat_: meaning 'bridegroom's procession'. [7] among the khojas of west india a person from the lodge to which the parties belong recites the names of the panjtan-i-pak, the five holy ones--muhammad, 'ali, fatimah, hasan, husain--with the invocation: 'i begin the wedding of ---with ----, to wed as did fatimah, the bright-faced lady (on whom be peace!) with the lord and leader, the receiver of the testament of the chosen and pure, the lord 'ali, the son of abu-talib.'--_bombay gazetteer_, ix, part ii, 45. [8] _pandan_. [9] _chilamchi_. [10] _lagan_. [11] _surahi_. [12] _rikab_, 'a cup'; _patthari_, 'made of stone'. china dishes are also supposed to betray poison: see j. fryer, _a new account of east india and persia_ (hakluyt society's edition), i. 87. [13] _dulhin_. [14] _dulha_. [15] _menhdi_: the henna plant, _lawsonia alba_. [16] _atishbazi_, fire-play. [17] _abrak_, talc. [18] _chaman_, a flower-bed. [19] _anna_. [20] otto, _'itr_ of roses. [21] 'the dress of the bridegroom consisted entirely of cloth of gold; and across his forehead was bound a sort of fillet made of an embroidery of pearls, from which, long strings of gold hung down all over his face to his saddle-bow; and to his mouth he kept a red silk handkerchief closely pressed to prevent devils entering his mouth.'--mrs. f. parks, _wanderings of a pilgrim_, i. 438 f. this fillet is called _sihra_, and it is intended to avert the influence of the evil eye and of demons. [22] the officiating mulla or qazi lifts the bridegroom's veil, makes him gargle his throat three times with water, and seating him facing mecca, requires him to repeat a prayer to allah for forgiveness (_istighfarullah_); the four qul, or chapters of the _koran_ commencing with the word _qul_, 'say' (cix, cxii, cxiii, cxiv); the kalima or creed: 'there is no deity but allah: muhammad is the apostle of allah'; the articles of belief (_sifat-i-iman_) in allah, his angels, the scriptures, the prophets, the resurrection, and day of judgement. his absolute decree and predestination of good and evil; the prayer of obedience, said standing (_du'a'l-qunut_). if he be illiterate, the meaning of all these should be explained to him.--jafnir shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 86. [23] mulla. [24] the naarah is a cord of many threads dyed red and yellow; the moosul the heavy beam in use where rice is to be cleansed from the husks. the custom is altogether of hindoo origin. [_author_.] [when the condiment (_ubtan_), made of the flour of gram, mixed with oil and perfumes, which is rubbed on the bride and bridegroom, is being ground, the handle of the hand-mill is smeared with sandalwood paste, powder of a kind of nut ( _vangueira spinosa_), and some betel leaves; betel-nuts wrapped in a piece of new red cloth are tied to it. then seven women, whose husbands are living, sit down to grind the condiment. some raw rice is put in a red cloth, and with a parcel of betel-leaf is tied to the mill-handle with a thread (_nara_). women pretend to beat it, and sing a marriage song. the rite is a form of fertility magic. the handle of the mill here represents the rice-pounder (_musal_) in the rite described in the text.--_bombay gazetteer_, ix, part i, 101; part ii, 163 f.[7]] letter xv on the birth and management of children in hindoostaun.--increase of joy on the birth of a son.--preference generally shown to male children.--treatment of infants.--day of purification.--offerings presented on this occasion to the child.--the anniversary of the birthday celebrated.--visit of the father to the durgah.--pastimes of boys.--kites.--pigeons.--the mhogdhur.--sword-exercise.--the bow and arrows.--the pellet-bow.--crows.--sports of native gentlemen.--cock-fighting.--remarks upon horses, elephants, tigers, and leopards.--pigeon-shooting.--birds released from captivity on particular occasions.--reasons for the extension of the royal clemency in native courts.--influence of the prime minister in the administration of justice. the bustle of a wedding in the family of a mussulmaun having subsided, and the bride become familiar with her new relatives, the mother also reconciled to the separation from her child by the knowledge of her happiness,--for they are allowed frequent intercourse,--the next important subject which fills their whole hearts with hope and anxiety, is the expected addition to the living members of the family. should this occur within the first year of their union, it is included in the catalogue of 'fortune's favours', as an event of no small magnitude to call forth their joy and gratitude. many are the trifling ceremonies observed by the females of this uneducated people, important in their view to the well-being of both mother and infant, but so strongly partaking of superstition that time would be wasted in speaking of them; i will therefore hasten to the period of the infant's birth, which, if a boy, is greeted by the warmest demonstrations of unaffected joy in the houses both of the parents of the bride and bridegroom. when a female child is born, there is much less clamourous rejoicing at its birth than when a son is added to honour the family;[1] but the good mother will never be dissatisfied with the nature of the gift, who can appreciate the source whence she receives the blessing. she rests satisfied that unerring wisdom hath thus ordained, and bows with submission to his decree. she desires sons only as they are coveted by the father, and procure for the mother increased respect from the world, but she cannot actually love her infant less because it is a female. the birth of a son is immediately announced by a discharge of artillery, where cannon are kept; or by musketry in the lower grades of the native population, even to the meanest peasant, with whom a single match-lock proclaims the honour as effectually as the volley of his superiors. the women say the object in firing at the moment the child is born, is to prevent his being startled at sounds by giving him so early an introduction to the report of muskets; but in this they are evidently mistaken, since we never find a musket announcing the birth of a female child.[2] they fancy there is more honour attached to a house where are many sons. the men make them their companions, which in the present state of mussulmaun society, girls cannot be at any age. besides which, so great is the trouble and anxiety in getting suitable matches for their daughters, that they are disposed to be more solicitous for male than female children. amongst the better sort of people the mother very rarely nourishes her own infant; and i have known instances, when a wet-nurse could not be procured, where the infant has been reared by goals' milk, rather than the good lady should be obliged to fatigue herself with her infant. the great objection is, that in mussulmaun families nurses are required to be abstemious in their diet, by no means an object of choice amongst so luxurious a people. a nurse is not allowed for the first month or more to taste animal food, and even during the two years--the usual period of supporting infancy by this nourishment--the nurse lives by rule both in quality and quantity of such food only as may be deemed essential to the well-being of the child. the lower orders of the people benefit by their superiors' prejudices against nursing, and a wet-nurse once engaged in a family becomes a member of that house to the end of her days, unless she chooses to quit it herself. on the fourth day after the birth of a son, the friends of both families are invited to share in the general joy testified by a noisy assembly of singing-women, people chattering, smell of savoury dishes, and constant bustle; which, to any other females in the world would be considered annoyances, but in their estimation are agreeable additions to the happiness of the mother, who is in most cases screened only by a curtain from the multitude of noisy visitors assembled to rejoice on the important event. i could not refrain, on one of these occasions, remarking on the injudicious arrangement at such a time, when i thought quiet was really needed to the invalid's comfort. the lady thought otherwise; she was too much rejoiced at this moment of her exaltation to think of quiet; all the world would know she was the mother of a son; this satisfied her for all that she suffered from the noisy mirth and increased heat arising from the multitude of her visitors, who stayed the usual time, three days and nights. the ladies, however, recover their strength rapidly. they are attended by females in their time of peril, and with scarcely an instance of failure. nature is kind. science has not yet stepped within the confines of the zeenahnah. all is nature with these uneducated females, and as they are under no apprehension, the hour arrives without terror, and passes over without weakening fears. they trust in god, and suffer patiently. it may be questioned, however, whether their pains at that juncture equal those of females in europe. their figure has never been tortured by stays and whalebone; indeed, i do not recollect having met with an instance of deformity in the shape of any inhabitant of a zeenahnah. on the ninth day the infant is well bathed,--i cannot call any of its previous ablutions a bath,[3]--then its little head is well oiled, and the fillet thrown aside, which is deemed necessary from the first to the ninth day. the infant from its birth is laid in soft beaten cotton, with but little clothing until it has been well bathed, and even then the dress would deserve to be considered more as ornamental covering than useful clothing; a thin muslin loose shirt, edged and bordered with silver ribands, and a small skull-cap to correspond, comprises their dress. blankets, robes, and sleeping-dresses, are things unknown in the nursery of a zeenahnah. the baby is kept during the month in a reclining position, except when the nurse receives it in her arms to nourish it; indeed for many months the infant is but sparingly removed from its reclining position. they would consider it a most cruel disturbance of a baby's tranquillity, to set it up or hold it in the arms, except for the purpose of giving it nourishment. the infant's first nourishment is of a medicinal kind, composed of umultass[4](cassia), a vegetable aperient, with sugar, and distilled water of aniseed; this is called gootlie,[5] and the baby has no other food for the first three days, after which it receives the nurse's aid. after the third day a small proportion of opium is administered, which practice is continued daily until the child is three or four years old. the very little clothing on infants in india would of itself teach the propriety of keeping them in a reclining position, as the mere natural strength of the poor baby has nothing to support it by the aid of bandages or clothing. the nurse receives the baby on a thin pillow of calico quilted together, called gooderie;[6] it is changed us often us required, and is the only method as yet introduced amongst the natives to secure cleanliness and comfort to their infants. in the cold season, when the thermometer may range from forty-five to fifty, the method of inducing warmth is by means of cotton or wadded quilts; flannel, as i have said before, they know not the use of. the children, however, thrive without any of those things we deem essential to the comfort of infancy, and the mamma is satisfied with the original customs, which, it may be supposed, are (without a single innovation) unchanged since the period of abraham, their boasted forefather. on the fortieth day after the infant's birth, the same rites are observed as by the jews (with the exception of circumcision), and denominated, as with them, the day of purification. on this day the infant is submitted to the hands of the barber, who shaves the head, as commanded by their law. the mother bathes and dresses in her most costly attire. dinner is cooked for the poor in abundance. friends and relatives call on the mother to present nuzzas and offerings, and to bring presents to the child, after the manner of the wise men's offerings, so familiar to us in our scriptures. the offerings to the child are often costly and pretty; bangles and various ornaments of the precious metals. the taawees[7] of gold and silver are tablets on which engraved verses from the khoraun are inscribed in arabic characters; these are strung on cords of gold thread, and suspended, when the child is old enough to bear their weight, over one shoulder, crossing the back and chest, and reaching below the hip on the opposite side; they have a remarkably good effect with the rich style of dressing native children. in some of the offerings from the great people are to be observed precious stones set in necklaces, and bangles for the arms and ankles. all who visit at these times take something for the baby; it would be deemed an omen of evil in any one neglecting to follow this immemorial custom; not that they are avaricious, but that they are anxious for their infant's prosperity, which these tributes are supposed to indicate.[8] the mother thus blessed with a darling son is almost the idol of the new family she has honoured; and when such a person happens to be an agreeable, prudent woman, she is likely to remain without a rival in her husband's heart, who has no inducement to add dhollie[9] wives to his establishment when his home is made happy to him by the only wife who can do him honour by the alliance. the birthday of each son in a family is regularly kept. the term used for the occasion is saul-girrah[10]--derived, from saul, a year, girrah, to tie a knot. the custom is duly maintained by tying a knot on a string kept for the purpose by the mother, on the return of her boy's birthday. the girls' years are numbered by a silver loop or ring being added yearly to the gurdonie,[11] or silver neck-ring. these are the only methods of registering the ages of mussulmaun children. the saul-girrah is a day of annual rejoicing through the whole house of which the boy is a member; music, fireworks, toys, and whatever amusement suits his age and taste, are liberally granted to fill up the measure of his happiness; whilst his father and mother have each their assemblies to the fullest extent of their means. dinner is provided liberally for the guests, and the poor are not neglected, whose prayers and blessings are coveted by the parents for their offspring's benefit; and they believe the blessings of the poor are certain mediations at the throne of mercy which cannot fail to produce benefits on the person in whose favour they are invoked. the boy's nurse is on all occasions of rejoicing the first person to be considered in the distribution of gifts; she is, indeed, only second in the estimation of the parents to the child she has reared and nourished; and with the child, she is of more consequence even than his natural parents. the wet-nurse, i have said, is retained in the family to the end of her days, and whatever children she may have of her own, they are received into the family of her employer without reserve, either as servants or companions, and their interest in life regarded and watched over with the solicitude of relations, by the parents of the boy she has nursed. at seven years old the boys are circumcised, as by their law directed. the thanksgiving when the child is allowed to emerge from confinement, gives rise to another jubilee in the family. at lucknow we see, almost daily, processions on their way to the durgah (before described),[12] where the father conveys the young mussulmaun to return thanks and public acknowledgements at the sainted shrine. the procession is planned on a grand scale, and all the male friends that can be collected attend in the cavalcade to do honour to so interesting an occasion. when the prayer and thanksgiving have been duly offered in the boy's name at the durgah, money is distributed amongst the assembled poor; and on the way home, silver and copper coins are thrown to the multitude who crowd around the procession. the scrambling and tumult on these occasions can only be relished by the natives, who thus court popularity; but they rarely move in state without these scenes of confusion following in their train. i have witnessed thousands of people following the king's train, on his visiting the durgah at lucknow, when his majesty and his prime minister scattered several thousands of rupees amongst the populace. the noise was deafening, some calling blessings on the king, others quarrelling and struggling to force away the prize from the happy one who had caught, in the passing shower, a rupee or two in his drapery. some of the most cunning secure the prize in their mouths to save themselves from the plunderer; some are thrown down and trampled under foot; the sandy soil, however, renders their situation less alarming than such a calamity would be in london, but it is altogether a scene of confusion sufficient to terrify any one, except those who delight in their ancient customs without regarding consequences to individuals. the amusements of boys in india differ widely from the juvenile sports of the english youth; here there are neither matches at cricket nor races; neither hoops nor any other game which requires exercise on foot. marbles they have, and such other sports as suit their habits and climate, and can be indulged in without too much bodily exertion. they fly kites at all ages. i have seen men in years, even, engaged in this amusement, alike unconscious that they were wasting time, or employing it in pursuits fitted only for children. they are flown from the flat roofs of the houses, where it is common with the men to take their seat at sunset. they are much amused by a kind of contest with kites, which is carried on in the following manner. the neighbouring gentlemen, having provided themselves with lines, previously rubbed with paste and covered with pounded glass, raise their kites, which, when brought in contact with each other by a current of air, the topmost string cuts through the under one, when down falls the kite, to the evident amusement of the idlers in the streets or roadway, who with shouts and hurrahs seek to gain possession of the toy, with as much avidity as if it were a prize of the greatest value: however, from the numerous competitors, and their great zeal to obtain possession of it, it is usually torn to pieces. much skill is shown in the endeavours of each party to keep his string uppermost, by which he is enabled to cut that of his adversary's kite. the male population are great pigeon-fanciers, and are very choice in their breed, having every variety of the species they can possibly procure; some are brought from different parts of the world at an enormous expense. each proprietor of a flock of pigeons knows his own birds from every other. they are generally confined in bamboo houses erected on the flat roofs of the mansions, where at early dawn and at sunset the owner takes his station to feed his pets and give them a short airing. perhaps a neighbour's flock have also emerged from their cages at the same time, when mingling in the circuit round and round the buildings (as often happens), one or more from one person's flock will return home with those of another; in which case, they are his lawful prize for ever, unless his neighbour wishes to redeem the captives by a price, or by an exchange of prisoners. the fortunate holder, however, of such prize makes his own terms, which are perhaps exorbitant, particularly if he have any ill-will against the proprietor, or the stray pigeon happen to be of a peculiarly rare kind.[13] many are the proofs of good breeding and civility, elicited on such occasions between gentlemen; and many, also, are the perpetuated quarrels where such a collision of interests happens between young men of bad feelings, or with persons having any previous dislike to each other. the chief out-door exercise taken by the youth of india, is an occasional ride on horseback or the elephant. they do not consider walking necessary to health; besides which, it is plebeian, and few ever walk who can maintain a conveyance. they exercise the moghdhur[14] (dumb-bell) as the means of strengthening the muscles and opening the chest. these moghdhurs, much resembling the club of hercules, are used in pairs, each weighing from eight to twenty pounds; they are brandished in various ways over the head, crossed behind, and back again, with great ease and rapidity by those with whom the art has become familiar by long use. those who would excel in the use of the moghdhurs practise every evening regularly; when, after the exercise, they have their arms and shoulders plastered with a moist clay, which they suppose strengthens the muscles and prevents them from taking cold after so violent an exercise. the young men who are solicitous to wield the sabre with effect and grace, declare this practice to be of the greatest service to them in their sword exercise: they go so far as to say, that they only use the sword well who have practised the moghdhur for several years. at their sword exercise, they practise 'the stroke' on the hide of a buffalo, or on a fish called rooey,[15] the scales of which form an excellent coat of mail, each being the size of a crown-piece, and the substance sufficient to turn the edge of a good sabre. the fish is produced alive from the river for this purpose; however revolting as the practice may appear to the european, it does not offend the feelings of the natives, who consider the fish incapable of feeling after the first stroke; but, as regards the buffalo, i am told the most cruel inflictions have been made, by men who would try their blade and their skill on the staked animal without mercy. the lance is practised by young men of good family as an exercise; and by the common people, as the means of rendering them eligible to the native military service of india. it is surprising to witness the agility of some of the natives in the exercise of the lance; they are generally good horsemen, and at full speed will throw the lance, dismount to recover it, and remount, often without stirrups, with a celerity inconceivable. i have seen them at these exercises with surprise, remembering the little activity they exhibit in their ordinary habits. the indian bow and arrow has greatly diminished as a weapon of defence in modern times; but all practise the use of the bow, as they fancy it opens the chest and gives ease and grace to the figure; things of no trifling importance with the mussulmaun youth. i have seen some persons seated practising the bow, who were unable to bear the fatigue of standing; in those cases, a heavy weight and pulley are attached to the bow, which requires as much force in pulling as it would require to send an arrow from sixty to a hundred yards from the place they occupy.[16] the pellet-bow is in daily use to frighten away the crows from the vicinity of man's abode; the pellets are made of clay baked in the sun, and although they do not wound they bruise most desperately. were it not for this means of annoying these winged pests, they would prove a perfect nuisance to the inhabitants, particularly within the confines of a zeenahnah, where these impudent birds assemble at cooking-time, to the great annoyance of the cooks, watching their opportunity to pounce upon anything they may incautiously leave uncovered. i have often seen women placed as watchers with the pellet-bow, to deter the marauders the whole time dinner was preparing in the kitchen. the front of these cooking-rooms are open to the zeenahnah court-yard, neither doors, windows, nor curtains being deemed necessary, where the smoke has no other vent than through the open front into the court-yard. the crows are so daring that they will enter the yard, where any of the children may be taking their meals (which they often do in preference to eating them under the confinement of the hall), and frequently seize the bread from the hands of the children, unless narrowly watched by the servants, or deterred by the pellet-bow. and at the season of building their nests, these birds will plunder from the habitations of man, whatever may be met with likely to make a soft lining for their nests; often, i am told, carrying off the skull-cap from the children's heads, and the women's pieces of calico or muslin from their laps when seated in the open air at work. many of the natives are strongly attached to the brutal practice of cock-fighting; they are very choice in their breed of that gallant bird, and pride themselves on possessing the finest specimens in the world. the gay young men expend much money in these low contests: the birds are fought with or without artificial spurs, according to the views of the contending parties.[17] they have also a small bird which they call 'the buttaire',[18] a species of quail, which i hear are most valiant combatants; they are fed and trained for sport with much care and attention. i am told these poor little birds, when once brought to the contest, fight until they die. many are the victims sacrificed to one mornings amusement of their cruel owners, who wager upon the favourite bird with a spirit and interest equal to that which may be found in more polished countries among the gentlemen of the turf. horse-racing has very lately been introduced at lucknow, but i fancy the natives have not yet acquired sufficient taste for the sport to take any great delight in it. as long as it is fashionable with european society, so long it may be viewed with comparative interest by the few. but their views of the breed and utility of a stud differ so much from those of a european, that there is but little probability of the sport of horse-racing ever becoming a favourite amusement with them,[19] when they are disposed to hunt, it is always on elephants, both for security and to save fatigue. a horse of the finest temper, form, or breed, one that would be counted the most perfect animal by an english connoisseur, would be rejected by a native if it possessed the slightest mark by them deemed 'unfortunate'. if the legs are not all of a colour, the horse is not worthy; if an unlucky turn of the hair, or a serpentine wave of another colour appears on any part of the animal, it is an 'omen of ill-luck' to the possessor, and must not be retained on the premises. a single blemish of the sort would be deemed by a native gentleman as great a fault in an otherwise perfect animal, as if it could only move on three legs. the prejudice is so strongly grounded in their minds to these trifling marks, that they would not keep such horses in their stables one hour, even if it belonged to their dearest friend, fearing the evil consequences that might befall their house.[20] the swiftness of a good english hunter would be no recommendation to a native gentleman; he rides for pleasant exercise and amusement, and the pace therefore never exceeds the gentlest canter of an english lady's jennet. many of their horses are trained to a pace i have never remarked in other countries; it is more than a walk but not quite a canter, the steps are taken very short, and is, i am assured, an agreeable exercise to the rider. i was once in possession of a strong hill pony, whose walk was as quick as the swiftest elephant; very few horses could keep up with him at a trot. the motion was very easy and agreeable, particularly suited to invalids in that trying climate. the native method of confining horses in their sheds or stables appears somewhat remarkable to a european. the halter is staked in the ground, and the two hind legs have a rope fastened to each; this is also staked in the ground behind. the ropes are left sufficiently long to allow of the animal lying down at his pleasure. the food of horses is fresh grass, brought from the jungles daily, by the grass-cutters, who are kept solely for this purpose. in consequence of these men having to walk a distance of four or more miles before they reach the jungles, and the difficulty of finding sufficient grass when there, one man cannot procure more grass in a day than will suffice for one horse; the consequence is, that if a gentleman keep twenty horses, there are forty men to attend them; viz., twenty grooms, and as many grass-cutters. the grass of india, excepting only during the rainy season, is burnt up by the heat of the sun, in all exposed situations. in the jungles and forests of mango-trees, wherever there is any shade, the men search for grass, which is of a different species to any i have seen in europe, called doob-grass,[21] a dwarf creeper, common throughout india; every other kind of grass is rejected by the horse; they would rather eat chaff in the absence of the doob-grass. the refuse of the grass given for food, answers the purpose of bedding; for in india straw is never brought into use, but as food for the cows, buffaloes, and oxen. the nature of straw is friable in india, perhaps induced by climate by the wise ordering of divine providence, of which indeed a reflecting mind must be convinced, since it is so essential an article for food to the cattle where grass is very scarce, excepting only during the season of rain. when the corn is cut, the whole produce of a field is brought to one open spot, where the surface of the ground is hard and smooth; the oxen and their drivers trample in a continued circuit over the whole mass, until the corn is not only threshed from the husks, but the straw broken into fine chaff. they winnow it with their coarse blankets, or chuddahs[22] (the usual wrapper of a native, resembling a coarse sheet), and house the separate articles in pits, dug in the earth, close to their habitations. such things as barns, granaries, or stacks, are never seen to mark the abode of the native farmers as in europe. an invading party could never discover the deposits of corn, whilst the natives chose to keep their own secret. this method of depositing the corn and chaff in the earth, is the only secure way of preserving these valuable articles from the encroachment of white ants, whose visits to the grain are nearly as destructive, and quite as much dreaded, as the flights of locusts to the green blades. the corn in general use for horses, sheep, and cattle, in called gram;[23] the flavour resembles our field pea much more than grain. it is produced on creepers, with pods; and bears a pretty lilac blossom, not unlike peas, or rather vetches, but smaller; the grain, however, is as large as a pea, irregularly shaped, of a dark brown skin, and pale yellow within. there are several other kinds of grain in use amongst the natives for the use of cattle; one called moat,[24] of an olive green colour. it is considered very cooling in its nature, at certain seasons of the year, and is greatly preferred both for young horses and for cows giving milk. horses are subject to an infectious disease, which generally makes its appearance in the rainy season, and therefore called burrhsaatie.[25] once in the stable, the disorder prevails through the stud, unless timely precautions are taken to prevent them being infected--removal from the stable is the most usual mode adopted--so easy is the infection conveyed from one animal to the other, that if the groom of the sick horse enters the stable of the healthy they rarely escape contagion. it is a tedious and painful disorder and in nine cases out of ten the infected animal either dies, or is rendered useless for the saddle. the legs break out in ulcers, and, i am informed, without the greatest care on the part of the groom, he is also liable to imbibe the corruption; if he has any cut or scratch on his hands, the disease may be received as by inoculation. the natives have the greatest aversion to docked-tailed horses, and will never permit the animals to be shorn of the beauty with which nature has adorned them, either in length or fulness; besides which, they think it a barbarous want of taste in those who differ from them, though they fancy nature is improved when the long tail and mane of a beautiful white arab are dyed with mayndhie; his legs, up to the knees, stained with the same colour, and divers stars, crescents, &c., painted on the haunches, chest, and throat of the pretty gentle creature.[26] when the horses are looking rough, the natives feed them with a mixture of coarse brown sugar and ghee, which they say gives sleekness to the skin, and improves the constitution of the horse. when their horses grow old, they boil the gram with which they feed them, to make it easy of digestion; very few people, indeed, give corn at any age to the animal unsoaked, as they consider it injudicious to give dry corn to horses, which swells in the stomach of the animal and cannot digest: the grain swells exceedingly by soaking, and thus moistened, the horse requires less water than would be necessary with dry corn. the numberless native sports i have heard related in this country would take me too long to repeat at present; describe them i could not, for my feelings and views are at variance with the painful tortures inflicted on the brute creation for the perverted amusements of man, consisting of many unequal contests, which have sickened me to think they were viewed by mortals with pleasure or satisfaction. a poor unoffending antelope or stag, perhaps confined from the hour of its quitting its dam in a paddock, turned out in a confined space to the fury of a cheetah[27] (leopard) to make his morning's repast. tigers and elephants are often made to combat for the amusement of spectators; also, tigers and buffaloes, or alligators. the battle between intoxicated elephants is a sport suited only for the cruel-hearted, and too often indulged. the mahouts[28] (the men who sit as drivers on the neck of the elephant) have frequently been the victims of the ignoble amusement of their noble masters; indeed, the danger they are exposed to is so great, that to escape is deemed a miracle. the fighting-elephants are males, and they are prepared for the sport by certain drugs mixed up with the wax from the human ear. the method of training elephants for fighting must be left to abler hands to describe. i have passed by places where the animal was firmly chained to a tree, in situations remote from the population of a city, as danger is always anticipated from their vicinity; and when one of these infuriated beasts break from their bonds, serious accidents often occur to individuals before they can again be secured. amongst the higher classes tigers and leopards are retained for field sports, under the charge of regular keepers. in many instances these wild inhabitants of the jungle are tamed to the obedience of dogs, or other domestic animals. i have often seen the young cubs sucking the teats of a goat, with which they play as familiarly as a kitten with its mother. a very intimate acquaintance of ours has several tigers and leopards, which are perfectly obedient to his command; they are led out by their keepers night and morning, but he always feeds them with his own hands, that he may thereby make them obedient to himself, when he sports in the jungles, which he often does with success, bringing home stags and antelopes to grace the board, and distribute amongst his english friends. the tigers and cheetahs are very generally introduced after breakfast, when native noblemen have european visitors. i remember on one of these occasions, these animals were brought into the banqueting-room, just as the self-performing cabinet organ had commenced a grand overture. the creatures' countenances were terrifying to the beholder, and one in particular could with great difficulty be reined in by his keepers. the natives are, however, so accustomed to the society of tigers, that they smiled at my apprehension of mischief. i was only satisfied when they were forced away from the sounds that seemed to fill them with wonder, and perhaps with rage. pigeon-shooting is another amusement practised among the sporting men of hindoostaun. i, of course, allude to the mussulmauns, for most hindoos hold it criminal to kill a crow, or even the meanest insect; and i have known them carry the principle of preserving life to the minutest insects, wearing crape or muslin over their mouths and noses in the open air, fearing a single animalcule that floats in the air should be destroyed by their breath. for the same reason, these men have every drop of water strained through muslin before it is used either for drinking or for cooking.[29] there are people who make it a profitable means of subsistence to visit the jungles with nets, in order to collect birds, as pigeons, parrots, minas, &c.; these are brought in covered baskets to the towns, where they meet with a ready sale. many a basket have i delighted in purchasing, designing to rescue the pretty creatures from present danger. i am annoyed whenever i see birds immured in cages. if they could be trained to live with us, enjoying the same liberty, i should gladly court society with these innocent creatures; but a bird confined vexes me, my fingers itch to open the wicket and give the prisoner liberty. how have i delighted in seeing the pretty variegated parrots, minas, and pigeons fly from the basket when opened in my verandah! i have sometimes fancied in my evening walk that i could recognize the birds again in the gardens and grounds, which had been set at liberty in the morning by my hand. the good ladies of india, from whom i have copied the practice of giving liberty to the captive birds, although different motives direct the action, believe, that if a member of their family is ill, such a release propitiates the favour of heavenly mercy towards them.[30] a sovereign (amongst the mussulmauns) will give liberty to a certain number of prisoners, confined in the common gaol, when he is anxious for the recovery of a sick member of his family; and so great is the merit of mercy esteemed in the creature to his fellow-mortal, that the birth of a son, a recovery from severe illness, accession to the throne, &c., are the precursors to royal clemency, when all prisoners are set at liberty whose return to society may not be deemed cruelty to the individual, or a calamity to his neighbours. i may here remark, the mussulmaun laws do not allow of men being confined in prison for debt.[31] the government of oude is absolute, yet to its praise be it said, during the first eight years of my sojourn i never heard of but one execution by the king's command; and that was for crimes of the greatest enormity, where to have been sparing would have been unjust.[32] in cases of crime such as murder, the nearest relative surviving is appealed to by the court of justice; if he demand the culprit's life, the court cannot save him from execution. but it is rarely demanded; they are by no means a revengeful people generally; there are ambitious, cruel tyrants to be found, but these individuals are exceptions to the mass of the people. examples of mercy set by the king in all countries have an influence upon his subjects; and here the family of a murdered man, if poor, is maintained by the guilty party or else relieved by royal munificence, as the case may require. acts of oppression may sometimes occur in native states without the knowledge even, and much less by the command, of the sovereign ruler, since the good order of the government mainly depends on the disposition of the prime minister for the time being. there is no check placed in the constitution of a native government between the prime minister and his natural passions. if cruel, ambitious, or crafty, he practises all his art to keep his master in ignorance of his daily enormities; if the prime minister be a virtuous-minded person, he is subjected to innumerable trials, from the wiles of the designing and the ambitious, who strive by intrigue to root him from the favour and confidence of his sovereign, under the hope of acquiring for themselves the power they covet by his removal from office. [1] when, a boy is born, the midwife, in order to avert the evil eye and evil spirits, says: 'it is only a girl blind of one eye!' if a girl is born, the fact is stated, because she excites no jealousy, and is thus protected from spirit attacks. [2] this is intended to scare evil spirits, but has become a mere form of announcing the joyful event. [3] after the first bath pieces of black thread are tied round the child's wrist and ankle as protection. [4] _amaltas, cassia fistula_ [5] the purgative draught (_guthl_) is usually made of aniseed, myro-bolans, dried red rose leaves, senna, and the droppings of mice or goats.--_bombay gazetteer_, ix, part ii, 153. [6] _gudri_. [7] _ta'awiz_. [8] among the khojahs of bombay a stool is placed near the mother's bed, and as each, of the female relatives comes in she strews a little rice on the stool, lays on the ground a gold or silver anklet as a gift for the child, and bending over mother and baby, passes her hands over them, and cracks her finger-joints against her own temples, in order to take all their ill luck upon herself.--_bombay gazetteer_, ix, part ii, 45. [9] _duli_: see p. 184. [10] _salgirah_ or _barasganth_, 'year-knot'. [11] _gardani_. [12] p. 36. [13] the mahomedans are very keen on breeding pigeons in large numbers; they make them fly all together, calling out, whistling, and waving with a cloth fastened to the end of a stick, running and making signals from the terraced roofs, with a view of encouraging the pigeons to attack the flock of some one else.... every owner is overjoyed in seeing his own pigeons the most dexterous in misleading their opponents.'--manucci, _storia do mogor_, i. 107 f. [14] _mugdar_. [15] _rohu_, a kind of carp, _labeo rohita_. [16] the use of the bow and arrow has now disappeared in northern india, and survives only among some of the jungle tribes. [17] a curious relic of the custom of cock-fighting at lucknow survives in the picture by zoffany of the famous match between the nawab asaf-ud-daula and col. mordaunt in 1786. the figures in the picture are portraits of the celebrities at the court of oudh, whose names are given by smith, _catalogue of british mezzotint portrait_, i. 273. [18] _bater, coturnix communis_. [19] lucknow is now an important racing centre, and the civil service cup for ponies has been won several times by native gentlemen. [20] the feather or curl is one of the most important marks. if it faces towards the head, this is a horse to buy; if it points towards the tail, it is a 'female snake' (_sampan_), a bad blemish, as is a small star on the forehead. a curl at the bottom of the throat is very lucky, and cancels other blemishes. a piebald horse or one with five white points, a white face and four white stockings, is highly valued. the european who understands the rules can often buy an 'unlucky' horse at a bargain. [21] _dub, cynodon dactylon_. [22] _chadar._ [23] _cicer arietinum_: the word comes from port, _grão_, a grain. [24] _moth_, the aconite-leaved kidney-bean, _phaseolus aconitifolius_. [25] _barsati_ from _barsat_, the rainy season; a pustular eruption breaking out on the head and fore parts of the body. [26] the native gentleman's charger, with his trained paces, his henna-stained crimson mane, tail, and fetlocks, is a picturesque sight now less common than it used to be. [27] _chita_, the hunting leopard. _felis jubata_. [28] _mahawat_, originally meaning 'a high officer'. [29] this specially applies to the jain ascetics, who keep a brush to remove insects from their path, and cover their mouths with linen. [30] a common piece of imitative magic: as the bird flies away it carries the disease with it. the practice of releasing prisoners when the king or a member of his family was sick, or as a thanksgiving on recovery, was common.--sleeman, _journey_, ii. 41. [31] this is incorrect. imprisonment for debt is allowed by muhammadan law.--hughes, _dictionary of islam_, 82. [32] this gives a too favourable account of the administration of justice in oudh. 'a powerful landlord during the nawabi could evict a tenant, or enhance his rent, or take away his wife from him, or cut his head off, with as much, or as little, likelihood of being called to account by na zim or chakladar for one act as for another' (h.c. irwin, _the garden of india_, 258). gen. sleeman points out that musalmans wore practically immune from the death penalty, particularly if they happened to kill a sunni. a hindu, consenting after conviction to become a musalman, was also immune (_journey through oudh_, i. 135). executions used constantly to occur in lucknow under nasir-ud-din (w. knighton, _private life of an eastern king_, 104). letter xvi remarks on the trades and professions of hindoostaun.--the bazaars.--naunbye (bazaar cook).--the butcher, and other trades.--shroffs (money-changers).--popular cries in native cities.--the articles enumerated and the venders of them described.--the cuppers.--leechwomen.--ear-cleaners.--old silver.--pickles.--confectionery.--toys.--fans.--vegetables and fruit.--mangoes.--melons.--melon-cyder.--fish.--bird-catcher.--the butcher-bird, the coel, and lollah.--fireworks.--parched corn.--wonder-workers.--snakes.--anecdote of the moonshie and the snake-catcher.--the cutler.--sour curds.--clotted cream.--butter.--singular process of the natives in making butter.--ice.--how procured in india.--ink.--all writing dedicated to god by the mussulmauns.--the reverence for the name of god.--the mayndhie and sulmah. the various trades of a native city in hindoostaun are almost generally carried on in the open air. the streets are narrow, and usually unpaved; the dukhauns[1] (shops) small, with the whole front open towards the street; a tattie[2] of coarse grass forming an awning to shelter the shopkeeper and his goods from the weather. in the long lines of dukhauns the open fronts exhibit to the view the manufacturer, the artisan, the vender, in every variety of useful and ornamental articles for general use and consumption. in one may be seen the naunbye[3] (bazaar cook) basting keebaubs[3] over a charcoal fire on the ground with one hand, and beating off the flies with a bunch of date-leaves in the other; beside him may be seen assistant cooks kneading dough for sheermaul[3] or other bread, or superintending sundry kettles and cauldrons of currie, pillau, matunjun,[3] &c., whilst others are equally active in preparing platters and trays, in order to forward the delicacies at the appointed hour to some great assembly. the shop adjoining may probably be occupied by a butcher, his meat exposed for sale in little lean morsels carefully separated from every vestige of fat[4] or skin; the butcher's assistant is occupied in chopping up the coarser pieces of lean meat into mince meat.[5] such shops as these are actually in a state of siege by the flies; there is, however, no remedy for the butcher but patience; his customers always wash their meat before it is cooked, so he never fails to sell even with all these disadvantages. but it is well for the venders of more delicate articles when neither of these fly-attracting emporiums are next door neighbours, or immediately opposite; yet if it even should be so, the merchant will bear with equanimity an evil he cannot control, and persuade his customers for silver shoes or other ornamental articles, that if they are not tarnished a fly spit or two cannot lessen their value. the very next door to a working goldsmith may be occupied by a weaver of muslin; the first with his furnace and crucible, the latter with his loom, in constant employ. then the snake-hookha manufacturer,[6] opposed to a mixer of tobacco, aiding each other's trade in their separate articles. the makers and venders of punkahs of all sorts and sizes, children's toys, of earth, wood, or lakh; milk and cream shops; jewellers, mercers, druggists selling tea, with other medicinal herbs. the bunyah[7] (corn-dealer) with large open baskets of sugar and flour, whose whiteness resembles each other so narrowly, that he is sometimes suspected of mixing the two articles by mistake, when certain sediments in sherbet indicate adulterated sugar. it would take me too long were i to attempt enumerating all the varieties exposed in a native street of shops. it may be presumed these people make no mystery of their several arts in manufacturing, by their choice of situation for carrying on their trades. the confectioner, for instance, prepares his dainties in despite of dust and flies, and pass by at what hour of the day you please, his stoves are hot, and the sugar simmering with ghee sends forth a savour to the air, inviting only to those who delight in the delicacies he prepares in countless varieties. the most singular exhibitions in these cities are the several shroffs[8] (money-changers, or bankers), dispersed in every public bazaar, or line of shops. these men, who are chiefly hindoos, and whose credit may perhaps extend throughout the continent of asia for any reasonable amount, take their station in this humble line of buildings, having on their right and left, piles of copper coins and cowries.[9] these shroffs are occupied the whole day in exchanging pice for rupees or rupees for pice, selling or buying gold mohurs, and examining rupees; and to all such demands upon him he is entitled to exact a regulated per centage, about half a pice in a rupee. small as this sum may seem yet the profits produce a handsome remuneration for his day's attention, as many thousands of rupees may have passed under his critical eye for examination, it being a common practice, both with shopkeepers and individuals, to send their rupees to the shroff for his inspection, always fearing imposition from the passers of base coin. these shroffs transact remittances to any part of india by hoondies,[10] which are equivalent to our bills of exchange, and on which the usual demand is two and a half per cent at ninety days, if required for any distant station. the european order is here completely reversed, for the shopkeeper sits whilst the purchasers are compelled to stand. the bazaar merchant is seated on the floor of his dukhaun, near enough to the open front to enable him to transact business with his customers, who, one and all, stand in the street to examine the goods and to be served; let the weather be bad or good, none are admitted within the threshold of the dukhaun. in most places the shops are small, and look crowded with the articles for sale, and those where manufactories are carried on have not space to spare to their customers. very few gentlemen condescend to make their own purchases; they generally employ their confidential domestic to go to market for them; and with the ladies their women servants are deputed. in rich families it is an office of great trust, as they expend large sums and might be much imposed upon were their servants faithless. the servants always claim dustoor[11] (custom) from the shopkeepers, of one pice for every rupee they lay out; and when the merchants are sent for to the houses with their goods, the principal servant in the family is sure to exact his dustoor from the merchant; and this is often produced only after a war of words between the crafty and the thrifty. the diversity of cries from those who hawk about their goods and wares in streets and roadways, is a feature in the general economy of the natives not to be overlooked in my brief description of their habits. the following list of daily announcements by the several sonorous claimants on the public attention, may not be unacceptable with their translated accompaniments. 'seepie wallah deelie sukha'[12] (moist or dry cuppers).--moist and dry cupping is performed both by men and women; the latter are most in request. they carry their instruments about with them, and traverse all parts of the city. the dry cupping is effected by a buffalo's horn and resorted to by patients suffering under rheumatic pains, and often in cases of fever, when to lose blood is either inconvenient on account of the moon's age, or not desirable by reason of the complaint or constitution of the patient. 'jonk, or keerah luggarny wallie'[13] (the woman with leeches).--women with leeches attend to apply the required remedy, and are allowed to take away the leeches after they have done their office. these women by a particular pressure on the leech oblige it to disgorge the blood, when they immediately place it in fresh water; by this practice the leeches continue healthy, and may be brought to use again the following day if required. 'kaan sarf kerna wallah'[14] (ear-cleaner).--the cleansing of ears is chiefly performed by men, who collecting this article make great profits from the sale of it, independent of the sums obtained from their employers. it is the chief ingredient in use for intoxicating elephants previous to the furious contests so often described as the amusement of native courts. 'goatah chandnie bickhow'[15] (sell your old silver trimmings).--the several articles of silver trimmings are invariably manufactured of the purest metal without any alloy, and when they have served their first purposes the old silver procures its weight in current rupees. 'tale kee archah wallah'[16] (oil pickles).--the method of pickling in oil is of all others in most request with the common people, who eat the greasy substance as a relish to their bread and dhall. the mustard-oil used in the preparation of this dainty is often preferred to ghee in curries. the better sort of people prefer water pickle, which is made in most families during the hot and dry weather by a simple method; exposure to the sun being the chemical process to the parboiled carrots, turnips, radishes, &c., immersed in boiling water, with red pepper, green ginger, mustard-seed, and garlic. the flavour of this water pickle is superior to any other acid, and possesses the property of purifying the blood. 'mittie wallah'[17] (man with sweetmeats).--the many varieties of sweetmeats, or rather confectionery, in general estimation with the natives, are chiefly composed of sugar and ghee, prepared in countless ways, with occasional additions of cocoa-nut, pistachias, cardimuns, rose-water, &c., and constantly hawked about the streets on trays by men. 'kallonie wallah'[18] (man with toys).--toys of every kind, of which no country in the world i suppose exhibits greater variety, in wood, lakh, uberuck[19] (tulk), paper, bamboo, clay, &c., are constantly cried in the streets and roadways of a native city. 'punkah wallah'[20] (vender of fans).--the punkahs are of all descriptions in general use, their shape and material varying with taste and circumstances, the general form resembling hand-screens: they are made for common use of date-leaf, platted as the common mats are; some are formed of a single leaf from the tor[21]-tree, large or small, the largest would cover a tolerable sized round table; many have painted figures and devices, and from their lightness may be waved by children without much labour. i have seen very pretty punkahs made of sweet-scented flowers over a frame of bamboo. this, however, is a temporary indulgence, as the flowers soon lose their fragrance. 'turkaaree', 'mayvour'[22] (the first is vegetables; the last, fruit).--vegetables of every kind and many sorts of fruits are carried about by men and women, who describe the name and quality of the articles they have to sell. it would occupy too large a space to enumerate here the several productions, indigenous and foreign, of the vegetable world in india. the natives in their cookery, use every kind of vegetable and fruit in its unripe state. two pounds of meat is in general all that is required to form a meal for twenty people, and with this they will cook several dishes by addition of as many different sorts of vegetables. herbs, or green leaves, are always denominated saag,[23] these are produced at all seasons of the year, in many varieties; the more substantial vegetables, as potatoes, turnips, carrots, &c., are called turkaaree. the red and green spinach is brought to the market throughout the year, and a rich-flavoured sorrel, so delicious in curries, is cultivated in most months. green peas, or, indeed, vegetables in general, are never served in the plain way in which we see them at our tables, but always in stews or curries. the green mango is used invariably to flavour their several dishes, and, at the proper season, they are peeled, cut, and dried for the year's consumption. they dislike the acid of the lemon in their stews, which is never resorted to when the green mango or tamarind can be procured. the fruits of india in general estimation with the natives are the mango and the melon. mangoes are luscious and enticing fruit; the natives eat them to an excess when they have been some hours soaked in water, which, they say, takes away from the fruit its detrimental quality; without this preparatory precaution those who indulge in a feast of mango are subject to fevers, and an increase of prickly heat, (a fiery irritable rash, which few persons are exempt from, more or less, in the hot weather); even biles, which equally prevail, are less troublesome to those persons who are careful only to eat mangoes that have been well soaked in water. the natives have a practice, which is common among all classes, and therefore worthy the notice of foreigners, of drinking milk immediately after eating mangoes. it should be remembered that they never eat their fruit after dinner, nor do they at any time indulge in wine, spirits, or beer. the mango in appearance and flavour has no resemblance to any of the fruits of england; they vary in weight from half an ounce to half a seer, nearly a pound; the skin is smooth, tough, and of the thickness of leather, strongly impregnated with a flavour of turpentine; the colour, when ripe, is grass green, or yellow in many shades, with occasional tinges and streaks of bright red; the pulp is as juicy as our wall-fruit, and the kernel protected by a hard shell, to which fine strong silky fibres are firmly attached. the kernel of the mango is of a hot and rather offensive flavour; the poor people, however, collect it, and when dried grind it into flour for bread, which is more wholesome than agreeable; in seasons of scarcity, however, it is a useful addition to the then scanty means of the lower orders of the people. the flavour of the fruit itself differs so much, that no description can be given of the taste of a mango--even the fruit of one tree vary in their flavour. a tope (orchard) of mango-trees is a little fortune to the possessor, and when in bloom a luxurious resort to the lovers of nature. the melon is cultivated in fields with great ease and little labour, due care always being taken to water the plants in their early growth. the varieties are countless, but the kind most esteemed, and known only in the upper provinces, are called chitlahs,[24] from their being spotted green on a surface of bright yellow; the skin is smooth and of the thickness of that of an apple; the fruit weighing from half-a-pound to three pounds. the flavour may be compared to our finest peaches, partaking of the same moist quality, and literally melting in the mouth. the juice of the melon makes a delicious cider; i once tried the experiment with success. the natives being prohibited from the use of all fermented liquors, i was induced by that consideration to be satisfied with the one experiment; but with persons who are differently situated the practice might be pursued with very little trouble, and a rich beverage produced, much more healthy than the usual arrack that is now distilled, to the deterioration of the health and morals of the several classes under the british rule, who are prone to indulge in the exhilarating draughts of fermented liquors. at present my list of the indigenous vegetables of india must be short; so great, however, is the variety in hindoostaun, both in their quality and properties, and so many are the benefits derived from their several uses in this wonderful country, that at some future time i may be induced to follow, with humility, in the path trodden by the more scientific naturalists who have laboured to enrich the minds of mankind by their researches. the natives are herbalists in their medical practice. the properties of minerals are chiefly studied with the view to become the lucky discoverer of the means of transmuting metals; seldom with reference to their medicinal qualities. quicksilver, however, in its unchanged state, is sometimes taken to renew the constitution.[25] one gentleman, whom i well knew, commenced with a single grain, increasing the number progressively, until his daily close was the contents of a large table-spoon; he certainly appeared to have benefited by the practice, for his appetite and spirits were those of a man at thirty, when he had counted eighty years. 'muchullee'[26] (fish).--fish of several kinds are caught in the rivers and tanks; the flavour i can hardly describe, for, since i knew the practice of the hindoos of throwing their dead bodies into the rivers the idea of fish as an article of food was too revolting to my taste. the natives, however, have none of these qualms; even the hindoos enjoy a currie of fish as a real delicacy, although it may be presumed some of their friends or neighbours have aided that identical fish in becoming a delicacy for the table. there are some kinds of fish forbidden by the mussulmaun law, which are, of course, never brought to their kitchens, as the eel, or any other fish having a smooth skin;[27] all sorts of shell-fish are likewise prohibited by their code. those fish which have scales are the only sort allowable to them for food. the rooey[28] is a large fish, and in native families is much admired for its rich flavour; the size is about that of a salmon, the shape that of a carp; the flesh is white, and not unlike the silver mullet. the scales of this fish are extremely useful; which, on a tolerable sized fish, are in many parts as large as a crown-piece, and of a substance firmer than horn. it is not uncommon to see a suit of armour formed of these scales, which, they affirm, will turn the edge of the best metal, and from its lightness, compared with the chain armour, more advantageous to the wearer, though the appearance is not so agreeable to the eye. 'chirryah wallah'[29] (bird-man).--the bird-catcher cries his live birds fresh caught from the jungles: they seldom remain long on hand. i have before described the practice of letting off the birds, in cases of illness, as propitiatory sacrifices. the natives take delight in petting talking-birds, minas and parrots particularly; and the bull-bull,[30] the subzah,[31] and many others for their sweet songs. the numberless varieties of birds i have seen in india, together with their qualities, plumage, and habits, would occupy too much of my time at present to describe. i will here only remark a few of the most singular as they appeared to me. the butcher-bird,[32] so called from its habit, is known to live on seeds; yet it caters for the mina and others of the carnivorous feathered family, by collecting grasshoppers, which they convey in the beak to the thorny bushes, and there fix them on sharp thorns, (some of which are nearly two inches in length), and would almost seem to have been formed by nature for this use only. the mina[33] follows his little friend's flight as if in the full assurance of the feast prepared for him. the coel[34] is a small black bird, of extreme beauty in make and plumage; this bird's note is the harbinger of rain, and although one of the smallest of the feathered race, it is heard at a considerable distance.[35] the coel's food is simply the suction from the petals of sweet-scented flowers. the lollah,[36] known to many by the name of haverdewatt, is a beautiful little creature, about one-third the size of a hedge sparrow. the great novelty in this pretty bird is, that the spots of white on its brown plumage change to a deep red at the approach of the rainy season; the natives keep them by dozens in cages with a religious veneration, as their single note describes one of the terms in use to express an attribute of the almighty. but enough--i must hasten to finish my list of popular cries by the indian pedlars, who roar out their merchandize and their calling to the inmates of dwellings bounded by high walls, whose principal views of the works of nature and art are thus aided by those casual criers of the day. 'artush-baajie'[37] (fireworks).--fireworks are considered here to be very well made, and the native style much extolled by foreigners; every year they add some fresh novelty to their amusing pastime. they are hawked about at certain seasons, particularly at the holie[38] (a festival of the hindoos,) and the shubh-burraat[39] of the mussulmauns. saltpetre being very reasonable, fireworks are sold for a small price. most of the ingenious young men exercise their inventive powers to produce novelties in fireworks for any great season of rejoicing in their families. 'chubbaynee'[40] (parched corn).--the corn of which we have occasionally specimens in english gardens, known by the name of indian corn, is here used as a sort of intermediate meal, particularly amongst the labouring classes, who cook but once a day, and that when the day's toil is over. this corn is placed in a sort of furnace with sand, and kept constantly moved about. by this process it is rendered as white as magnesia, crisp, and of a sweet flavour; a hungry man could not eat more than half-a-pound of this corn at once, yet it is not as nutritious as barley or wheat. i have never heard that the natives use this corn for making bread. 'tumaushbeen'[41] (wonder-workers).--this call announces the rope-dancers and sleight-of-hand company; eating fire, swallowing pen-knives, spinning coloured yarn through the nose, tricks with cups and balls, and all the arts of the well-known jugglers. i have seen both men and women attached to these travelling companies perform extraordinary feats of agility and skill, also most surprising vaultings, by the aid of bamboos, and a frightful method of whirling round on the top of a pole or mast. this pole is from twenty to thirty feet high; on the top is a swivel hook, which fastens to a loop in a small piece of wood tied fast to the middle of the performer, who climbs the pole without any assistance, and catches the hook to the loop; at first he swings himself round very gently, but increasing gradually in swiftness, until the velocity is equal to that of a wheel set in motion by steam. this feat is sometimes continued for ten or fifteen minutes together, when his strength does not fail him; but it is too frightful a performance to give pleasure to a feeling audience. 'samp-wallah'[42] (snake-catchers).--these men blow a shrill pipe in addition to calling out the honourable profession of snake-catcher. i fancy it is all pretence with these fellows; if they catch a snake on the premises, it is probably one they have let loose secretly, and which they have tutored to come and go at the signal given: they profess to draw snakes from their hiding-place, and make a good living by duping the credulous. the best proof i can offer of the impositions practised by these men on the weakness and credulity of their neighbours, may be conveyed in the following anecdote, with which i have been favoured by a very intelligent mussulmaun gentleman, on whom the cheat was attempted during my residence in his neighbourhood at lucknow. 'moonshie sahib,[43] as he is familiarly called by his friends, was absent from home on a certain day, during which period his wife and family fancied they heard the frightful sound of a snake, apparently as if it was very near to them in the compound (court-yard) of the zeenahnah. they were too much alarmed to venture from the hall to the compound to satisfy themselves or take steps to destroy the intruder if actually there. whilst in this state of mental torture it happened (as they thought very fortunately) that a snake-catcher's shrill pipe was heard at no great distance, to whom a servant was sent; and when the ladies had shut themselves up securely in their purdahed apartment, the men servants were desired to introduce the samp-wallahs into the compound, to search for and secure this enemy to their repose. 'the snake-catcher made, to all appearance, a very minute scrutiny into every corner or aperture of the compound, as if in search of the reptile's retreat; and at last a moderate sized snake was seen moving across the open space in an opposite direction to the spot they were intent on examining. the greatest possible satisfaction was of course expressed by the whole of the servants and slaves assembled; the lady of the house was more than gratified at the reported success of "the charmers" and sent proofs of her gratitude to the men in a sum of money, proportioned to her sense of the service rendered on the occasion; the head samp-wallah placed the snake in his basket, (they always carry a covered basket about with them) and they departed well satisfied with the profits of this day's employment. 'the moonshie says, he returned home soon after, and listened to his wife's account of the event of the morning, and her warm commendation of the skilful samp-wallahs; but although the servants confirmed all the lady had told her husband of the snake-charmers' diligence, still he could not but believe that these idle fellows had practised an imposition on his unwary lady by their pretended powers in charming the snake. but here it rested for the time; he could not decide without an opportunity of witnessing the samp-wallahs at their employment, which he resolved to do the next convenient opportunity. 'as might have been anticipated, the very same snake-catcher and his attendant returned to the moonshie's gateway a very few days after their former success; moonshie sahib was at home, and, concealing his real intentions, he gave orders that the two men should be admitted; on their entrance, he said to them, "you say you can catch snakes; now, friends, if any of the same family remain of which you caught one the other day in this compound, i beg you will have the civility to draw them out from their hiding-places."[44] 'the moonshie watched the fellows narrowly, that they might not have a chance of escaping detection, if it was, as he had always suspected, that the snakes are first let loose by the men, who pretend to attract them from their hiding-places. the two men being bare-headed, and in a state of almost perfect nudity (the common usage of the very lowest class of hindoo labourers), wearing only a small wrapper which could not contain, he thought, the least of this class of reptiles, he felt certain there could not now be any deception. 'the samp-wallah and his assistant, pretending to search every hole and crevice of the compound, seemed busy and anxious in their employment, which occupied them for a long time without success. tired at last with the labour, the men sat down on the ground to rest; the pipe was resorted to, with which they pretend to attract the snake; this was, however, sounded again and again, without the desired effect. 'from the apparent impossibility of any cheat being practised on him, the moonshie rather relaxed in his strict observance of the men: he had turned his back but for an instant only, when the two fellows burst out in an ecstasy of delight, exclaiming, "they are come! they are come!"--and on the moonshie turning quickly round, he was not a little staggered to find three small snakes on the ground, at no great distance from the men, who, he was convinced, had not moved from the place. they seemed to have no dread of the reptiles, and accounted for it by saying they were invulnerable to the snakes' venom; the creatures were then fearlessly seized one by one by the men, and finally deposited in their basket. '"they appear very tame," thought the moonshie, as he observed the men's actions: "i am outwitted at last, i believe, with all my boasted vigilance; but i will yet endeavour to find them out.--friend," said he aloud, "here is your reward," holding the promised money towards the principal; "take it, and away with you both; the snakes are mine, and i shall not allow you to remove them hence." '"why, sahib," replied the man, "what will you do with the creatures? they cannot be worth your keeping; besides, it is the dustoor[45] (custom); we always have the snakes we catch for our perquisite."--"it is of no consequence to you, friend, how i may dispose of the snakes," said the moonshie; "i am to suppose they have been bred in my house, and having done no injury to my people, i may be allowed to have respect for their forbearance; at any rate, i am not disposed to part with these guests, who could have injured me if they would." 'the principal samp-wallah, perceiving it was the moonshie's intention to detain the snakes, in a perfect agony of distress for the loss he was likely to sustain, then commenced by expostulation, ending with threats and abuse, to induce the moonshie to give them up; who, for his part, kept his temper within bounds, having resolved in his own mind not to be outwitted a second time; the fellow's insolence and impertinent speeches were, therefore, neither chastised nor resented. the samp-wallah strove to wrest the basket from the moonshie's strong grasp, without succeeding; and when he found his duplicity was so completely exposed, he altered his course, and commenced by entreaties and supplications, confessing at last, with all humility, that the reptiles were his own well-instructed snakes that he had let loose to catch again at pleasure. then appealing to the moonshie's well-known charitable temper, besought him that the snakes might be restored, as by their aid he earned his precarious livelihood. '"that they are yours, i cannot doubt," replied the moonshie, "and, therefore, my conscience will not allow me to detain them from you; but the promised reward i of course keep back. your insolence and duplicity deserve chastisement, nevertheless i promise to forgive you, if you will explain to me how you managed to introduce these snakes." 'the man, thankful that he should escape without further loss or punishment, showed the harmless snakes, which, it appears, had been deprived of their fangs and poison, and were so well instructed and docile, that they obeyed their keeper as readily as the best-tutored domestic animal. they coiled up their supple bodies into the smallest compass possible, and allowed their keeper to deposit them each in a separate bag of calico, which was fastened under his wrapper, where it would have been impossible, the moonshie declares, for the quickest eye to discover that anything was secreted.' 'sickley ghur'[46] (cutler and knife-grinder).--these most useful artisans are in great request, polishing articles of rusty steel, giving a new edge to the knives, scissors, razors, or swords of their employer, in a masterly manner, for a very small price. 'dhie cuttie'[47] (sour curds).--this article is in great request by scientific cooks, who use it in many of their dainty dishes. the method of making sour curd is peculiarly indian: it is made of good sweet milk, by some secret process which i could never acquire, and in a few hours the whole is coagulated to a curd of a sharp acidity, that renders it equally useful with other acids in flavouring their curries. the natives use it with pepper, pounded green ginger, and the shreds of pumpkins or radishes, as a relish to their savoury dishes, in lieu of chatnee; it is considered cooling in its quality, and delicious as an accompaniment to their favourite viands. 'mullie'[48] (clotted cream).---this article is much esteemed by the natives. i was anxious to know how clotted cream could be procured at seasons when milk from the cow would be sour in a few hours, and am told that the milk when brought in fresh from the dairy is placed over the fire in large iron skillets; the skin (as we call it on boiled milk) is taken off with a skimmer, and placed in a basket, which allows all the milk to be drained from it; the skin again engendered on the surface is taken off in the same way, and so they continue, watching and skimming until the milk has nearly boiled away. this collection of skin is the clotted cream of hindoostaun. 'mukhun'[49] (butter).--butter is very partially used by the natives; they use ghee, which is a sort of clarified butter, chiefly produced from the buffalo's milk. the method of obtaining butter in india is singular to a european. the milk is made warm over the fire, then poured into a large earthen jar, and allowed to stand for a few hours. a piece of bamboo is split at the bottom, and four small pieces of wood inserted as stretchers to these splits. a leather strap is twisted over the middle of the bamboo, and the butter-maker with this keeps the bamboo in constant motion; the particles of butter swimming at the top are taken off and thrown into water, and the process of churning is resumed; this method continues until by the quantity collected, these nice judges have ascertained there is no more butter remaining in the milk. when the butter is to be sold, it is beaten up into round balls out of the water. when ghee is intended to be made, the butter is simmered over a slow fire for a given time, and poured into the ghee pot, which perhaps may contain the produce of the week before they convey it to the market for sale; in this state the greasy substance will keep good for months, but in its natural state, as butter, the second day it is offensive to have it in the room, much less to be used as an article of food. 'burruff wallah'[50] (the man with ice).--the ice is usually carried about in the evening, and considered a great indulgence by the natives. the ice-men bring round both iced creams, and sherbet ices, in many varieties; some flavoured with oranges, pomegranates, pine-apple, rose-water, &c. they can produce ices at any season, by saltpetre, which is here abundant and procured at a small price; but strange as it may appear, considering the climate, we have regular collections of ice made in january, in most of the stations in the upper provinces, generally under the superintendence of an english gentleman, who condescends to be the comptroller. the expenses are paid by subscribers, who, according to the value of their subscription, are entitled to a given quantity of ice, to be conveyed by each person's servant from the deposit an hour before day-break, in baskets made for the purpose well wadded with cotton and woollen blankets; conveyed home, the basket is placed where neither air nor light can intrude. zinc bottles, filled with pure water, are placed round the ice in the basket, and the water is thus cooled for the day's supply, an indulgence of great value to the sojourners in the east. the method of collecting ice is tedious and laborious, but where labour is cheap and the hands plenty the attempt has always been repaid by the advantages. as the sun declines, the labourers commence their work; flat earthen platters are laid out, in exposed situations, in square departments, upon dried sugar-cane leaves very lightly spread, that the frosty air may pass inside the platters. a small quantity of water is poured into the platter; as fast as they freeze their contents are collected and conveyed, during the night, to the pit prepared for the reception of ice. the rising sun disperses the labourers with the ice, and they seek their rest by day, and return again to their employ; as the lion, when the sun disappears, prowls out to seek his food from the bounty of his creator. the hoar frost seldom commences until the first of january, and lasts throughout that month. 'roshunie'[51] (ink).---ink, that most useful auxiliary in rendering the thoughts of one mortal serviceable to his fellow-creatures through many ages, is here an article of very simple manufacture. the composition is prepared from lampblack and gum-arabic; how it is made, i have yet to learn. the ink of the natives is not durable; with a wet sponge may be erased the labour of a man's life. they have not yet acquired the art of printing,[52] and as they still write with reeds instead of feathers, an ink, permanent as our own, is neither agreeable nor desirable. there is one beautiful trait in the habits of the mussulmauns: when about to write they not only make the prayer which precedes every important action of their lives, but they dedicate the writing to god, by a character on the first page, which, as in short-hand writing, implies the whole sentence.[53] a man would be deemed heathenish amongst mussulmauns, who by neglect or accident omitted this mark on whatever subject he is about to write. another of their habits is equally praiseworthy:--out of reverence for god's holy name (always expressed in their letters) written paper to be destroyed is first torn and then washed in water before the whole is scattered abroad; they would think it a sinful act to burn a piece of paper on which that holy name has been inscribed. how often have i reflected whilst observing this praiseworthy feature in the character of a comparatively unenlightened people, on the little respect paid to the sacred writings amongst a population who have had greater opportunities of acquiring wisdom and knowledge.[54] the culpable habit of chandlers in england is fresh in my memory, who without a scruple tear up bibles and religious works to parcel out their pounds of butter and bacon, without a feeling of remorse on the sacrilege they have committed. how careless are children in their school-days of the sacred volume which contains the word of god to his creatures. such improper uses, i might say abuses, of that holy book, would draw upon them the censure of a people who have not benefited by the contents, but who nevertheless respect the volume purely because it speaks the word 'of that god whom they worship'. 'mayndhie' (a shrub).--the mayndhie and its uses have been so fully explained in the letters on mahurrum, that i shall here merely remark, that the shrub is of quick growth, nearly resembling the small-leafed myrtle; the natives make hedge-rows of it in their grounds, the blossom is very simple, and the shrub itself hardy: the dye is permanent. 'sulmah.'[55]--a prepared permanent black dye, from antimony. this is used with hair-pencils to the circle of the eye at the root of the eye-lashes by the native ladies and often by gentlemen, and is deemed both of service to the sight and an ornament to the person. it certainly gives the appearance of large eyes, if there can be any beauty in altering the natural countenance, which is an absurd idea, in my opinion. nature is perfect in all her works; and whatever best accords with each feature of a countenance i think she best determines; i am sure that no attempt to disguise or alter nature in the human face ever yet succeeded, independent of the presumption in venturing to improve that which in his wisdom, the creator has deemed sufficient. it would occupy my pages beyond the limits i can conveniently spare to the subject, were i to pursue remarks on the popular cries of a native city to their fullest extent; scarcely any article that is vended at the bazaars, but is also hawked about the streets. this is a measure of necessity growing out of the state of mussulmaun society, by which the females are enabled to purchase at their own doors all that can be absolutely requisite for domestic purposes, without the obligation of sending to the markets or the shops, when either not convenient, or not agreeable. and the better to aid both purchasers and venders, these hawkers pronounce their several articles for sale, with voices that cannot fail to impress the inhabitants enclosed within high walls, with a full knowledge of the articles proclaimed without need of interpreters. [1] _dukan_. [2] _tatti_. [3] see pp. 57, 173, 174. [4] the fat of meat is never eaten by the natives, who view our joints of meat with astonishment, bordering on disgust. [_author_.] [5] many hindoostaunie dishes require the meat to be finely minced. [_author_.] [6] known as _gargarasaz_. [7] baniya. [8] _sarraf_. [9]: cowries are small shells imported from the eastern isles, which pass in india as current coin, their value fluctuating with the price of corn, from, sixty to ninety for one pice. [_author_.] [10] _hundi_. [11] _dasturi_. [12] _sipiwala gila sukha_. [13] _jonk_, a leech; _kira_, a worm, _laganewali_. [14] _kan saf karnewala_: more usually _kanmailiya, kan_, the ear; _maila_, dirt. [15] _gota, chandni bikau_, silver lace to sell! the dealer is _gota, kinari farosh_. [16] _tel ka acharwala_. [17] _mithaiwala_. [18] _khilaunewala_. [19] _abrak_, talc. [20] _pankahwala_. [21] _tar_, the palmyra palm. [22] _tarkari, mewa_. [23] _sag_. [24] _chitra_, spotted, speckled. [25] quicksilver is used by native physicians as the first of alternative tonics. [26] _machhli_. [27] being considered to be like snakes. [28] _rohu_, a kind of carp, _labeo rohita_. [29] _chiryawala_. [30] _bulbul, daulias hafizi_, the true persian nightingale. [31] _sabza, sabzak_, green bird, usually a jay, _coracias_. [32] a shrike, one of the _laniadae_. [33] _maina_, a starling, _aeridotheres tristis_. [34] the black cuckoo, _eudynamys orientalis_. [35] the note of the bird at night, detested by anglo-indians, gives it the name of the brain-fever bird. [36] _lal, estrelda amandava_, the avadavat, is so called because it was brought to europe from ahmadabad. [37] _atishbazi_, fire-play. [38] holi, the spring festival of the hindus, at which bonfires are lighted, coloured water thrown about, and much obscenity is practiced. [39] see p. 161. [40] _chabena, chabeni_, what is munched or chewed (_chabna_). [41] _tamashawala: tamashabin_, a spectator of wonders. [42] _sampwala_. [43] 'mr. secretary.' [44] it is generally believed snakes do not live apart from their species; if one is destroyed in a house, a second is anticipated and generally discovered. [_author_.] [45] _dastur, dasturi_, the percentage appropriated on purchase by servants. [46] _saiqalgar_, corrupted into _sikligar_, a polisher. [47] _dahi khatai_. there is no mystery about the preparation. milk is boiled and soured by being poured into an earthen vessel in which curds have previously been kept. sometimes, but less frequently, an acid or rennet is added to precipitate the solid ingredients of the milk. [48] _malai_. [49] _makkhan_. [50] _burfwala_. [51] _roshanai_, 'brightness', made of lampblack, gum-arabic, and aloe juice. elaborate prescriptions are given by jaffur shurreef (_qanoon-e-islam_ 150 f.). [52] lithography and printing are now commonly done by natives. [53] letters usually begin with, the invocation, _bi'-smi'illahi'r-rahmani'r-rahim_, 'in the name of allah, the compassionate, the merciful.' the monogram 'i' is often substituted, as being the initial of allah, and the first letter of the alphabet. [54] if the koran were wrapped in a skin and thrown into fire, it would not burn, say the traditions (hughes, _dictionary of islam_, 521). compare the care taken by the chinese to save paper on which writing appears (j.h. gray, _china_, i. 178). [55] _surma_, a black ore of antimony, a tersulphide found in the panjab, often confused by natives with galena, and most of that sold in bazars is really galena. it is used as a tonic to the nerves of the eye, and to strengthen the sight. letter xvii seclusion of females.--paadshah begum.--the suwaarree.--female bearers.--eunuchs.--rutts.--partiality of the ladies to large retinues.--female companions.--telling the khaunie.--games of the zeenahnah.--shampooing.--the punkah.--slaves and slavery.--anecdote.--the persian poets.--fierdowsee.--saadie, his 'goolistaun'.--haafiz.--mahumud baarkur.--'hyaatool kaaloob'.--different manner of pronouncing scripture names...page 248 the strict seclusion which forms so conspicuous a feature in the female society of the mussulmauns in india, renders the temporary migration of ladies from their domicile an event of great interest to each individual of the zeenahnah, whether the mistress or her many dependants be considered. the superior classes seldom quit their habitation but on the most important occasions; they, therefore, make it a matter of necessity to move out in such style as is most likely to proclaim their exalted station in life. i cannot, perhaps, explain this part of my subject better than by giving a brief description of the suwaarree[1] (travelling retinue) of the paadshah begum[2] which passed my house at lucknow on the occasion of her visit to the durgah of huzerut abas ali kee, after several years strictly confining herself to the palace. by paadshah is meant 'king';--begum, 'lady.' the first wife of the king is distinguished by this title from every other he may have married; it is equivalent to that of 'queen' in other countries. with this title the paadshah begum enjoys also many other marks of royal distinction; as, for instance, the dunkah (kettle-drums) preceding her suwaarree; a privilege, i believe, never allowed by the king to any other female of his family. the embroidered chattah (umbrella); the afthaadah (embroidered sun); and chowries of the peacock's feathers, are also out-of-door distinctions allowed only to this lady and the members of the royal family. but to my description:-first, in the paadshah begum's suwaarree i observed a guard of cavalry soldiers in full dress, with their colours unfurled; these were followed by two battalions of infantry, with their bands of music and colours. a company of spearmen on foot, in neat white dresses and turbans, their spears of silver, rich and massive. thirty-six men in white dresses and turbans, each having a small triangular flag of crimson silk, on which were embroidered the royal arms (two fish and a dirk of a peculiar shape). the staffs of these flags are of silver, about three feet long; in the lower part of the handle a small bayonet is secreted, which can be produced at will by pressure on a secret spring. next followed a full band of music, drums, fifes, &c.; then the important dunkah, which announces to the public the lady's rank: she is enclosed within the elevated towering chundole, on each side of which the afthaadah and chowries are carried by well-dressed men, generally confidential servants, appointed to this service. the chundole is a conveyance resembling a palankeen, but much larger and more lofty; it is, in fact, a small silver room, six feet long, five broad, and four feet high, supported by the aid of four silver poles on the shoulders of twenty bearers. these bearers are relieved every quarter of a mile by a second set in attendance: the two sets change alternately to the end of the journey. the bearers are dressed in a handsome royal livery of white calico made to sit close to the person; over which are worn scarlet loose coats of fine english broad-cloth, edged and bordered with gold embroidery: on the back of the coat a fish is embroidered in gold. their turbans correspond in colour with the coats; on the front of the turban is fixed diagonally a fish of wrought gold, to the tail of which a rich gold tassel is attached; this readies to the shoulder of the bearer, and gives a remarkable air of grandeur to the person. the chundole is surrounded by very powerful women bearers, whose business it is to convey the vehicle within the compound (court-yard) of the private apartments, or wherever men are not admitted at the same time with females. chobdhaars and soota-badhaars walk near the chundole carrying gold and silver staffs or wands, and vociferating the rank and honours of the lady they attend with loud voices the whole way to and from the durgah. these men likewise keep off the crowds of beggars attracted on such occasions by the known liberality of the ladies, who, according to established custom, make distributions to a large amount, which are scattered amongst the populace by several of the queen's eunuchs, who walk near the chundole for that purpose. the chief of the eunuchs followed the queen's chundole on an elephant, seated in a gold howdah; the trappings of which were of velvet, richly embroidered in gold; the eunuch very elegantly dressed in a suit of gold-cloth, a brilliant turban, and attired in expensive shawls. after the eunuch, follow the paadshah begum's ladies of quality, in covered palankeens, each taking precedence according to the station or the favour she may enjoy; they are well guarded by soldiers, spearmen, and chobdhaars. next in the train, follow the several officers of the queen's household, on elephants, richly caparisoned. and, lastly, the women of inferior rank and female slaves, in rutts (covered carriages) such as are in general use throughout india. these rutts are drawn by bullocks, having bells of a small size strung round their neck, which as they move have a novel and not unpleasing sound, from the variety of tones produced. the rutt is a broad-wheeled carriage, the body and roof forming two cones, one smaller than the other, covered with scarlet cloth, edged, fringed, and bordered with gold or amber silk trimmings. the persons riding in rutts are seated on cushions placed flat on the surface of the carriage (the asiatic style of sitting at all times) and not on raised seats, the usual custom in europe. the entrance to these rutts is from the front, like the tilted carts of england, where a thick curtain of corresponding colour and material conceals the inmates from the public gaze; a small space is left between this curtain and the driver, where one or two women servants are seated as guards, who are privileged by age and ugliness to indulge in the liberty of seeing the passing gaiety, and of enjoying, without a screen, the pure air; benefits which their superiors in rank are excluded from at all ages. in the paadshah begum's suwaarree, i counted fifty of these native carriages, into each of which from four to six females are usually crowded, comprising the members of the household establishment of the great lady; such as companions, readers of the khoraum, kaawauses[3] (the higher classes of female-slaves), muggalanie[4] (needle-women), &c. this will give you a tolerable idea of the number and variety of females attached to the suite of a lady of consequence in india. the procession, at a walking pace, occupied nearly half an hour in passing the road opposite to my house: it was well conducted, and the effect imposing, both from its novelty and splendour. a lady here would be the most unhappy creature existing, unless surrounded by a multitude of attendants suitable to her rank in life. they have often expressed surprise and astonishment at my want of taste in keeping only two women servants in my employ, and having neither a companion nor a slave in my whole establishment; they cannot imagine anything so stupid as my preference to a quiet study, rather than the constant bustle of a well-filled zeenahnah. many of the mussulmaun ladies entertain women companions, whose chief business is to tell stories and fables to their employer, while she is composing herself to sleep; many of their tales partake of the romantic cast which characterizes the well-remembered 'arabian nights' entertainments', one story begetting another to the end of the collection. when the lady is fairly asleep the story is stayed, and the companion resumes her employment when the next nap is sought by her mistress. amongst the higher classes the males also indulge in the same practice of being talked to sleep by their men slaves; and it is a certain introduction with either sex to the favour of their employer, when one of these dependants has acquired the happy art of 'telling the khaunie'[5] (fable) with an agreeable voice and manner. the more they embellish a tale by flights of their versatile imaginations, so much greater the merit of the rehearser in the opinion of the listeners. the inmates of zeenahnahs occasionally indulge in games of chance: their dice are called chowsah (four sides), or chuhsah[6] (six sides); these dice are about four inches long and half an inch thick on every side, numbered much in the same way as the european dice. they are thrown by the hand, not from boxes, and fall lengthways. they have many different games which i never learned, disliking such modes of trifling away valuable time; i am not, therefore, prepared to describe them accurately. one of their games has a resemblance to draughts, and is played on a chequered cloth carpet, with red and white ivory cones.[7] they have also circular cards, six suits to a pack, very neatly painted, with which they play many (to me) indescribable games; but oftener, to their credit be it said, for amusement than for gain. the gentlemen, however, are not always equally disinterested; they frequently play for large sums of money. i do not, however, find the habit so general with the natives as it is with europeans. the religious community deem all games of chance unholy, and therefore incompatible with their mode of living. i am not aware that gaming is prohibited by their law in a direct way,[8] but all practices tending to covetousness are strictly forbidden; and, surely, those who can touch the money called 'winnings' at any game, must be more or less exposed to the accusation of desiring other men's goods. shampooing has been so often described as to leave little by way of novelty for me to remark on the subject; it is a general indulgence with all classes in india, whatever may be their age or circumstances. the comfort derived from the pressure of the hands on the limbs, by a clever shampooer, is alone to be estimated by those who have experienced the benefits derived from this luxurious habit, in a climate where such indulgences are needed to assist in creating a free circulation of the blood, which is very seldom induced by exercise as in more northern latitudes. persons of rank are shampooed by their slaves during the hours of sleep, whether it be by day or by night; if through any accidental circumstance the pressure is discontinued, even for a few seconds only, the sleep is immediately broken: such is the power of habit. the punkah (fan) is in constant use by day and night, during eight months of the year. in the houses of the natives, the slaves have ample employment in administering to the several indulgences which their ladies require at their hands; for with them fixed punkahs have not been introduced into the zeenahnah:[9] the only punkah in their apartments is moved by the hand, immediately over or in front of the person for whose use it is designed. in the gentlemen's apartments, however, and in the houses of all europeans, punkahs are suspended from the ceiling, to which a rope is fastened and passed through an aperture in the wall into the verandah, where a man is seated who keeps it constantly waving, by pulling the rope, so that the largest rooms, and even churches, are filled with wind, to the great comfort of all present. the female slaves, although constantly required about the lady's person, are nevertheless tenderly treated, and have every proper indulgence afforded them. they discharge in rotation the required duties of their stations, and appear as much the objects of the lady's care as any other people in her establishment. slavery with them is without severity; and in the existing state of mussulmaun society, they declare the women slaves to be necessary appendages to their rank and respectability. the liberal proprietors of slaves give them suitable matches in marriage when they have arrived at a proper age, and even foster their children with the greatest care; often granting them a salary, and sometimes their freedom, if required to make them happy. indeed, generally speaking the slaves in a mussulmaun's house must be vicious and unworthy, who are not considered members of the family. it is an indisputable fact that the welfare of their slaves is an object of unceasing interest with their owners, if they are really good mussulmauns; indeed, it is second only to the regard which they manifest to their own children. many persons have been known, in making their will, to decree the liberty of their slaves. they are not, however, always willing to accept the boon. 'to whom shall i go?'--'where shall i meet a home like my master's house?' are appeals that endear the slave to the survivors of the first proprietor, and prove that their bondage has not been a very painful one. it is an amiable trait of character amongst the mussulmauns, with whom i have been intimate, and which i can never forget, that the dependence of their slaves is made easy; that they enjoy every comfort compatible with their station; and that their health, morals, clothing, and general happiness, are as much attended to as that of their own relatives. but slavery is a harsh term between man and man, and however mitigated its state, is still degrading to him. i heartily trust there will be a time when this badge of disgrace shall be wiped away from every human being. he that made man, designed him for higher purposes than to be the slave of his fellow-mortal; but i should be unjust to the people of india, if i did not remark, that having the uncontrolled power in their hands, they abstain from the exercise of any such severity as has disgraced the owners of slaves in other places, where even the laws have failed to protect them from cruelty and oppression. indeed, wherever an instance has occurred of unfeeling conduct towards these helpless beings, the most marked detestation has invariably been evinced towards the authors by the real mussulmaun. i have heard of a very beautiful female slave who had been fostered by a native lady of high rank, from her infancy. in the course of time, this female had arrived to the honour of being made the companion of her young master, still, however, by her begum's consent, residing with her lady, who was much attached to her. the freedom of intercourse, occasioned by the slave's exaltation, had the effect of lessening the young creature's former respect for her still kind mistress, to whom she evinced some ungrateful returns for the many indulgences she had through life received at her hands. the exact nature of her offences i never heard, but it was deemed requisite, for the sake of example in a house where some hundreds of female slaves were maintained, that the lady should adopt some such method of testifying her displeasure towards this pretty favourite, as would be consistent with her present elevated station. a stout silver chain was therefore made, by the begum's orders, and with this the slave was linked to her bedstead a certain number of hours every day, in the view of the whole congregated family of slaves. this punishment would be felt as a degradation by the slave; not the confinement to her bedstead, where she would perhaps have seated herself from choice, had she not been in disgrace. 'once a slave, and always a slave,' says fierdowsee the great poet of persia; but this apophthegm was in allusion to the 'mean mind' of the king who treated him scurvily after his immense labour in that noble work, 'the shah namah.' i have a sketch of fierdowsee's life, which my husband translated for me; but i must forbear giving it here, as i have heard the whole work itself is undergoing a translation by an able oriental scholar, who will doubtless do justice both to 'the shah namah' and the character of fierdowsee, who is in so great estimation with the learned asiatics.[10] the mussulmauns quote their favourite poets with much the same freedom that the more enlightened nations are wont to use with their famed authors. the moral precepts of saadie[11] are often introduced with good effect, both in writing and speaking, as beacons to the inexperienced. haafiz[12] has benefited the mussulmaun world by bright effusions of genius, which speak to successive generations the wonders of his extraordinary mind. he was a poet of great merit; his style is esteemed superior to the writers of any other age; and, notwithstanding the world is rich with the beauties of his almost inspired mind, yet, strange as it may appear, he never compiled a single volume. even in the age in which he lived his merit as a poet was in great estimation; but he never thought of either benefit or amusement to the world or to himself beyond the present time. he wrote the thoughts of his inspired moments on pieces of broken pitchers or pans, with charcoal; some of his admirers were sure to follow his footsteps narrowly, and to their vigilance in securing those scraps strewed about, wherever haafiz had made his sojourn, may to this day be ascribed the benefit derived by the public from his superior writings. saadie, however, is the standard favourite of all good mussulmauns; his 'goolistaun'[13] (garden of roses), is placed in the hands of every youth when consigned to the dominion of a master, as being the most worthy book in the persian language for his study, whether the beauty of his diction or the morality of his subjects be considered. the 'hyaatool kaaloob'[14] (enlightener of the heart), is another persian work, in prose, by mirza mahumud baakur, greatly esteemed by the learned mussulmauns. this work contains the life and acts of every known prophet from the creation, including also mahumud and the twelve emaums. the learned maulvee, it appears, first wrote it in the arabic language, but afterwards translated it into persian, with the praiseworthy motive of rendering his invaluable work available to those mussulmauns who were not acquainted with arabic. i have some extracts from this voluminous work, translated for me by my husband, which interested me on account of the great similarity to our scripture history; and if permitted at some future time, i propose offering them to the public in our own language, conceiving they may be as interesting to others as they have been to me. the persian and arabic authors, i have remarked, substitute y for j in scripture names; for instance, jacob and joseph are pronounced yaacoob and yeusuf.[15] they also differ from us in some names commencing with a, as in abba, which they pronounce ubba (father); for amen, they say aameen[16] (the meaning strictly coinciding with ours); for aaron, aaroon; for moses, moosa.[17] i am told by those who are intimate with both languages, that there is a great similarity between the hebrew and arabic. the passage in our scripture 'eloi, eloi, lama sabaethani,' was interpreted to me by an arabic scholar, as it is rendered in that well-remembered verse in the english translation. [1] _sawari_. [2] the padshah begam was the widow of ghazi-ud-din haidar, king of oudh. on his death, in 1837, she contrived a plot to place his putative son, munna jan, on the throne. after a fierce struggle in the palace, the revolt was suppressed by the resident, colonel low, and his assistants, captains paton and shakespear. the pair were confined in the chunar fort till their deaths. see the graphic narrative by gen. sleeman (_journey through oudh_, ii. 172 ff.); also h.c. irwin (_the garden of india_, 127 f.); mrs. f. parks (_wanderings of a pilgrim_, ii. 114). [3] _khawass_, 'distinguished': special attendants. [4] _mughlani_, a moghul woman: an attendant in a zenana, a sempstress. [5] _kahani_. [6] _chausa, chhahsa_, not to be found in platt's _hindustani dictionary_. [7] the game of pachisi, played on a cloth marked in squares: see _bombay gazetteer_, ix, part ii, 173. [8] gambling is one of the greater sins.--sale, _koran: preliminary discourse_, 89; sells, _faith of islam_, 155. [9] fixed punkahs were introduced early in the nineteenth century.--yule, _hobson-jobson_, 744. [10] firdausi, author of the shahnama, died a.d. 1020 or 1025, aged 89 years. an abridged translation, to which reference is made, by j. atkinson, was published in 1832. it has since been translated by a.g. and e. warner (1905), and by a. rogers (1907). [11] shaikh sa'di, born at shiraz a.d. 1175, died 1292, aged 120 lunar years. his chief works are the _gulistan_ and the _bostan_. [12] khwaja hafiz, shams-ud-din muhammad, author of the diwan hafiz, died at shiraz a.d. 1389, where his tomb at musalla is the scene of pilgrimage; see e.g. browne, _a year amongst the persians_, 280 f. [13] _gulistan_. [14] see p. 77. [15] ya'qub, yusuf. [16] _amin_. [17] harun, musa. letter xviii evils attending a residence in india.--frogs.--flies.--blains.- musquitoes.--the white ant.--the red ant.--their destructive habits.--a tarantula.--black ants.--locusts.--superstition of the natives upon their appearance.--the tufaun, or haundhie (tempest).--the rainy season.--thunder and lightning.--meteors.- earthquakes.--a city ruined by them.--reverence of the mussulmauns for saints.--prickly heat.--cholera morbus.--mode of treatment.--temperance the best remedy.--recipe. a residence in india, productive as it may be (to many) of pecuniary benefits, presents, however, a few inconveniences to europeans independent of climate,--which, in the absence of more severe trials, frequently become a source of disquiet, until habit has reconciled, or reflection disposed the mind to receive the mixture of evil and good which is the common lot of man in every situation of life. i might moralise on the duty of intelligent beings suffering patiently those trials which human ingenuity cannot avert, even if this world's happiness were the only advantage to be gained; but when we reflect on the account we have to give hereafter, for every thought, word, or action, i am induced to believe, the well-regulated mind must view with dismay a retrospect of the past murmurings of which it has been guilty. but i must bring into view the trials of patience which our countrymen meet while in india, to those who have neither witnessed nor [transcriber's note: illegible] them; many of them present slight, but living, op[transcriber's note: illegible] those evils with which the egyptians were visited for their impiety to heaven. frogs, for instance, harmless as these creatures are in their nature, occasion no slight inconvenience to the inhabitants of india. they enter their house in great numbers and, without much care, would make their way to the beds, as they do to the chambers; the croaking during the rainy season is almost deafening, particularly towards the evening and during the night. before the morning has well dawned, these creatures creep into every open doorway, and throughout the day secrete themselves under the edges of mattings and carpets, to the annoyance of those who have an antipathy to these unsightly looking creatures. the myriads of flies which fill the rooms, and try the patience of every observer of nice order in an english establishment, may bear some likeness to the plague which was inflicted on pharaoh and his people, as a punishment for their hardness of heart. the flies of india have a property not common to those of europe, but very similar to the green fly of spain: when bruised, they will raise a blister on the skin, and, i am told, are frequently made use of by medical gentlemen as a substitute for the spanish fly.[1] if but one wing or leg of a fly is by any accident dropped into the food of an individual, and swallowed, the consequence is an immediate irritation of the stomach, answering the purpose of a powerful emetic. at meals the flies are a pest, which most people say they abhor, knowing the consequences of an unlucky admission into the stomach of the smallest particle of the insect. their numbers exceed all calculation; the table is actually darkened by the myriads, particularly in the season of the periodical rains. the natives of india use muslin curtains suspended from the ceiling of their hall at meal times, which are made very full and long, so as to enclose the whole dinner party and exclude their tormentors. the biles or blains, which all classes of people in india are subject to, may be counted as amongst the catalogue of pharaoh's plagues. the most healthy and the most delicate, whether europeans or natives, are equally liable to be visited by these eruptions, which are of a painful and tedious nature. the causes inducing these biles no one, as yet, i believe, has been able to discover, and therefore a preventive has not been found. i have known people who have suffered every year from these attacks, with scarce a day's intermission during the hot weather.[2] the musquitoes, a species of gnat, tries the patience of the public in no very measured degree; their malignant sting is painful, and their attacks incessant; against which there is no remedy but patience, and a good gauze curtain to the beds. without some such barrier, foreigners could hardly exist; certainly they never could enjoy a night's repose. even the mere buzzing of musquitoes is a source of much annoyance to europeans: i have heard many declare the bite was not half so distressing as the sound. the natives, both male and female, habitually wrap themselves up so entirely in their chuddah[3] (sheet) that they escape from these voracious insects, whose sounds are so familiar to them that it may be presumed they lull to, rather than disturb their sleep. the white ant is a cruel destroyer of goods: where it has once made its domicile, a real misfortune may be considered to have visited the house. they are the most destructive little insects in the world doing as much injury in one hour as a man might labour through a long life to redeem. these ants, it would seem, have no small share of animosity to ladies' finery, for many a wardrobe have they demolished, well filled with valuable dresses and millinery, before their vicinity has even been suspected, or their traces discovered. they destroy beams in the roofs of houses, chests of valuable papers, carpets, mats, and furniture, with a dispatch which renders them the most formidable of enemies, although to appearance but a mean little insect. there is one season of the year when they take flight, having four beautiful transparent wings; this occurs during the periodical rains, when they are attracted by the lights of the houses, which they enter in countless numbers, filling the tables, and whilst flitting before the lights disencumber themselves of their wings. they then become, to appearance, a fat maggot, and make their way to the floors and walls, where it is supposed they secrete themselves for a season, and are increasing in numbers whilst in this stage of existence. at the period of their migration in search of food, they will devour any perishable materials within their reach. it is probable, however, that they first send out scouts to discover food for the family, for the traces of white ants are discovered by a sort of clay-covered passage, formed as they proceed on their march in almost a direct line, which often extends a great distance from their nest. to mark the economy of ants has sometimes formed a part of my amusements in hindoostaun.[4] i find they all have wings at certain seasons of the year; and more industrious little creatures cannot exist than the small red ants, which are so abundant in india. i have watched them at their labours for hours without tiring; they are so small that from eight to twelve in number labour with great difficulty to convey a grain of wheat or barley; yet these are not more than half the size of a grain of english wheat. i have known them to carry one of these grains to their nest at a distance of from six hundred to a thousand yards; they travel in two distinct lines over rough or smooth ground, as it may happen, even up and down steps, at one regular pace. the returning unladen ants invariably salute the burthened ones, who are making their way to the general storehouse; but it is done so promptly that the line is neither broken nor their progress impeded by the salutation. i was surprised one morning in my breakfast parlour to discover something moving slowly up the wall; on approaching near to examine what it was, i discovered a dead wasp, which the khidmutghar[5] (footman) had destroyed with his chowrie during breakfast, and which, falling on the floor, had become the prize of my little friends (a vast multitude), who were labouring with their tiny strength to convey it to their nest in the ceiling. the weight was either too great, or they had quarrelled over the burthen,--i know not which,--but the wasp fell to the ground when they had made more than half the journey of the wall; the courageous little creatures, however, were nothing daunted, they resumed their labour, and before evening their prize was safely housed. these ants are particularly fond of animal food. i once caught a tarantula; it was evening, and i wished to examine it by daylight. i placed it for this purpose in a recess of the wall, under a tumbler, leaving just breathing room. in the morning i went to examine my curiosity, when to my surprise it was dead and swarming with red ants, who had been its destroyers, and were busily engaged in making a feast on the (to them) huge carcass of the tarantula. these small creatures often prove a great annoyance by their nocturnal visits to the beds of individuals, unless the precaution be taken of having brass vessels, filled with water, to each of the bed-feet; the only method of effectually preventing their approach to the beds. i was once much annoyed by a visit from these bold insects, when reclining on a couch during the extreme heat of the day. i awoke by an uneasy sensation from their bite or sting about my ears and face, and found they had assembled by millions on my head; the bath was my immediate resource. the natives tell me these little pests will feed on the human body if they are not disturbed: when any one is sick there is always great anxiety to keep them away. the large black ant is also an enemy to man; its sharp pincers inflict wounds of no trifling consequence; it is much larger than the common fly, has long legs, is swift of foot, and feeds chiefly on animal substances. i fancy all the ant species are more or less carnivorous, but strictly epicurean in their choice of food, avoiding tainted or decomposed substances with the nicest discrimination. sweetmeats are alluring to them; there is also some difficulty in keeping them from jars of sugar or preserves; and when swallowed in food, are the cause of much personal inconvenience. i have often witnessed the hindoos, male and female, depositing small portions of sugar near ants' nests, as acts of charity to commence the day with;[6] and it is the common opinion with the natives generally, that wherever the red ants colonize prosperity attends the owners of that house. they destroy the white ants, though the difference in their size is as a grain of sand to a barley-corn; and on that account only may be viewed rather as friends than enemies to man, provided by the same divine source from whence all other benefits proceed. the locusts, so familiar by name to the readers of scripture, are here seen to advantage in their occasional visits. i had, however, been some years in india before i was gratified by the sight of these wonderful insects; not because of their rarity, as i had frequently heard of their appearance and ravages, but not immediately in the place where i was residing, until the year 1825, which the following memorandum made at the time will describe. on the third of july, between four and five o'clock in the afternoon, i observed a dusky brown cloud bordering the eastern horizon, at the distance of about four miles from my house, which stands on an elevated situation; the colour was so unusual that i resolved on inquiring from my oracle, meer hadjee shaah, to whom i generally applied for elucidations of the remarkable, what such an appearance portended. he informed me it was a flight of locusts. i had long felt anxious to witness those insects, that had been the food of st. john in the desert, and which are so familiar by name from their frequent mention in scripture; and now that i was about to be gratified, i am not ashamed to confess my heart bounded with delight, yet with an occasional feeling of sympathy for the poor people, whose property would probably become the prey of this devouring cloud of insects before the morning's dawn. long before they had time to advance, i was seated in an open space in the shade of my house to watch them more minutely. the first sound i could distinguish was as the gentlest breeze, increasing as the living cloud approached; and as they moved over my head, the sound was like the rustling of the wind through the foliage of many pepul-trees.[7] it was with a feeling of gratitude that i mentally thanked god at the time that they were a stingless body of insects, and that i could look on them without the slightest apprehension of injury. had this wondrous cloud of insects been the promised locust described in the apocalypse, which shall follow the fifth angel's trumpet; had they been hornets, wasps, or even the little venomous musquito, i had not then dared to retain my position to watch with eager eyes the progress of this insect family as they advanced, spreading for miles on every side with something approaching the sublime, and presenting a most imposing spectacle. so steady and orderly was their pace, having neither confusion nor disorder in their line of march through the air, that i could not help comparing them to the well-trained horses of the english cavalry.[8] 'who gave them this order in their flight?' was in my heart and on my tongue. i think the main body of this army of locusts must have occupied thirty minutes in passing over my head, but my attention was too deeply engrossed to afford me time to consult my time-piece. stragglers there were many, separated from the flight by the noises made by the servants and people to deter them from settling; some were caught, and, no doubt, converted into currie for a mussulmaun's meal. they say it is no common delicacy, and is ranked among the allowed animal food. the natives anticipate earthquakes after the visitation or appearance of locusts. they are said to generate in mountains, but i cannot find any one here able to give me an authentic account of their natural history. on the 18th of september, 1825, another flight of these wonderful insects passed over my house in exactly a contrary direction from those which appeared in july, viz. from the west towards the east. the idea struck me that they might be the same swarm, returning after fulfilling the object of their visit to the west: but i have no authority on which to ground my supposition. the natives have never made natural history even an amusement, much less a study, although their habits are purely those of nature; they know the property of most herbs, roots, and flowers, which they cultivate, not for their beauty, but for the benefit they render to man and beast.[9] i could not learn that the flight had rested anywhere near futtyghur, at which place i was then living. they are of all creatures the most destructive to vegetation, licking with their rough tongue the blades of grass, the leaves of trees, and green herbage of all kinds. wherever they settle for the night, vegetation is completely destroyed; and a day of mournful consequences is sure to follow their appearance in the poor farmer's fields of green com. but that which bears the most awful resemblance to the visitations of god's wrath on pharaoh and the egyptians, is, i think, the frightful storm of wind which brings thick darkness over the earth at noonday, and which often occurs from the tufaun or haundhie,[10] as it is called by the natives. its approach is first discerned by dark columns of yellow clouds, bordering the horizon; the alarm is instantly given by the natives, who hasten to put out the fires in the kitchens, and close the doors and windows in european houses, or with the natives to let down the purdahs. no sound that can be conceived by persons who have not witnessed this phenomenon of nature, is capable of conveying an idea of the tempest. in a few minutes total darkness is produced by the thick cloud of dust; and the tremendous rushing wind carries the fine sand, which produces the darkness, through every cranny and crevice to all parts of the house; so that in the best secured rooms every article of furniture is covered with sand, and the room filled as with a dense fog: the person, dresses, furniture, and the food (if at meal times), are all of one dusky colour; and though candles are lighted to lessen the horror of the darkness, they only tend to make the scene of confusion more visible. fortunately the tempest is not of very long continuance. i have never known it to last more than half an hour; yet in that time how much might have been destroyed of life and property, but for the interposing care of divine mercy, whose gracious providence over the works of his hand is seen in such seasons as these! the sound of thunder is hailed as a messenger of peace; the natives are then aware that the fury of the tempest is spent, as a few drops of rain indicate a speedy termination; and when it has subsided they run to see what damage has been done to the premises without. it often occurs, that trees are torn up by their roots, the thatched houses and huts unroofed, and, if due care has not been taken to quench the fires in time, huts and bungalows are frequently found burnt, by the sparks conveyed in the dense clouds of sand which pass with the rapidity of lightning. these tufauns occur generally in april, may, and june, before the commencement of the periodical rains. i shall never forget the awe i felt upon witnessing the first after my arrival, nor the gratitude which filled my heart when the light reappeared. the natives on such occasions gave me a bright example: they ceased not in the hour of peril to call on god for safety and protection; and when refreshed by the return of calm, they forgot not that their helper was the merciful being in whom they had trusted, and to whom they gave praise and thanksgiving. the rainy season is at first hailed with a delight not easily to be explained. the long continuance of the hot winds,--during which period (three months or more) the sky is of the colour of copper, without the shadow of a cloud to shield the earth from the fiery heat of the sun, which has, in that time, scorched the earth and its inhabitants, stunted vegetation, and even affected the very houses--renders the season when the clouds pour out their welcome moisture a period which is looked forward to with anxiety, and received with universal joy. the smell of the earth after the first shower is more dearly loved than the finest aromatics or the purest otta. vegetation revives and human nature exults in the favourable shower. as long as the novelty lasts, and the benefit is sensibly felt, all seem to rejoice; but when the intervals of clouds without rain occur, and send forth, as they separate, the bright glare untempered by a passing breeze, poor weak human nature is too apt to revolt against the season they cannot control, and sometimes a murmuring voice is heard to cry out, 'oh, when will the rainy season end!' the thunder and lightning during the rainy season are beyond my ability to describe. the loud peals of thunder roll for several minutes in succession, magnificently, awfully grand. the lightning is proportionably vivid, yet with fewer instances of conveying the electric fluid to houses than might be expected when the combustible nature of the roofs is considered; the chief of which are thatched with coarse dry grass. the casualties are by no means frequent; and although trees surround most of the dwellings, yet we seldom hear of any injury by lightning befalling them or their habitations. fiery meteors frequently fall; one within my recollection was a superb phenomenon, and was visible for several seconds. the shocks from earthquakes are frequently felt in the upper provinces of india;[11] i was sensible of the motion on one occasion (rather a severe one), for at least twenty seconds. the effect on me, however, was attended with no inconvenience beyond a sensation of giddiness, as if on board ship in a calm, when the vessel rolls from side to side. at kannoge, now little more than a village in population, between cawnpore and futtyghur, i have rambled amongst the ruins of what formerly was an immense city, but which was overturned by an earthquake some centuries past. at the present period numerous relics of antiquity, as coins, jewels, &c., are occasionally discovered, particularly after the rains, when the torrents break down fragments of the ruins, and carry with the streams of water the long-buried mementos of the riches of former generations to the profit of the researching villagers, and to the gratification of curious travellers, who generally prove willing purchasers.[12] i propose giving in another letter the remarks i was led to make on kannoge during my pleasant sojourn in that retired situation, as it possesses many singular antiquities and contains the ashes of many holy mussulmaun saints. the mussulmauns, i may here observe, reverence the memory of the good and the pious of all persuasions, but more particularly those of their own faith. i have sketches of the lives and actions of many of their sainted characters, received through the medium of my husband and his most amiable father, that are both amusing and instructive; and notwithstanding their particular faith be not in accordance with our own, it is only an act of justice to admit, that they were men who lived in the fear of god, and obeyed his commandments according to the instruction they had received; and which, i hope, may prove agreeable to my readers when they come to those pages i have set apart for such articles. my catalogue of the trying circumstances attached to the comforts which are to be met with in india are nearly brought to a close; but i must not omit mentioning one 'blessing in disguise' which occurs annually, and which affects natives and europeans indiscriminately, during the hot winds and the rainy season: the name of this common visitor is, by europeans, called 'the prickly heat'; by natives it is denominated 'gurhum dahnie'[13] (warm rash). it is a painful irritating rash, often spreading over the whole body, mostly prevailing, however, wherever the clothes screen the body from the power of the air; we rarely find it on the hands or face. i suppose it to be induced by excessive perspiration, more particularly as those persons who are deficient in this freedom of the pores, so essential to healthiness, are not liable to be distressed by the rash; but then they suffer more severely in their constitution by many other painful attacks of fever, &c. so greatly is this rash esteemed the harbinger of good health, that they say in india, 'the person so afflicted has received his life-lease for the year'; and wherever it does not make its appearance, a sort of apprehension is entertained of some latent illness. children suffer exceedingly from the irritation, which to scratch is dangerous. in native nurseries i have seen applications used of pounded sandal-wood, camphor, and rose-water; with the peasantry a cooling earth, called mooltanie mittee,[14] similar to our fuller's-earth, is moistened with water and plastered over the back and stomach, or wherever the rash mostly prevails; all this is but a temporary relief, for as soon as it is dry, the irritation and burning are as bad as ever. the best remedy i have met with, beyond patient endurance of the evil, is bathing in rain-water, which soothes the violent sensations, and eventually cools the body. those people who indulge most in the good things of this life are the greatest sufferers by this annual attack. the benefits attending temperance are sure to bring an ample reward to the possessors of that virtue under all circumstances, but in india more particularly; i have invariably observed the most abstemious people are the least subject to attacks from the prevailing complaints of the country, whether fever or cholera, and when attacked the most likely subjects to recover from those alarming disorders. at this moment of anxious solicitude throughout europe, when that awful malady, the cholera, is spreading from city to city with rapid strides, the observations i have been enabled to make by personal acquaintance with afflicted subjects in india, may be acceptable to my readers; although i heartily pray our heavenly father may in his goodness and mercy preserve our country from that awful calamity, which has been so generally fatal in other parts of the world. the natives of india designate cholera by the word 'hyza', which with them signifies 'the plague'. by this term, however, they do not mean that direful disorder so well known to us by the same appellation; as, if i except the mussulmaun pilgrims, who have seen, felt, and described its ravages on their journey to mecca, that complaint seems to be unknown to the present race of native inhabitants of hindoostaun. the word 'hyza', or 'plague', would be applied by them to all complaints of an epidemic or contagious nature by which the population were suddenly attacked, and death ensued. when the cholera first appeared in india (which i believe was in 1817), it was considered by the natives a new complaint.[15] in all cases of irritation of the stomach, disordered bowels, or severe feverish symptoms, the mussulmaun doctors strongly urge the adoption of 'starving out the complaint'. this has become a law of nature with all the sensible part of the community; and when the cholera first made its appearance in the upper provinces of hindoostaun, those natives who observed their prescribed temperance were, when attacked, most generally preserved from the fatal consequences of the disorder. on the very first symptom of cholera occurring in a member of a mussulmaun family, a small portion of zahur morah[16] (derived from zahur, poison; morah, to kill or destroy, and thence understood as an antidote to poison, some specimens of which i have brought with me to england) moistened with rosewater, is promptly administered, and, if necessary, repeated at short intervals; due care being taken to prevent the patient from receiving anything into the stomach, excepting rosewater, the older the more efficacious in its property to remove the malady. wherever zahur morah was not available, secun-gebeen[17] (syrup of vinegar) was administered with much the same effect. the person once attacked, although the symptoms should have subsided by this application, is rigidly deprived of nourishment for two or three days, and even longer if deemed expedient; occasionally allowing only a small quantity of rose-water, which they say effectually removes from the stomach and bowels those corrupt adhesions which, in their opinion, is the primary cause of the complaint. the cholera, i observed, seldom attacked abstemious people; when, however, this was the case, it generally followed a full meal; whether of rice or bread made but little difference, much i believe depending on the general habit of the subject; as among the peasantry and their superiors the complaint raged with equal malignity, wherever a second meal was resorted to whilst the person had reason to believe the former one had not been well digested. an instance of this occurred under my own immediate observation in a woman, the wife of an old and favourite servant. she had imprudently eaten a second dinner, before her stomach, by her own account, had digested the preceding meal. she was not a strong woman, but in tolerable good health; and but a few hours previous to the attack i saw her in excellent spirits, without the most remote appearance of indisposition. the usual applications failed of success, and she died in a few hours. this poor woman never could be persuaded to abstain from food at the stated period of meals; and the natives were disposed to conclude that this had been the actual cause of her sufferings and dissolution. in 1821 the cholera raged with even greater violence than on its first appearance in hindoostaun; by that time many remedies had been suggested, through the medium of the press, by the philanthropy and skill of european medical practitioners, the chief of whom recommended calomel in large doses, from twenty to thirty grains, and opium proportioned to the age and strength of the patient. i never found the natives, however, willing to accept this as a remedy, but i have heard that amongst europeans it was practised with success. from a paragraph which i read in the bengal papers, i prepared a mixture that i have reason to think, through the goodness of divine providence, was beneficial to many poor people who applied for it in the early stages of the complaint, and who followed the rule laid down of complete abstinence, until they were out of danger from a relapse, and even then for a long time to be cautious in the quantity and digestible quality of their daily meal. the mixture was as follows: brandy, one pint; oil or spirit of peppermint, if the former half an ounce--if the latter, one ounce; ground black pepper, two ounces; yellow rind of oranges grated, without any of the white, one ounce; these were kept closely stopped and occasionally shook, a table-spoonful administered for each dose, the patient well covered up from the air, and warmth created by blankets or any other means within their power, repeating the close as the case required. of the many individuals who were attacked with this severe malady in our house very few died, and those, it was believed, were victims to an imprudent determination to partake of food before they were convalescent,--individuals who never could be prevailed on to practise abstemious habits, which we had good reason for believing was the best preventive against the complaint during those sickly seasons. the general opinion entertained both by natives and europeans, at those awful periods, was, that the cholera was conveyed in the air; very few imagined that it was infectious, as it frequently attacked some members of a family and the rest escaped, although in close attendance--even such as failed not to pay the last duties to the deceased according to mussulmaun custom, which exposed them more immediately to danger if infection existed;--yet no fears were ever entertained, nor did i ever hear an opinion expressed amongst them, that it had been or could be conveyed from one person to another. native children generally escaped the attack, and i never heard of an infant being in the slightest degree visited by this malady. it is, however, expedient, to use such precautionary measures as sound sense and reason may suggest, since wherever the cholera has appeared, it has proved a national calamity, and not a partial scourge to a few individuals; all are alike in danger of its consequences, whether the disorder be considered infectious or not, and therefore the precautions i have urged in india, amongst the native communities, i recommend with all humility here, that cleanliness and abstemious diet be observed among all classes of people. in accordance with the prescribed antidote to infection from scarlet fever in england, i gave camphor (to be worn about the person) to the poor in my vicinity, and to all the natives over whom i had either influence or control; i caused the rooms to be frequently fumigated with vinegar or tobacco, and labaun[18] (frankincense) burnt occasionally. i would not, however, be so presumptuous to insinuate even that these were preventives to cholera, yet in such cases of universal terror as the one in question, there can be no impropriety in recommending measures which cannot injure, and may benefit, if only by giving a purer atmosphere to the room inhabited by individuals either in sickness or in health. but above all things, aware that human aid or skill can never effect a remedy unaided by the mercy and power of divine providence, let our trust be properly placed in his goodness, 'who giveth medicine to heal our sickness', and humbly intreat that he may be pleased to avert the awful calamity from our shores which threatens and disturbs europe generally at this moment. were we to consult nature rather than inordinate gratifications, we should find in following her dictates the best security to health at all times, but more particularly in seasons of prevailing sickness. upon the first indications of cholera, i have observed the stomach becomes irritable, the bowels are attacked by griping pains, and unnatural evacuations; then follow sensations of faintness, weakness, excessive thirst, the pulse becomes languid, the surface of the body cold and clammy, whilst the patient feels inward burning heat, with spasms in the legs and arms. in the practice of native doctors, i have noticed that they administer saffron to alleviate violent sickness with the best possible effect. a case came under my immediate observation, of a young female who had suffered from a severe illness similar in every way to the cholera; it was not, however, suspected to be that complaint, because it was not then prevailing at lucknow: after some days the symptoms subsided, excepting the irritation of her stomach, which, by her father's account, obstinately rejected everything offered for eleven days. when i saw her, she was apparently sinking under exhaustion; i immediately tendered the remedy recommended by my husband, viz. twelve grains of saffron, moistened with a little rose-water; and found with real joy that it proved efficacious; half the quantity in doses were twice repeated that night, and in the morning the patient was enabled to take a little gruel, and in a reasonable time entirely recovered her usual health and strength. i have heard of people being frightened into an attack of cholera by apprehending the evil: this, however, can only occur with very weak minds, and such as have neglected in prosperity to prepare their hearts for adversity. when i first reached india, the fear of snakes, which i expected to find in every path, embittered my existence. this weakness was effectually corrected by the wise admonitions of meer hadjee shaah, 'if you trust in god, he will preserve you from every evil; be assured the snake has no power to wound without permission.' [1] the _cantharis resicatoria_ is imported into india for use in blisters. but there is a local substitute, _mylabris_, of which there are several varieties (watt, _economic dictionary_, ii. 128, v. 309). [2] the reference is perhaps to what is known as the dehli boil, a form of oriental sore, like the biskra button, aleppo evil, lahore and multan sore (yule, _hobson-jobson_, 302); possibly only to hot-weather boils. [3] _chadar_. [4] for a good account of the ways of indian ants, see m. thornton, _haunts and hobbies of an indian official,_ 2 ff. [5] _khidmatgar_. [6] the habit of laying sugar near ants' nests is a piece of fertility magic, and common to jains and vishnu-worshippers; see j. fryor, _a new account of east india and persia_, hakluyt society ed., i, 278. [7] _pipal, ficus religiosa_. [8] an esteemed friend has since referred me to the second chapter of the prophet joel, part of the seventh and eighth verses, as a better comparison. [_author._] [9] the variety of locust seen in india is _acridium peregrinum_, which is said to range throughout the arid region from algeria to n.w. india. they have extended as far south as the kistna district of madras (watt, _economic dictionary_, vi, part i, 154). [10] _tufan_, storm, _andhi_, darkness. [11] earthquakes tend generally to be more frequent in the regions of extra-peninsular india, where the rocks have been more recently folded, than in the more stable peninsula. serious earthquakes have occurred recently in assam, june, 1897, and in kangra, panjab, april, 1907. (_imperial gazetteer of india_, 1907, i. 98 f.) [12] kanauj, in the farrukhabad district, united provinces of agra and oudh. the ruin of the great city was due to attacks by mahmud of ghazni, a.d. 1019, and by shihab-ud-din, muhammad ghori, in 1194. [13] _garm dahani_, hot inflammation, prickly heat. [14] _multani mitti_, 'multan earth', a soft, drab-coloured saponaceous earth, like fuller's earth, used in medicine and for cleansing the hair. [15] cholera (_haiza_) was known to the hindus long before the arrival of the portuguese, who first described it (yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 586 ff.). the attention of english physicians was first seriously called to it in 1817, when it broke out in the jessore district of bengal, and in the camp of marquess hastings in the datiya state, central india. (see sleeman, _rambles_, 163, 232.) [16] _zahr-mohra_, 'poison vanguard': the bezoar stone, believed to be an antidote to poison (yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 90 f.). [17] _sikanjabin_, oxymel, vinegar, lime-juice, or other acid, mixed with sugar or honey. [18] _loban_. letter xix kannoge.--formerly the capital of hindoostaun.--ancient castle.--durability of the bricks made by the aborigines.--prospect from the killaah (castle).--ruins.--treasures found therein.--the durgah baallee peer kee.--mukhburrahs.--ancient mosque.--singular structure of some stone pillars.--the durgah mukdoom jhaunneer.--conversions to the mussulmaun faith.--anecdote.--ignorance of the hindoos.--sculpture of the ancients.--mosque inhabited by thieves.--discovery of nitre.--method of extracting it.--conjectures of its produce.--residence in the castle.--reflections. kannoge, now comparatively a native village, situated about midway between cawnpore and futtyghur, is said to have been the capital of hindoostaun, and according to hindoo tradition was the seat of the reigning rajahs two thousand years prior to the invasion of india by the sultaun timoor. if credit be given to current report, the hindoos deny that the deluge extended to india[1] as confidently as the chinese declare that it never reached china. these accounts i merely state as the belief of the hindoos, and those the least educated persons of the population. the mussulmauns, however, are of a different opinion; the account they give of the deluge resembles the jewish, and doubtless the information mahumud has conveyed to his followers was derived from that source. some of the people are weak enough to conjecture that kannoge was founded by cain.[2] it bears, however, striking features of great antiquity, and possesses many sufficient evidences of its former extent and splendour to warrant the belief that it has been the capital of no mean kingdom in ages past. the remarks i was enabled to make during a residence of two years at kannoge may not be deemed altogether uninteresting to my readers, although my descriptions may be 'clouded with imperfections'. i will not, therefore, offer any useless apologies for introducing them in my present letter. kannoge, known as the oldest capital of the far-famed kingdom of hindoostaun, is now a heap upon heap of ruins, proclaiming to the present generation, even in her humility, how vast in extent and magnificent in style she once was, when inhabited by the rulers of that great empire. the earth entombs emblems of greatness, of riches, and of man's vain-glorious possessions; buildings have been reared by successive generations on mounds which embowelled the ruined mansions of predecessors. the killaah[3] (castle) in which during two years we shared an abode with sundry crows, bats, scorpions, centipedes, and other living things, was rebuilt about seven hundred years ago, on the original foundation which, as tradition states, has continued for more than two thousand years. the materials of which the walls are constructed are chiefly bricks. it is worthy of remark, that the bricks of ancient manufacture in india give evidence of remarkable durability, and are very similar in quality to the roman bricks occasionally discovered in england. at delhi i have met with bricks that have been undoubtedly standing six or seven centuries; and at kannoge, if tradition speak true, the same articles which were manufactured upwards of two thousand years ago, and which retain the colour of the brightest red, resemble more the hardest stone than the things we call bricks of the present day. after the minutest examination of these relics of ancient labour, i am disposed to think that the clay must have been more closely kneaded, and the bricks longer exposed to the action of fire than they are by the present mode of manufacturing them; and such is their durability, that they are only broken with the greatest difficulty. the killaah was originally a fortified castle, and is situated near the river kaullee nuddie,[4] a branch or arm of the ganges, the main stream of which flows about two miles distant. during the periodical rains, the ganges overflows its banks, and inundates the whole tract of land intervening between the two rivers, forming an extent of water more resembling a sea than a river. at the time we occupied the old castle, scarcely one room could be called habitable; and i learned with regret after the rains of 1826 and 1827, which were unusually heavy, that the apartments occupied since the honourable east india company's rule by their taasseel-dhaars,[5] (sub-collectors of the revenue), were rendered entirely useless as a residence. the comfortless interior of that well-remembered place was more than compensated by the situation. many of my english acquaintance, who honoured me by visits at kannoge, will, i think, agree with me, that the prospect from the killaah was indescribably grand. the ganges and the kaullee nuddee were presented at one view; and at certain seasons of the year, as far as the eye could reach, their banks, and well-cultivated fields, clothed in a variety of green, seemed to recall the mind to the rivers of england, and their precious borders of grateful herbage. turning in another direction, the eye was met by an impenetrable boundary of forest trees, magnificent in growth, and rich in foliage; at another glance, ruins of antiquity, or the still remaining tributes to saints; the detached villages; the sugar plantations; the agriculturists at their labour; the happy peasantry laden with their purchases from the bazaars; the hindoo women and children, bearing their earthen-vessels to and from the river for supplies of water:--each in their turn formed objects of attraction from without, that more than repaid the absence of ordinary comforts in the apartment from which they were viewed. the quiet calm of this habitation, unbroken by the tumultuous sounds of a city, was so congenial to my taste, that when obliged to quit it, i felt almost as much regret as when i heard that the rains had destroyed the place which had been to me a home of peaceful enjoyment. the city of kannoge has evidently suffered the severities of a shock from an earthquake: the present inhabitants cannot tell at what period this occurred, but it must have been some centuries since, for the earth is grown over immense ruins, in an extensive circuit, forming a strong but coarse carpet of grass on the uneven mounds containing the long-buried mansions of the great. the rapid streams from the periodical rains forcing passages between the ruins, has in many places formed deep and frightful ravines, as well as rugged roads and pathways for the cattle and the traveller. after each heavy fall of rain, the peasantry and children are observed minutely searching among the ruins for valuables washed out with the loose earth and bricks by the force of the streams, and, i am told, with successful returns for their toil; jewels, gold and silver ornaments, coins of gold and silver, all of great antiquity, are thus secured; these are bought by certain merchants of the city, by whom they are retailed to english travellers, who generally when on a river voyage to or from the upper provinces, contrive, if possible, to visit kannoge to inspect the ruins, and purchase curiosities. there is a stately range of buildings at no great distance from the killaah (castle), in a tolerable state of preservation, called 'baallee peer kee durgah'.[6] the entrance is by a stone gateway of very superior but ancient workmanship, and the gates of massy wood studded with iron. i observed that on the wood framework over the entrance, many a stray horseshoe has been nailed, which served to remind me of wales, where it is so commonly seen on the doors of the peasantry.[7] i am not aware but that the same motives may have influenced the two people in common. to the right of the entrance stands a large mosque, which, i am told, was built by baallee himself; who, it is related, was a remarkably pious man of the mussulmaun persuasion, and had acquired so great celebrity amongst his countrymen as a perfect durweish, as to be surnamed peer[8] (saint). the exact time when he flourished at kannoge, i am unable to say; but judging from the style of architecture, and other concurring circumstances, it must have been built at different periods, some parts being evidently of very ancient structure. there are two mukhburrahs,[9] within the range, which viewed from the main road, stand in a prominent situation: one of these mukhburrahs was built by command, or in the reign (i could not learn which), of shah allumgeer [10] over the remains of ballee peer; and the second contains some of the peer's immediate relatives. from the expensive manner in which these buildings are constructed, some idea may be formed of the estimation this pious man was held in by his countrymen. the mausoleums are of stone, and elevated on a base of the same material, with broad flights of steps to ascend by. the stone must have been brought hither from a great distance, as i do not find there is a single quarry nearer than delhi or agra. there are people in charge of this durgah who voluntarily exile themselves from the society of the world, in order to lead lives of strict devotion and under the imagined presiding influence of the saint's pure spirit; they keep the sanctuary from pollution, burn lamps nightly on the tomb, and subsist by the occasional contributions of the charitable visitors and their neighbours. within the boundary of the durgah, i remarked a very neat stone tomb, in good preservation: this, i was told, was the burying-place of the kalipha [11] (head servant) who had attended on and survived baallee peer; this man had saved money in the service of the saint, which he left to be devoted to the repairs of the durgah; premising that his tomb should be erected near that of his sainted master, and lamps burned every night over the graves, which is faithfully performed by the people in charge of the durgah. after visiting the ruins of hindoo temples, which skirt the borders of the river in many parts of the district of kannoge, the eye turns with satisfaction to the ancient mosques of the mussulmauns, which convey conviction to the mind, that even in the remote ages of hindoostaun, there have been men who worshipped god; whilst the piles of mutilated stone idols also declare the zealous mussulmaun to have been jealous for his creator's glory. i have noticed about kannoge hundreds of these broken or defaced images collected together in heaps (generally under trees), which were formerly the objects to which the superstitious hindoos bowed in worship, until the more intelligent mussulmauns strayed into the recesses of the deepest darkness to show the idolaters that god could not be represented by a block of stone. in a retired part of kannoge, i was induced to visit the remains of an immense building[12], expecting the gratification of a fine prospect from its towering elevation; my surprise, however, on entering the portal drove from my thoughts the first object of my visit. the whole building is on a large scale, and is, together with the gateway, steps, roof, pillars, and offices, composed entirely of stone: from what i had previously conceived of the ancient jewish temples, this erection struck me as bearing a strong resemblance. it appears that there is not the slightest portion of either wood or metal used in the whole construction; and, except where some sort of cement was indispensable, not a trace of mortar is to be discovered in the whole fabric. the pillars of the colonnade, which form three sides of the square, are singular piles of stone, erected with great exactness in the following order:-a broad block of stone forms the base; on the centre is raised a pillar of six feet by two square, on this rests a circular stone, resembling a grindstone, on which is placed another upright pillar, and again a circular, until five of each are made to rest on the base to form a pillar; the top circulars or caps are much larger than the rest; and on these the massy stone beams for the roof are supported. how these ponderous stones forming the whole roof were raised, unacquainted as these people ever have been with machinery, is indeed a mystery sufficient to impress on the weak-minded a current report amongst the natives, that the whole building was erected in one night by supernatural agency, from materials which had formerly been used in the construction of a hindoo temple, but destroyed by the zeal of the mussulmauns soon after their invasion of hindoostaun. the pillars i examined narrowly, and could not find any traces of cement or fastening; yet, excepting two or three which exhibit a slight curve, the whole colonnade is in a perfect state. the hall, including the colonnade, measures one hundred and eighty feel by thirty, and has doubtless been, at some time or other, a place of worship, in all probability for the mussulmauns, there being still within the edifice a sort of pulpit of stone evidently intended for the reader, both from its situation and construction; this has sustained many rude efforts from the chisel in the way of ornament not strictly in accordance with the temple itself; besides which, there are certain tablets engraved in the persian and arabic character, which contain verses or chapters from the khoraun; so that it may be concluded, whatever was the original design of the building, it has in later periods served the purposes of a mosque. in some parts of this building traces exist to prove that the materials of which it has been formed originally belonged to the hindoos, for upon many of the stones there are carved figures according with their mythology; such stones, however, have been placed generally upside down, and attempts to deface the graven figures are conspicuous,--they are all turned inside, whilst the exterior appearance is rough and uneven. it may be presumed they were formerly outward ornaments to a temple of some sort, most likely a 'bootkhanah'[13] (the house for idols). i have visited the durgah, called mukhdoom jhaaunneer[14], situated in the heart of the present city, which is said to have been erected nearly a thousand years ago, by the order of a mussulmaun king; whether of hindoostaun or not, i could not learn. it bears in its present dilapidated state, evidences both of good taste and superior skill in architecture, as well as of costliness in the erection, superior to any thing i expected to find amongst the ancient edifices of hindoostaun. the antique arches supporting the roof, rest on pillars of a good size; the whole are beautifully carved. the dome, which was originally in the centre of this pavilion, has been nearly destroyed by time; and although the light thus thrown into the interior through the aperture, has a good effect, it pained me to see this noble edifice falling to decay for the want of timely repairs. notwithstanding this durgah is said to have been built so many years, the stone-work, both of the interior and exterior, is remarkably fresh in appearance, and would almost discredit its reputed age. the walls and bastions of the enclosure appear firm on their foundations; the upper part only seems at all decayed. the side rooms to the durgah, of which there are several on each side of the building, have all a fretwork of stone very curiously cut, which serves for windows, and admits light and air to the apartments, and presents a good screen to persons within; this it should seem was the only contrivance for windows in general use by the ancient inhabitants of hindoostaun; and even at the present day (excepting a few native gentlemen who have benefited by english example), glazed windows are not seen in any of the mansions in the upper provinces of india. i noticed that in a few places in these buildings, where the prospect is particularly fine, small arches were left open, from whence the eye is directed to grand and superb scenery, afforded by the surrounding country, and the remains of stately buildings. from one of these arches the killaah is seen to great advantage, at the distance of two miles: both the durgah and the killaah are erected on high points of land. i have often, whilst wandering outside the killaah, looked up at the elevation with sensations of mistrust, that whilst doing so it might, from its known insecure state, fall and bury me in its ruins; but viewing it from that distance, and on a level with the durgah, the appearance was really gratifying. at kannoge are to be seen many mukhburrahs, said to have been erected over the remains of those hindoos who at different periods had been converted to the mussulmaun faith. this city, i am informed, has been the chosen spot of righteous men and sainted characters during all periods of the mussulmaun rule in hindoostaun, by whose example many idolators were brought to have respect for the name of god, and in some instances even to embrace the mahumudan faith. amongst the many accounts of remarkable conversions related to me by the old inhabitants of that city, i shall select one which, however marvellous in some points, is nevertheless received with full credit by the faithful of the present day:-'a very pious syaad took up his residence many hundred years since at kannoge, when the chief part of the inhabitants were hindoos, and, as might be expected, many of them were brahmins. he saw with grief the state of darkness with which the minds of so many human beings were imbued, and without exercising any sort of authority over them, he endeavoured by the mildest persuasions to convince these people that the adoration they paid to graven images, and the views they entertained of the river ganges possessing divine properties, were both absurd and wicked. 'the syaad used his best arguments to explain to them the power and attributes of the only true god; and though his labours were unceasing, and his exemplary life made him beloved, yet for a long period all his endeavours proved unsuccessful. his advice, however, was at all times tendered with mildness, his manners so humble, and his devotion so remarkable, that in the course of time the people flocked around him, whenever he was visible, to listen to his discourse, which generally contained some words of well-timed exhortation and kind instruction. his great aim was directed towards enlightening the brahmins, by whom, he was aware, the opinions of the whole population were influenced, and to whom alone was confined such knowledge as at that remote period was conveyed by education. 'ardently zealous in the great work he had commenced, the syaad seemed undaunted by the many obstacles he had to contend with. always retaining his temper unruffled, he combined perseverance with his solicitude, and trusted in god for a happy result in his good time. on an occasion of a great hindoo festival the population of the then immense city were preparing to visit the ganges, where they expected to be purified from their sins by ablution in that holy river, as they term it. the ganges, at that period, i understand, flowed some miles distant from the city. 'the syaad took this occasion to exhort the multitude to believe in god; and after a preliminary discourse, explaining the power of him whom he alone worshipped, he asked the people if they would be persuaded to follow the only true god, if his power should be demonstrated to them by the appearance of the river they adored flowing past the city of kannoge, instead of, as at that moment, many miles distant. some of his auditory laughed at the idea, and derided the speaker; others doubted, and asked whether the god whom the mussulmauns worshipped possessed such power as the syaad had attributed to him; many brahmins, however, agreed to the terms proposed, solemnly assuring the holy man he should find them converts to his faith if this miracle should be effected by the god he worshipped. 'it is related that the syaad passed the whole day and night in devout prayers; and when the morning dawned the idolators saw the river ganges flowing past the city in all the majesty of that mighty stream.[15] the brahmins were at once convinced, and this evidence of god's power worked the way to the conversion of nearly the whole population of kannoge.' the number of the inhabitants may be supposed to have been immensely great at the period in question, as it is related that on the occasion of their conversion the brahmins threw away the cords which distinguish them from other castes of hindoos, (each cord weighing about a drachm english), which when collected together to be consigned to the flames, were weighed, and found to be upwards of forty-five seers; a seer in that province being nearly equal to two pounds english.[16] the brahmins, it will be recollected, form but a small portion of that community, and are the priesthood of the hindoos, very similar in their order to the levites among the children of israel. there are still remaining traces of monuments erected over the remains of converted hindoos, which have been particularly pointed out to me by intelligent men, from whom i have received information of that great work which alone would render kannoge a place of interest without another object to attract the observation of a reflecting mind. notwithstanding that the ganges continues to water the banks of kannoge, and that other proofs exist of idolatry having ceased for a considerable time to disgrace the inhabitants, it is still partially occupied by hindoos, who retain the custom of their forefathers according to the original, whether descendants of the converted, or fresh settlers is not in my power to determine; but i may remark, without prejudice, from what i have been enabled to glean in conversation with a few hindoos of this city, that they have a better idea of one over-ruling supreme power than i have ever been able to find elsewhere in the same class of people. i was much interested with an old blacksmith, who was employed at the killaah. on one occasion i asked him what views he entertained of the source from whence all good proceeds--whether he believed in god? he replied promptly, and as if surprised that such a doubt could exist, 'yes, surely; it is to allah (god) the supreme, i am indebted for my existence; allah created all things, the world and all that is in it: i could not have been here at this moment, but for the goodness of allah!' there are amongst them men of good moral character, yet in a state of deplorable ignorance, a specimen of which may be here noticed in a person of property employed in the service of government, at the killaah; he is of the caste denominated burghutt[17],--one of the tribe which professes so great reverence for life, as to hold it sinful to destroy the meanest reptile or insect; and, therefore, entirely abstain from eating either fish, flesh, or fowl:--yet, when i pressed for his undisguised opinion, i found that he not only denied the existence of god, but declared it was his belief the world formed itself. i was induced to walk three miles from the killaah, on a cool day in december, to view the remains of a piece of sculpture of great antiquity. i confess myself but little acquainted with hindoo mythology, and therefore my description will necessarily be imperfect. the figure of luchmee is represented in relief, on a slab of stone eight feet by four, surrounded by about a hundred figures in different attitudes. luchmee, who is of course the most prominent, is figured with eight arms; in his right hands, are sabres, in his left, shields; his left foot upon the hand of a female, and the right on a snake.[18] this figure is about four feet high, and finely formed, standing in a martial attitude; his dress (unlike that of the modern hindoo) is represented very tight, and, altogether, struck me as more resembling the european than the asiatic: on his head i remarked a high-crowned military cap without a peak: the feet were bare. there can be no doubt this figure is emblematical; the hindoos, however, make it an object of their impure and degrading worship. i could not help expressing my surprise on finding this idol in such excellent condition, having had so many samples throughout kannoge of the vengeance exercised by mussulmaun zeal, on the idols of the hindoos. my guide assured me, that this relic of antiquity had only been spared from the general destruction of by-gone periods by its having been buried, through the supposed influence of unconverted venerating brahmins; but that within the last thirty years it had been discovered and dug out of the earth, to become once more an ornament to the place. my own ideas lead me to suppose that it might have been buried by the same convulsion of the earth which overturned the idolatrous city. i observed that a very neat little building, of modern date, was erected over this antiquity, and on inquiry found that the hindoos were indebted to the liberality of a lady for the means of preserving this relic from the ravages of the seasons. there is in the same vicinity a second piece of mythological sculpture, in a less perfect state than luchmee, the sabred arm of which has been struck off, and the figure otherwise mutilated by the zealous mussulmauns, who have invariably defaced or broken the idols wherever they have been able to do so with impunity. on a platform of stone and earth, near this place, a finely-formed head of stone is placed, which my guide gravely assured me was of very ancient date, and represented adam, the father of men! i heard with pain during my sojourn at kannoge, that the house of god had been made the resort of thieves; a well-known passage of scripture struck me forcibly when the transaction was related. i have before stated that the mosque is never allowed to be locked or closed to the public. beneath the one i am about to speak of (a very ancient building near to baallee peer's durgah), is a vaulted suite of rooms denominated taarkhanah[19], intended as a retreat from the intense heat of the day; such as is to be met with in most great men's residences in india. in this place, a gang of thieves from the city had long found a secure and unsuspected spot wherein to deposit their plunder. it happened, however, that very strict search was instituted after some stolen property belonging to an individual of kannoge; whether any suspicions had been excited about the place in question, i do not recollect, but thither the police directed their steps, and after removing some loose earth they discovered many valuable articles,--shawls, gold ornaments, sabres, and other costly articles of plunder. it is presumed,--for the thieves were not known or discovered,--that they could not possibly be mussulmauns, since the very worst characters among this people hold the house of god in such strict veneration, that they, of all persons, could not be suspected of having selected so sacred a place to deposit the spoils of the plunderer. the process of obtaining nitre from the earth is practised at kannoge by the natives in the most simple way imaginable, without any assistance from art. they discover the spot where nitre is deposited by the small white particles which work through the strata of earth to the surface. when a vein is discovered, to separate the nitre from the earth, the following simple method is resorted to:--large troughs filled with water are prepared, into which the masses of earth containing nitre are thrown; the earth is allowed to remain undisturbed for some time, after which it is well stirred, and then allowed to settle; the water by this means becomes impregnated with the nitre, and is afterwards boiled in large iron pans, from which all the dirt is carefully skimmed, until the water is completely evaporated, and the nitre deposited in the pans. i know not how far the admixture of animal bodies with the soil may tend to produce this article, but it is a fact, that those places which bear the strongest proofs of having received the bodies of both men and beasts, produce it in the greatest abundance.[20] the retirement of kannoge afforded me so many pleasant ways of occupying time, that i always look back to the period of my sojourn at the old killaah with satisfaction. the city is sufficiently distant from the killaah to leave the latter within reach of supplies, without the annoyance of the bustle and confusion inseparable from a native city. in my daily wanderings a few peasantry only crossed my path; the farmers and citizens were always attentive, and willing to do us such kind offices as we at any time required. they respected, i may say venerated my husband; and i must own that my feelings oblige me to remember with gratitude the place and the people whence i drew so many benefits. here i could indulge in long walks without incurring the penalty of a departure from established custom, which in most well-populated parts of hindoostaun restrains european ladies from the exercise so congenial to their health and cherished habits. should any english-woman venture to walk abroad in the city of lucknow, for instance,--to express their most liberal opinion of the act,--she would be judged by the natives as a person careless of the world's opinion. but here i was under no such constraint; my walks were daily recreations after hours of quiet study in the most romantic retirement of a ruined killaah, where, if luxury consists in perfect satisfaction with the objects by which we are surrounded, i may boast that it was found here during my two years' residence. [1] this is incorrect. hindu traditions refer to a deluge, in which manu, with the help of a fish, makes a ship, and fastening her cable to the fish's horn, is guided to the mountain, and then he, alone of human beings, is saved.--j. muir, _original sanskrit texts_, part ii (1860), p. 324. [2] this is merely a stupid folk etymology, comparing kanauj with cain. [3] _qil'a_. [4] kali nadi, 'black stream', a corruption of the original name, kalindi. [5] _tahsildar_. [6] in the southern centre of the ruined citadel stand the tombs of bala pir and his son, shaikh mahdi. shaikh kabir, commonly called bala pir, is said to have been the tutor of the brother nawabs, dalel and bahadur khan. the former ruled kanauj in the time of shah jahan (a.d. 1628-1651), and died after his deposition in 1666.--a. führer, _monumental antiquities and inscriptions of the n.w. provinces and oudh_, 1891, p. 80. [7] horseshoes are often nailed on the gates of the tombs of musalman saints, as at the mosque of fatehpur sikri. [8] _pir_, 'a saint, a holy man'. [9] _maqbara_, 'a sepulchre'. [10] the emperor aurangzeb, a.d. 1658-1707. [11] khalifah, caliph, one of the terms which have suffered degradation, often applied to cooks, tailors, barbers, or other musalman servants. [12] this may be the building known as sita ki rasoi, the kitchen of sita, heroine of the ramayana epic. it is described and drawn by mrs. f. parks (_wanderings of a pilgrim_, ii. 143). [13] butkhana. [14] the tomb of the saint sa'id shaikh makhdum jahaniya jahangasht of multan (a.d. 1308-81). führer, _op. cit._, p. 81. [15] many saints are credited with the power of changing the courses of rivers: see instances in w. crooke, _popular religion and folklore of n. india_, 2nd ed., ii. 218. [16] this may be a variant of the story that after the capture of chitor, akbar weighed 74-1/2 _man_ (8 lbs. each) of cords belonging to the slain rajputs.--j. tod, _annals of rajasthan_, 1884, i. 349. [17] the name has not been traced. the reference is to jains, who are specially careful of animal life. [18] if this is a male figure it cannot represent the goddess lakshmi. mrs. parks (_wanderings of a pilgrim_, ii. 144) speaks of images of rama and his brother lakshmana, one of which may possibly be that referred to in the text. [19] _tahkhana_, an underground cellar. [20] this account is fairly correct. 'although active saltpetre is met with under a variety of conditions, they all agree in this particular, that the salt is formed under the influence of organic matter.'--(g. watt, _economic dictionary_, vi, part ii, 431 _ff_). letter xx delhi.--description of the city.--marble hall--the queen's mahul (palace).--audience with the king and queen.--conversation with them.--character of their majesties.--visit to a muckburrah.--soobadhaars.--the nature of the office.--durgah of shah nizaam ood deen.--tomb of shah allum.--ruins in the vicinity of delhi. --antique pillars (kootub) .--prospect from its galleries.--anecdotes of juangheer and khareem zund...page 289 my visit to delhi, once the great capital of hindoostaun, and the residence of the great sultauns, has made impressions of a lasting kind, and presented a moral lesson to my mind, i should be sorry to forget in after years; for there i witnessed the tombs of righteous men in perfect repair after the lapse of many centuries, standing in the midst of the mouldering relics of kings, princes, and nobles, many of whose careers, we learn from history, was comparatively of recent date; yet, excepting in one solitary instance of shah allum's grave, without so much of order remaining as would tell to the passing traveller the rank of each individual's mausoleum, now either entirely a ruin or fast mouldering to decay. the original city of delhi presents to view one vast extent of ruins; abounding in mementos of departed worth, as well as in wrecks of greatness, ingenuity, and magnificence. why the present city was erected or the former one deserted, i cannot venture an opinion, neither can i remember correctly in what reign the royal residence was changed; but judging from the remnants of the old, i should imagine it to have been equally extensive with the modern delhi. a part of the old palace is still standing, whither the present king, akbaar shah,[1] occasionally resorts for days together, attracted perhaps by sympathy for his ancestors, or by that desire for change inherent in human nature, and often deemed essential to health in the climate of hindoostaun. the city of delhi is enclosed by a wall; the houses, which are generally of brick or red stone, appear to good advantage, being generally elevated a story or two from the ground-floor, and more regularly constructed than is usual in native cities. mosques, mukhburrahs, and emaum-baarahs, in all directions, diversify the scene with good effect; whilst the various shops and bazaars, together with the outpourings of the population to and from the markets, give an animation to the whole view which would not be complete without them. the palace occupies an immense space of ground, enclosed by high walls, and entered by a gateway of grand architecture. on either side the entrance i noticed lines of compact buildings, occupied by the military, reaching to the second gateway, which is but little inferior in style and strength to the grand entrance; and here again appear long lines of buildings similarly occupied. i passed through several of these formidable barriers before i reached the marble hall, where the king holds his durbar (court) at stated times; but as mine was a mere unceremonious visit to the king and queen, it was not at the usual hour of durbar, and i passed through the hall without making any particular observations, although i could perceive it was not deficient in the costliness and splendour suited to the former greatness of the indian empire. after being conveyed through several splendid apartments, i was conducted to the queen's mahul[2] (palace for females), where his majesty and the queen were awaiting my arrival. i found on my entrance the king seated in the open air in an arm chair enjoying his hookha; the queen's musnud was on the ground, close by the side of her venerable husband. being accustomed to native society, i knew how to render the respect due from an humble individual to personages of their exalted rank. after having left my shoes at the entrance and advanced towards them, my salaams were tendered, and then the usual offering of nuzzas, first to the king and then to the queen, who invited me to a seat on her own carpet,--an honour i knew how to appreciate from my acquaintance with the etiquette observed on such occasions. the whole period of my visit was occupied in very interesting conversation; eager inquiries were made respecting england, the government, the manners of the court, the habits of the people, my own family affairs, my husband's views in travelling, and his adventures in england, my own satisfaction as regarded climate, and the people with whom i was so immediately connected by marriage;--the conversation, indeed, never flagged an instant, for the condescending courtesy of their majesties encouraged me to add to their entertainment, by details which seemed to interest and delight them greatly. on taking leave his majesty very cordially shook me by the hand, and the queen embraced me with warmth. both appeared, and expressed themselves, highly gratified with the visit of an english lady who could explain herself in their language without embarrassment, or the assistance of an interpreter, and who was the more interesting to them from the circumstance of being the wife of a syaad; the queen indeed was particular in reminding me that 'the syaads were in a religious point of view, the nobles of the mussulmauns, and reverenced as such far more than those titled characters who receive their distinction from their fellow-mortals'. i was grieved to be obliged to accept the queen's parting present of an embroidered scarf, because i knew her means were exceedingly limited compared with the demands upon her bounty; but i could not refuse that which was intended to do me honour at the risk of wounding those feelings i so greatly respected. a small ring, of trifling value, was then placed by the queen on my finger, as she remarked, 'to remind me of the giver.' the king's countenance, dignified by age, possesses traces of extreme beauty; he is much fairer than asiatics usually are; his features are still fine, his hair silvery white; intelligence beams upon his brow, his conversation gentle and refined, and his condescending manners hardly to be surpassed by the most refined gentleman of europe. i am told by those who have been long intimate with his habits in private, that he leads a life of strict piety and temperance, equal to that of a durweish[3] of his faith, whom he imitates in expending his income on others without indulging in a single luxury himself. the queen's manners are very amiable and condescending; she is reported to be as highly gifted with intellectual endowments as i can affirm she is with genuine politeness. i was induced to visit the mukhburrah of the great-great-grandfather of the present king of oude,[4] who, at his death,--which occurred at delhi, i believe,--was one of the soobadhaars[5] of the sovereign ruler of india. this nobleman, in his time, had been a staunch adherent to the descendants of timoor, and had been rewarded for his fidelity by public honours and the private friendship of the king. the monument erected over his remains, is in a costly style of magnificence, and in the best possible condition, standing in the centre of a flower-garden which is enclosed by a stone wall, with a grand gateway of good architecture. the mukhburrah is spacious, and in the usual mussulmaun style of building mausoleums; viz., a square, with a dome, and is ascended by a flight of broad steps. this building stands about three miles from the city, in a good situation to be seen from the road. i was told that the family of oude kept readers of the khoraun in constant attendance at the mukhburrah; and i observed several soldiers, whose duty it was to guard the sacred spot, at the expense of the oude government. in explanation of the word soobadhaar, it may not be uninteresting to remark in this place, that when the government of hindoostaun flourished under the descendants of timoor, soobadhaars were appointed over districts, whose duty, in some respects, bore resemblance to that of a governor; with this difference, that the soobadhaaries were gifts, not only for the life of the individuals, but to their posterity for ever, under certain restrictions and stipulations which made them tributary to, and retained them as dependants of, the reigning sovereign:--as for instance, a certain annual amount was to be punctually transferred to the treasury at delhi; the province to be governed by the same laws, and the subjects to be under the same control in each soobadhaarie as those of the parent sovereignty; the revenue exacted in the very same way,; each soobadhaar was bound to retain in his employ a given number of soldiers, horse and foot, fully equipped for the field, with perfect liberty to employ them as occasion served in the territory which he governed, whether against refractory subjects, or encroachments from neighbouring provinces; but in any emergency from the court at delhi, the forces to be, at all times, in readiness for the sultaun's service at a moment's notice. the gift of a soobadhaarie was originally conferred on men who had distinguished themselves, either in the army, or in civil capacities, as faithful friends and servants of the sultaun. in the course of time, some of these soobadhaars, probably from just causes, threw off their strict allegiance to their sovereign, abandoned the title of soobadhaar, and adopted that of nuwaub in its stead, either with or without the consent of the court of delhi. as it is not my intention to give a precise history of the indian empire, but merely to touch on generalities, i have confined my remarks to a brief explanation of the nature of this office; and will only add, that whilst the soobadhaars (afterwards the nuwaubs) of oude swayed over that beautiful province under these titles, they continued to send their usual nuzzas to the king of delhi, although no longer considered under his dominion; thus acknowledging his superiority, because inferiors only present nuzzas. but when ghauzee ood deen hyder was created king of oude, he could no longer be considered tributary to the house of timoor, and the annual ceremony of sending a nuzza, i understood, was discontinued. the first king of oude issued coins from his new mint almost immediately after his coronation, prior to which period the current money of that province bore the stamp of delhi.[6] shah nizaam ood deen[7] was one of the many mussulmaun saints, whose history has interested me much. he is said to have been dead about five hundred years, yet his memory is cherished by the mussulmauns of the present day with veneration unabated by the lapse of years, thus giving to the world a moral and a religious lesson, 'the great and the ambitious perish, and their glory dieth with them; but the righteous have a name amongst their posterity for ever.' i was familiar with the character of nizaam ood deen long prior to my visit at the court of delhi, and, as maybe supposed, it was with no common feeling of pleasure i embraced the opportunity of visiting the mausoleum erected over the remains of that righteous man. the building originally was composed of the hard red stone, common to the neighbourhood of delhi, with an occasional mixture of red bricks of a very superior quality; but considerable additions and ornamental improvements of pure white marble have been added to the edifice, from time to time, by different monarchs and nobles of hindoostaun, whose pious respect for the memory of the righteous shah nizaam ood deen is testified by these additions, which render the mausoleum at the present time as fresh and orderly as if but newly erected. the style of the building is on the original, i might say, only plan of mussulmaun mukhburrahs--square, with a cupola. it is a beautiful structure on a scale of moderate size. the pavements are of marble, as are also the pillars, which are fluted and inlaid with pure gold; the ceiling is of chaste enamel painting (peculiarly an indian art, i fancy,) of the brightest colours. the cupola is of pure white marble, of exquisite workmanship and in good taste; its erection is of recent date, i understand, and the pious offering of the good akbaar shah, who, being himself a very religions personage, was determined out of his limited income to add this proof of his veneration for the sainted nizaam to the many which his ancestors had shown.[8] the marble tomb enclosing the ashes of shah nizaam ood deen is in the centre of the building immediately under the cupola; this tomb is about seven feet long by two, raised about a foot from the pavement; on the marble sides are engraved chapters from the khoraun in the arabic character, filled up with black; the tomb itself has a covering of very rich gold cloth, resembling a pall. this tranquil spot is held sacred by all mussulmauns. here the sound of human feet are never heard; 'put off thy shoes', being quite as strictly observed near this venerated place, as when the mosque and emaum-baarah are visited by 'the faithful'; who, as i have before remarked, whenever a prayer is about to be offered to god, cast off their shoes with scrupulous care, whether the place chosen for worship be in the mosque, the abode of men, or the wilderness. i was permitted to examine the interior of the mausoleum. the calm stillness, which seemed hardly earthly; the neatness which pervaded every corner of the interior; the recollection of those virtues, which i so often heard had distinguished shah nizaam's career on earth, impressed me with feelings at that moment i cannot forget; and it was with reluctance i turned from this object to wander among the surrounding splendid ruins, the only emblems left of departed greatness; where not even a tablet exists to mark the affection of survivors, or to point to the passing traveller the tomb of the monarch, the prince, or the noble,--except in the instance of shah allum,--whilst the humble-minded man's place of sepulture is kept repaired from age to age, and still retains the freshness of a modern structure in its five hundredth year. there are men in charge of shah nizaam ood deen's mausoleum who lead devout lives, and subsist on the casual bounties gleaned from the charitable visitors to his shrine. their time is passed in religious duties, reading the khoraun over the ashes of the saint, and keeping the place clean and free from unholy intrusions. they do not deem this mode of existence derogatory; for to hold the situation of darogahs, or keepers of the tombs of the saints, who are held in universal veneration amongst mussulmauns, is esteemed an honourable privilege. in this sketch of my visit to the tombs at delhi, i must not omit one very remarkable cemetery, which, as the resting place of the last reigning sovereign of hindoostaun, excited in me no small degree of interest, whilst contrasting the view it exhibited of fallen greatness, with the many evidences of royal magnificence. the tomb i am about to describe is that erected over the remains of shah allum;[9] and situated within view of the mausoleum of the righteous plebeian, shah nizaam. it is a simple, unadorned grave; no canopy of marble, or decorated hall, marks here the peaceful rest of a monarch, who in his life-time was celebrated for the splendour of his court; a small square spot of earth, enclosed with iron railings, is all that remains to point to posterity the final resting place of the last monarch of hindoostaun. his grave is made by his favourite daughter's side, whose affection had been his only solace in the last years of his earthly sufferings; a little masonry of brick and plaster supports the mound of earth over his remains, on which i observed the grass was growing, apparently cultured by some friendly hand. at the period of my visit, the solitary ornament to this last terrestrial abode of a king was a luxuriant white jessamine tree, beautifully studded with blossoms, which scented the air around with a delightful fragrance, and scattered many a flower over the grave which it graced by its remarkable beauty, height, and luxuriance. the sole canopy that adorns shah allum's grave is the rich sky, with all its resplendent orbs of day and night, or clouds teeming with beneficent showers. who then could be ambitious, vain, or proud, after viewing this striking contrast to the grave of shah nizaam? the vain-glorious humbled even in the tomb;--the humble minded exalted by the veneration ever paid to the righteous. i was persuaded to visit the ruins of antiquity which are within a morning' s drive of delhi. nothing that i there witnessed gave me so much pleasure as the far-famed kootub, a monument or pillar, of great antiquity, claimed equally by the hindoo and mussulmaun as due to their respective periods of sovereign rule. the site is an elevated spot, and from the traces of former buildings, i am disposed to believe this pillar, standing now erect and imposing, was one of the minarets of a mosque, and the only remains of such a building, which must have been very extensive, if the height and dimensions of the minaret be taken as a criterion of the whole.[10] this pillar has circular stairs within, leading to galleries extending all round, at stated distances, and forming five tiers from the first gallery to the top, which finishes with a circular room, and a canopy of stone, open on every side for the advantage of an extensive prospect. verses from the khoraun are cut out in large arabic characters on the stones, which form portions of the pillar from the base to the summit in regular divisions; this could only be done with great labour, and, i should imagine, whilst the blocks of stone were on the level surface of the earth, which renders it still more probable that it was a mussulmaun erection. the view from the first gallery was really so magnificent, that i was induced to ascend to the second for a still bolder extent of prospect, which more than repaid me the task. i never remember to have seen so picturesque a panorama in any other place. some of my party, better able to bear the fatigue, ascended to the third and fourth gallery. from them i learned that the beauty and extent of the view progressively increased until they reached the summit, from whence the landscape which fell beneath the eye surpassed description. on the road back to delhi, we passed some extensive remains of buildings, which i found on inquiry had been designed for an observatory by jhy sing,[11]--whose extraordinary mind has rendered his name conspicuous in the annals of hindoostaun,--but which was not completed while he lived. it may be presumed, since the work was never finished, that his countrymen either have not the talent, or the means to accomplish the scientific plan his superior mind had contemplated. at the time i visited delhi, i had but recently recovered from a serious and tedious illness; i was therefore ill-fitted to pursue those researches which might have afforded entertaining material for my pen, and must, on that account, take my leave of this subject with regret, for the present, and merely add my acknowledgments to those kind friends who aided my endeavours in the little i was enabled to witness of that remarkable place, which to have viewed entirely would have taken more time and better health than i could command at that period. i could have desired to search out amongst the ruined mausoleums for those which contain the ashes of illustrious characters, rendered familiar and interesting by the several anecdotes current in native society, to many of which i have listened with pleasure, as each possessed some good moral for the mind. it is my intention to select two anecdotes for my present letter, which will, i trust, prove amusing to my readers; one relates to jhaungeer,[12] king of india; the other to kaareem zund, king of persia. i am not aware that either has appeared before the public in our language, although they are so frequently related by the natives in their domestic circles. if they have not, i need hardly apologise for introducing them, and on the other hand, if they have before been seen, i may plead my ignorance of the circumstance in excuse for their insertion here. i have already noticed that, among the true mussulmauns, there are no religious observances more strictly enforced than the keeping the fast of rumzaun, and the abstaining from fermented liquors. it is related, however, that 'a certain king of india, named jhaungeer, was instructed by his tutors in the belief, that on the day of judgment, kings and rulers will not have to answer either for the sin of omission or commission, as regards these two commands; but that the due administration of justice to the subjects over whom they are placed, will be required at the hands of every king, ruler, or governor, on the face of the earth. 'jhaungeer was determined to walk strictly in the path which he was assured would lead him to a happy eternity; and, therefore, in his reign every claim of justice was most punctiliously discharged. each case requiring decision was immediately brought to the foot of the throne; for the king would not allow business of such importance to his soul's best interest to be delegated to the guardianship of his vizier, or other of his servants; and in order to give greater facility to complainants of every degree, the king invented the novel contrivance of a large bell, which was fixed immediately over his usual seat on the musnud, which bell could be sounded by any one outside the palace gate, by means of a stout rope staked to the ground. whenever this alarum of justice was sounded in the king's ear, he sent a trusty messenger to conduct the complainant into his presence.[13] 'one day, upon the bell being violently rung, the messenger was commanded to bring in the person requiring justice. when the messenger reached the gate, he found no other creature near the place but a poor sickly-looking ass, in search of a scanty meal from the stunted grass, which was dried up by the scorching sun, and blasts of hot wind which at that season prevailed. the man returned and reported to the king that there was no person at the gate. 'the king was much surprised at the singularity of the circumstance, and whilst he was talking of the subject with his nobles and courtiers, the bell was again rung with increased violence. the messenger being a second time despatched, returned with the same answer, assuring the king that there was not any person at or within sight of the gate. the king, suspecting him to be a perverter of justice, was displeased with the man, and even accused him of keeping back a complainant from interested motives. it was in vain the messenger declared himself innocent of so foul a crime; a third time the bell rang, "go," said the king to his attendants, "and bring the supplicant into my presence immediately!" the men went, and on their return informed the king that the only living creature near the gate was an ass, poor and manged, seeking a scanty meal from the parched blades of grass. "then let the ass be brought hither!" said the king; "perhaps _he_ may have some complaint to prefer against his owner." 'the courtiers smiled when the ass was brought into the presence of the monarch, who upon seeing the poor half-starved beast covered with sores, was at no loss for a solution of the mysterious ringing at the bell, for the animal not finding a tree or post against which he could rub himself, had made use of the bell-rope for that purpose. "enquire for the owner of the ass!" commanded the king, "and let him be brought before me without delay!" the order promptly given, was as readily obeyed; and the hurkaarahs (messengers, or running footmen) in a short time introduced a poor dhobhie[14] (washerman) who had owned the ass from a foal. the plaintiff and defendant were then placed side by side before the throne, when the king demanded, "why the sick ass was cast out to provide for itself a precarious subsistence?" the dhobhie replied, "in truth, o jahaum-punah![15] (protector or ruler of the world), because he is grown old and unserviceable, afflicted with mange, and being no longer able to convey my loads of linen to the river, i gave him his liberty." '"friend," said the king, "when this thine ass was young and healthy, strong and lusty, didst thou not derive benefits from his services? now that he is old, and unable from sickness to render thee further benefits, thou hast cast him from thy protection, and sent him adrift on the wide world; gratitude should have moved thee to succour and feed so old and faithful a servant, rather than forsake him in his infirmities. thou hast dealt unjustly with this thy creature; but, mark me, i hold thee responsible to repair the injury thou hast done the ass. take him to thy home, and at the end of forty days attend again at this place, accompanied by the ass, and compensate to the best of thy power, by kind treatment, for the injury thou hast done him by thy late hard-hearted conduct." 'the dhobhie, glad to escape so well, went away leading the ass to his home, fed him with well-soaked gram (grain in general use for cattle), and nicely-picked grass, sheltered him from the burning sun, poured healing oil into his wounds, and covered his back to keep off the flies; once a day he bathed him in the river. in short, such expedients were resorted to for the comfort and relief of the ass, as were ultimately attended with the happiest effects. 'at the expiration of the forty days, the dhobhie set off from his home to the palace, leading his now lively ass by a cord. on the road the passers-by were filled with amazement and mirth, at the manners and expressions of the dhobhie towards his led ass. "come along, brother!--make haste, son!--let us be quick, father!--take care, uncle!" '"what means the old fool?" was asked by some; "does he make his ass a relation?"--"in truth," replied the dhobhie, "my ass is a very dear old friend, and what is more, he has been a greater expense to me than all my relations latterly: believe me, it has cost me much care and pains to bring this ass into his present excellent condition." then relating the orders of the king, and his own subsequent treatment of the beast, the people no longer wondered at the simple dhobhie's expressions which had prompted them at first to believe he was mad. 'the king, it is related, received the dhobhie graciously, and commended and rewarded him for his careful attention to the animal; which in his improved condition became more useful to his master than he had ever been, through the king's determination to enforce justice even to the brute creation.' the second anecdote, translated for me by the same kind hand, is often related, with numerous embellishments, under the title of 'khareem zund'.[16] 'khareem zund ruled in persia. one day he was seated in the verandah of his palace smoking his hookha, and, at the same time, as was his frequent practice, overlooking the improvements carried on by masons and labourers, under the superintendence of a trusty servant. one of the labourers, who was also named khareem, had toiled long, and sought to refresh himself with a pipe. the overseer of the work, seeing the poor man thus engaged, approached him in great wrath, rated him severely for his presumption in smoking whilst he stood in the presence of his sovereign, and striking him severely with a stick, snatched the pipe from the labourer and threw it away. the poor wretch cared not for the weight of the blow so much as for the loss of his pipe: his heart was oppressed with the weight of his sorrows, and raising his eyes to heaven he cried aloud, "allah khareem!"[17] (god is merciful!), then lowering his eyes, his glance rested on the king, "app khareem!" (thou art named merciful!), from whom withdrawing his eyes slowly he looked at his own mean body, and added, "myn khareem!" (i am called merciful!). 'the king, who had heard the labourer's words, and witnessed with emotion the impressive manner of lifting his eyes to heaven, had also seen the severity of the overseer to the unoffending labourer; he therefore commanded that the man should be brought into his presence without delay, who went trembling, and full of fear that his speech had drawn some heavy punishment on his head. '"sit down," said the king.--"my sovereign pardon his slave!" replied the labourer.--"i do not jest; it is my pleasure that you sit down," repeated the king; and when he saw his humble guest seated, he ordered his own silver hookha to be brought and placed before the poor man, who hesitated to accept the gracious offer; but the king assured him in the kindest manner possible it was his wish and his command. the labourer enjoyed the luxury of a good hookha, and by the condescending behaviour of the king his composure gradually returned. 'this king, who it would seem delighted in every opportunity that offered of imparting pleasure and comfort to his subjects of all ranks and degrees, seeing the labourer had finished his second chillum[18] (contents of a pipe) told him he had permission to depart, and desired him to take the hookha and keep it for his sake. "alas, my king!" said the labourer, "this costly silver pipe will soon be stolen from me; my mud hut cannot safely retain so valuable a gift; the poor mazoor[19] inhabits but a chupha (or coarse grass-roofed) hut."--"then take materials from my store-houses to build a house suited to your hookha," was the order he received from the king; "and let it be promptly done! i design to make you one of my overseers; for _you_, khareem, have been the instrument to rouse _me_ to be khareem (merciful); and i can now approach allah with increased confidence. who is the only true khareem!"' [1] akbar shah ii, king of delhi, a.d. 1806-37. [2] _mahall_. [3] _darvesh_, 'a religious mendicant'. [4] mansur 'ali khan, safdar jang, nawab of oudh (a.d. 1739-56), his successors being--his son, shuja-ud-daula (1756-75); his son, asaf-ud-daula (1775-97); his reputed son wazir 'ali (1797-8); sa'a dat 'ali khan, half-brother of asaf-ud-daula (1798-1814); his son, ghazi-ud-din haidar (1814-37). the tomb of safdar jang is near that of the emperor humayun. 'this tomb in one of the last great muhammadan architectural efforts in india, and for its age it deserves perhaps more commendation than is usually accorded to it. though the general arrangement of the tomb in the same as that of the taj, it was not intended to be a copy of the latter' (h.c. fanshawe, _delhi past and present_, 1902, 246 f., with a photograph). for a different appreciation, see sleeman, _rambles_, p. 507. [5] _subahdar_, the viceroy or governor of a subah or province of the moghul empire. [6] ghazi-ud-din announced his independence of delhi under the advice of his minister, agha mir. [7] shaikh nizam-ud-din. auliya, one of the noblest disciples of shaikh farid-ud-din shakkarganj; born at budaun, a.d. 1236, died at delhi, 1325. [8] the entrance to the dargah was built by firoz shah, and bears the date a.d. 1378. the structure over the tomb has been rebuilt by many pious donors, and little of the original work is left (fanshawe, op. cit., 235 ff.; sleeman, _rambles_, 490 ff., 507). [9] shah 'alam ii, king of delhi, a.d. 1759-1806. 'three royal graves in the little court to the south side of the mosque lie within a single marble enclosure--that on the last is the resting-place of akbar shah ii (died 1837 a.d.); the next to it is that of shah alam ii (died 1806), and then beyond an empty space, intended for the grave of bahadur shah, [the last king of delhi], buried at rangoon, comes the tomb of shah alam bahadur shah, a plain stone with grass on it' (fanshawe, 281 f.; sleeman, _rambles_, 500). [10] qutb, 'the polar star'. the pillar, 238 feet in height, was begun by qutb-ud-di aibak (a.d. 1206-10), and there are inscriptions of altamsh or iltutmish, his son-in-law. it is entirely of muhammadan origin, and was primarily intended to serve as a minaret to qutb-ud-din's mosque adjoining it; but its name refers to the saint qutb-ud-din, buried close by. (fanshawe, 265 ff.; sleeman, _rambles_, 492 ff.) [11] this observatory was built by raja jai singh of jaipur (a.d. 1693-1743) in 1724. he also erected similar observatories at benares, multan, ujjain, and jaipur (fanshawe, 247). [12] jahangir, eldest son of the emperor akbar, reigned a.d. 1605-27. [13] 'the first order that i issued was for the setting up of a chain of justice, so that if the officers of the courts of justice should fail in the investigation of the complaints of the oppressed, the injured person might come to this chain and shake it, and so give notice of their wrongs. i ordered that the chain should be made of pure gold, and be thirty _gaz_ [yards] long, with sixty bells upon it. the weight of it was four hindustani _mans_ [8 lb.] of 'irak. one end was firmly attached to a battlement of the fort of agra, the other to a stone column on the bank of the river' (_memoirs of jahangir_ in sir h.m. elliot, _history of india_, vi. 284). it does not appear that this silly contrivance was ever used, and it was meant only for parade. raja anangpal had already set up a similar bell at delhi (ibid. vi. 262, iii. 565). [14] _dhobi_. [15] _jahan-panah_. [16] karim khan, of the zand tribe, defeated the afghans and secured the kingdom of fars or southern persia, with his capital at shiraz. he died at an advanced age, a.d. 1779 (sir j. malcolm, _history of persia_, 1829, ii. 58 ff.). [17] _allah karim, ap karim, main karim_. [18] _chilam_, the clay bowl of a water-pipe: its contents. [19] _mazdur_, a day labourer. letter xxi natural productions of india.--trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, &c.--their different uses and medicinal qualities.--the rose.--native medical practice.--antidote to hydrophobia.--remedy for the venom of the snake.--the chitcherah (inverted thorn).--the neam-tree.--the hurrundh (castor-tree).--the umultass (cassia-tree).--the myrtle.--the pomegranate.--the tamarind.--the jahmun.--the mango.--the sherrefah.--white and red guavers.--the damascus fig.--the peach, and other fruits.--the mahdhaar (fire-plant).--the sirrakee and sainturh (jungle-grass).--the bamboo, and its various uses enumerated. in europe we are accustomed to cultivate the rose merely as an ornament of the garden. this is not the case with my indian acquaintance; they cultivate the rose as a useful article, essential to their health, and conducive to their comfort. the only rose i have ever seen them solicitous about is the old-fashioned 'hundred-leaf' or cabbage-rose'.[1] where-ever a mussulmaun population congregate these are found planted in enclosed fields. in the month of september, the rose trees are cut down to within eight inches of the surface of the earth, and the cuttings carefully planted in a sheltered situation for striking, to keep up a succession of young trees. by the first or second week in december the earliest roses of the season are in bloom on the new wood, which has made its way from the old stock in this short period. great care is taken in gathering the roses to preserve every bud for a succession. a gardener in india is distressed when the beeby sahibs[2] (english ladies) pluck roses, aware that buds and all are sacrificed at once. i shall here give a brief account of the several purposes to which the rose is applied. rose-water is distilled in most mussulmaun families as a medicine and an indispensable luxury. for medicine, it is administered in all cases of indigestion and pains of the stomach or bowels,--the older the rose-water the more effectual the remedy. i have been accustomed to see very old rose-water administered in doses of a wine-glass full, repeated frequently, in cases of cholera morbus and generally with good effect, when the patient has applied the remedy in time and due care has been observed in preventing the afflicted person from taking any other liquid until the worst symptoms have subsided. this method of treatment may not accord with the views of professional men generally; however, i only assert what i have repeatedly seen, that it has been administered to many members of my husband's family with the best possible effect. on one occasion, after eating a hearty dinner, meer hadjee shaah was attacked with cholera; rose-water was administered, with a small portion of the stone called zahur morah. in his agony, he complained of great thirst, when rose-water was again handed to him, and continued at intervals of half-an-hour during the day and part of the night. in the morning, the pain and symptoms had greatly subsided; he was, notwithstanding, restrained from taking any liquid or food for more than forty-eight hours, except occasionally a little rose-water; and when his native doctors permitted him to receive nourishment, he was kept on very limited portions of arrow-root for several days together. at the end of about eight days (the fever having been entirely removed) chicken-broth was allowed, and at first without bread; solids, indeed, were only permitted when all fears of a relapse had ceased, and even then but partially for some time, fearing the consequences to the tender state of the bowels. such persons as are abstemious and regard the quality of their daily food are most likely to recover from the attack of this awful scourge. very young children are rarely amongst the sufferers by cholera; the adults of all classes are most subject to it in india; indeed, i do not find the aged or the youthful, either male or female, preponderate in the number attacked; but those who live luxuriously suffer most. amongst the natives, it is difficult to prevail on them to forego their usual meals, particularly amongst the lower orders: if they feel rather inconvenienced by heartburns or other indications of a disordered stomach, they cannot resist eating again and again at the appointed hours, after which strong symptoms of cholera usually commence. i never heard of one case occurring after a good night's rest, but invariably after eating, either in the morning or the evening. my remarks have drawn me from my subject, by explaining the supposed medicinal benefits of rose-water, which as a luxury is highly valued in india. it is frequently used by the natives in preparing their sweet dishes, is added to their sherbet, sprinkled over favoured guests, used to cleanse the mouth-piece of the hookha, and to cool the face and hands in very hot weather. although they abstain from the use of rose-water, externally and internally, when suffering from a cold,--they fancy smelling a rose will produce a cold, and i have often observed in india, that smelling a fresh rose induces sneezing,[3]--yet, at all other times, this article is in general use in respectable mussulmaun families. dried rose-leaves and cassia added to infusions of senna, is a family medicine in general request. the fresh rose-leaves are converted by a very simple process into a conserve, which is also used as a medicine; it is likewise an essential article, with other ingredients, in the preparation of tobacco for their luxurious hookha. a syrup is extracted from the fresh rose, suited admirably to the climate of india as an aperient medicine, pleasant to the taste and mild in its effects. a table-spoon full is considered a sufficient dose for adults. the seed of the rose is a powerful astringent, and often brought into use in cases of extreme weakness of the bowels. the green leaves are frequently applied pounded as a cold poultice to inflamed places with much the same effect as is produced in england from golard-water.[4] the oil or otta of roses is collected from the rose-water when first distilled. persons intending to procure the otta, have the rose-water poured into dishes while warm from the still: this remains undisturbed twenty-four hours, when the oily substance is discovered on the surface as cream on milk; this is carefully taken off, bottled, the mouth closed with wax, and then exposed to the burning rays of the sun for several days. the rose-water is kept in thin white glass bottles, and placed in baskets for a fortnight, either on the roofs of houses or on a grass-plot; or wherever the sun by day and the dew by night may be calculated on, which act on the rose-water and induce that fragrant smell so peculiar to that of india. i have elsewhere remarked that the native medical practice is strictly herbal; minerals are strongly objected to as pernicious in after consequences, although they may prove effectual in removing present inconvenience. quicksilver[5] is sometimes resorted to by individuals, but without the sanction of their medical practitioners. they have no notion of the anatomy of the human body, beyond a few ideas suggested in the old grecian school of medicine, in favour of which they are strongly prejudiced. they, however, are said to perform extraordinary cures by simple treatment, many cases of severe fever occurred under my own observation, which were removed, i really believe, by strict attention to diet, or rather starving the enemy from its strong hold, than by any of the medicines administered to the patients. if any one is attacked by fever, his medical adviser inquires the day and the hour it commenced, by which he is guided in prescribing for the patient. on the borehaun[6] (critical days) as the third, fifth, and seventh, after the fever commences, nothing could induce the medical doctor to let blood or administer active medicines; there only remains then for the patient to be debarred any kind of food or nourishment, and that duly observed, the fever is often thrown off without a single dose of medicine. by three or four days of most strict abstinence, and such simple nourishment as the thinnest gruel or barley water,--the latter made from the common field barley, very sparingly allowed, the patient is rendered convalescent. the natives of india profess to have found an antidote to, and cure for, hydrophobia in the reetah[7] berry, described as a saponaceous nut. i have never seen a case of hydrophobia, but it is by no means uncommon, i understand. they always advise that the person bitten by a rabid animal, should have the limb promptly tied up with a bandage above and below the bite; the wound, as speedily as possible, to be seared with a red-hot iron, and a few doses of the reetah berry with a portion of soap administered. the berry is well known for its good property in cleansing and softening the hair, for which purpose it is generally found in the bathing-rooms both of the european and native ladies. the native remedy for snake bites, is called neellah tootee[8] (blue vitrol): if from eight to twelve grains be administered in ghee or butter immediately after the bite is received, the happiest results will follow. a person in our family was bitten by a snake, but neglected to apply for the remedy for more than half an hour after the accident, when his own expressions were, that 'he suffered great uneasiness in his body, and his faculties seemed darkened;' half a masha, about eight grains of blue stone, was now given in ghee. in a few hours he was apparently quite well again, and for several days he found no other inconvenience than a slight numbness in the hand which had been bitten by the snake. this person had occasion soon after to leave home, and had exerted himself unusually by walking, when he found the same symptoms of uneasiness return; he hurried to a house where he was known, and requested to be supplied with a certain quantity of blue stone without delay. he had sense enough remaining to explain for what purpose he required it, when the person applied to objected to furnish him with the poisonous article. the remedy, however, was ultimately procured, taken, and in a few hours he was recovered sufficiently to return home. he never found the symptoms return again to my recollection. the chitcherah[9] (inverted thorn), is a shrub common to india, which bears small grains not unlike rice; these seeds are poisonous in their natural state, but when properly prepared with a portion of urzeez[10]--(tin), it becomes a useful medicine; and in particular cases of scrofula, which have resisted all other remedies offered by the medical practitioners, the natives tell me this has proved an effectual remedy; and my informant, a native doctor, assures me that three doses, of three grains each, is all he finds necessary to give his patient in scrofula cases. the chitcherah in its green state is resorted to as a remedy for the sting of scorpions: when applied to the wound, which is often much inflamed and very painful, the cure is prompt. the scorpion runs from this shrub when held to it, as if it were frightened: many people declare scorpions are never met with in the grounds where the chitcherah grows. the neam-tree[11] is cultivated near the houses of natives generally, in the upper provinces, because, as they affirm, it is very conducive to health, to breathe the air through the neam-trees. this tree is not very quick of growth, but reaches a good size. when it has attained its full height, the branches spread out as luxuriantly as the oak and supplies an agreeable shelter from the sun. the bark is rough; the leaves long, narrow, curved, pointed, and with saw teeth edges; both the wood and leaves partake of the same disagreeable bitter flavour. the green leaves are used medicinally as a remedy for biles; after being pounded they are mixed with water and taken as a draught; they are also esteemed efficacious as poultices and fomentations for tumours, &c. the young twigs are preferred by all classes of the natives for tooth-brushes. the hurrundh,[12] or castor-tree, is cultivated by farmers in their corn-fields throughout hindoostaun. this tree seldom exceeds in its growth the height of an english shrub. the bark is smooth; the leaf, in shape, resembles the sycamore, but of a darker green. the pods containing the seed grow in clusters like grapes, but of a very different appearance, the surface of each pod being rough, thorny, and of a dingy red cast when ripe. the seed produces the oil, which is in common use as a powerful medicine, for men and animals. in remote stations, where any difficulty exists in procuring cocoa-nut oil, the castor oil is often rendered useful for burning in lamps; the light, however, produced by it is very inferior to the oil of cocoa-nut. the green leaves are considered cooling to wounds or inflamed places, and therefore used with ointment after the blister-plaster is removed. as i have seen this tree growing in corn-fields, i may here remark that the farmer's motives for cultivating it originate in the idea that his crops are benefited by a near vicinity to the hurrundh. it is also very common to observe a good row of the plant called ulsee[13](linseed), bordering a plantation of wheat or barley: they fancy this herb preserves the blade healthy, and the corn from blight. the umultass[14] (cassia) is a large and handsome forest tree, producing that most useful drug in long dark pods, several inches long, which hang from the branches in all directions, giving a most extraordinary appearance to the tree. the seed is small and mixed with the pulp, which dissolves in water, and is in general use with the natives as a powerful and active medicine in bilious cases. i am not, however, aware that the seed possesses any medicinal property: it certainly is not appropriated to such cases in hindoostaun. myrtle-trees,[15] under many different names, and of several kinds, are met with in india, of an immense size compared with those grown in europe. they are cultivated for their known properties, rather than as mere ornaments to the garden. the leaves, boiled in water, are said to be of service to the hair; the root and branches are considered medicinal. the pomegranate-tree[16] may be ranked amongst the choicest beauties of asiatic horticulture; and when its benefits are understood, no one wonders that a tree or two is to be seen in almost every garden and compound of the mussulmaun population in india. the finest fruit of this sort is brought, however, from persia and cabul, at a great expense; and from the general estimation in which it is held, the merchants annually import the fruit in large quantities. there are two sorts, the sweet and the acid pomegranate, each possessing medicinal properties peculiar to itself. sherbet is made from the juice, which is pressed out, and boiled up with sugar or honey to a syrup; thus prepared it keeps good for any length of time, and very few families omit making their yearly supply, as it constitutes a great luxury in health, and a real benefit in particular disorders. the natives make many varieties of sherbet from the juices of their fruits, as the pine-apple, falsah,[17] mango, or any other of the same succulent nature, each having properties to recommend it beyond the mere pleasantness of its flavour. an admirer of nature must be struck with the singular beauty of the pomegranate-tree, so commonly cultivated in india. the leaves are of a rich dark green, very glossy, and adorned at the same time with every variety of bud, bloom, and fruit, in the several stages of vegetation, from the first bud to the ripe fruit in rich luxuriance, and this in succession nearly throughout the year. the bright scarlet colour of the buds and blossoms seldom vary in their shades; but contrasted with the glossy dark green foliage, the effect excites wonder and admiration. there is a medicinal benefit to be derived from every part of this tree from its root upwards, each part possessing a distinct property, which is employed according to the native knowledge and practice of medicine. even the falling blossoms are carefully collected, and when made into a conserve, are administered successfully in cases of blood-spitting. the tamarind-tree may often be discovered sheltering the tomb of revered or sainted characters; but i am not aware of any particular veneration entertained towards this tree by the general population of india, beyond the benefit derived from the medicinal properties of the fruit and the leaves.[18] the ripe fruit, soaked in salt and water, to extract the juices, is strained, and administered as a useful aperient; and from its quality in cleansing the blood, many families prefer this fruit in their curries to other acids. from the tamarind-tree, preserves are made for the affluent, and chatnee for the poor, to season their coarse barley unleavened cakes, which form their daily meal, and with which they seem thoroughly contented. from what cause i know not, but it is generally understood that vegetation does not thrive in the vicinity of the tamarind-tree. indeed, i have frequently heard the natives account for the tamarind being so often planted apart from other trees, because they fancy vegetation is always retarded in their vicinity. the jahmun-tree[19] is also held in general estimation for the benefit of the fruit, which, when ripe, is eaten with salt, and esteemed a great luxury, and in every respect preferable to olives. the fruit, in its raw state, is a powerful astringent, and possesses many properties not generally known out of native society, which may excuse my mentioning them here. the fruit, which is about the size and colour of the damson-plum, when ripe is very juicy, and makes an excellent wine, not inferior in quality to port. the natives, however, are not permitted by their law to drink wine, and therefore this property in the fruit is of no benefit to them; but they encourage the practice of extracting the juice of jahmun for vinegar, which is believed to be the most powerful of all vegetable acids. the native medical practitioners declare, that if by accident a hair has been introduced with food into the stomach, it can never digest of itself, and will produce both pain and nausea to the individual. on such occasions they administer jahmun vinegar, which has the property of dissolving any kind of hair, and the only thing they are aware of that will. sherbet is made of this vinegar, and is often taken in water either immediately after dinner, or when digestion is tardy. the skin of the jahmun produces a permanent dye of a bright lilac colour, and with the addition of urzeez (tin), a rich violet. the effect on wool i have never tried, but on silks and muslins the most beautiful shades have been produced by the simplest process possible, and so permanent, that the colour resisted every attempt to remove it by washing, &c.[20] the mango-tree stands pre-eminently high in the estimation of the natives, and this is not to be wondered at when the various benefits derived from it are brought under consideration. it is magnificent in its growth, and splendid in its foliage, and where a plantation of mango-trees, called 'a tope', is met with, that spot is preferred by travellers on which to pitch their tent. the season of blooming is about february and march; the aromatic scent from the flowers is delightful, and the beautiful clustering of the blossoms is not very unlike the horse-chestnut in appearance and size, but branching horizontally. the young mangoes are gathered for preserves and pickles before the stone is formed; the full-grown unripe fruit is peeled, split, and dried, for seasoning curries, &c. the ripe fruit spoken of in a former letter requires no further commendation, neither will it admit of comparison with any european fruits. the kernels, when ripe, are often dried and ground into flour for bread in seasons of scarcity. the wood is useful as timber for doors, rafters, &c., and the branches and leaves for fuel; in short, there is no part of the whole tree but is made useful in some way to man. the sherrefah[21] (custard-apple) is produced on a very graceful tree, not, however, of any great size; the blossom nearly resembles that of the orange in colour and shape; the fruit ripens in the hottest months, and is similar in flavour to well-made custards. the skin is of a dusky pea-green rough surface, in regular compartments; each division or part containing a glossy black seed covered with the custard. this seed is of some utility amongst the lower order of natives who have occasion to rid themselves of vermin at the expense of little labour; the seed is pounded fine and when mixed in the hair destroys the living plague almost instantly. the same article is often used with a hair-pencil to remove a cataract of the eye (they have no idea of surgical operations on the eye). there is one thing worthy of remark in this tree and its fruit, that flies are never known to settle on either; ants of every description feed on the fruit without injury, so that it cannot be imagined there is anything poisonous to insects, generally, in the quality of the fruit; yet, certain it is, the sherrefah is equally obnoxious to flies as the seed is destructive to vermin. the leaves and tender twigs are considered detrimental to health, if not actually poisonous to cattle. the guaver,[23] white and red, are produced in the upper provinces; but the fruit is seldom so fine as in the bengal district. the strong aromatic smell and flavour of this fruit is not agreeable to all tastes; in size and shape it resembles the quince. the damascus fig ripens well, and the fruit is superior to any i have met with in other countries. the indigenous fig-tree of hindoostaun is one of the objects of hindoo veneration. it has always been described to me by those natives, as the sacred burbut,[24]--why? they could not explain. the fruit is very inferior. the peach is cultivated in many varieties, and every new introduction repays the careful gardener's skill by a rich and beautiful produce. they have a flat peach,[24] with a small round kernel (a native of china), the flavour of which is delicious, and the tree prolific. i may here remark, that all those trees we are accustomed in europe to designate wall-fruit, are in india pruned for standards. the only fruit allowed to trail on frames is the vine, of which they have many choice varieties; one in particular, of late introduction from persia, has the remarkable peculiarity of being seedless, called 'ba daanah'[25] (without seeds); the fruit is purple, round, and sweet as honey. peach, nectarine, and apricot trees, are cut down early in february, much in the same way as willows are docked in england: the new wood grows rapidly, and the fruit is ready for the table in the month of june. a tree neglected to be pruned in this way annually, would the first year yield but little, and that indifferent fruit, the tree become unhealthy, and, in most cases, never again restored to its former vigour. apple-trees are found chiefly in the gardens of europeans; they are not perhaps as yet understood by native gardeners, or it may be the climate is not favourable to them; certain it is, that the apples produced in hindoostaun are not to be compared with those of other countries. singular as it may seem, yet i have never met with more than one species of apple in my visits to the gardens of india. i have often fancied a fresh importation of english apple-trees would be worth the trouble of the transfer.[26] the apple-trees grow tall and slender, the blossoms break out on the top of each branch in a cluster; the fruit, when ripe, is about the size of small crabs, and shaped like golden-pippins, without any acidity, but the sweetness rather resembles turnips than the well-flavoured apple. in the bazaars are to be met with what is called apple-preserve, which, however, is often a deception,--turnips substituted for apples. mulberries are indigenous, and of several varieties. the native gardeners, however, take so little pains to assist or improve the operations of nature, that the mulberry here is seldom so fine as in other countries. the common sort is produced on an immense tree with small leaves; the berry is long, and when ripe, of a yellow-green, very much resembling caterpillars in colour and form. plum-trees would thrive in hindoostaun if introduced and cultivated,[27] since the few, chiefly the bullace-plum, i have seen, produce tolerably good fruit. cherries, i have never observed; they are known, however, by the name of 'glass'[28] to the travelling natives, who describe them as common to cashmire, cabul, and persia. gooseberries and currants are not known in india, but they have many good substitutes in the falsah, american sorrel, puppayah,[29] and a great variety of chinese fruits--all of which make excellent tarts, preserves, and jellies. strawberries and raspberries repay their cultivation in the upper provinces: they thrive well with proper care and attention. the melon i have described elsewhere as an indigenous fruit greatly valued by the natives, who cultivate the plant in the open fields without much trouble, and with very little expense; the varieties are countless, and every year adds to the number amongst the curious, who pride themselves on novelty in this article of general estimation. the pine-apple requires very little pains to produce, and little demand on art in bringing it to perfection. the bengal climate, however, suits it better than the dry soil of the upper provinces. i have frequently heard a superstitious objection urged by the natives against this fruit being planted in their regular gardens; they fancy prosperity is checked by its introduction, or to use their own words,--'it is unfortunate to the proprietor of the garden.' there is a beautiful shrub, called by the natives, mahdhaar, or arg,[30]--literally, fire-plant,--met with in the upper provinces of india, inhabiting every wild spot where the soil is sandy, as generally as the thistle on neglected grounds in england. the mahdhaar-plant seldom exceeds four feet in height, the branches spread out widely, the leaves are thick, round, and broad; the blossom resembles our dark auricula. when the seed is ripe, the pod presents a real treat to the lover of nature. the mahdhaar pod may be designated a vegetable bag of pure white silk, about the size of large walnuts. the skin or bag being removed, flat seeds are discovered in layers over each other, resembling scales of fish; to each seed is affixed very fine white silk, about two inches long; this silk is defended from the air by the seed; the texture greatly resembles the silky hair of the cashmire goat. i once had the mahdhaar silk collected, spun, and wove, merely as an experiment, which answered my full expectation: the article thus produced might readily be mistaken for the shawl stuff of cashmire.[31] the stalks of mahdhaar, when broken, pour out a milky juice at all seasons of the year, which falling on the skin produces blisters. the natives bring this juice into use both for medicine and alchymy in a variety of ways. the mahdhaar, as a remedy for asthma, is in great repute with the natives; it is prepared in the following way:--the plants are collected, root, stalks, and leaves, and well dried by exposure to the sun; they are then burnt on iron plates, and the ashes thrown into a pan of water, where they remain for some days, until the water has imbibed the saline particles; it is then boiled in an iron vessel, until the moisture is entirely absorbed, and the salt only left at the bottom. the salt is administered in half-grain doses at the first, and increasing the quantity when the patient has become accustomed to its influence: it would be dangerous to add to the quantity suddenly.[32] another efficient remedy, both for asthma and obstinate continuance of a cough, is found in the salt extracted from tobacco-leaves, by a similar process, which is administered with the like precaution, and in the same quantities. the sirrakee and sainturh[33] are two specimens of one genus of jungle-grass, the roots of which are called secundah,[34] or khus-khus,[35] and are collected on account of their aromatic smell, to form thatch tatties, or screens for the doors and windows; which being kept constantly watered, the strong wind rushing through the wet khus-khus is rendered agreeably cool, and produces a real luxury at the season of the hot winds, when every puff resembles a furnace-heat to those exposed to it by out-of-door occupation. this grass presents so many proofs of the beneficent care of divine providence to the creatures of his hand, that the heart must be ungratefully cold which neglects praise and thanksgiving to the creator, whose power and mercy bestows so great a benefit. the same might be justly urged against our insensibility, if the meanest herb or weed could speak to our hearts, each possessing, as it surely does, in its nature a beneficial property peculiar to itself. but here the blessing is brought home to every considerate mind, since a substitute for this article does not appear to exist in india. i have seen the sainturh stalks, on which the bloom gracefully moves as feathers, sixteen feet high. the sirrakee has a more delicate blossom, finer stalk, and seldom, i believe, exceeds ten feet; the stalk resembles a reed, full of pith, without a single joint from the shoot upwards; the colour is that of clean wheat straw, but even more glossy. the blossom is of a silky nature possessing every variety of shade, from pure white to the rainbow's tints, as viewed in the distance at sunrise; and when plucked the separated blossoms have many varieties of hue from brown and yellow, to purple. the head or blossom is too light to weigh down the firm but flexible stalk; but as the wind presses against each patch of grass, it is moved in a mass, and returns to its erect position with a dignity and grace not to be described. i have watched for the approaching season of the blooming sirrakee with an anxiety almost childish; my attention never tired with observing the progressive advances from the first show of blossom, to the period of its arriving at full perfection; at which time, the rude sickle of the industrious labourer levels the majestic grass to the earth for domestic purposes. the benefits it then produces would take me very long to describe. the sirrakee and sainturh are stripped from the outward sheltering blades, and wove together at the ends; in this way they are used for bordering tatties, or thatched roofs; sometimes they are formed into screens for doors, others line their mud-huts with them. they are found useful in constructing accommodations after the manner of bulk-heads on boats for the river voyagers, and make a good covering for loaded waggons. for most of these purposes the article is well suited, as it resists moisture and swells as the wet falls on it, so that the heaviest rain may descend on a frame of sirrakee without one drop penetrating, if it be properly placed in a slanting position. i cannot afford space to enumerate here the variety of purposes which this production of nature is both adapted for and appropriated to; every part of the grass being carefully stored by the thrifty husbandman, even to the tops of the reed, which, when the blossom is rubbed off, is rendered serviceable, and proves an excellent substitute for that useful invention, a birch-broom. the coarse parent grass, which shelters the sirrakee, is the only article yet found to answer the purposes for thatching the bungalows of the rich, the huts of the poor, the sheds for cattle, and roofs for boats. the religious devotee sets up a chupha-hut,[36] without expense,--(all the house he requires,)--on any waste spot of land most convenient to himself, away from the busy haunts of the tumultuous world, since bamboo and grass are the common property of all who choose to take the trouble of gathering it from the wilderness. and here neither rent or taxes are levied on the inhabitant, who thus appropriates to himself a home from the bounteous provision prepared by divine goodness for the children of nature. this grass is spontaneous in its growth, neither receiving or requiring aid from human cultivation. it is found in every waste throughout hindoostaun, and is the prominent feature of the jungle, into which the wild animals usually resort for shelter from the heat of the day, or make their covert when pursued by man, their natural enemy. the beneficence of heaven has also exacted but little labour from the husbandman of india in procuring his daily provision. indeed the actual wants of the lower order of natives are few, compared with those of the same class in england; exertion has not, therefore, been called forth by necessity in a climate which induces habits of indulgence, ease, and quiet; where, however it may have surprised me at first, that i found not one single native disposed to delight in the neat ordering of a flower-garden, i have since ascertained it is from their unwillingness to labour without a stronger motive than the mere gratification of taste.[37] hence the uncultivated ground surrounding the cottages in india, which must naturally strike the mind of strangers with mingled feelings of pity and regret, when comparing the cottages of the english peasantry with those of the same classes of people in hindoostaun. the bamboo presents to the admirer of nature no common specimen of her beautiful productions; and to the contemplating mind a wide field for wonder, praise, and gratitude. the graceful movements of a whole forest of these slender trees surpass all description; they must be witnessed in their uncultivated ground, as i have seen them, to be thoroughly understood or appreciated, for i do not recollect wood scenery in any other place that could convey the idea of a forest of bamboo. the bamboos are seen in clusters, striking from the parent root by suckers, perhaps from fifty to a hundred in a patch, of all sizes; the tallest in many instances exceed sixty feet, with slender branches, and leaves in pairs, which are long, narrow, and pointed. the body of each bamboo is hollow and jointed, in a similar way to wheat stalks, with bands or knots, by which wonderful contrivance both are rendered strong and flexible, suited to the several designs of creative wisdom. the bamboo imperceptibly tapers from the earth upwards. it is the variety of sizes in each cluster, however, which gives grace and beauty to the whole as they move with every breath of air, or are swayed by the strong wind. where space allows the experiment, the tallest bamboo may be brought down to a level with the earth, without snapping asunder. in the strong tempest the supple bamboo may be seen to bow submissively,--as the self-subdued and pliant mind in affliction,--and again rear its head uninjured by the storm, as the righteous man 'preserved by faith' revives after each trial, or temptation. the wood of the bamboo is hard, yet light, and possesses a fine grain, though fibrous. the outward surface is smooth and highly polished by nature, and the knot very difficult to penetrate by any other means than a saw. the twigs or branches are covered with sharp thorns, in all probability a natural provision to defend the young trees from herbaceous animals. i have heard of the bamboo blossoming when arrived at full age; this i have, however, never seen, and cannot therefore presume to describe.[38] in the hollow divisions of the bamboo is found, in small quantities, a pure white tasteless substance, called tawurshear,[39] which as a medicine is in great request with the native doctors, who administer it as a sovereign remedy for lowness of spirits, and every disease of the heart, such as palpitations, &c. the tawurshear when used medicinally is pounded fine, and mixed up with gold and silver leaf, preserved quinces and apples, and the syrup of pomegranates, which is simmered over a slow fire until it becomes of the consistence of jam. it is taken before meals by the patient. the bamboo is rendered serviceable to man in a countless variety of ways, both for use and ornament. the chuphas (thatched-roofs) of huts, cottages, or bungalows, are all constructed on frames of bamboo, to which each layer of grass is firmly fixed by laths formed of the same wood. the only doors in poor people's habitations are contrived from the same materials as the roof: viz., grass on bamboo frames, just sufficient to secure privacy and defend the inmates from cold air, or the nightly incursions of wolves and jackals. for the warm weather, screens are invented of split bamboos, either fine or coarse, as circumstances permit, to answer the purpose of doors, both for the rich and poor, whenever the house is so situated that these intruders may be anticipated at night. the bamboo is made useful also in the kitchen as bellows by the aid of the cook's breath; in the stable, to administer medicine to horses; and to the poor traveller, as a deposit for his oil, either for cooking or his lamp. to the boatman as sculls, masts, yards, and poles; besides affording him a covering to his boat, which could not be constructed with any other wood equally answering the same varied purpose of durability and lightness. the carriers (generally of the bearer caste), by the help of a split bamboo over the shoulder, convey heavy loads suspended by cords at each end, from one part of india to the other, many hundred miles distant. no other wood could answer this purpose so well; the bamboo being remarkably light and of a very pliant nature lessens the fatigue to the bearer, whilst almost any wood sufficiently strong to bear the packages would fret the man's shoulder and add burden to burden. the bearers do not like to carry more than twelve seer (twenty-four pounds) slung by ropes at each end of their bamboo for any great distance; but, i fear, they are not always allowed the privilege of thinking for themselves in these matters. when a hackery[40] (sort of waggon) is about to be loaded with of corn or goods, a railing is formed by means of bamboos to admit the luggage; thus rendering the waggon itself much lighter than if built of solid wood, an object of some moment, when considering the smallness of the cattle used for draught, oxen of a small breed being in general use for waggons, carts, ploughs, &c. i have never seen horses harnessed to any vehicle in india, except to such gentlemen's carriages as are built on the english principle. the native carriages of ladies and travellers are indebted to the bamboo for all the wood used in the construction of the body, which is merely a frame covered with cloth, shaped in several different ways,--some square, others double cones, &c. baskets of every shape and size, coarse or fine, are made of the split bamboo; covers for dinner trays, on which the food is sent from the kitchen to the hall; cheese-presses, punkahs, and screens, ingeniously contrived in great varieties; netting-needles and pins, latches and bolts for doors; skewers and spits; umbrella sticks, and walking canes; toys in countless ways, and frames for needle-work. a long line of etceteras might here be added as to the number of good purposes to which the bamboo is adapted and appropriated in native economy; i must not omit that even the writing-paper on which i first practised the persian character was manufactured from the bamboo, which is esteemed more durable, but not so smooth as their paper made from cotton. the young shoots of bamboo are both pickled and preserved by the natives, and esteemed a great luxury when produced at meals with savoury pillaus, &c. i am told, a whole forest of bamboo has sometimes been consumed by fire, ignited by their own friction in a heavy storm, and the blaze fanned by the opposing wind; the devouring element, under such circumstances, could be stayed only when there ceased to be a tree to feed the flame. [1] the indian rose-water is made principally from _rosa damascena_ about ghazipur in the united provinces of agra and oudh. it has no medicinal value, but is used as a vehicle for other mixtures (watt, _economic dictionary_, vi, part i. 560 ff.). [2] _bibi sahiba_. 'on the principle of the degradation of titles which is general, this word in application to european ladies has been superseded by the hybrid _mem sahib_ or madam sahib, though it is often applied to european maid-servants or other englishwomen of that rank of life' (yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 78). [3] it is one of the flowers which produce pollen catarrh. pope's suggestion that a man with a hypersensitive nervous system might 'die of a rose in aromatic pain', is not an impossible contingency. [4] goulard water, named after thomas goulard, a french surgeon: a solution of sub-acetate of lead, used as a lotion in cases of inflammation (_new english dictionary, s.v._). [5] p. 235. [6] not in platts' _hindustani dictionary_: probably _barhan_, increasing. [7] _ritha_, the berry of the soap-nut tree, _sapindus trifoliatus_ or _mukorossi_. (watt, _economic dict_., vol. vi, part ii, 468.) [8] _nila tutiya_, copper sulphate: used as an emetic in cases of poisoning, but not now recognized as a remedy for snake-bite. [9] _chichra, achryanthes aspera_ (watt, i. 81). [10] _arziz_. [11] _nim, melia azadirachta_. the belief that it is a prophylactic against fever and cholera is held even by some europeans (watt, v. 217). [12] _arand, ricinus communis_. [13] alsi, _linum usitatissimum._ [14] _amaltas, cassia fistula_. the pulp of the fruit and the root-bark form the most useful domestic medicine, a simple purgative. [15] _myrtus communis_. [16] _punica granatum_. the best varieties of the fruit come from afghanistan and persia. [17] _phalsa, falsa, grewia asiatica_. [18] the shade of the tree is supposed to be unhealthy to men, animals, and plants, as it is believed to be haunted by spirits, and it is worshipped on a day known as 'tamarind eleventh'. [19] see p. 194. [20] watt, however, writes: 'tin is a highly important metal in dyeing as practised in europe, but in this respect is apparently unknown to the natives of india.' (watt, _economic dictionary_, vol. vi, part iv, 60.) [21] _sharifa, anona squamosa_. [22] guava. [23] _bargat_, the banyan-tree. [24] _pyrus persica_. [25] _be-danah._ [26] excellent apples are now grown on the lower himalayas. [27] _prunus communis_ grows in the lower himalayas and as far down as saharanpur, but the fruit is inferior. [28] the sweet or wild cherry, _prunus avium_, is called _gilas_ in the hills. [29] _papaiya_, the papau tree, _carica papaya_, has the curious property of making meat tender, if placed near it. [30] _madar, ak._ the latter term is derived from sanskrit _arka_, 'the sun', on account of the fiery colour of its flowers. [31] the plant yields a silk cotton from the seeds and a rich white bass fibre from the bark, both likely to be of commercial value (watt, ii. 38 ff.) [32] used in equal proportions with black pepper, the fresh blossoms are a useful and cheap remedy for asthma, hysteria, and epilepsy (_ibid_. ii. 44 ff). [33] _sirki_ is the upper portion of the blossoming stem, and _sentha_ the lower portion of the reed grass _saccharum ciliare_ (_ibid_. vi, part ii, 2.) [34] _sarkanda_ is the panjab name for the grass _saccharum arundinaceum_, but it is also applied to _saccharum ciliare_ in last note (_ibid_. vi, part ii, 1 f.). [35] _khaskhas_, used for screens, is the root of the grass _andropogon muricatus_ (_ibid_. i, 245 ff.) [36] _chhappar_. [37] this is true of the higher class musalmans; but there were splendid gardens in the palaces of the moghul emperors: see c.m. villiers stuart, _the gardens of the great mughals_, 1913. [38] the subject of the flowering of the bamboo has been investigated by sir g. watt, who writes: 'a bamboo may not flower before it has attained a certain age, but its blossoming is not fixed so arbitrarily that it cannot be retarded or accelerated by climatic influences. it is an undoubted fact that the flowering of the bamboo is decided by causes which bring about famine, for the providential supply of food from this source has saved the lives of thousands of persons during several of the great famines of india.' hence the provision of the edible seeds by the extension of bamboo cultivation has been recommended as a means of mitigating distress (_economic dictionary_, vol. i, 373 ff., 386). [39] _tabashir_, bamboo manna, is a siliceous substance found in the joints of the bamboo: considered cooling, toxic, aphrodisiac and pectoral, but as a medicinal agent it is inert (_ibid_. i. 384, yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 887). [40] a bullock carriage, hindustani _chhakra_ (yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 407 f.). letter xxii monkeys.--hindoo opinions of their nature.--instances of their sagacity.--rooted animosity of the monkey tribe to the snake.--cruelty to each other when maimed.--the female remarkable for affection to its young.--anecdotes descriptive of the belief of the natives in the monkey being endowed with reason.--the monkeys and the alligator.--the traveller and the monkeys.--the hindoo and the monkey. the natives of india, more particularly the hindoos, are accustomed to pay particular attention to the habits of the varied monkey race, conceiving them to be connecting links in the order of nature between brutes and rational creatures; or, as some imagine and assert, (without any other foundation than conjecture and fancy), that they were originally a race of human beings, who for their wicked deeds have been doomed to perpetuate their disgrace and punishment to the end of time in the form and manner we see them, inhabiting forests, and separated from their superior man. i have had very few opportunities of acquainting myself with the general principles of the hindoo belief, but i am told, there are amongst them those who assert that one of their deities was transformed to a particular kind of monkey, since designated hummoomaun,[1] after the object of their adoration; whence arises the marked veneration paid by hindoos of certain sects to this class of monkeys. the natives firmly believe the whole monkey race to be gifted with reason to a certain extent, never accounting for the sagacity and cunning they are known to possess by instinctive habits; arguing from their own observations, that the monkeys are peaceable neighbours, or inveterate enemies to man, in proportion as their good will is cultivated by kindness and hospitality, or their propensity to revenge roused by an opposite line of conduct towards them. the husbandman, whose land is in the vicinity of a forest, and the abode of monkeys, secures safety to his crops, by planting a patch of ground with that species of grain which these animals are known to prefer. here they assemble, as appetite calls, and feast themselves upon their own allotment; and, as if they appreciated the hospitality of the landlord, not a blade is broken, or a seed destroyed in the fields of corn to the right and left of their plantation. but woe to the farmer who neglects this provision; his fields will not only be visited by the marauders, but their vengeance will be displayed in the wasteful destruction of his cultivation. this undoubtedly looks more like reason than instinct; and if credit could be given to half the extraordinary tales that are told of them, the monkeys of india might justly be entitled to a higher claim than that of instinct for their actions. monkeys seem to be aware that snakes are their natural enemies. they never advance in pursuit of, yet they rarely run from a snake; unless its size renders it too formidable an object for their strength and courage to attack with anything like a prospect of success in destroying it. so great is the animosity of the monkey race to these reptiles, that they attack them systematically, after the following manner:-when a snake is observed by a monkey, he depends on his remarkable agility as a safeguard from the enemy. at the most favourable opportunity he seizes the reptile just below the head with a firm grasp, then springs to a tree, if available, or to any hard substance near at hand, on which he rubs the snake's head with all his strength until life is extinct; at intervals smelling the fresh blood as it oozes from the wounds of his victim. when success has crowned his labour, the monkey capers about his prostrate enemy, as if in triumph at the victory he has won; developing, as the natives say, in this, a striking resemblance to man. very few monkeys, in their wild state, ever recover from inflicted wounds; the reason assigned by those who have studied their usual habits is, that whenever a poor monkey has been wounded, even in the most trifling way, his associates visit him by turns, when each visitor, without a single exception, is observed to scratch the wound smartly with their nails. a wound left to itself might be expected to heal in a short time, but thus irritated by a successive application of their sharp nails, it inflames and increases. mortification is early induced by the heated atmosphere, and death rapidly follows. the monkeys' motives for adding to their neighbour's anguish, is accounted for by some speculators on the score of their aversion to the unnatural smell of blood; or they are supposed to be actuated by a natural abhorrence to the appearance of the wound, not by any means against the wounded; since in their domestic habits, they are considered to be peaceable and affectionate in their bearings towards each other. the strong will exercise mastery over the weak where food is scarce, but, in a general way, they are by no means quarrelsome or revengeful amongst themselves. they are known to hold by each other in defending rights and privileges, if the accounts given by credible natives be true, who add that a whole colony of monkeys have been known to issue forth in a body to revenge an injury sustained by an individual of their tribe; often firing a whole village of chupha-roofs, where the aggressor is known to be a resident, who in his anger may have maimed or chastised one of their colony. the female monkey is remarkable for her attachment to her progeny, which she suckles until it is able to procure food for its own sustenance. when one of her young dies, the mother is observed to keep it closely encircled in her arms, moaning piteously with true maternal feelings of regret, and never parting with it from her embrace until the dead body becomes an offensive mass: and when at last she quits her hold, she lays it on the ground before her, at no great distance, watching with intense anxiety the dead body before her, which she can no longer fold in her embrace, until the work of decomposing has altered the form of the creature that claimed her tender attachment. what an example is here given to unnatural mothers who neglect or forsake their offspring! i shall here insert a few anecdotes illustrative of the opinions of the natives on the subject of monkeys being possessed of reasoning faculties. they shall be given exactly as i have received them, not expecting my readers will give to them more credit than i am disposed to yield to most of these tales; but as they are really believed to be true by the natives who relate them, i feel bound to afford them a place in my work, which is intended rather to describe men as they are, than men as i wish to see them. in the neighbourhood of muttra is an immense jungle or forest, where monkeys abound in great numbers and variety. near a village bordering this forest, is a large natural lake which is said to abound with every sort of fish and alligators. on the banks of this lake are many trees, some of which branch out a great distance over the water. on these trees monkeys of a large description, called lungoor,[2] gambol from spray to spray in happy amusement: sometimes they crowd in numbers on one branch, by which means their weight nearly brings the end of the bough to the surface of the water; on which occasion it is by no means unusual for one or more of their number to be lessened. whether the monkeys told their thoughts or not, my informant did not say, but the retailers of this story assert, that the oldest monkey was aware that his missing brethren had been seized by an alligator from the branch of the tree, whilst they were enjoying their amusement. this old monkey, it would seem, resolved on revenging the injury done to his tribe, and formed a plan for retaliating on the common enemy of his race. the monkeys were observed by the villagers, for many successive days, actively occupied in collecting the fibrous bark of certain trees, which they were converting into a thick rope. the novelty of this employment surprised the peasants and induced them to watch daily for the result. when the rope was completed, from sixty to seventy of the strongest monkeys conveyed it to the tree: having formed a noose at one end with the nicest care, the other end was secured by them to the overhanging arm of the tree. this ready, they commenced their former gambols, jumping about and crowding on the same branch which had been so fatal to many of their brethren. the alligator, unconscious of the stratagem thus prepared to secure him, sprang from the water as the branch descended but instead of catching the monkey he expected, he was himself caught in the noose; and the monkeys moving away rather precipitately, the alligator was drawn considerably above the surface of the water. the more he struggled the firmer he was held by the noose; and here was his skeleton to be seen many years after, suspended from the tree over the water, until time and the changes of season released the blanched bones from their exalted situation, to consign them to their more natural element in the lake below. on one occasion, a hindoo traveller on his way to muttra, from his place of residence, drew down the resentment of the monkeys inhabiting the same forest, by his inattention to their well-known habits. the story is told as follows:-'the man was travelling with all his worldly wealth about his person: viz., fifty gold mohurs, (each nearly equal to two pounds in value[3]), and a few rupees, the savings of many a year's hard service, which were secreted in the folds of his turban; a good suit of clothes on his back; a few gold ornaments on his neck and arms; and a bundle of sundries and cooking vessels. 'the hindoo was on foot, without companions, making his way towards the home of his forefathers, where he hoped with his little treasury to be able to spend his remaining years in peace with his family and friends, after many years' toil and absence from his home. he stopped near to the lake in question, after a long and fatiguing march, to rest himself beneath the shade of the trees, and cook his humble meal of bread and dhall. i ought here, perhaps, to say, that this class of natives always cook in the open air, and, if possible, near a river, or large body of water, for the purpose of bathing before meals, and having water for purifying their cooking utensils, &c. 'the man having undressed himself, and carefully piled his wardrobe beneath the tree he had selected for shelter, went to the lake and bathed; after which he prepared his bread, and sat himself down to dine. as soon as he was comfortably seated, several large monkeys advanced and squatted themselves at a respectful distance from him, doubtless expecting to share in the good things he was enjoying. but, no: the traveller was either too hungry or inhospitable, for he finished his meal, without tendering the smallest portion to his uninvited visitors, who kept their station watching every mouthful until he had finished. 'the meal concluded, the traveller gathered his cooking vessels together and went to the bank of the lake, in order to wash them, as is customary, and to cleanse his mouth after eating; his clothes and valuables were left securely under the tree as he imagined,--if he thought at all about them,--for he never dreamed of having offended the monkeys by eating all he had cooked, without making them partakers. he was no sooner gone, however, than the monkeys assembled round his valuables; each took something from the collection; the oldest among them having secured the purse of gold, away they ran to the tree over the very spot where the man was engaged in polishing his brass vessels. the hindoo had soon completed his business at the lake, and unconscious of their movements, he had returned to the tree, where to his surprise and sorrow, he discovered his loss. nearly frantic, the hindoo doubted not some sly thief had watched his motions and removed his treasures, when he heard certain horrid yells from the monkeys which attracted his attention: he returned hastily to the lake, and on looking up to the tree, he discovered his enemies in the monkeys. they tantalized him for some time by holding up the several articles to his view, and when the old monkey shook the bag of gold, the poor man was in an agony; they then threw the whole into the lake, the coins, one by one, were cast into the deep water, where not a shadow of hope could be entertained of their restoration, as the lake was deep and known to be infested with alligators. 'the man was almost driven mad by this unlooked-for calamity, by which he was deprived of the many comforts his nursed treasure had so fairly promised him for the remainder of life. he could devise no plan for recovering his lost valuables, and resolved on hastening to the nearest village, there to seek advice and assistance from his fellow-men; where having related his unfortunate adventures, and declaring he had done nothing to anger the creatures, he was asked if he had dined, and if so, had he given them a share? he said, he had indeed cooked his dinner, and observed the monkeys seated before him whilst he dined, but he did not offer them any. '"that, that, is your offence!" cried the villagers in a breath; "who would ever think of eating without sharing his meal with men or with animals? you are punished for your greediness, friend."--"be it so," said the traveller; "i am severely used by the brutes, and am now resolved on punishing them effectually in return for the ill they have done me." 'he accordingly sold the gold ornaments from his arms and neck, purchased a quantity of sugar, ghee, flour, and arsenic, returned to his old quarters, prepared everything for cooking, and, in a short time, had a large dish filled with rich-looking cakes, to tempt his enemies to their own ruin. 'the feast was prepared in the presence of the assembled multitude of monkeys. the hindoo placed the dish before his guests, saying, "there, my lords! your food is ready!" the old monkey advanced towards the dish, took up a cake, raised it to his nose, and then returning it to the dish, immediately ran off, followed by the whole of his associates into the thick jungle. 'the man began to despair, and thought himself the most unlucky creature existing; when, at length, he saw them returning with augmented numbers; he watched them narrowly, and observed each monkey had a green leaf in his paw, in which he folded a cake and devoured the whole speedily. the man expected of course to see them sicken immediately, for the quantity of arsenic he had used was sufficient, he imagined to have killed twenty times their number. but, no: his stratagem entirely failed; for the leaf they had provided themselves was an antidote to the poison put into their food. the traveller thus sacrificed even that little which would have carried him on his journey, had he been satisfied with his first loss; but the hindoo cherished a revengeful disposition, and thereby was obliged to beg his way to his family.' the next monkey story is equally marvellous, the natives believe that it actually occurred; i am disposed, however, to think all these stories were originally fables to impress a moral upon the ignorant. 'near a small town in the province of oude there is a jungle of some extent, inhabited by monkeys. a certain man of the hindoo class, residing in the town, resolved upon enjoying himself one day with a bottle of arrack he had procured by stealth, and since it is well known that spirits or fermented liquors are prohibited articles in the territories governed by mussulmaun rulers, the man betook himself with his treat to the neighbouring jungle, where in private he might drink the spirit he loved, and escape the vigilance of the police. 'arriving at a convenient spot, the hindoo seated himself under a tree, prepared his hookha, drew from his wrapper the bottle of spirits, and a small cup he had provided; and if ever he knew what happiness was in his life, this moment was surely his happiest. 'he drank a cup of his liquor, smoked his hookha with increased relish, and thought of nothing but his present enjoyment. presently he heard the sound of rustling in the trees, and in a few minutes after, a fine sturdy monkey, of the lungoor tribe, placed himself very near to him and his bottle. 'the hindoo was of a lively temper, and withal kindly disposed towards the living, though not of his own species. having a cake of dry bread in his waistband, he broke off a piece and threw it to his visitor; the monkey took the bread and sniffed at the cup. "perhaps you may like to taste as well as to smell," thought the hindoo, as he poured out the liquor into the cup, and presented it to his guest. 'the monkey raised the cup with both paws to his mouth, sipped of its contents, winked his eyes, appeared well satisfied with the flavour, and to the surprise of the hindoo, finished the cup, which was no sooner done, than away he sprang up the tree again. '"had i known you would run away so soon, my guest, i should have spared my arrack;" thought the hindoo. but the monkey quickly returned to his old position, threw down a gold mohur to his entertainer, and sat grinning with apparent satisfaction. the hindoo, astonished at the sight of gold, thought to repay his benefactor by another cup of spirits, which he placed before the monkey, who drank it off, and again mounted the tree, and shortly returned with a second gold mohur. 'delighted with the profit his arrack produced, the hindoo drank sparingly himself, for each time the monkey took a cup, a gold mohur was produced, until the man counted eight of these valuable coins on his palm. by this time, however, the monkey was completely overcome by the strength of his potations, and lay apparently senseless before the hindoo, who fancied now was his turn to mount the tree, where he found, on diligent search, in a hollow place, a small bag of gold mohurs, with which he walked off, leaving the monkey prostrate on the earth. 'the hindoo determined on going some distance from his home, in a different direction, fearing his secret treasure might be the means of drawing him into difficulties amongst the people of his own town, who had probably been robbed by the monkey at some previous period. 'in the meanwhile the monkey is supposed to have recovered from his stupor, and the next morning on discovering his loss, he set up a horrid yell, which brought together all his fellow-inhabitants of the jungle; and some neighbouring villagers saw an immense number of monkeys of all sorts and sizes, collected together in a body. the story runs that this army of monkeys was headed by the one who had recovered from his drunken fit, and that they marched away from the jungle in pursuit of the robber. 'their first march was to the adjacent village, where every house was visited in turn by the monkeys, without success; no one ever venturing to obstruct or drive away the intruders, fearing their resentment. after which they sallied out of the village to the main road, minutely looking for footsteps, as a clue, on the sandy pathway; and by this means discovering the track of the hindoo, they pursued the road they had entered throughout the day and night. early in the morning of the following day, the monkeys advanced to the serai (inn, or halting place for travellers) soon after the hindoo himself had quitted it, who had actually sojourned there the previous night. 'on the road, when the horde of monkeys met any traveller, he was detained by them until the chief of them had scrutinized his features, and he was then liberated on finding he was not the person they were in pursuit of. after having marched nearly forty miles from their home, they entered one of the halting places for travellers, where the hindoo was resting after his day's journey. 'the monkey having recognized the robber, immediately grasped him by the arm, and others entering, the frightened robber was searched, the purse discovered in his wrapper, which the chief monkey angrily seized, and then counted over its contents, piece by piece. this done, finding the number correct, the monkey selected eight pieces, and threw them towards the hindoo; and distributing the remaining number of gold mohurs amongst the monkeys, who placed each his coin in the hollow of his cheek, the whole body retired from the serai to retrace their steps to the jungle.' [1] hanuman, the divine monkey of the ramayana epic, who helped rama to recover his abducted wife, sita. [2] _langur, semnopithecus entellus_. [3] now worth a little more than a sovereign. letter xxiii the soofies.--opinion of the mussulmauns concerning solomon.--the ood-ood.--description of the soofies and their sect.--regarded with great reverence.--their protracted fasts.--their opinion esteemed by the natives.--instance of the truth of their predictions.--the saalik and majoob soofies.--the poets haafiz and saadie.--character and attainments of saadie.--his 'goolistaun'.--anecdotes descriptive of the origin of that work.--farther remarks on the character and history of saadie.--interesting anecdotes illustrative of his virtues and the distinguishing characteristics of the soofies. the life of king solomon, with all his acts, is the subject of many an author's pen, both in the arabic and persian languages; consequently the learned mussulmauns of hindoostaun are intimately acquainted with his virtues, his talent, and the favour with which he was visited by the great goodness of the almighty. in the course of my sojourn amongst them, i have heard many remarkable and some interesting anecdotes relating to solomon, which the learned men assure me are drawn from sources of unquestionable authority. they affirm that the wisdom of solomon not only enabled him to search into the most hidden thoughts of men, and to hold converse with them in their respective languages, but that the gift extended even to the whole brute creation; by which means he could hold unlimited converse, not only with the animate, as birds, beasts, and fish, but with inanimate objects, as shrubs, trees, and, indeed, the whole tribe of vegetable nature; and, further, that he was permitted to discern and control aerial spirits, as demons, genii, &c. the pretty bird, known in india by the name of ood-ood,[1] is much regarded by the mussulmauns, as by their tradition this bird was the hurkaarah of king solomon; and entrusted with his most important commissions whenever he required intelligence to be conveyed to or from a far distant place, because he could place greater confidence in the veracity of this bird, and rely on more certain dispatch, than when entrusting his commands to the most worthy of his men servants. the ood-ood is beautifully formed, has a variegated plumage of black, yellow, and white, with a high tuft of feathers on its head, through which is a spear of long feathers protruding directly across the head for several inches, and is of the woodpecker species. the princes, nuwaubs, and nobility of hindoostaun, keep hurkaarahs for the purpose of conveying and obtaining intelligence, who are distinguished by a short spear, with a tuft of silk or worsted about the middle of the handle, and the tail of the ood-ood in the front of their turban, to remind them of this bird, which they are expected to imitate both in dispatch and fidelity. i am told, these men (from their early training) are enabled to run from fifty to sixty miles bare-footed, and return the same distance without halting on the same day. the religious devotees of the mussulmaun persuasion, who are denominated soofies,[1] are conjectured, by many, to have a similar gift with solomon of understanding the thoughts of other men. by some it is imagined that solomon was the first soofie; by others, that ali, the husband of fatima, imparted the knowledge of that mystery which constitutes the real soofie. i am acquainted with some natives who designate the soofies 'freemasons' but i imagine this to be rather on account of both possessing a secret, than for any similarity in other respects, between the two orders of people. my business, however, is to describe. the soofies then are, as far as i can comprehend, strictly religious men, who have forsaken entirely all attachment to earthly things, in their adoration of the one supreme god. they are sometimes found dwelling in the midst of a populous city, yet, even there they are wholly detached from the world, in heart, soul, and mind, exercising themselves in constant adoration of, and application to god; occasionally shutting themselves up for several weeks together in a hut of mud, thatched with coarse grass, with scarce sufficient provision to support the smallest living animal, and water barely enough to moisten their parched lips during the weeks thus devoted to solitary retirement and prayer. when these recluses can no longer support their self-inflicted privation, they open the door of their hut, a signal anxiously watched for by such persons as have a desire to meet the eye of the holy man, of whom they would inquire on some (to them) interesting matter; probably regarding their future prospects in the world, the cause of the ill-health and prospects of recovery of a diseased member of their family, or any like subject of interest to the inquirer. the soofie, i am told, does not approve of being thus teased by the importunities of the thronging crowd, who beset his threshold the instant his door is heard to open. being weak in body, after the fatigue of a protracted fast of weeks together, his replies to the questions (preferred always with remarkable humility) are brief and prompt; and the natives assure me dependence may always be placed on the good soofie's reply being strictly the words of truth. on this account, even if the oracle's reply disappoint the hopes of the questioner, he retires without a murmur, for then he knows the worst of his calamity, and if god orders it so, he must not complain, because infinite wisdom cannot err, and the holy man will assuredly speak the truth. the practice so long prevailing in europe of visiting the cunning man, to have the hidden mysteries of fate solved, occurred to my recollection when i first heard of this custom in india. 'will my son return from his travels during my lifetime?'--was the inquiry of a truly religious man, whom i knew very intimately, to one of the professed soofie class, on his emerging from his hut. the reply was as follows:--'go home!--be happy;--comfort your heart;--he is coming!' by a singular coincidence it happened, that the following day's daak produced a letter, announcing to him that his son was on his way returning to his home and his father, who had for some years despaired of ever again seeing his son in this life. it is needless to say, that the veneration shown to this soofie was much increased by the singular coincidence, because the person who consulted him was a man of remarkable probity, and not given to indulge in idle conversations with the worldly-minded of that city. there are many men in this country, i am told, who make soofieism their profession, but who are in reality hypocrites to the world, and their maker: actuated sometimes by the love of applause from the multitude, but oftener, i am assured, by mercenary motives. a soofie enjoying public favour may, if he choose, command any man's wealth who gives credit to his supposed power. all men pay a marked deference to his holy character, and few would have the temerity to withhold the desired sum, however inconvenient to bestow, should the demand be made by one professing to be a soofie. the real soofie is, however, a very different character, and an object of deserved veneration, if only for the virtue of perfect content with which his humble mind is endued: respect cannot be withheld by the reflecting part of the world, when contemplating a fellow-creature (even of a different faith) whose life is passed in sincere devotion to god, and strictly conforming to the faith he has embraced. my native friends inform me,--and many reprobate the notion,--that the soofies believe they resolve into the divine essence when their souls are purified from the animal propensities of this life by severe privations, fervent and continual prayer, watchings, resisting temptations, and profound meditation in solitude. when they have acquired the perfection they aim at, and are really and truly the perfect soofie, they rarely quit the hut they have first selected for their retirement, and into which no one ever attempts to intrude, without the soofie commands it. he enjoys the universal respect and veneration of all classes of people; he has no worldly rewards to bestow, yet there are servants always ready to do him any kindness, amongst the number of his admirers who flock to catch but a glimpse of the holy man, and fancy themselves better when but the light of his countenance has beamed upon them. proudly pre-eminent, in his own eyes, is the one amongst the multitude who may be so far honoured as to be allowed to place a platter of food before the soofie, when the imperative demands of nature prevail over his self-inflicted abstinence. some soofies shut themselves in their hut for a few days, and others for weeks together, without seeing or being seen by a human being. their general clothing is simply a wrapper of calico, and their only furniture a coarse mat. they are said to be alike insensible to heat or cold, so entirely are their hearts weaned from the indulgence of earthly comforts. i must explain, however, that there are two classes of the professedly devout soofies, viz. the saalik, and the majoob.[3] the true saalik soofies are those who give up the world and its allurements, abstain from all sensual enjoyments, rarely associate with their fellow-men, devote themselves entirely to their creator, and are insensible to any other enjoyments but such as they derive from their devotional exercises. the majoob soofies have no established home nor earthly possessions; they drink wine and spirits freely, when they can obtain them. many people suppose this class have lost the possession of their reason, and make excuse for their departure from the law on that score. both classes are nevertheless in great respect, because the latter are not deemed guilty of breaking the law, since they are supposed to be insensible of their actions whilst indulging in the forbidden juice of the grape. haafiz,[4] the celebrated poet of persia, it is related, was a soofie of the majoob class, he lived without a thought of providing for future exigencies, accepted the offerings of food from his neighbour, drank wine freely when offered to him, and slept under any shed or hovel he met with, as contented as if he was in the palace of a king. saadie,[5] the persian poet, was, during the latter years of his life, a saalik soofie of the most perfect kind. many of the inspirations of his pen, however, were written in that part of his life which was devoted to the world and its enjoyments; yet most of these indicate purity of thought in a remarkable degree. saadie's life was subject to the most extraordinary vicissitudes; he possessed an independent mind, scorning every allurement of wealth which might tend to shackle his principles. he is said to have repeatedly rejected offers of patronage and pecuniary assistance from many noblemen, whilst he still loved the world's enticements, declaring he never could submit to confine himself to attendance on an earthly master for any lengthened period. his wit, pleasing deportment, and polite manners, together with the amiable qualities of his heart, rendered him a general favourite, and they who could boast most intimacy with saadie were the most honoured by the world; for, though but the poor saadie, he shed a lustre over the assemblies of the great and noble in birth or station, by his brilliant mind. the 'goolistaun'[6] of saadie has been so often eulogized, as to render it unnecessary for me to add a single word in commendation of its style and morality; but i will here take leave to insert an anecdote translated for me by my husband, in allusion to the incident which prompted saadie to write that work, under the title of 'goolistaun' (garden of roses). i will also here remark, that in the principal cities of persia, the mussulmauns of that age were not equally rigid in their observance of the law interdicting the use of fermented liquors, as are those of the present day in hindoostaun. many young men among the higher orders indulged freely in the 'life-inspiring draught', as they were wont to call the juice of the grape. 'shiraaz was the abode and the presumptive birth-place of saadie. in his early years he was led by a love of society to depart from the rigid customs of his forefathers, and with the wild youth of his acquaintance to indulge freely in nightly potations of the forbidden juice of the grape. he had long delighted his friends and favourites by sharing in their nocturnal revels, and adding by his wit and pleasantry to the mirthful moments as they flew by unheeded. 'at a particular season of the year, a convivial party were accustomed to assemble in a garden of roses, from midnight to the rising sun, to indulge in the luxury of wine during that refreshing season; as to receive the first scent from the opening roses as they expand with the dawn of the morning, constituted a delight, proverbially intoxicating, amongst the sons of persia. saadie composed many airs for the occasion, and gifted by nature with a voice equalled only by his wit, he sang them with a melody so sweet as to render him almost the idol of his companions. 'at one of these seasons of enjoyment, the festival was prepared by his circle of friends as usual, but saadie delayed his visit. the whole party were lost in surprise and regret at an absence as unexpected as deplored. some time was passed in fruitless conjecture on the cause of his delay, and at last it was agreed that a deputation from his well-beloved associates should go in quest of their favourite. they accordingly went, and knocked at the door of his room, which they found was securely fastened within. the poet inquired "who is it that disturbs my repose, at this hour, when all good subjects of the king should be at rest?"--"why, saadie, saadie!" they replied, "it is your friends and associates, your favourites!--have you forgotten our enjoyments and this season of bliss? come, come, open the door, saadie! away with us! our revels await your presence. nothing gives enjoyment to our party until you add your smiles to our mirth." '"let me alone," replied saadie; "enjoy your pastime, if such it be to ye; but for me, i am heartily ashamed of my late wanton pursuits. i have resolved on mending my ways, whilst yet i have time; and be ye also wise, my friends; follow saadie's example. go home to your beds, and forsake the sinful habits of the world!" '"why saadie, what aileth thee! art thou mad?--or has the study of philosophy drawn thee from thy former self, whilst yet thine hairs are jet with youth? these reflections of thine will suit us till far better when time hath frosted our beards. come, come, saadie, away with us! let not the precious moments escape in this unprofitable converse. you must come, saadie; our hearts will break without you!" '"nay, nay," responded saadie, "my conscience smites me that i have erred too long. it suits not my present temper to join in your mirth."--"open the door to us at any rate," sounded from the many voices without; "speak to us face to face, our dear and well-beloved friend! let us have admission, and we will argue the subject coolly."--saadie's good-nature could not resist the appeal, the door was unbarred, and the young men entered in a body. '"we have all wickedly broken the law of the faithful," said saadie to his guests; and he tried to reason with his unreasonable favourites, who, on their part, used raillery, bantering, argument, and every power of speech, to turn saadie from his steady purpose of now fulfilling the law he had wilfully violated. they effected nothing in moving him from his purpose, until one of the young men, to whom saadie was much attached, spoke tenderly to him of the affection both himself and friends entertained for him, adding, "it is written in our law, that if a mussulmaun be guilty of any sin, however great, (and all kinds of sin are therein enumerated), and he afterwards sincerely repents before god, with fasting and prayer, his sins shall be forgiven. now you, saadie, who are deeply versed in the way of wisdom, and better acquainted with the words of the khoraun than any other man on earth, tell me, is there in that holy book a promise made of forgiveness for that man who breaks the hearts of his fellow-creatures? with us there are many hearts so devotedly attached to you, that must assuredly burst the bonds of life by your complete and sudden desertion of them, so that not one sin but many shall be hurled by their deaths on your conscience, to be atoned for how you may." 'saadie loved them all too dearly to resist their persevering proofs of affection, and he suffered himself, after a little more argument, to be led forth to the scene of their revels, where, however, he argued strongly on the impropriety of their habits and refused to be tempted by the alluring wine. he then promised to prepare for them a never-fading garden of roses which should last with the world; every leaf of which, if plucked with attention, should create a greater and more lasting bliss about their hearts than the best wine of shiraaz, or the most refined aromatic had hitherto conveyed to their sensual appetites.' after the evening in question, saadie abstained from all participation in the revels of his friends, and devoted his hours to retirement that he might accomplish the 'goolistaun' he had pledged himself to cultivate for their more substantial benefit and perpetual enjoyment. the simplicity, elegance, purity of style, and moral precepts conveyed in this work, prove the author to have been worthy the respect with which his name has been reverenced through all ages, and to this day, by the virtuously disposed his work is read with unabated interest. saadie did not remain very long at shiraaz after his conversion, nor did he settle any where for any long period. the persian writers assert that he disliked the importunities of the world, which, sensible of his merits as a poet and companion, constantly urged him to associate with them. he, therefore, lived a wandering life for many years, carefully concealing his name, which had then become so celebrated by his writings, that even beyond the boundaries of persia his fame was known. as his manner of life was simple, his wants were few; he depended solely on the care of divine providence for his daily meal, avoiding every thing like laying by from to-day's produce for the morrow's sustenance. he considered that provision alone acceptable, which the bounty of divine providence daily provided for his need, by disposing the hearts of others to tender a suitable supply. in fact, he is said to have been of opinion that the store laid up by men for future exigencies lessened the delightful feeling of dependance on the bounty of god, who faileth not, day by day, to provide for the birds and beasts of the forest with equal care as for the prince on his throne; he would say, 'i shall be tempted to forget from whom my bread is received, if i have coins in my purse to purchase from the vender. sweet is the daily bread granted to my prayers and dependance on the sole giver of all good!' to illustrate the necessity of perfect content, he relates, in his writings, the following interesting anecdote:--'i was once travelling on foot, where the roads were rugged, my shoes worn out, and my feet cut by the stones. i was desirous of pursuing my journey quickly, and secretly mourned that my feet pained me, and that my shoes were now rendered useless; often wishing, as i stepped with caution, that i possessed the means of replenishing these articles so useful to a traveller. 'with these feelings of dissatisfaction, i approached the spot where a poor beggar was seated, who, by some calamity, had been deprived of both his feet. i viewed this sad object with much commiseration, for he was dependant on the kindness of his fellow-beggars to convey him daily to that public spot, where the passing traveller, seeing his misery, might be induced to bestow upon him a few coins to provide for his subsistence. "alas! alas!" said i, "how have i suffered my mind to be disturbed because my feet pained me, and were shoeless. ungrateful being that i am! rather ought i to rejoice with an humble heart, that my gracious benefactor hath granted me the blessing of feet, and sound health. never let me again murmur or repine for the absence of a luxury, whilst my real wants are amply supplied."' one of my objects in detailing the anecdotes of saadie in this place, is to give a more correct idea of the soofie character of that particular class called saalik, to which he ultimately belonged. the next translation from the life of saadie will show how beautifully his well-tempered spirit soared above those difficulties which the common mind would have sunk under. his fame, his superior manners, were of that rare kind, that distance from his birth-place could be no obstacle to his making friends, if he chose to disclose his name in any city of asia. i have no dates to guide me in placing the several anecdotes in their proper order; this, however, will be excused, as i do not pretend to give his history. 'on one occasion, saadie was journeying on foot, and being overtaken by the arabs, (who, or a party of, it may be presumed, were at war with persia), he was taken prisoner, and conveyed by them, with many others, to aleppo. the prisoners, as they arrived, were all devoted to the public works (fortifying the city), and obliged to labour according to their ability. 'saadie, unused to any branch of mechanical labour, could only be employed in conveying mortar to the more scientific workmen. for many months he laboured in this way, degrading as the employment was, without a murmur, or a desire that his fate had been otherways ordained. hundreds of men then living in aleppo would have been proud of the honour and the good name they must have acquired from the world, by delivering the poet from his thraldom, had they known he was amongst them, a slave to the arabs; for saadie was revered as a saint by those who had either read his works, or heard of his name, extolled as it was for his virtues. but saadie placed his trust in god alone, and his confidence never for an instant forsook him; he kept his name concealed from all around him, laboured as commanded, and was contented. 'many months of degrading servitude had passed by, when one day, it so happened that a rich jew merchant, who had formerly lived at shiraaz, and there had been honoured by the regard of the idolized saadie, visited aleppo, on his mercantile concerns. curiosity led him to survey the improvements going on in the city; and passing the spot where saadie was then presenting his load of mortar to the mason, he thought he recognized the poet, yet deemed it impossible that he should be engaged in so degrading an employment, who was the object of universal veneration in persia. still the likeness to his former friend was so striking, that he felt no trifling degree of pleasure, whilst contemplating those features whose resemblance recalled the image of that holy man who was so dear to him, and brought back to his recollection many delightful hours of friendly converse, which at shiraaz had cheated time of its weight, and left impressions on his heart to profit by during life. '"i will talk with this man," thought the jew; "surely he must be related to my friend; the face, the form, the graceful manner, and even in that rude garb and occupation, he so strongly resembles my friend, that i cannot doubt he must be of the same kindred." 'drawing near to saadie, the jew accosted him with, "who are you, friend,--and whence do you come?" saadie's voice dispelled every doubt of the jew, their eyes met, and in a few seconds they were clasped in each other's warm embrace, the jew lamenting, in terms of warm sympathy, the degradation of the immortalized poet, and sainted man; whilst he in turn checked his friend's murmurings, by expressing his conviction that the wisdom of god knew best how to lead his confiding servants to himself, declaring his present occupation did not render him discontented. 'the jew went without delay to the superintendant of the public works, and inquired the sum he would be willing to receive in lieu of the labourer whom he desired to purchase, carefully avoiding the name of saadie lest the ransom should be proportioned to the real value of such a slave. the man agreed to take one hundred and ten pieces of silver (each in value half a dollar). the sum was promptly paid, and the jew received an order to take away his purchase when and wherever he pleased. he lost no time in possessing himself of his treasured friend, conveyed him to the city, where he clothed him in apparel better suited to his friend, and on the same day saadie accompanied the benevolent israelite to his country residence, some miles distant from the city of aleppo. 'arrived here, saadie enjoyed uninterrupted peace of mind for a long season, his heart bounding with gratitude to god, who had, he felt assured, worked out his deliverance from slavery and its consequences; and as may be supposed from such a heart, saadie was truly sensible of the benevolent jew's kindness, with whom he was constrained to remain a considerable time, for the jew indeed loved him as a brother, and always grieved at the bare probability that they might ever again be separated; and desiring to secure his continuance with him during their joint lives, he proposed that saadie should accept his only daughter in marriage with a handsome dowry. 'saadie resisted his friend's offer for some time, using arguments which, instead of altering his friend's purpose, only strengthened the desire to secure this amiable man as the husband of his daughter. saadie assured him he was sensible of the offence his friend might give to the opinions of his people, by the proposal of uniting his daughter to a man of another faith, and that their prejudices would bring innumerable evils on his good name by such an alliance. "no," said saadie, "i cannot consent to such a measure. i have already been a great trouble to you, if not a burden; let me depart, for i cannot consent to draw down on the head of my friend the censures of his tribe, and, perhaps, in after-time, disappointments. i have, indeed, no desire to marry; my heart and mind are otherways engaged." 'the friends often discussed the subject ere saadie gave way to the earnest solicitations of the jew, to whose happiness the grateful heart of saadie was about to be sacrificed when he reluctantly consented to become the husband of the young jewess. the marriage ceremony was performed according to the jewish rites, when saadie was overpowered with the caresses and munificence of his friend and father-in-law. 'a very short season of domestic peace resulted to him from the alliance. the young lady had been spoiled by the over-indulgence of her doating parent, her errors of temper and mind having never been corrected. proud, vindictive, and arrogant, she played the part of tyrant to her meek and faultless husband. she strove to rouse his temper by taunts, revilings, and indignities that required more than mortal nature to withstand replying to, or bear with composure. 'still saadie went on suffering in silence; although the trials he had to endure undermined his health, he never allowed her father to know the misery he had entailed on himself by this compliance with his well-meant wishes; nor was the secret cause of his altered appearance suspected by the kind-hearted jew, until by common report his daughter's base behaviour was disclosed to the wretched father, who grieved for the misfortunes he had innocently prepared for the friend of his heart. 'saadie, it is said, entreated the good jew to allow of a divorce from the jewess, which, however, was not agreed to; and when his sufferings had so increased that his tranquillity was destroyed, fearing the loss of reason would follow, he fled from aleppo in disguise and retraced his steps to shiraaz, where in solitude his peace of mind was again restored, for there he could converse with his merciful creator and protector uninterrupted by the strife of tongues.' [1] _hudhud_, the lapwing, hoopoe. in the koran (xxvii. 20, with sale's note) the bird is described as carrying a letter from solomon to the queen of sheba. on another occasion, when solomon was lost in the desert, he sent it to procure for him water for ablution. [2] the term _sufi_, derived from _suf_, 'wool', in allusion to the garments worn by them, was applied in the second century of islam to men or women who adopted the ascetic or quietistic way of life. see hughes, _dictionary of islam_, 608 ff.: d.b. macdonald, _the development of muslim theology_, 1903: e.g. browne, _a year amongst the persians_, 1893. [3] if a sufi becomes, by devotion, attracted to god, he is called _salik-i-majzub_, 'an attracted devotee': if he practises complete devotion, but is not influenced by the special attraction of god, he is called _salik_, 'a devotee' (hughes, _dictionary of islam_, 612: jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 197). [4] see p. 255. [5] see p. 255. [6] gulistan. letter xxiv the soofies continued.--eloy bauxh.--assembly of saalik soofies.--singular exhibition of their zeal.--mystery of soofeism.--the terms soofie and durweish explained.--anecdote of shah sherif.--shah jee and the paltaan.--dialogue on death between shah jee and his wife.--exemplary life of his grandson.--anecdote of a mussulmaun lady.--reflections on modern hindoos.--anecdotes of shah ood dowlah and meer nizaam...page 348 my last letter introduced the soofies to your notice, the present shall convey a further account of some of these remarkable characters who have obtained so great celebrity among the mussulmauns of india, as to form the subjects of daily conversation. i have heard some rigid mussulmauns declare they discredit the mysterious knowledge a soofie is said to possess, yet the same persons confess themselves staggered by the singular circumstances attending the practice of soofies living in their vicinity, which they have either witnessed or heard related by men whose veracity they cannot doubt; amongst the number i may quote an intimate acquaintance of my husband's, a very venerable syaad of lucknow, who relates an anecdote of saalik soofies, which i will here introduce. 'meer eloy bauxh,[1] a mussulmaun of distinguished piety, who has devoted a long life to the service of god, and in doing good to his fellow-men, tells me, that being curious to witness the effect of an assembly of saalik soofies, he went with a party of friends, all equally disposed with himself to be amused by the eccentricities of the soofies, whose practice they ridiculed as at least absurd,--to speak in no harsher terms of their pretended supernatural gifts. 'this assembly consisted of more than a hundred persons, who by agreement met at a large hall in the city of lucknow, for the purpose of "remembering the period of absence", as they term the death of a highly revered soofie of their particular class. the room being large, and free admittance allowed to all persons choosing to attend the assembly, meer eloy bauxh and his party entered, and seated themselves in a convenient place for the more strict scrutiny of the passing-scene. 'the service for the occasion began with a solemn strain by the musical performers, when one of the inspired soofies commenced singing in a voice of remarkable melody. the subject was a hymn of praise to the great creator, most impressively composed in the persian language. whilst the soofie was singing, one of the elders in particular,--though all seemed sensibly affected by the strain,--rose from his seat, in what the soofies themselves call, "the condition changed," which signifies, by what i could learn, a religious ecstasy. this person joined in the same melody which the other soofie had begun, and at the same time accompanied the music by capering and sobbing in the wildest manner imaginable. his example had the effect of exciting all the soofies on whom his eyes were cast to rise also and join him in the hymn and dance. 'the singularity of this scene seemed, to meer eloy bauxh and his party, so ludicrous that they could not refrain from laughing in an audible manner, which attracted the attention of the principal soofie engaged in the dance, who cast his eyes upon the merry party, not, however, apparently in anger. strange as he confesses it to be,--and even now it seems more like a dream than a reality,--at the moment he met the eye of the soofie, there was an instant glow of pure happiness on his heart, a sensation of fervent love to god, which he had never before felt, in his most devout moments of prayer and praise; his companions were similarly affected, their eyes filled with tears, their very souls seemed elevated from earth to heaven in the rapture of their songs of adoration, which burst forth from their lips in unison with the whole soofie assemblage. 'before they had finished their song of praise, which lasted a considerable time, the chief of the soofie party sunk exhausted on the carpet, whilst the extraordinary display of devotion continued in full force on the whole assembly, whether soofies or mere visitors, for many minutes after the principal devotee had fallen to the floor. water was then procured, and animation gradually returned to the poor exhausted devotee, but with considerable delay. meer eloy bauxh says he waited until the soofie was perfectly restored to sense, and saw him taken to his place of abode; he then returned to his own home to meditate on the events of a day he never can forget.' soofeism, it appears, (by the accounts i have received,) is a mystery; the secret of which can only be imparted by the professor to such persons as have been prepared for its reception, by a course of religious instruction. no one can be initiated into the mystery who has not first renounced all worldly vanities and ambitious projects--who is not sincerely repentant of past offences--who has not acquired perfect humility of heart, and an entire resignation to the divine will--a lively faith in god, and a firm determination to love and serve him, from a conviction, 'that god alone is worthy to be served, loved, and worshipped by his creatures.' thus prepared, the person is to receive instruction from a calipha, (head or leader of the soofies), who directs the pupil in certain exercises of the heart, which constitute the secrets of their profession. what these exercises are, i am not competent to give an opinion, but judging by the way a real soofie conducts himself, it may be presumed his practices are purely religious; for i am assured that he is devoted to all good ways; that he carefully avoids worldly vanities, and every species of temptation and alluring gratification of the senses; that he is incessant in prayer, and in fasting severe; free from all prejudice, as regards the belief or persuasion of other men, so long as they worship god alone; regarding all mankind as brothers, himself the humblest of the race; claiming no merit for the ascendancy he has acquired over earthly wishes, he gives glory alone to god, whom he loves and worships. all the durweish are of the mussulmaun persuasion. many are devout durweish, who are, nevertheless, unacquainted with the mystery of soofeism; and, to use their own words, (by which the natives distinguish them), 'every real soofie is undoubtedly a durweish, but all durweishes are not soofies,' although their lives may be devoted much in the same holy way, both in the practice of religion and abstinence from worldly enjoyments; and if the writers on these subjects may be believed, many wonderful cures have been effected by the prayers of the devout durweish. there are some pretenders, i am told, who put themselves forth to the world in the character of a durweish, who are not, in fact, entitled to the appellation,--hypocritical devotees, who wear the outward garb of humility, without the feeling of that inward virtue which is the characteristic principle of the true durweish. the distinction between the real and the pretended durweish, may be illustrated by the following anecdote which i have received from the mouth of meer hadjee shaah:-'in the last century,' he says, 'there lived at or near delhi, a very pure-minded durweish, named shah sherif ood deen mah-mood,[2] (he was known in his latter years by several of my aged acquaintance at lucknow, and his son and grandson both lived, at different periods, in that city). this person forsook the world whilst in the prime of manhood, and devoted himself to prayer, fasting, and good deeds. he was esteemed the most humble-minded of human beings, and his devotion to his maker sincere and ardent. his principal abode was delhi, where his wife and children also resided, to whom he was tenderly attached; yet so tempered were his affections, that he never allowed any earthly endearments to interfere with his devotions, or to separate him from his love to his creator. 'it was announced by the soofies and durweish, that on a certain day a festival or assembly of holy men would meet for the service of god, at the jummah musjud[3] (friday mosque), situated in the city of delhi. 'shah sherif ood deen was disposed to attend the meeting, which consisted of the heads or superiors of several classes of the religious, with their disciples and followers. at this meeting, as was expected, were assembled the soofies, durweish, and religious mendicants of all ranks and conditions, from those clothed in gold-cloth and brocade, down to the almost naked faakeer;[4] and amongst the latter number may be classed the humble-minded shah sherif ood deen. a small wrapper girt about his loins by a girdle of black wool spun into small ropes, and a similar article wound round his head, with a coarse white sheet over his shoulders for his summer apparel; and a black blanket to shelter his naked limbs from the cold winter, formed his sole wardrobe. 'this holy man took his station in the most humble spot of the assembly, "sitting amongst the shoes" of the more esteemed or more aspiring personages. as there was nothing remarkable in his appearance, he remained unobserved, or unnoticed by the multitude present. many of the assembly made great display of their right to pre-eminence, by the costliness of their robes, the splendour of their equipage, and the number of their servants; striving to command respect, if possible, by their superior external habiliments. 'this meeting had been convened to celebrate the death of one of their order, which had occurred some years prior. after prayers had been read, suited to the occasion, a poor man, whose very appearance might excite compassion, addressed the heads of the devotees with folded hands, beseeching them, who were accounted so truly holy in their lives, to offer up a prayer for him who had so long suffered severe affliction, by reason of his neck and face being drawn awry, from a paralytic attack, or some like calamity. the sufferer said, "i am a poor merchant, and have a large family dependant altogether on my personal exertions for support; but, alas! this illness prevents me from attending to the business of life. i am wasting both in body and in substance through this grievous affliction." 'the sick man's address was heard by the whole assembly in silence; many present, both soofies and durweish, were really pious men, and were willing to allow the person who seemed to be the head of this assembly, to intercede in behalf of the sufferer. to him they all looked, expecting he would commence a prayer in which they might join; but he, it is suspected, conscious of his own duplicity in assuming only the character of a soofie without the virtues, was anxious to dismiss the supplicant, with a promise that prayer should certainly be made for him in private, adding, "this is not a proper season for your application; it is disrespectful to disturb our meeting with your requests; we came not here to listen to your importunities, but on more important, business." '"true, my lord," answered the afflicted man; "i am sensible of all you say; but, i do assure you, private prayer has been tried for my relief by many individuals of your holy profession, and i have still to mourn my calamity. i thought when so many holy persons were assembled together, the united prayer--in accordance with our prophet's commands--offered up at this time, would certainly be received at the throne of mercy. i entreat then, at the hands of this venerable assembly, the aid i require." 'the pretended soofie looked haughtily on the sick man, and bade him retire to his home; he should have a prayer offered, he might depend, but it must be in private. the sufferer was still importunate, and urged every argument he could command, to induce the inexorable soofie to allow the present assembly to offer a prayer on the spot for his recovery; but nothing he could urge availed with the proud soofie, who at length grew angry even to the use of bitter words. 'shah sherif ood deen observed in silence the scene before him; at length he ventured (in the most respectful terms) to suggest to the heads of the assembly the propriety of vouchsafing the poor man's request; and hinted that, the prayer of some one more pure of heart than the rest might effectually reach the throne of mercy in behalf of the supplicant. '"and pray," said the leader, rising haughtily, "who gave you leave to suggest or recommend to your superiors in knowledge and virtue? is not our determination sufficient, that you, insignificant being! should presume to teach us what we ought to do?--you can know nothing of the durweish's powerful prayers, nor the mystery of a soofie's holy calling." '"i am, indeed, a very ignorant and unworthy creature," replied shah sherif, "and acknowledge my great presumption in daring to speak before so many of my superiors in knowledge and virtue; but we are told in our hudeeths (true speech) that the prayers of many hearts may prevail in a good cause, whilst singly offered the same prayer might fail," the proud soofie's anger seemed to increase as the durweish spoke; he bade him keep silence, and reviled him with many bitter words, which the good shah received with his usual humility and forbearance. at length, the shah looked attentively at the soofie, who had thus rebuked and insulted him, and said, "i will believe, sir, you are the soofie you aspire to be thought among your fellow-men, if you will immediately offer up your single prayer, by which the suffering man may be relieved; for we know such prayers have been answered by the gracious giver of all good." '"what do you know of the powerful prayer of the soofie?" replied the proud man, "i suspect you to be an impostor in your humble exterior."--"no, " said the shah, "i am but a poor beggar, and a humble, the very humblest servant of god."--"you pretend to much humility," retorted the soofie, "suppose we see one of your miraculous works in answer to your prayer; it would please us to witness what you can do." 'shah sherif ood deen raised his eyes to heaven, his heart went with his prayer, and in a dignified manner he stretched forth his hand towards the afflicted person. the man was instantly restored; then drawing his hand into a direct line with the proud soofie, and pointing his finger to him, he said, "what more, friend, dost them now require of me? the man's affliction is removed, but the power which is delegated to me rests still on my finger; command me, to whom shall i present it; to you, or any one of your people?" 'the proud soofie hung his head abashed and confounded, he had not power to answer. the shah observed his confusion and said, "it is not well to pray for relief to one poor weak fellow-creature, and then to afflict another; to the mountain's retreat, i will consign this malady." then shaking his hand as if to relieve himself from a heavy weight, he uttered in a solemn tone, "go to the mountains!" and resumed that humble seat he had first chosen with a smile of composure beaming on his countenance.' this miracle is actually believed by the natives to be true. shah sherif ood deen, say the people who know him, spent the principal part of each day and night in silent prayer and meditation; no one ever ventured to intrude within his small sanctuary, but hundreds of people would assemble outside the building, in front of which he occasionally sat for an hour, but scarcely ever conversed with any one of his visitors. during the time he was thus seated, he generally raised his eyes once or twice, and looked round on the faces of his audience. it was generally remarked, that no one could meet the eye of shah jee--that familiar appellation by which he was known--without an indescribable sensation of reverential awe, which irresistibly compelled them to withdraw their eyes. the talismanic power of shah jee's eyes had become proverbial throughout the city of delhi. a certain pattaan,[5] however, of warlike appearance, a man remarkable for his bravery, declared amongst his associates that he would certainly out-stare shah jee, if ever they met, which he was resolved should be the very first opportunity; he accordingly went with his companions at a time when this durweish was expected to appear in public. the pattaan was seated on the floor with many other people; when the shah issued from his sanctuary, the people rose to make their salaams, which shah jee either did not, or would not observe, but seated himself according to his custom on the mat which had been spread for him; where, his eyes fixed on the ground, he seemed for some time to be wholly absorbed in silent meditation. at length, raising his head, he turned his face to the long line of spectators, saluting with his eyes each person in the row, until he came to the pattaan, who, according to his vow, kept his large eyes fixed on the durweish. shah jee went on with his survey, and a second time cast a glance along the whole line, not omitting the pattaan as before, whose gaze, his companions observed, was as firmly settled on the durweish as at the first. a third time the eyes of the shah went round the assembly and rested again on the pattaan. observing the immoveable eyes of their pattaan acquaintance, the visitors smiled at each other, and secretly gave him credit for a piety and pureness of heart which he was not before supposed to be blessed with; 'how else,' said they, 'would he have been able to withstand the penetrating glance of the revered durweish.' shah jee rose from his seat, and retired, thus giving to the company a signal for their departure from the place. the associates of the pattaan congratulated him on his success, and inquired by what stratagem he had so well succeeded in fulfilling his promise; but his eyes being still fixed in a wild stare, he replied not to his questioners. they rallied him, and tried by a variety of means to dissolve his reverie; but the pattaan was insensible, all the boasted energies of his mind having forsaken him. his friends were now alarmed at his abstractedness, and with considerable difficulty removed him from the place to his own home, where his family received him, for the first time, with grief, as he was their whole stay and support, and the kind head of a large family. the pattaan continued staring in the same state throughout the night and following day, talking wildly and incoherently. 'the pattaan is paid for his presumption,' said some; others recommended application to be made to the durweish, shah jee, who could alone remove the calamity. the wife and mother, with many female dependants, resolved on pleading his case with the benevolent shah jee; but as access to him would be difficult, they conceived the idea of making their petition through the agency of the wife of the durweish, to whom they accordingly went in a body at night, and related their distress, and the manner in which they supposed it to have originated, declaring, in conclusion, that as the excellent durweish had been pleased to cast this affliction on their guardian, they must become slaves to his family, since bread could no longer be provided by the labour of him who had hitherto been their support. the wife of the durweish comforted the women by kind words, desiring them to wait patiently until her dear lord could be spoken with, as she never ventured to intrude on his privacy at an improper moment, however urgent the necessity. after a few hours' delay, passed with impatient feeling by the group of petitioning females, they were at length repaid by the voice of shah jee. his wife going to the door of his apartment, told him of the circumstance attending the pattaan, and the distressed condition of the females of his family, who came to supplicate his aid in restoring their relative to reason; adding, 'what commands will you be pleased to convey by me? what remedy do you propose for the suffering pattaan?' the durweish answered, 'his impure heart, then, could not withstand the reflected light. well, well! tell the poor women to be comforted, and as they desire to have the pattaan restored to his former state, they need only purchase some sweetmeats from the bazaar, which the man being induced to eat, he will speedily be restored to his wonted bodily and mental powers.' upon hearing the commands of shah jee, the women speedily departed, ejaculating blessings on the durweish, his wife, and family. on their return they purchased the sweetmeats and presented them to the pattaan, who devoured them with eagerness, and immediately afterwards his former senses returned, to the no small joy of his family circle. they inquired of him, what had been the state of his feelings during the time he was in that insensible state from which he was now happily relieved? he replied, that the first gaze of the durweish had fixed his eyes so firmly that he could by no means close or withdraw them from the object; the second glance detached his thoughts from every earthly vanity or wish; and that the third look from the same holy person, fixed him in unspeakable joys, transports pure and heavenly, which continued until he had eaten the sweetmeats they had presented, with a kind intention, he had no doubt, but which nevertheless, must be ever regretted by him whilst life remained; for no earthly joy could be compared with that which he had experienced in his trance. the durweish shah sherif ood deen, was asked by some one why he had selected the bazaar sweetmeats as a remedy in the pattaan's case? he answered, 'because i knew the man's heart was corrupt. the light which had been imparted to him could alone be removed by his partaking of the dirtiest thing mortals hold good for food, and surely there cannot be any thing more dirty than the bazaar sweetmeats, exposed as they are to the flies and dust of the city; and how filthily they are manufactured requires not my aid in exposing.' this durweish is said,--and believed by the good mussulmaun people i have conversed with,--to have foreseen the hour when he should be summoned from this life into eternity; and three weeks prior to the appointed time, he endeavoured to fortify the minds of his wife and family, to bear with resignation that separation he had been warned should take place. he assembled his affectionate relatives on the occasion, and thus addressed them, 'my dear family, it is the will of god that we should part; on such a day (mentioning the time), my soul will take flight from its earthly mansion. be ye all comforted, and hereafter, if ye obey god's holy law, ye shall meet me again in a blessed eternity.' as may be supposed, the females wept bitterly; they were distressed, because the good durweish had ever been kind, indulgent, affectionate, and tender in all the relative situations he held amongst them. he tried many soothing arguments to comfort and console them for some hours, but without in the least reducing their grief, or moderating their bewailings: they could not, and would not be comforted. 'well,' said the durweish, 'since the separation i have predicted causes you all so much sorrow, it would be better, perhaps, that we part not. i have thought of another method to avoid the pangs of separation; i will offer my prayers this night to the gracious giver of all good, that he may be pleased to permit ye all to bear me company in death.' 'oh! stay your prayer!' said the wife of the durweish; 'this must not be; for if we all die at once, who will perform the funeral rites, and deposit our bodies in the earth?' the durweish smiled at his wife's objection, and answered, 'this is of no consequence to us, dear wife: the body may be likened to a garment that is thrown off when old; the soul having worn its earthly covering for a season, at the appointed time shakes off the perishable piece of corruption, to enter into a purer state of existence. it matters not if the body have a burial or not; the soul takes no cognizance of the clay it has quitted. yet, if it be a matter of great consideration with you, be assured that many pious men and durweish, whose respect we have enjoyed in life, will not fail to give decent interment to the remains of those they have loved and respected.' this for a moment baffled the wife in her argument; but presently she persuasively urged that her daughters were all young, that they had as yet seen but little of this world, and therefore it would be cruel to take them away so soon; they must desire to see more of this life ere they entered on another state of existence. 'oh, my wife,' said the durweish, 'you reason badly; this life hath no joys to be compared with those which the righteous man's hopes lead him to expect in the world beyond the grave. i will assuredly make my promised prayer, if i find a semblance of remaining grief upon separating from me at the appointed time, for our removal to perfect happiness.' 'no, no!' was cried by all the assembled family; 'do let us remain a little longer here, we are not in a hurry to quit this world.'--'well, well, be satisfied then,' responded the durweish, 'if such is your desire; and hereafter let me not hear a sigh or a murmur from one of you, for my appointed time is drawing to a close; if you will not accompany me, let me, at least, depart in peace.' the people who relate this (and i have heard the anecdote from many) add, that the durweish shah sherif ood deen mah-mood died at the close of the third week, and on the day and hour he had predicted. a grandson of this durweish i have been writing about is still living in india, remarkable for a very retentive memory and propriety of life. i have not met with this gentleman during my residence in india, but have often heard his name mentioned with respect by meer hadjee shaah who knew him well. he says that this syaad, when but a boy, learned the whole khoraun by heart[6] in the short space of forty days; he adds, that this person is exemplary in his life, and in his habits and manners humble; that he is truly a servant of god; rejects the mystic tenets of soofieism; possesses an enlightened mind, and is a moollah or doctor of the mussulmaun law. i have heard many singular anecdotes of his life, proving his disregard for riches, honours, and the vain pursuits of the worldly-minded. if i recollect right, he once was engaged in the confidential office of moonshie to a highly talented gentleman at fort william, from which employment he retired and took up his abode for some time at lucknow; from whence, it was said, he went to hydrabaad, where, it is probable, he may still be found in the exercise of a religious course of life. his name is respected by all the good men of his own persuasion, with whom i have been most intimately acquainted. conceiving the subject may be interesting to my friends, i will not offer any apology for introducing to your notice a female character of great merit, whose death occurred during my residence in the vicinity of her abode. i was induced to make memorandums of the circumstances which brought the knowledge of her virtues more immediately before the public. maulvee meer syaad mahumud[7] succeeded, on the death of his father, in 1822, to the exalted position amongst mussulmauns of head leader and expounder of the mahumudan law in the city of lucknow; he is a person of unassuming manners and extreme good sense, is an upright, honest-hearted, religious man, meriting and receiving the respect and good opinion of all his countrymen capable of appreciating the worthiness of his general deportment. he is esteemed the most learned person of the present age amongst asiatic scholars; and occupies his time in study and devotion, and in giving gratuitous instruction to youth, at stated hours, in those laws which he makes his own rule of life. neither is the good maulvee's fame confined to the city in which he sojourns, as may be gathered from the following anecdote, which exhibits the upright principles of this worthy man, at the same time that it discloses the character of a very amiable female, whose charity was as unbounded as her memory is revered in furrukhabaad. 'the late nuwaub of furrukhabaad[8] was first married to a lady of birth and good fortune, villoiettee begum,[9] by whom he was not blessed with a son; but he had other wives, one of whom bore him an heir, who at the present time enjoys the musnud of his father. 'villoiettee begum was beautiful in person, and possessed a heart of the most benevolent and rare kind; her whole delight was centred in the exercises of those duties which her religion inculcated; she spent much of her time in prayer, in acquiring a knowledge of the khoraun, in acts of kindness to her fellow-creatures, and in strict abstinence. 'it was her unvaried custom at meals before she touched a morsel herself, to have twelve portions of food, selected from the choicest viands provided for her use, set apart for as many poor people; and when they had been served, she humbly and sparingly partook of the meal before her. she was possessed of great wealth, yet never expended any portion of it in the extravagances of dress; indeed, so humble was her appearance, that she might have been mistaken for the meanest of her slaves or domestics. it was her usual custom, whenever she purchased new clothing for her own wear, to lay in a large store for the poor; and it is affirmed, by those who were long intimate with the family, that a supplicant was never known to pass her door without relief. she even sought out, with the aid of a faithful domestic, the modest poor who were restrained by their feelings from intruding their necessities; and her liberal donations were distributed in so kind a manner, that even the pride of birth could never feel distressed when receiving her charitable assistance. 'this lady was much attached to the duties of her religion, and delighted in acquiring instruction from righteous persons of her own faith. she showered favours on all the poor who were reported to live in the fear of god; indeed, such was the liberality, benevolence, and unvaried charity of this good lady, that the news of her death was received by hundreds of people as their greatest earthly calamity. the example of this lady's character is the more enhanced by reflecting on the retired way in which she was reared and lived, restrained by the customs of her people within the high walls of a zeenahnah, without the advantages of a liberal education or the immediate society of intelligent people. she seems, by all accounts, to have been a most perfect pattern of human excellence. 'in forming her will (villoiettee begum had been a widow several years before her death), she does not appear to have wished a single thing to be done towards perpetuating her name,--as is usual with the great, in erecting lofty domes over the deposited clay of the mussulmaun,--but her immense wealth was chiefly bequeathed in charitable gifts. the holy and the humble were equally remembered in its distribution. she had been acquainted with the virtues of the good maulvee of lucknow, to whom she left a handsome sum of money for his own use, and many valuable articles to fit up the emaum-baarah for the service of mahurrum, with a, desire that the same should be conveyed to him as soon after her death as convenient. her vakeel (agent) wrote to meer syaad mahumud very soon after the lady's death, to apprise him of the bequest villoiettee begum had willed to him, and at the same time forwarded the portable articles to him at lucknow. 'the maulvee was much surprised, and fancied there must be some mistake in the person for whom this legacy was intended, as the lady herself was entirely unknown to him, and an inhabitant of a station so remote from his own residence as not likely ever to have heard of him. he, however, replied to the vakeel, and wrote also to a gentleman in the neighbourhood, desiring to have a strict inquiry instituted before he could venture to accept the riches of this lady's bounty, presuming that even if he was the person alluded to in her will, that the begum must have intended him as her almoner to the poor of lucknow. the good, upright maulvee acted on the integrity of his heart and desired a strict scrutiny might be instituted into the will of the deceased, which was accordingly made, and he was assured in reply, that villoiettee begum had been long acquainted with his worth, and in her liberal bequest she had decidedly intended the money for his sole use and benefit, in testimony of her respect for his virtuous character. the maulvee again wrote and requested to be informed by those most intimate with the begum's way of life, whether she had left unperformed any of the duties incumbent on a member of the faithful, as regards zuckhaut[10], pilgrimage, the fast, &c.? which not having accomplished, and having ample means, he felt himself bound, in the situation he held, to devote her legacy to the purpose of such duties by proxy (which their law commands) in her name. he was in reply assured that the good begum had not omitted any part of her duty; she had regularly applied zuckhaut, duly performed the fast, had paid the expenses for poor pilgrims to mecca (her substitutes); and not until all the scruples of the just maulvec had been removed would he hear of, or accept the begum's legacy.' the anecdote i have now given will serve to illustrate the character of some good people of hindoostaun of the present day; indeed, the veneration and respect paid by all classes to those men who lead religious lives, is but little changed from the earlier pages of the mussulmaun history. i have just met with a durweish anecdote, of former times, that may be worth transcribing, as i have received it from meer hadjee shaah, whose aid i am so much indebted to for subjects with which to amuse my friends. 'shaah ood dowlah[11] was a durweish who flourished in the reign of king shah jaluui at delhi, but whose fame is known throughout india to the present day. the durweish was remarkable for his activity of body. it is related, that he was often to be seen at prayer in delhi, and in three hours after he had transported himself eighty miles oil without any visible assistance but his own personal activity on foot. this extraordinary rapidity of movement rendered him an object of veneration; and the general belief was, that he was highly favoured of heaven, and gifted with supernatural power; the life he led was purely religious, with a total disregard of earthly riches. 'the king, shah jahan, was a very sensible person, and a great admirer of all that is counted good and excellent in his fellow-men; he was particularly friendly to such men as the durweish, or others who devoted their lives to religious exercises. he had often heard of shah ood dowlah, without ever meeting with him, and on hearing of some singular acts of this durweish, he was desirous of seeing him, and gave orders accordingly to his minister, that messengers should be sent in search of the holy man, but as often as they appeared before the durweish's hut he was invisible; this statement even added to the king's curiosity. on a certain day the king was seated on the story of his palace which overlooked the town and the outskirts beyond the walls, in conversation with his minister and favourites, when the durweish was espied at no great distance standing on the broadway; which, when the king knew, he desired messengers might be dispatched to convey the holy man to his presence. "your royal will shall be obeyed", replied the minister; "but your majesty must be aware that the extent of the circuit from the palace to the outer gate is so great that long before a slave can get to that road, shah ood dowlah will be beyond the reach of our summons. with all due submission to your majesty's better judgement, would it not be more prudent to call him from hence, and persuade him to ascend the wall in a basket suspended to a rope." the king agreed, and the durweish was hailed. "our king, the protector of the world, commands shah ood dowlah's attendance?"--the durweish, looking up at the summoner, inquired, "where is the king?"--"in this apartment," he was answered.--"how am i to get near him? he is too far off: an old man does not well to climb."--"wait a minute", replied the servant, "your conveyance shall be prepared." 'in a few minutes the basket descended from the upper story, by a strong rope, well secured against the probability of accident. the durweish,--who was covered with a chudha[12], or sheet, to keep him from giddiness in the ascent,--seated himself firmly in the basket, and the servants drew him up in safety. he was immediately conveyed to the king's apartment; who, contrary to precedent, rose at his entrance to receive this respected and much-desired guest. '"pray be seated, my friend", said the king, leading him to the most honoured part of the royal carpet. the durweish obeyed without a moment's hesitation, to the astonishment of the vizier, nobles, courtiers, &c., who had never before seen a human being seated in the king's presence, not even one of the most exalted of the nobles. "i have long desired this happiness," said the king to the durweish, "that i might converse with you. "--"your majesty is very gracious to the poor durweish", was responded. "i hear much of your great virtue and good life," said the king, "from the world, my subjects."--"they do but flatter the poor durweish," was his reply; adding, "none can tell what passes in my heart, when they view only my face. i am but a poor durweish." '"i have many questions to ask you," said the king, "which i hope to have resolved from your own mouth; but, first, i beg to be informed, what methods you have used in order to acquire that command over selfish feelings, which is displayed in your intercourse with the world? and by what means you have become so enlightened in the ways pleasing to god?" 'the durweish with a smile of pleasure, and in language calm as respectful, answered in the following words:--"your majesty, the protector of the world, was desirous of becoming personally known to the very meanest of your subjects, the poor durweish; the opportunity arrived, and you condescended to let down a line of rope to assist your poor subject in the ascent to your presence. with equal condescension you have seated me by your side; and i, the poor durweish, feel a due sense of the honour conferred on me. had i been anxious to gain admittance to the protector of the world, many would have been the difficulties to surmount; your castle is well guarded, your gates innumerable to be passed ere this place could be reached, and who would have aided the poor durweish's wishes? but your majesty had the will, and the power to effect that will; whilst i, who had neither, might have exerted myself for ages without effect. such then, o king! is the way god draws those whom he wills unto him. he sees into the hidden recesses of the human heart, and knows every working of mortal minds; he has no difficulty to surmount; for to whom in his mercy he grants evidence of his love, he draws them to himself in heart, in soul, in mind, with infinitely less effort than thou hast exerted to draw my mortal body within thy palace. it is god who in love and mercy throws the line to man; happy that soul who accepts the offered means, by which he may ascend!"' meer nizaam ood deen[13] lived many years at lucknow, where he was much esteemed by the religious men of the time; some who survived him have frequently entertained me with anecdotes of that respected durweish. out of the many i have heard detailed by them, i have selected for this place a few of the most interesting:-a certain king of delhi (whose name has escaped my recollection) having heard of the remarkable piety of this durweish, expressed a great desire to see him, and the message was conveyed by a confidential person, instructed to say to the holy man, that his presence was solicited as a favour at court. the person intrusted with the royal message, remarked to meer nizaam, when he had agreed to accompany him, that his mean apparel was not suited to appear in the presence of majesty, and offered to provide him with a superior dress. the durweish looked steadily in the face of the proposer, and addressed him, 'friend! know you not, that clad in these very garments you deride, i make my daily prayers to him who is the creator and lord of the whole earth, and all that therein is? if i am not ashamed to appear in the presence of my god thus habited, canst thou think i shall deem it needful to change my garments for one who is, at best but the creature of my creator? thinkest thou i would pay more deference to my fellow-man than i have done to my god? no, no; be assured the clothes i wear will not be changed for earthly visits.' this durweish had a mind and heart so entirely devoted to his creator, and was so thoroughly purified from earthly vanity, that his every wish was granted as soon as it had been formed in his heart, says one of his many admirers, meer eloy bauxh[14]; who, in proof that he was so gifted, relates the following anecdote which i give in his own words:-'one day i was conversing with the durweish, meer nizaam, when he told me he could bring me to his door, from my own home, at any hour or time he pleased. i was a little wavering in my belief of his power to do so, and offered some remarks that indicated my doubts. "well," said he in reply, "you shall be convinced, my friend, ere long, i promise you." 'a few evenings after this conversation had been held, i was seated on my charpoy, in meditation,--my usual practice after the evening namaaz,--when a sudden impulse seized my mind, that i must immediately go off to the durweish who lived at the opposite extremity of this large city (lucknow). i prepared to set out, and by the time i was ready, the rain burst forth in torrents from the over-charged clouds. still the impulse was so strong that i cared not for this impediment even, which under ordinary circumstances would have deterred me from venturing out on a dark evening of storm; i wrapped myself up in my labaadah[15], took a stick and umbrella, and sallied forth in great haste. on reaching the outer gate of my premises, the strong, feeling that had impelled me to proceed, vanished from my mind, and i was as strongly urged by an opposite impulse to retire again within my own habitation, where, if i reasoned at all, it was on the unusual changeableness of my fixed resolution, for i never thought about the subject of the durweish's prediction at the time. 'some few days after this, i paid meer nizaam a visit, and after our usual embrace and salutations were over, he said to me, "well, my friend, are you convinced by this time, that i have the power to bring you to me whenever i wish, by the preparations you made for coming on the evening of such a day?" (mentioning the time and hour accurately). '"i remember well my desire to visit you, but why was i deterred from my purpose?" i asked. the durweish replied, "out of pure compassion for the fatigue and pains it would have given you, had you come so far on such a night of rain and tempest. my pity for you altered my wishes, and thereby your purposes. i only wished you to be convinced, and perhaps you are so now."' meer eloy bauxh often speaks of this circumstance, and declares he has full confidence that the durweish in question possessed the power of influencing the minds of others, or attracting them by his wishes to appear before him. 'this durweish was once applied to by a mussulmaun, who went regularly for many days in succession, to watch a favourable moment for soliciting advice and assistance in his then uneasy state of mind. the mussulmaun's name was hummoon[16], since designated shah, a native of the upper provinces of hindoostaun, in the lahore district. hummoon occasionally passing near the river, had frequently observed, amongst, the number of hindoo women, on their way to and from the place of bathing, one young female whose charms riveted his attention. he sometimes fancied that the girl smiled on him; but aware of the strong prejudices of her caste, which prohibits intercourse even, much less marriage, with men of another persuasion, he loved therefore without hope; yet he could not resist, as the opportunity offered, of again and again watching for a glance at the beautiful hindoo whose person had won his entire affections. not a word had ever passed between them, but he fancied she sometimes returned his looks of love in her smiles. 'the passion of hummoon increased daily; he could with difficulty restrain himself within the prescribed bounds; he longed to address her, and in vain puzzled his imagination for the proper means to adopt, for he knew the edict of her caste had placed a barrier between them of an insurmountable nature. for months he endured all the torments of his perplexing state, and at last resolved on applying to the good durweish for advice and assistance, whose famed powers had been long the subject of admiration among the mussulmauns. hummoon went daily to the threshold of the durweish, and seated himself among the many who, like him, had some favour to ask of the holy man, at the propitious moment when he chose to be visible and disposed to look round upon his petitioning visitors. all waited for a look with the most intense anxiety (for a durweish does not always notice his courtiers), and happy did he deem himself who was encouraged by the recognition of his eye, to offer his petition by word of mouth. many such applicants had been favoured by the durweish, yet hummoon visited daily without being noticed by the holy man. at length, however, a look of inquiry was given to the almost despairing hummoon; thus encouraged, he folded his hands, and bent them forward in a supplicating attitude, told his distresses as briefly as the subject would permit, and concluded his tale of sorrow, by entreating the durweish would instruct him in the exercise of some prayer by which he might be made happy with the object of his love. 'the durweish listened attentively to hummoon's tale; and more, he pitied him, for he felt at all times a due proportion of sympathy for the misery of his fellow-creatures, and the singularity of hummoon's case affected him. he told him he could teach the way to become deserving of having his wishes in this world granted to him, but more he could not answer for; but it would take him a considerable time to practise the devotions necessary to his future peace, which were of the heart, not the mere repetition of a prayer by the lips. hummoon readily assured the durweish, he was willing to be guided by his advice and instruction; adding, that he would patiently persevere for any length of time necessary, so that at last his object might be accomplished. 'hummoon commenced under the tuition of the durweish the practice of devotional exercises. he forsook (as was required of him) all vain pursuits, worldly desires, or selfish gratifications; day and night was devoted to religious study and prayer, and such was the good effect of his perseverance and progressive increase of faith, that at the end of some few months he had entirely left off thinking of the first object of his adoration, his whole heart and soul being absorbed in contemplation of, and devotion to, his creator. at the end of a year, no trace or remembrance of his old passion existed; he became a perfect durweish, retired to a solitary place, where under the shade of trees he would sit alone for days and nights in calm composure, abstracted from every other thought but that of his god, to whom he was now entirely devoted.' i am told that this durweish, hummoon shah, is still living in the lahore province, a pattern of all that is excellent in virtue and devotion. [1] mir ilahi bakhsh. [2] shah sharif-ud-din, mahmud. [3] jame' masjid, the congregational mosque. [4] faqir, a poor man, one poor in the sight of god. [5] pathan, a frontier tribe, many of which reside in british india. [6] such a person is called hafiz. [7] maulavi mir sayyid muhammad. [8] early in the eighteenth century farrukhabad, now a district of this name in the united provinces of agra and oudh, became an independent state during the decay of the moghul empire. the line of nawabs was founded by muhammad khan, an afghan of the bangash tribe. it was annexed by oudh in 1749 and ceded to the british in 1801, on which event the nawab ceased to be independent. the last nawa b joined the rebels in the mutiny of 1857. [9] wilayati begam, the foreign lady. [10] see p. 67. [11] shah-ud-daula. [12] _chadar_. [13] mir nizam-ud-din. [14] mir ilahi bakhsh. [15] _labada_, a rain-coat. [16] hamun. letter xxv mussulmaun devotees.--the chillubdhaars.--peculiar mode of worship.--propitiatory offerings.--supposed to be invulnerable to fire.--the maadhaars or duffelees.--character of the founder.--pilgrimage to his tomb.--females afflicted on visiting it.--effects attributed to the violation of the sanctuary by a foreigner.--superstition of the natives.--anecdote of sheikh suddoo and the genii.--the way of the world exemplified, a khaunie (hindoostaunie fable).--moral fable.--the king who longed for fruit...page 370 there are many classes of men amongst the mussulmauns, who either abjure the world or seem to do so, independent of those denominated durweish;-such us the religions mendicants, &c., who have no earthly calling, and derive their subsistence from the free-will offerings of their neighbours, or the bounty of the rich, who from respect for their humble calling, and a hope of benefit from their prayers, or rather from the veneration of mussulmauns towards such of their faith as have renounced the world for the service of god. the chillubdhaars[1] are a well-known class of wanderers; their founder was a syaad, ahmud kaabeer,[2] of whom many wonderful things are related sufficient to impress on the weak mind a belief in his supernatural ascendancy. his presumed powers are said to have been chiefly instrumental in curing the sick or in removing temporal afflictions; but his effectual prayers in behalf of people in difficulty, they say, surpassed those of any other of the whole tribes of devotees that have at any age existed. his admirers and followers speak of him as having been invulnerable to fire. in his lifetime he had forty disciples or pupils constantly with him; at his death these forty separated, each in the course of time accumulating his forty pupils, after the pattern of their founder, who also eventually became leaders, and so on, until at the present time, it is conjectured, there are few places in asia exempt from one or more detachments of these chillubdhaar practical beggars who are much admired by the weak; and although they profess the same tenets and rules of life with their founder, syaad ahmud kaabeer, yet, i believe, no one gives the chillubdhaars of the present period credit for possessing either the virtues or the power of that man who set them so many bright examples; nevertheless, they are applied to on emergencies by the ignorant and the credulous of the present day, courted by the weak, and tolerated by all. they all practise one plan whenever called upon to remove the difficulty of any person who places sufficient confidence in their ability. on such occasions, a young heifer, two years old, is supplied by the person having a request to make, after which a fire of charcoal is made in an open space of ground, and the animal sacrificed according to mussulmaun form. the tender pieces of meat are selected, spitted, and roasted over the fire, of which when cooked, all present are requested to partake. whilst the meat is roasting, the chillubdhaars beat time with a small tambourine to a song or dirge expressive of their love and respect to the memory of the departed saint, their founder and patron, and a hymn of praise to the creator. the feast concluded, whilst the fire of charcoal retains a lively heat, these devotees commence dancing, still beating their tambourines and calling out with an audible voice, 'there is but one god!--mahumud is the prophet of god!' then they sing in praise of ali, the descendants of the prophet, and, lastly, of syaad ahmud kaabeer their beloved saint. each then puts his naked foot in the fire: some even throw themselves upon it,--their associates taking care to catch them before they are well down,--others jump into the fire and out again instantly; lastly, the whole assembly trample and kick the remaining embers about, whilst a spark remains to be quenched by this means.[3] these efforts, it is pretended, are sufficient to remove the difficulties of the persons supplying the heifer and the charcoal. these mendicants live on public favour and contributions; they wear clothes, are deemed harmless, never ask alms, but are always willing to accept them, and have no laws of celibacy, as is the case with some wandering beggars in india, who are naked except the wrapper; sometimes they settle, making fresh converts, but many wander from city to city, always finding people disposed to administer to their necessities. they are distinguished from other sects, by each individual carrying a small tambourine, and wearing clothing of a deep buff colour. there are another set of wandering mendicants, who are called madhaar[4] beggars, or the duffelees,[5] by reason of the small hand-drum they carry with them. these are the disciples of the sainted maadhaar, whose tomb is visited annually by little short of a million of people, men, women, and children, at a place called muckunpore, about twenty koss from cawnpore. maadhaar was esteemed in his lifetime a most perfect durweish, and his admirers speak of the power he then possessed as still existing; in that his pure spirit at stated periods hovers near his last earthly remains, where the common people make a sort of pilgrimage to entreat his influence in their behalf. a mayllah[6] (fair) is the consequence of this annual pilgrimage, which continues, i think, seventeen days in succession, and brings together, from many miles distant, the men of business, the weak-minded, and the faithful devotees of every class in the upper provinces. from the respect paid to the memory of maadhaar, and the expected influence of his spirit at the shrine, the ignorant people bring their sons to receive the saint's blessing on their tender years. the man of business also presents himself before it, desirous to insure a share of success at the fair, and ultimate prosperity at home. the devotee visits the shrine from a desire to increase in true wisdom by the reflected light of the maadhaar durweish's purer spirit. women having made vows to visit the shrine, come to fulfil it at this period, if their hopes be realized in the birth of a son; and others to entreat his influence that their daughters may be suitably married; in short, all who assemble at this mayllah have some prayer to offer, or acknowledgments to make, for they depend on the abundant power and influence of the saint's spirit to supply their several wants or desires. at the shrine of this saint, a descendant, or as is suspected often in such cases, a pretended relative, takes his station to collect, with all the appearance of sanctity and humility, the nuzzas offered at the shrine of maadhaar. the amount so collected is enormous, if credit be given to the reports in circulation; for all visitors are expected to present an offering, and most of the pilgrims do it for conscience sake. i knew a mussulmaun who went from curiosity to this mayllah; he was accosted rather rudely as he was quitting the tomb, without leaving a nuzza; he told the guardian of the tomb he had presented the best nuzza he possessed, in a prayer for the soul of the departed; (as commanded every mussulmaun should offer when drawing near the tomb of one of his own faith). i have conversed with a remarkably devout person, on the numerous extraordinary stories related of maadhaar's life, and the subsequent influence of his tomb. he told me that women can never, with safety to themselves, enter the mausoleum containing his ashes; they are immediately seized with violent pains as if their whole body was immersed in flames of fire. i spoke rather doubtingly on this subject, upon which he assured me that he had known instances of one or two women who had imprudently defied the danger, and intruded within the mausoleum, when their agony was extreme, and their sufferings for a long time protracted, although they eventually recovered. another still more remarkable circumstance has been related to me by the natives, for the truth of which i cannot venture to vouch, although i have no reason to doubt the veracity of the narrators. 'a party of foreigners, encamped near the fair, wished to see what was going on at this far-famed mayllah, and for the purpose of gratifying their curiosity, halted on a certain day in the vicinity of the durgah, when the place was much thronged by the various pilgrims to that shrine. the party dined in their tent, but drank more wine than was consistent with propriety, and one was particularly overcome. when they sallied forth, at the close of the day, to visit this saint's tomb, their approach was observed by the keepers, who observing how very unfit the strangers appeared to enter the sanctuary of other men's devotions,--the hallowed ground that was by them respected,--the head-keeper very civilly advanced as they moved towards the entrance, requesting that they would desist from entering in their apparent condition, contrary to the rules of the place and people. the convivial party then drew back, without contesting the point, excepting the one most disguised in liquor, who asserted his right to enter wherever and whenever he thought good, nor would he be controlled by any man in india. 'the keepers spoke very mildly to the tipsy foreigner, and would have persuaded him he was doing wrong, but he was not in a state to listen to any argument dissuading him from his determined purpose; they warned him that a severe punishment must follow his daring, as he pushed past them and reeled into the mausoleum, triumphing at his success. he had approached the tomb, when he was immediately seized with trembling, and sank senseless on the floor; his friends without, observing his situation, advanced and were assisted by the keepers in removing the apparently inanimate body to the open air: water was procured, and after considerable delay, returning symptoms of life were discovered. when able to speak, he declared himself to be on the eve of death, and in a few short hours he breathed his last.' the unhappy man may have died of apoplexy. the ignorant part of the population of hindoostaun hold a superstitious belief in the occasional visitations of the spirit of sheikh suddoo.[7] it is very common to hear the vulgar people say if any one of their friends is afflicted with melancholy, hypochondria, &c., 'ay, it is the spirit of sheikh suddoo has possessed him.' in such cases the spirit is to be dislodged from the afflicted person by sweetmeats, to be distributed among the poor; to which is added, if possible, the sacrifice of a black goat. i am not quite sure that the night blindness, with which the lower orders of natives are frequently attacked, has not some superstitious allusion attached to it; but the only remedy i have ever heard prescribed for it is, that the patient should procure the liver of a young kid, which must be grilled over the fire, and eaten by the afflicted person. the story of this sheikh suddoo, which is often related in the zeenahnahs of the mussulmauns, is as follows:-'sheikh suddoo was a very learned man, but a great hypocrite, who passed days and nights in the mosque, and was fed by the charitable, his neighbours, from such viands as they provided daily for the poor traveller, and those men who forsake the world. the sheikh sometimes wandered into a forest seldom penetrated by the foot of man, where, on a certain day, he discovered a copper cup, curiously engraved with characters which he tried in vain with all his learning to decipher. the sheikh returned with the cup to the mosque, regretting that the characters were unknown to him; but as he had long desired to have a good-sized lamp, he fancied from the peculiar shape of his prize, that it would answer the very purpose, and the same night he exultingly prepared his charaagh[8] (a light) in the engraved vessel. 'the moment he had ignited one wick, he was surprised by the appearance of a figure, resembling a human being, standing before him, "who art thou," he demanded, "intruding at this hour on the privacy of a hermit?"--"i come", replied the figure, "on the summons from your lamp. that vessel, and whoever possesses it, has four attendants, one of whom you see before you, your slave. we are genii, and can only be summoned by the lighting up of the vessel now before you; the number of your slaves will be in due attendance, always guided by as many wicks as it may be your pleasure to light up for our summons. demand our attendance, at any hour you please, we are bound to obey." 'the sheikh inquired if he or his companions possessed any power. "power", replied the genii, "belongs to god alone, the creator of all things visible and invisible; but by his permission we are enabled to perform, to a certain extent, any reasonable service our master requires." 'the sheikh soon put their abilities to the test, and satisfied himself that these agents would aid and assist him in raising his character with the world (for he coveted their praise), "they would", he thought, "assuredly believe he was a pious durweish, when he could convince them by a ready compliance with their requests, which must seem to follow his prayers, and which he should be able to further now by the aid of the genii." 'the pretended holy man employed his attendant genii fully; many of his demands on their services were difficult, and too often revolting to them; yet whilst he retained the lamp in his possession, they were bound to obey his commands. he once heard of a king's daughter, who was young and beautiful; he therewith summoned the genii, and required that they should convey the princess to him. they reluctantly obeyed his command, and the princess was the sheikh's unwilling companion in the mosque. on another occasion, he desired the genii to bring without delay, to the ground in front of his present abiding place, a very curious mosque situated many leagues distant, the stones of which were so nicely cemented together, that no trace of the joining could be discovered. the genii received this command with regret, but they were obliged to obey, and departed from the sheikh's presence to execute his unworthy orders. 'it happened that the mosque which the sheikh coveted was the retreat of a righteous man, who had separated from the world to serve his god, venerable in years and devout in his duties. the genii commenced their labour of removing the mosque; the good man who was at his devotions within, fancied an earthquake was shaking the building to its foundation, but as he trusted in god for preservation, he breathed a fervent prayer as he remained prostrate before him. 'the shaking of the mosque continued, and he was inspired by a sudden thought that induced him to believe some supernatural agency was employed against the holy house; he therefore called out, "who and what are ye, who thus sacrilegiously disturb the house of god!" the genii appeared, and made known to what order of beings they belonged, whose servants they were, and the purpose of their mission. '"begone this instant!" replied the pious man, with a tone of authority that deprived them of strength: "a moment's delay, and i will pray that you be consumed by fire! know ye not that this is a mosque, holy, and erected wherein to do service to the great and only god? would sheikh suddoo add to his enormities by forcing the house of god from its foundation? away, ye servants of the wicked sheikh, or meet the fire that awaits you by a moment's further delay!" 'the genii fled in haste to their profane employer, whose rage was unbounded at their disobedience, as he termed their return without the mosque; he raved, stormed, and reviled his slaves in bitter sarcasms, when they, heartily tired of the sheikh's servitude, caught up the copper vessel, and, in his struggle to resist the genii, he was thrown with violence on the ground, when his wicked soul was suddenly separated from his most impure body.' this story receives many alterations and additions, agreeable to the talent and the inclination of the person relating it in native society; but as there once was a person on whose history it has been founded, they do not denominate it fabulous or khaunie.[9] the following, which i am about to copy from a translation of my husband's, is really a mere fable; and, however trifling and childish it may appear, i feel bound to insert it, as one among those things which serves to illustrate the character of the people i have undertaken to describe; merely adding, that all these fables prove an unceasing entertainment in the zeenahnah, with females who cannot themselves read, either for amusement or instruction:-'a certain man was travelling on horseback through an immense forest; and when he came to a particular spot, he observed fire consuming some bushes, in the centre of which was a monstrous large snake. the snake was in danger of being destroyed by the flames, so he called to the traveller, in a voice of despair--"oh! good sahib, save me, or i perish!"[10] 'the traveller was a very tender-hearted creature, prone to pity the painful sufferings of every living creature, whether man or animal; and therefore began to devise some scheme for liberating the snake from the devouring flames. his horse's corn bag, which was made of leather, hung dangling by a rope from the crupper; this, he thought, would be the best thing he could offer to the distressed snake. accordingly, holding fast by the rope, he threw the bag towards the flames, and desired the snake to hasten into it, who immediately accepted the offered aid, and the traveller drew him out of his perilous situation. 'no sooner was the snake released from danger, than, ungrateful for the services he had received from the traveller, he sprang towards him, with the purpose of wounding his deliverer. this, however, he failed to accomplish, for the traveller drew back in time to escape the attack; and demanded of his enemy his reasons for such base ingratitude, saying--"have i not saved your life by my prompt assistance? what a worthless reptile art thou! is this thy mode of rewarding benefits?"--"oh!" said the snake, "i am only imitating the way of the world; who ever thinks of returning good for good? no, no! every benefit received by the creature of this world is rewarded to the donor by an ungrateful return. i tell you, good traveller, i am only following the example set me in the way of the world." '"i shall not take your word for it," said the traveller in reply; "but if i can be convinced that what you say is true, you shall be welcome to bite me."--"agreed," said the snake; and off they set together in search of adventures. 'the first object they met was a large pepul-tree[11] whose branches spread out an inviting shelter to the weary traveller to repose under, without rent or tax. the pepul-tree was asked, "whether it was consistent with the way of the world for the snake to try to wound the man who had preserved him from destruction." 'the pepul-tree replied, "to follow in the way of the world, i should say the snake was justified. a good return is never now-a-days tendered for a benefit received by mere worldlings, as i can bear witness by my own sufferings. listen to my complaint:--here in this solitary jungle, where neither hut nor mansion is to be found, i spread forth my well-clothed branches,--a welcome shelter to the passing traveller from the burning heat of the noontide sun, or the deluge poured out from the over-charged cloud;---under my cover they cook their meal, and my falling leaves supply them with fuel, as also with a bed on which they may recline their weary limbs. think you, when they have thus profited by the good i have done them, that they are grateful for my services?--oh, no! the ingrates despoil the symmetry of my form, break off my branches with violence, and trudge off triumphantly with the spoil which may serve them for fuel for cooking at their next stage. so you see the snake is right; he has but followed the way of the world." 'the snake exultingly led the way in search of other proofs by which he should be justified. they fell in with a man who was by occupation a camel-driver. the man being made acquainted with the point at issue, desired to be heard, as he could prove by his own tale that the snake's ingratitude was a true picture of the way of the world:--"i was the sole proprietor of a very fine strong camel, by whose labour i earned a handsome competence for each day's provision of myself and family, in conveying goods and sometimes travellers from place to place, as my good fortune served me. on a certain day, returning home through an intricate wood, i drew near to a poor blind man who was seated on the ground lamenting his hard fate. hearing my camel's feet advance, he redoubled his cries of distress, calling loudly for help and assistance. his piteous cries won upon the tender feelings of my heart; so i drew near to inquire into his situation, he told me with tears and sobs, that he was travelling on foot from his home to visit his relations at the next town; that he had been attacked by robbers, his property taken from him by violence, and that the boy, his guide, was forced from him by the banditti as a slave; and here, added the blind man, must i perish, for i can neither see my way home, nor search for food; in this lone place my friends will never think to seek me, and my body will be the feast for jackals ere the morning dawns. '"the poor man's story made so deep an impression on my mind, that i resolved on assisting him; accordingly my camel was made to kneel down, i seated the blind man safely on my beast, and set off with him to the city he called his home. arrived at the city gates, i lowered my camel, and offered to assist the poor man in descending from his seat; but, to my astonishment, he commenced abusing me for my barefaced wickedness, collected a mob around us, by his cries for help from his persecutor, declared himself the master of the camel, and accused me of attempting to rob him now as i had done his brother before. '"so plausible was his speech--so apparently innocent and just his demands--that the whole collected populace believed i was actually attempting to defraud the blind man of his property, and treated me in consequence with great severity. i demanded to be taken before the kauzy of the city. 'yes yes,' said the blind man, 'we will have you before the kauzy'; and away we went, accompanied by the crowd who had espoused the blind man's cause against me. '"the blind man preferred his claim, and advocated his own cause with so many arguments of apparent justice, that i was not allowed a voice in the business; and in the end i was sentenced to be thrust out of the city as a thief and vagabond, with a threat of still greater punishment if i dared to return. here ends my sad tale; and you may judge for yourself, oh, traveller! how truly the snake has proved to you that he follows but the way of the world!" * * * * * 'as they pursued their way in search of further conviction, they met a fox, whose wisdom and sagacity was consulted on the important question. having heard the whole history with becoming gravity, the fox addressed the traveller:--"you can have no good reason to suppose, mr. traveller, that in your case there should be any deviation from the general rule. i have often been obliged to suffer the vilest returns from friends whom i have been active to oblige; but i am rather curious to see the way you effected the release of the snake from the fire, for i will candidly confess myself so stupid as not clearly to understand the description you have both attempted to give. i shall judge the merits of the case better if i see it performed." 'to this proposal the snake and traveller agreed: and when the corn bag was thrown towards the snake, he crept into it as before. the fox then called out to the traveller "draw quickly!" he did so, and the snake was caught by a noose in the cord which the fox had contrived unperceived, by which the snake was secured fast round the middle. "now," said the fox, "bruise your enemy, and thus relieve the world of one base inhabitant!"'[12] this fable is frequently enlarged and embellished by the reciter to a considerable extent, by introducing many different objects animate and inanimate, to elucidate the question before the fox arrives, who is generally brought in to moral the fable. i trust to be excused for transcribing the following moral fable which was translated from the persian by my husband for my amusement, bearing the title of 'the king who longed for an unknown fruit:'-'a certain king was so great a tyrant, that his servants and subjects dreaded each burst of anger, as it were the prelude to their own annihilation. the exercise of his will was as absolute as his power; he had only to command, and obedience followed, however difficult or inconvenient to the people who served under him. 'this tyrant dreamed one night that he was eating fruit of an extraordinary flavour and quality. he had never in his whole life seen fruit of the kind, neither had he heard such described by travellers; yet when he ruminated on the subject in the morning he was resolved to have fruit of the same sort his dream presented, or his people should suffer for his disappointment. 'the king related his dream, and with it his commands to his vizier, his courtiers, and attendants, that fruit of the same description should be brought before him within seven days; in default of which he vowed solemnly that death should be the portion of his vizier, his courtiers, and servants. they all knew the king meant to be obeyed, by the earnestness of his manner, and they trembled under the weight of his perplexing orders; each, therefore, was speedily engaged in the all-important search. the whole empire was canvassed, and all the business of the court was suspended to satisfy the whim of the monarch, without avail; terror and dismay marked the countenance of the whole city--for certain death awaited these servants of the court--and there was but now one day left to their hopes. the city, the suburbs, the provinces, had been searched; disappointment followed from every quarter, and the threatened party gave up their hearts to despair. 'a certain durweish, knowing the consternation of the people, and feeling pity for their unmerited sufferings, sent for the vizier privately. "i am not", said the durweish, "by any means anxious to please the vanity and silly wishes of your master, the king, but i do hear with pity the state of despair you and your fellows are reduced to, by the unsuccessful results of your search after the fruit, and the certain consequences which are to follow your failure." 'then giving the vizier a fragment of a broken pitcher, on which was ciphered unknown characters, he told him to take it with him to a certain tomb, situated in the suburbs of the royal city, (directing him to the spot with great exactness), and casting the fragment on the tomb, to follow the directions he would there receive; he further desired him to be secret, to go alone, and at midnight. 'the now hope-inspired vizier went as desired at midnight, and cast the fragment on the tomb, which instantly opened to him. he then descended a flight of steps, from the foot of which, at a little distance, he first espied a light not larger than a taper, but which increased as he went on until the full splendour of noonday succeeded. proceeding with confidence, revived hope cheered his heart, anticipating that by success so many lives besides his own would be preserved through his humble endeavours; and that life would be more than doubly dear, as the prospect of losing the gift had embittered the last few days so severely. 'the vizier passed on courageously through halls, corridors, and apartments of magnificent structure, decorated and furnished in the most perfect style of elegant neatness. everything he saw bore marks of splendour. the king's palace was then remembered in all its costliness, to be as much inferior to the present scene as could be detected by the lapidary's correct eye, when comparing the diamond with the pebble. 'he was perfectly entranced as he gazed on the emerald gate, through which he had to pass to enter a garden of luxuriant beauty, where every shrub, plant, flower, and fruit teemed with richness. in the centre of a walk an old man was seated in a chair of burnished gold, clad in the costume of the country, who seemed to be engaged in breathing the sweet odours by which he was surrounded with a calm and tranquil countenance of joy. "i know your business," said the possessor of this paradise, to the vizier as he advanced towards him; "you are come to obtain fruit from this tree, which bows its branches to the earth with the weight and number of its burden. take one only; this is the fruit your master's dream pictured to his fancy." 'full of joy at the prospect of release from the dreaded anger of his royal master, the vizier hastily plucked the fruit, and retreated by the way he came, without waiting to inquire what the old man meant by an exclamation he uttered at parting, which at the time seemed of lesser import than he afterwards imagined; but "alas, the world" was recalled to his memory on his way back to the palace, and haunted his mind so strongly that he became restless and uneasy, even after the king had conferred honours and favours innumerable on him for his successful efforts in procuring that fruit which had never before been seen by any creature on earth but by the king, and by him only in a dream. "alas, the world!" was like a dark envelope over every attempt to be cheerful; an impenetrable cloud seemed to pervade the vizier's mind; he could think of nothing but the parting words of the old man, and his own folly in not inquiring his meaning. 'the vizier at last went to the same durweish who had befriended him in his hour of need, and related to him the obstacle to his enjoyment of the blessings and honours which had crowned his success, and hoped from this holy-minded man to ascertain the meaning of that perplexing sentence, "alas, the world!" the durweish could not, or would not explain the old man's meaning; but willing to do the vizier all possible service, he proposed giving him again the necessary passport to the inhabitant of the garden. 'the fragment of a pitcher was again traced with the mystic characters, and with this in his hand the vizier at midnight sought the tomb, where he found as easy access as on the former occasion. everything he saw seemed doubly beautiful to his imagination since his former visit. he entered by the emerald gate and found the old man enjoying the magnificent and sense-devouring scene, with as much delight as mortals are wont to show when content fills the heart of man. '"i know your second errand, my friend," said the old man, "and am quite as willing to oblige you as on your first visit. know then, vizier, that whilst an inhabitant of earth, i followed the humble occupation of a village barber; by shaving and paring nails i earned my daily bread, and maintained my family. sometimes i collected ten pice in my day of labour from house to house, and if twelve crowned my efforts i was fortunate. '"many years passed over my head in this way, when one day i was less successful in my calling, and but half my usual earnings was all i had gained. on my way home i was ruminating on the scantiness of the meal likely to be procured by five pice for my family of seven people; the season was one of such great scarcity, that ten pice on other days had been of late barely sufficient to procure our daily food; and even with twelve we thought our wants had been but inadequately supplied. i went on grieving,--more for my family than myself, it is true,--and could have cried at the thought of the small portion of bread and dhall i should see allotted to each individual dependant on me. '"in my progress towards home, whilst regretting my poverty, i saw an unfortunate beggar, whose earnest entreaty seemed to make no impression on those who passed him by; for, in truth, when money is scarce and corn dear, people's hearts grow somewhat cold to the distresses of those who have no claim by kindred ties. but with me it was otherways: my scantiness seemed to make me more tender to the sorrows of my fellow-creatures. poor soul, said i to myself, thou art starving, and no one gives ear to thy complaints; now if i take home this scanty produce of my day's labour, it will not give a meal to all my household; besides, they dined with me tolerably well yesterday. we shall not starve by one day's fasting; to-morrow divine providence may send me in the way of more bearded men than i have met to-day. i am resolved this poor man shall have the benefit of a good meal for once, which he supplicates for in the name of god. '"i then went to the beggar and threw the five pice into his upheld wrapper. 'there, brother,' said i, 'it is all i have; go, make yourself happy in a good meal, and remember me in your prayers.' 'may heaven give you plenty in this world and bless your soul in the next!' was his only response. that prayer was heard, for during my further sojourn on earth abundance crowned my board; and here, it is unnecessary to remark on the bounties by which you perceive i am surrounded. '"that i said _alas, the world!_ was from the reflection that i did but one act of real charity whilst i remained in it, and see what an abundance rewards me here. had i known how such things are rewarded hereafter, i should have been more careful to have embraced the passing opportunities, while i walked with my fellow-man on earth. that i said, _alas, the world_! to you, was an intended admonition to mankind; to convince them of the blessings bestowed in this world of bliss eternal, in reward for every proper use to which the benefits they received in their probationary state of existence may have been devoted. go, friend! and profit by the example i present of heavenly rewards! persevere in a course of practical charity in that world you still inhabit; and secure, whilst you may, the blessed rewards of eternity!"' [1] this term does not appear in the ordinary dictionaries or census reports. sir c. lyall, with much probability, suggests that the correct form is chalapdar, 'a cymbal player'. [2] a saint, sayyid ahmad kabir, is buried at bijaimandil, delhi. t.w. beale, _oriental biographical dictionary, s.v._ [3] fire-walking is practised by many musalman devotees. in a case recorded on the nw. frontier, a fakir and other persons walked through a fire-trench and showed no signs of injury; others came out with blistered feet and were jeered at as unorthodox musalmans; a young sikh, shouting his sikh battle-cry, performed the feat, and as he escaped uninjured, a riot was with difficulty prevented.--t.l. pennell, _among the wild tribes of the afghan frontier_, 1909, p. 37, see m.l. dames, 'ordeals by fire in the punjab' (_journal anthropological society, bombay_, vol. iv). the subject is fully discussed by sir j. frazer, _the golden bough_[3], part vii, vol. ii, 1913, pp. 5 ff. [4] madari fakirs, who take their names from badi-ud-din madar shah, a disciple of shaikh muhammad taifuri bastami, who died a.d. 1434 at the ago of 124 years, and is buried at makanpur in the cawnpur district, where an annual fair is held at his tomb. on the anniversary of his death food is offered here, and amulets _(baddhi)_ are hung round the necks of children. some light a charcoal fire, sprinkle ground sandalwood on it, and jumping into it, tread out the embers with their feet, shouting out _dam madar_, 'by the breath of madar!' the phrase being regarded as a charm against snake-bite and scorpion stings. after the fire-walk the feet of the performers are washed and are found to be uninjured. others vow a black cow, sacrifice it, and distribute the meat to beggars. the rite is of hindu origin, and hindus believe that the saint is an incarnation of their god lakshmana.--jaffur sharreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 158 f.: w. crooke, _tribes and castes of the nw. p. and oudh_, iii. 397 ff. [5] dafali, from _daf_, a drum. [6] _mela_. [7] shaikh saddu is the special saint of women. his name was muhi-ud-din, and he lived at amroha or sambhal, in the united provinces of agra and oudh. some unorthodox musalmans offer food in the name, and hold a session, in which a female devotee becomes possessed. a woman who wants a child says to her: 'lady! i offer my life to you that i may have a child', whereupon the devotee gives her betel which she has chewed, or sweets, and this is supposed to bring about the desired result (jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam_, 184 f: w. crooke, _popular religion and folklore of northern india_, i. 204). in bihar it is said that he had a lamp with four wicks, on lighting which, four jinns appeared, and he used them for the purpose of debauchery. finally, another jinn slew him. people become possessed in his name, and when summoned in cases of illness or trouble, announce that a goat or a cock must be sacrificed to the saint (_census report, bengal_, 1901, i. 180). [8] _chiragh_, an earthenware cup in which a wick is lighted. [9] _kahani_, a folk-tale. [10] this tale comes from the nala-damayanti saga. nala finds a snake in danger of death from a jungle fire, saves it, and is bitten by the reptile, in the forehead, which causes him to become weak, deformed, and black in colour. the snake turns out to be the king snake, karkotaka. he says to nala: 'i gave you this bite for your good, as you will soon learn, in order that your deformity may conceal you in carrying out your plans' (c.h. tawney, _katha-saral-sagara_, i. 564 f.: c.h. bompas, _folklore of the santal parganas_, 149 ff.). [11] _pipal, ficus religiosa_. [12] a common indian folk-tale. in one of the most common versions the jackal tricks the ungrateful tiger, and induces him to go back to his cage. letter xxvi superstition of the natives.--fair annually kept by hindoos.--supposed practice of witchcraft by an old woman.--assaulted by an infuriated populace.--rescued by a native gentleman.--he inquires their reasons for persecuting her.--is instrumental in appeasing their malignity.--endeavours to remove their prejudice.--proneness of asiatics to superstition.--opinion of a mussulmaun on the influence of evil spirits.--account of a woman possessed by an evil spirit.--dialogue with her during the paroxysms of her affliction.--means used for her recovery.--further allusions to the false notions of the natives respecting supernatural agency...page 387 all the natives of hindoostaun appear to me to be, more or less, tinctured with superstitious notions, which, in many instances, are so grafted in their nature as to resist every attempt made to root out by arguments the folly of this great weakness. i hope to be forgiven for introducing in this letter a few anecdotes and occurrences, which may illustrate that faulty side of the character of a people who have not derived those advantages which are calculated to displace superstition from the mind of man;--in a word, they are strangers to that holy volume which teaches better things. a fair had been held at lucknow one afternoon, not immediately within our view, but the holiday folks passed our house on the road to and from the scene of action. this fair or mayllah is visited by all ranks and classes of natives; but it is strictly a hindoo festival annually kept up in remembrance of the celebrated kornea,[1] of hindoo mythologic celebrity, who according to their tradition, when but a child, on a certain day killed with his slender arm a great tyrant, the giant khaunce. had there ever existed a suspicion that the hindoos sprang from any of the tribes of israel, i should have imagined the event they celebrate might have reference to the act of david, who with his single arm destroyed goliath of gath. this, however, can hardly be supposed, although the similarity is remarkably striking. the figure of khaunce is made up of bamboo and paper, representing a human being of gigantic stature, and bearing a most fierce countenance, with some certain appendages, as horns, tail, &c., to render the figure more disgusting. it is placed near the bank of the river goomtie, in a conspicuous situation, for the wonder and admiration of some, the terror of the weak, and the satisfaction of the believers in the fabled story of kornea and his supposed supernatural power. kornea is represented by a little boy, dressed in costly apparel, who is conveyed in grand procession, seated on an elephant, and surrounded by attendants on horseback, with bands of music and a multitude of followers, through the principal streets of the city to the chosen spot where khaunce is placed to be attacked by the child. when the farce is properly prepared for the attack, the child, i am told,--for i have never seen the ceremony,--takes aim from his well-ornamented bow, and with a single arrow sends the monstrous giant into the river, whilst the shouts of the multitude declare the victory of kornea, and the destruction of the enemy to the repose of mankind. the figure, i should have remarked, is made up of parts merely placed on each other, so that the force of an arrow is sufficient to dislodge the lofty erection as readily as a pack of cards in a mimic castle may be levelled by a breath. the mayllah concludes when the floating members of the figure have glided with the stream out of sight. a party of poor weak-minded mortals, pedestrians, but by their dress respectable people, returning from this day's mayllah when the evening was well advanced, suddenly halted near my house; my attention was soon aroused by violent screams, and exclamations of 'seize her! seize her! she is eating my heart!' accompanied by all those indications of fear and pain, that did not fail to excite my sympathy; for i could not comprehend what was the matter and imagined the poor man had been wounded by the hand of an assassin. a crowd quickly assembled, and a great bustle ensued; i was really alarmed, and the tumult of voices continuing for some minutes, we distinctly heard the loud cries of a coarse female voice who seemed to be in great danger of losing her life by the rough treatment of a lawless rabble; this induced a native gentleman of our family to venture out, to ascertain if possible the cause of the excitement, and also to endeavour to assuage the angry feelings of the turbulent party. his appearance amongst them produced the desired effect, they were silenced by his command; and when the man whose alarming screams had first assailed us, was brought before him, he found that he was a man of great respectability amongst the shop-keepers of the city, with a child of four years old in his arms, or rather i should say the child was seated astride on his father's hip, the arm encircling the child's body, as is the general manner of nursing amongst all classes of the natives. on being questioned as to the cause of his raising the tumult, he declared that he was walking quietly on the roadway with his party, when the old woman (who was in custody) had touched him as he passed, when immediately his heart sickened, and he was sensible she had bewitched him, for she was still devouring his heart and feasting on his vitals.[2] 'i will certainly kill her!' he added, 'if she does not restore me to myself and my child likewise!'--'when was your child attacked?'--'about four days since,' answered the angry father. 'good man!' replied my friend; 'you must be under the influence of delusion, since you told me just now, the woman is a stranger to you, and that you never saw her before; how could she have bewitched your child then four days ago? i am sure weakening fears or illness has taken possession of your better feelings; the poor creature looks not like one who possesses the power you ascribe to her.' the old woman threw herself at the feet of my friend, and implored his protection, reiterating her gratitude to him as her preserver from the fury of an angry populace, who had already beaten her with slippers on her head, as a prelude to their future harsh intentions towards her. she stretched out her hands to touch him and bless him, as is the custom with the lower orders of women to their superior of either sex, but the multitude insisted she should not be allowed to let her unhallowed hands fall on the good mussulmaun gentleman; in a second was to be heard the invocations of hindoos and mussulmauns, on their several sources of supreme aid, to save the gentleman from her power, for all the mob felt persuaded the old woman was a witch. 'be assured you are mistaken, i, at least, have no fears that her touch can harm me;' responded my friend. 'exercise your reason--is she not a human being like ourselves? true she is old and ugly, but you are really wicked in accusing and ill-treating the poor wretch.' they were silenced for a few minutes, then declared she must be a witch, for her feet were crooked, she was desired to exhibit them, and they were found to be perfectly good straight feet. my friend inquired of the old woman who she was; she answered, 'a poor mazoorie[3] (corn-grinder), my husband and my sons are grass-cutters, our abode is in the serai (inn for travellers), we are poor, but honest people.' 'you see, sir,' said my friend to the accusing person, 'your own weak fears have imposed upon your mind. this woman cannot have done you any injury; let her depart quietly to her home without farther annoyance.' 'no!' replied the accuser, 'she must satisfy me she is not a witch, or worse than that, by allowing me to pluck a few hairs from her head.'--' what benefit do you propose to yourself by this measure?'--'why i shall relieve myself from her power over me, by possessing hairs plucked from her head, on which my friends will exercise certain prayers, and thus the craft she has used to bewitch me will be dissolved, and i shall be restored to myself again.'[4] willing as my friend was to get the poor woman released from the hands of the accusing party, and finding reason or argument of no avail in turning them from their purpose to detain her, the terms were acceded to on the one part, provided the woman herself was willing to comply, to which, when she was asked, she replied, 'i am not the wretched creature my accuser imagines, and therefore can have no objection, on condition that i may be allowed afterwards to return to my home in peace.' the poor old head was now in danger of being plucked of its white hairs by the surrounding crowd, whose extravagant desire to possess the, to them, invaluable specific against witchcraft--for they still believed she was actually a witch--led them to overlook humanity and feeling; but the peacemaker's voice was again heard, commanding the crowd to desist, and they should all be gratified, when the scissors he had sent a servant to fetch, might enable them to possess the prize without inflicting pain on the poor persecuted woman. whilst this was in agitation, and before the scissors were used, several well-armed soldiers, attracted by the appearance of a riot, had made their way to the scene of contention, who recognizing the old woman as the mother and wife of their three grass-cutters, immediately took the poor old soul under their protection, and conveyed her safely from her tormentors. my friend was very well satisfied to resign his charge to their guardianship, and not a little pleased that he had been instrumental in preserving a fellow-creature from the lawless hands of the foolishly superstitious of his countrymen. it is lamentable to witness how powerful an ascendancy superstition sways over the minds of asiatics generally. the very wisest, most learned, most religious, even, are more or less tinctured with this weakness; and, i may add, that i have hardly met with one person entirely free from the opinion that witchcraft and evil agency are in the hands of some, and often permitted to be exercised on their neighbours. the truly religious people declare to me, that they only are preserved from such calamities who can place their whole reliance on the power and goodness of god alone; who, they are persuaded, will never suffer his faithful servants to be persecuted by the evil one in any shape, or under any mysterious agency. perfect dependance on divine providence is the mussulmaun's only safeguard, for they declare it to be their belief that evil agency exists still, as it did in the first ages of the world. faith and trust in god can alone preserve them; when that fails, or if they have never learned to rely on him for protection, they are necessarily exposed to the influence of that evil agency by which so many have suffered both in body and soul amongst their country-people. the return of our friend, with the explanation of the scene i had witnessed from my window, led me to inquire very minutely into the opinion and general belief of the mussulmauns on such subjects. a sensible, clever gentleman of that persuasion then present, told me that there could be no doubt witchcraft was often practised in lucknow, detailing things he had often heard, about the wicked amongst human beings who practised muntah[5] (incantations); and perhaps would have explained the motives and the acquired power if i had been disposed to listen. i inquired of my friend, as he had always appeared a religious person, whether he really believed in magic, genii, evil agency, &c. he told me, that he did believe certainly that such things still existed; but he added, 'such power can only work on the weak or the wicked, for that heart whose dependance is wholly fixed on god, has a sure protection from every evil, whether of man or spirit. you have in your sacred book a full and ample delineation of the works of magic, in the period of moses, and also of saul. in later periods you have proofs of greater weight with you, where christ cast out devils and gave the same power to his disciples. my opinion,' he added, 'will not alter yours, nor do i wish it; neither would i argue or dispute with you on subjects become obsolete in the enlightened world of which you are a member, but as far as my own individual opinion is concerned, it is my belief that all things are possible to the almighty power and will of god. and i see no right we have either to inquire why, or to dispute about the motives by which his wisdom permits the weak to be afflicted for a season, or the wicked to be punished in this life.' i inquired if he had ever witnessed any of the strange events i continually heard his people speak of, as having occurred in their neighbourhood, such as people possessed with unclean spirits, sufficient to confirm his belief in their probability. he replied, 'i have not only witnessed but have, under divine providence, been the instrument to convey relief to several different women, who suffered from being possessed by evil spirits.' he then related the following, which i copy from the notes i took at the time of his relation:-'when i was a very young man, my mind was bent on inquiring into the truth of the generally believed opinion, that some righteous men of our faith had power granted to them to remove evil spirits from their victims. i took the advice of a certain venerable person, who was willing to impart his knowledge to me. preparatory to my own practice, i was instructed to forsake the haunts of man, and give myself wholly to prayer. accordingly i absented myself from my home, family, and friends, and led the life you would call a hermit's; my food was simply herbs and fruits, and occasionally an unleavened cake of my own preparing, whilst the nearest tank of water supplied me with the only beverage i required; my clothing a single wrapper of calico; my house a solitary chupha (a thatch of coarse grass tied over a frame of bamboo), and this placed on the margin of a wood, where seldom the feet of man strayed to interfere with, or disturb my devotion. my days and nights were given to earnest prayer; seeking god and offering praises with my mouth to him, constituted my business and my delight for nearly two whole years, during which time my friends had sought me in vain, and many a tear i fear was shed at the uncertain fate of one they loved so well in my father's house.' 'the simplicity of my mode of life, added to the veneration and respect always paid to the durweish's character, raised me in the opinion of the few who from time to time had intruded on my privacy, to ask some boon within my limits to give as a taawise[6] (talisman), which is in fact a prayer, or else one of the names or attributes of god, in such a character as best suited the service they required; for you must be told, in the mussulmaun faith, we count ninety-nine different names or titles to the great merciful creator and only true god. in many cases the taawise i had so given, had been supposed by the party receiving them, to have been instrumental in drawing down upon them the favour of god, and thus having their difficulties removed; this induced others influenced by their report, to apply to me, and at last my retirement was no longer the hermit's cell, but thronged as the courtyard of a king's palace. my own family in this way discovered my retreat, they urged and prevailed on me to return amongst them, and by degrees to give up my abstemious course of life. 'the fame of my devotion, however, was soon conveyed to the world; it was a task to shake off the entreaties of my poor fellow-mortals who gave me more credit for holiness of life than i felt myself deserving of. yet sympathy prevailed on me to comfort when i could, although i never dared to think myself deserving the implicit confidence they placed in me. 'on one occasion i was induced, at the urgent entreaties of an old and valued friend, to try the effects of my acquired knowledge in favour of a respectable female, whose family, and her husband in particular, were in great distress at the violence of her sufferings. they fancied she was troubled by a demon, who visited her regularly every eighth day; her ravings when so possessed endangered her health, and destroyed the domestic harmony of the house. 'the day was fixed for my visit, and the first exercise of my acquirements; even then i had doubts on my mind whether the demons so often quoted did really exist, or were but the disordered wanderings of imagination; and if they did exist, i still was doubtful as to the extent of my knowledge being sufficient to enable me to be the instrument for effecting the desired benefit. trusting faithfully, however, in god's help, and desiring nothing but his glory, i commenced my operations. the woman was seated on a charpoy (bedstead) behind a wadded curtain, which hid her from my view. respectable females, you are aware, are not allowed to be seen by any males except very near relatives. i took my seat opposite the curtain with the husband of the suffering woman, and entered into conversation with him on general subjects. 'i soon heard the wild speeches of the woman, and my heart fully sympathized in her sufferings. after preparing the sweet-scented flowers for my purpose (it is believed all aerial beings feed on the scent of flowers), fire was brought in a chafing-dish, at my request, and a copper plate was placed on this fire, on which i strewed my prepared flowers mixed up with drugs. instantly the demon became furious in the woman, calling out to me, "spare me! spare me!" 'i should remark that the woman was so entirely hidden by the curtain as to leave it beyond a doubt that she could not see what i was doing on the other side, but she seemed, by the instinct of the evil spirit which possessed her, to be thoroughly acquainted with the nature of my visit, and the exertion i was making by prayer, for her release from the intruder. the women attending her, her friends and relatives, had no power to restrain her in the violence of her paroxysms; she tore the curtain with more than human force, and it gave way, leaving her and the other women exposed to my gaze. 'i would, from modesty, have retired, but her husband, having confidence in my ability to help his afflicted wife, whom he loved most tenderly, entreated me not to retire, but to think of the woman as my own sister. the woman, or rather the demon in the woman, told me what i was going to do was not withheld from her knowledge, desiring me immediately to leave the place. '"who are you?" i inquired.--"i am the spirit of an old woman, who once inhabited this house;" was answered by a coarse harsh voice.--"why have you dared to possess yourself of this poor female? she never could have done you any injury."--"no," was answered, "not the female, but her husband has taken possession of this house, and i am here to torment him for it, by visiting his wife." '"do you know that i am permitted to have power to destroy you in this fire?"--"yes, but i hope you will shew mercy; let me escape and i will flee to the forest."--"i cannot agree to this, you would then, being at liberty, fasten yourself on some other poor mortal, who may not find one to release him from your tyranny; i shall destroy you now;" and i was actually preparing my methods for this purpose, when the screaming became so violent, the poor woman's agony so terrific, that i dreaded her instant death from the present agony of her ravings. '"how am i to know you are what you represent yourself to be?" said i, trying the softest manner of speech; (the poor victim appeared at ease immediately).--"ask me any question you please," was replied, apparently by the woman, "and i will answer you." i rose and went into the front entrance of the house, which is divided from the zeenahnah by a high wall, as are all our mussulmaun houses, and returned with something closely concealed in my hand. i asked, "what is enclosed in my clenched hand?"--"a piece of charcoal," was the prompt reply. it was so in truth; i could no longer doubt. 'another of the party was sent to the outer house; and, again i inquired, "what is in this person's hand?"--"grains of corn."--"of what nature?"--"wheat." the hand was opened, and the contents were really as was said;--confirming to all present, if they had ever doubted, that the poor woman was possessed by the demon, as i have before represented. nearly two hours were spent in the most singular conversations, which, whilst they amused me exceedingly, convinced me by my own observations of the truth of that which i had but imperfectly believed before these trials. '"i will certainly destroy you in this fire, unless you give me ample assurances that you will never again annoy or torment this poor inoffensive woman;" and, as i presented my preparation, the screams, the cries of "spare me! oh, spare me this fiery torment!" were repeated with redoubled force. i asked, "what is your belief?"--"i believe in one god, the creator of all things;" was promptly answered.--"then away to the forest, the boon you first craved from me, nor again venture to return to this house." 'the instant my command was given, the woman was calm, her reason restored immediately; her shame and confusion were beyond expressing by words, as she awoke from what she termed a dream of heavy terror that had overpowered her. the appearance of a strange man,--herself but half clad, for in the moments of raving she had torn off parts of her clothing, leaving the upper part of her person entirely uncovered--nearly deprived her again of returning reason; her husband's presence, however, soothed her mind; but it was some time before her confusion was sufficiently banished to enable her to converse freely with me. in answer to the questions i asked of her, she replied that she had not the least recollection of what had occurred. she fancied herself overpowered by a dreadful dream which had agitated her greatly, though she could not recollect what was the nature of that dream. i ordered some cooling beverage to be prepared for my patient, and recommending rest and quiet, took my leave, promising to visit her again in my professional character, should any return of the calamity render my visit necessary. the whole family heaped blessings and prayers on my head for the benefit they believed i had been the instrument of providence in rendering to their house. 'this was my first attempt at the practice i had been instructed in; and, you may believe, i was gratified with the success with which my endeavours had been crowned. for several months the lady continued quite well, when some symptoms of irritability of temper and absence of mind warned her husband and family of approaching danger upon which, they urged and entreated my second visit. i went accompanied by several friends who were curious to witness the effect expected to be produced by my prayer. it appeared the poor woman was more calm on my first entrance, than when _i_ had previously visited her; but after repeating my form of prayer, the most violent ravings followed every question i put to her. 'many hours were spent in this way. the replies to my questions were remarkable; she always answered, as if by the spirit with which she was possessed. i demanded, "why have you dared to return to this poor creature? do you doubt my ability to destroy you?" the reply was, "had no power to fix myself again on the woman, until you entered the house, but i have hovered over her."--i said, "i do not believe that you are the soul of a deceased old woman as you represent yourself to be; perhaps you may wish to convince me, by answering the questions that will be made by me and my friends." the several questions were then put and answered in a way that surprised all present. afterwards, i said, "you professed when here on a former occasion, to believe in god. answer me now, to what sect of people did you belong?"--"sheikh," was the reply, "and i believe in one god of mercy and of truth,"'--"then you are my brother,'" i said, rising, and holding out my hand to the woman, "we will shake hands."---"no, no!" replied the woman, with great agitation and terror, "i beseech you not to touch me; the fire which i dread would then torment me more than i could bear. i would willingly shake hands with all here present, that would give me no pain, but with you the case is different; one touch of yours would destroy me immediately. not to prolong my story, at the husband's earnest entreaty, the evil soul was destroyed by the practice i had learned, and the poor woman, restored to health and peace, was no more troubled by her enemy." when this story was related, i fancied it a mere fable of the relator's brain to amuse his audience; but on a more intimate acquaintance with him, i find it to be his real opinion that he had been instrumental in the way described, in removing evil spirits from the possessed; nor could i ever shake his confidence by any argument brought forward for that purpose during many years of intimate acquaintance; which is the more to be regretted as in all other respects he possesses a very superior and intelligent mind, and as far as _i_ could judge of his heart by his life, always appeared to be a really devout servant of god. it is not surprising that the strongly grounded persuasion should be too deeply rooted to give way to my feeble efforts; time, but more especially the mercy of divine goodness extended to them, will dissolve the delusion they are as yet fast bound by, as it has in more enlightened countries, where superstition once controlled both the ignorant and the scholar, in nearly as great a degree as it is evident it does at this day the people of india generally. here the enlightened and the unenlightened are so strongly persuaded of the influence of supernatural evil agency, that if any one is afflicted with fits, it is affirmed by the lookers on, of whatever degree, that the sick person is possessed by an unclean spirit. if any one is taken suddenly ill, and the doctor cannot discover the complaint, the opinion is that some evil spirit has visited the patient, and the holy men of the city are then applied to, who by prayer may draw down relief for the beloved and suffering object. hence arises the number of applications to the holy men for a written prayer, called taawise ( talisman) which the people of that faith declare will not only preserve the wearer from the attacks of unclean spirits, genii, &c., but these prayers will oblige such spirits to quit the afflicted immediately on their being placed on the person. the children are armed from their birth with talismans; and if any one should have the temerity to laugh at the practice, he would be judged by these superstitious people as worse than a heathen. [1] kanhaiya, a name of the demigod krishna, whom kansa, the wicked king of mathura, tried to destroy. for the miracle-play of the destruction of kansa by krishna and his brother balarama, see prof. w. ridgeway, _the origin of tragedy_, 140, 157, 190. the author seems to refer to the ramlila festival. [2] for cases of witches sucking out the vitals of their victims, see w. crooke, _popular religion and folklore of n. india_, ii. 268 ff. [3] _mazdurni_, a day labourer. [4] on the efficacy of shaving or plucking out hair from a witch in order to make her incapable of bewitching people, see w. crooke, _popular religion and folklore of n. india_[2], ii. 250 f. [5] _mantra_. [6] _ta'wiz_, see p. 214. letter xxvii memoir of the life of meer hadjee shah.--his descent.--anecdote of a youthful exploit.--his predilection for the army.--leaves his home to join the army of a neighbouring rajah.--adventures on the way.--is favourably received and fostered by the rajah.--his first pilgrimage to mecca.--occurrences during his stay in arabia.--description of a tiger-hunt.--detail of events during his subsequent pilgrimages.--the plague.--seizure by pirates.--sketch of the life of fatima, an arabian lady.--relieved from slavery by meer hadjee shah.--he marries her.--observations on the piety of his life.--concluding remarks...page 400 the name of meer hadjee shah has so often occurred in my letters, that i feel persuaded a brief sketch of his life may be acceptable here, more particularly as that venerated man presented to my immediate observation a correct picture of the true mussulmaun. i can only regret my inability to do justice to the bright character of my revered father-in-law, whose conduct as a devout and obedient servant to his maker, ruled his actions in every situation of life, and to whom my debt of gratitude is boundless, not alone for the affectionate solicitude invariably manifested for my temporal comforts, but for an example of holy living, which influences more than precept. this much valued friend of mine was the mouth of wisdom to all with whom he conversed, for even when intending to amuse by anecdotes, of which his fund was inexhaustible, there was always a moral and religious precept attached to the relation, by which to benefit his auditor, whilst he riveted attention by his gentle manners and well-selected form of words. before we met, i had often heard him described by his dutiful son, but with all that affection had prompted him to say of his father, i was not prepared to expect the dignified person i found him,--a perfect model of the patriarchs of old to my imagination, nor could i ever look at him through our years of intimacy, without associating him in my mind with abraham, the father of his people. his form was finely moulded, his height above six feet, his person erect, even in age, his fine cast of countenance beamed with benevolence and piety, and his dark eye either filled with tears of sympathy or brightening with joy, expressed both superior intelligence and intensity of feeling. his venerable flowing beard gave a commanding majesty to the figure before me, whilst his manners were graceful as the most polished even of european society. raising his full eyes in pious thankfulness to god (whose mercy had thus filled his cup of earthly happiness to the brim), he embraced us both with a warmth of pressure to his throbbing heart, that pronounced more than his words, the sincerity of our welcome. never have i forgotten the moment of our meeting. the first impression lasted through our long acquaintance, for he proved indeed a real solace during my pilgrimage in a strange land. the subject of my present letter, meer mahumud hadjee shah, was a native of loodeeanah,[1] the capital city of the punjaab territory, so called from the five rivers which water that tract of country, and derived from punje (five), aab (water). he descended through a long line of pure syaad blood, from mahumud, many of his ancestors having been remarkable for their holy lives, and his grandsire in particular, a singularly devout durweish, of whom are related in the family many interesting incidents and extraordinary escapes from peril which distinguished him as a highly-favoured mortal. on one occasion, when attacked by a ravenous tiger, his single blow with a sabre severed the head from the carcase: the sabre is still retained in the family with veneration, as the instrument by which the power and goodness of god was manifested to their sire. the father of meer hadjee shah was a kauzy (judge) of the city of loodeeanah, a man greatly admired for his extensive knowledge of the mahumudan law, respected for his general worthiness, and venerated for his holy life. he had a large family, of whom the subject before me was the eldest son; his father designed to instruct and prepare him as his successor in the same honourable employment, whenever old age or infirmities should render his own retirement from the office necessary. but,--as the son always regretted when talking over the circumstance, with becoming remorse that his mind was differently swayed,--through an enterprising spirit he preferred the adventurous to the more sober calling for which his father had originally destined him. to illustrate the temper of his youth, his often repeated anecdote of an event which occurred when he was but twelve years old may here be presented:-'after our hours of study, boys of my own age were allowed to meet together for exercise and amusement, without the controlling presence of our maulvees (tutors). many an enterprising feat had been performed during our hours of play, but none that has impressed me with so keen a remembrance of my youthful follies as the one i am about to relate. we had long observed the wild pigeons, which owned not any earthly master, take refuge for the night in an old and dilapidated well outside the town; a plan was laid between my companions and myself to possess ourselves of some of these pigeons, and one evening we assembled by agreement to put our project in force. 'a strong rope was procured, to which we fastened a piece of board, so as to form a seat; a bag was provided, into which the game was to be deposited as fast as it was caught; and a thick stick, with which to ascertain in the holes the situation of each pigeon, which was to be seized by the neck when thus discovered. everything was arranged when, "who will be lowered first?" was inquired by the head of our party. meer mahumud was not a little pleased when it was suggested, that he was the bravest boy among them; and with a proud feeling of ecstasy my young heart bounded whilst i seated myself on the board and was lowered from the summit for several yards down the well, my young companions holding fast the rope outside from which i was suspended; the bag conveniently slung across my left shoulder, with the open mouth in front, to enable me to deposit my gleanings without delay. 'i had collected several pigeons in this way; and, at last, my stick was presented to search in a new aperture, where it seemed to be resisted by something more than the soft feathers of a bird; fearless as i was, my young hand was thrust into the hole, and i caught at something with a firm grasp, which at once convinced me could not be a pigeon; but i resolved not to part from my prize very readily, and drawing my hand and arm from the hole with great difficulty (putting all my youthful strength and energy to the task), i discovered my prize was a living snake of rather a large size. 'fearful to announce the nature of my present prisoner to the youngsters, at whose mercy i then was, lest they, through terror, should let the rope go, and thus precipitate me to the bottom of the well, i called out, "draw up! draw up quickly! delay not, brothers!" and i was soon brought to the mouth of the well with the snake coiled round my arm, and firmly grasped just under the head, so that it could not extricate itself or injure me. the boys soon assisted me off the top of the well, and brought pieces of stone, with which they bruised the snake's head until i was relieved from its pressure on my arm by its death. i should remark, that i had presence of mind to rub the head against the wall on my ascent, which had considerably lessened the snake's pressure on my arm, and i believe it was more than half dead before i had reached the top. 'my arm pained me dreadfully, but still my greatest agony was for fear my father should hear of my exploit, which i felt convinced would not only excite his present anger, but be the means of preventing my having another opportunity of enjoying the society and amusements of my young companions. strict secrecy was therefore enjoined by my command upon the whole party; and returning to my home, i thought to disguise my real feelings by seeking repose instead of the evening dinner which was prepared for me. my affectionate mother had no suspicion that i was ill, although she was much distressed that play had destroyed the appetite of her son. i had dozed for some hours, when the agony of my arm awoke me as from an uneasy dream; i could hardly recollect the last evening's adventure, for my mind seemed much bewildered. my groans, however, brought my mother to my bed-side, whose tender care was exercised in fomenting my arm, which she found much swollen and inflamed. 'the secret of my enterprize was never divulged by me until the news of my sudden illness was reported in the neighbourhood; when some of my young friends told the tale, and it was conveyed by one of the gossiping old women, of the city to the zeenahnah of my mother. my arm was for a long period rendered useless, and i was under the care of doctors for many months; the whole skin peeled off, and left me cause for remembering the circumstance, although it did not cure me of that preference for enterprize, which afterwards drew me from my home to visit other places, and to search for new adventures. often did i remonstrate with my father on the subject of my future profession: how often did i declare my disinclination to pursue those studies (deemed essential to fit me for the office i was in due time to be appointed to), and avow my predilection for a military life!' at that period of indian history, the punjaab district was disturbed by the depredations of the mahrattas.[2] hordes of those lawless banditti were in the habit of frequent encroachments on the mussulmaun possessions, committing frightful enormities in their predatory excursions against towns and villages, spreading terror and desolation wherever they approached. on this account military ardour was encouraged by the heads of families, and the youth of respectable mussulmauns were duly instructed in the use of defensive weapons, as a measure of prudence by which they were enabled, whenever called upon, to defend the lives and property of their neighbours as well as of their individual families. in describing this period of his life, i have often heard meer hadjee shah confess with remorse, that he was wont to pay far greater attention to his military instructors than to the maulvee's lectures on law or other dry subjects of books, as he then often thought them, and at fourteen years old he was perfect master of the sabre, spear, matchlock, and the bow; able even then to defend himself against an enemy, or take the palm of victory, when practising those arts with the youth of his own standing. at seventeen, his love of enterprize drew him from the calm study of his tutors under the parental roof, to seek amongst strangers employment better suited to his inclination. his early adventures were attended with many vicissitudes and trials, which would (however interesting to those who have loved him) appear tedious to the general reader; i shall, therefore, but digress occasionally with such anecdotes as maybe generally interesting. one which presents him in the early part of his career amongst strangers in a position which marks the bravery of his youth, i shall take the liberty of introducing in his own words:-'after a good night's repose, i was desirous of pursuing my march, and prepared to take leave of my hospitable entertainer (a kauzy of the village), from whom i had received the utmost attention and civility. this kind-hearted man was unwilling to allow of my journeying alone, and insisted that two of his menservants should accompany me that day's march at least. i had no fears, nor much to lose beside my life, and for some time resisted the offer, but without avail. the men therefore accompanied me, and after six hours' walk, i prevailed on them to take refreshment and rest at the serai of the village, through which we had to pass, with leave to retrace their way home afterwards with my duty to their master. 'released from their guardianship, i felt my own independence revive, and bounded on as lively as the antelope, full of hope that i might yet reach the rajah's territory by nightfall, who, i had heard, was willing to give employment to the enterprising youth of loodeeanah, in the army he was then raising. i must have walked since the morning near twenty koss (forty miles) without food or water; but i neither felt hunger nor fatigue, so deeply was my heart engaged in the prospect of a military life. at length hunger awakened me to a sense of my forlorn condition, for i had left home without a coin in my possession; and although i passed through many inhabited villages where relief would have been gladly tendered, if i had only applied for it, yet my pride forbade the humble words of supplicating for a meal; hungry as i was, death even would have been preferable at that time to breathing out a want amongst strangers. 'i was overjoyed on approaching a cultivated tract of country to find a field of wheat, ripe for the harvest, evincing the great creator's bountiful hand, and hesitated not, without a scruple, to possess myself of an occasional handful as i passed along, rubbing the ears and eating as i went, to save that time i deemed so precious; for my anxiety to reach the rajah and employment, increased as the day advanced. i had traversed near thirty koss on foot, scarcely having halted since the dawning day; this to a young man who had been through life indulged by the luxury of a horse for exercise, whilst under the parental roof, may be imagined to have been no trifling undertaking. but buoyant youth, filled with hopes of honour and preferment is regardless of those difficulties which must subdue the indolent or less aspiring spirit. 'at the extremity of a large field through which i had to pass, my eye rested on a man with two oxen, certain indications, i imagined, of a well of water being adjacent for the purpose of irrigation, towards whom i approached sufficiently near to inquire if a draught of pure water could be obtained for a thirsty traveller. the sturdy farmer-looking man seemed to view me with scrutiny, without deigning to reply; my question was repeated with civility, but no answer was given, and i then fancied his looks foreboded no good meaning; he held in his hand a large heavy stick studded at the top with iron rings (in common use with the lower orders of people as a weapon of defence against robbers, tigers, wolves, or reptiles), but as i stood far enough off to be out of immediate danger of a sudden attack, if such was premeditated, the surly look of his countenance gave me little concern until he called out in a commanding tone, "youngster! off with your garments; lay down those bow and arrows instantly, or i will fell you to the earth with this staff that is in my hand!" which he raised in a position to prove himself in earnest. 'my surprise was great, but it did not put me off my guard, and i replied with courage, that his insolent demand would not meet with a willing compliance; i was able to defend myself, young as i was, against his treacherous intentions on an unoffending traveller; and i prepared my bow in the expectation that he would either be deterred, or leave me no alternative but to use it in self-defence. two arrows were promptly prepared, one placed in my bow, the other in my girdle, as he advanced repeating his demand, with the countenance of a ruffian, and his club elevated; he no doubt fancied that the bow was a plaything in the hand of a mere ignorant stripling. i warned him repeatedly not to advance, or my bow should teach him that my young arm was well instructed. 'he however dared my vengeance, and advanced still nearer, when seeing i had no alternative, i aimed at his legs, not desiring to revenge but to deter my enemy; the arrow entered his thigh, passing completely through: he was astonished and stood like a statue. i then desired him to throw down his club, with which i walked away, or rather ran a sufficient distance to relieve myself from further expectation of annoyances from my enemy or the villagers. 'much time had been spent in that contest, which had left me the victor; i waited not however to witness his further movements, but with hastened steps in half an hour i reached the rajah's palace. several soldiers were guarding outside the gate, where stood, as is usual, charpoys for their use, on one of which, uninvited, i seated myself, fatigued by my long and unusual exercise. the men with great civility offered me water and their hookha, and when refreshed i answered their many inquiries, founded very naturally on my appearance, my youth, and travelling without an attendant. 'i frankly told them that the rajah's famed liberality had drawn me from loodeeanah to seek employment as a soldier under his command. one of my new acquaintance recommended my immediately going into the palace, where the rajah was seated in durbar (holding his court) for the express purpose of receiving applicants for the army now raising, under the expectation of a hostile visit from the sikhs. i followed my guide through several avenues and courts until we arrived at the baarah daree[3] (twelve doors), or state apartments.' i must, however, here abstain from following meer hadjee shah through the whole detail of his intimacy with the rajah, which continued for some years, and by whom he was fostered as a favourite son; he accompanied the rajah to the field against the sikhs, whose singular habits and manners, both in battle and in their domestic circle, he has often amused his friends by relating. his first pilgrimage to mecca was undertaken whilst a very young man, travelling the whole way by land, and enduring many trials and hardships in what he deemed 'the road of god'. on one occasion he was beset by wolves whilst on foot; but as he always confessed his preservation was by the power and goodness of divine providence, so in the present instance the wolves even ran from the blows of his staff, howling to their dens. during his stay in arabia, when on his pilgrimage, his funds were exhausted, and he had no knowledge of a single individual from whom he could condescend to borrow, but as he always put his sole trust in god, a way was made for his returning prosperity in rather a singular and unexpected manner. a rich begum, the widow of a wealthy arab merchant, had long suffered from a severe illness, and had tried every medical prescription within her reach without relief. on a certain night she dreamed that a syaad pilgrim from india, who had taken up his abode at the serai outside the town, possessed a medicine which would restore her to health. she had faith in her dream, and sent a polite message to the syaad, who was described minutely by the particulars of her dream. meer hadjee shah attended the summons, but assured the lady who conversed with him, that he was not acquainted with medicine; true, he had a simple preparation, which enabled him to benefit a fellow pilgrim, when by circumstances no better adviser could be found: he then offered her the powder, giving directions how to use it, and left her. in the evening a handsome dinner was conveyed by this lady's orders to meer hadjee shah, which he accepted with gratitude to god, and for several days this was repeated, proving a sensible benefit to him, and to others equally destitute of the means of present provision, who were abiding at the serai. in the course of a week he was again summoned to attend the begum, who was entirely cured of her long illness, which she attributed solely to the medicine he had left with her, and she now desired to prove her gratitude by a pecuniary compensation. he was too much gratified at the efficacy of his simple remedy, to require further recompense than the opportunity he had enjoyed of rendering himself useful to a fellow-creature, and would have refused the reward tendered, but the lady had resolved not to be outdone in generosity; and finding how he was circumstanced by another channel, she made so many earnest appeals, that he at last consented to accept as much as would defray his expenses for the journey to the next place he was on the point of embarking for, where he expected to meet with his indian friends, and a supply of cash. on one occasion, he was exposed to danger from a tiger, but, to use his own words, 'as my trust was placed faithfully in god, so was i preserved by divine favour'. the anecdote relative to that event, i cannot pass over, and therefore i relate it, as near as i recollect, in his own words:--'i was at lucknow during the reign of the nuwaub, shujah ood dowlah,[4] who delighted much in field sports; on one occasion it was announced that he intended to hunt tigers, and orders were issued to the nobility and his courtiers, requiring their attendance on elephants, to accompany him on a certain day. the preparations were made on a grand scale, and excited a lively interest throughout the city. i had never been present at a tiger hunt, and i felt my usual ambition to share in the adventures of that day too irresistible to be conquered by suggestions of prudence; and accordingly i went, on horseback, accompanied by a friend about my own age, falling into the rear of the nuwaub's cavalcade which was far more splendid than any thing i had before witnessed, the train of elephants richly caparisoned, on which were seated in their gold or silver howdahs, the whole strength of the court in rich dresses. 'the hunting party had penetrated the jungle a considerable distance before a single trace of a tiger could be discovered, when, at length it was announced to the nuwaub that the sheekaarees[5] (huntsmen) had reason to believe one at least was concealed in the high grass near which the party approached. the order was then given to loosen the led buffaloes, and drive them towards the grass which concealed the game, a practice at that time common with native sportsmen to rouse the ferocious animal, or to attract him, if hungry, from his lurking place; but it seemed as if the buffaloes were scared by the number of elephants, for with all the goading and whipping, which was dealt to them unsparingly, they could not be pressed into the service for which they were provided. 'the nuwaub was remarkable for bravery, and prided himself on his successful shot; he therefore caused his elephant to advance to the edge of the high grass, that he might have the satisfaction of the first fire, when the animal should be roused. some delay in this, induced the nuwaub to order the dunkah-wallah (kettle-drummer) on horseback to be guarded on each side by soldiers with drawn sabres, to advance in front and beat his drums. the first sounds of the dunkah roused the tiger: this being instantly perceived, the horsemen wheeled round, and were in a second or two cleared from danger. the tiger sprang towards the elephant, but was instantly thrown back by her trunk to a good distance, the nuwaub taking aim at the same instant, fired and slightly wounded the animal, only however sufficiently to add to its former rage. 'my friend and myself were at this time (attracted by our eagerness to witness the sports) not many paces from the spot, when perceiving our dangerous position, retreat was the thought of the moment with us both: my friend's horse obeyed the signal, but mine was petrified by fear; no statue ever stood more mute and immoveable; for a second i gave myself up for lost, but again my heart was lifted up to the only power whence safety proceeds, and drawing my sabre as the tiger was springing towards me (the same sabre which had been the instrument of safety to my grandsire in a like danger) as my arm was raised to level the blow, the animal curved his spring as if in fear of the weapon, brushed close to my horse's nose, and then stuck its sharp talons in the neck of another horse on which a pattaan soldier was seated: his horse plunged, kicked, threw his rider on the ground with a violence that left him senseless, his open sabre falling on the handle, which, like a miracle, was forced into the earth leaving the point upwards in a slanting position, just clearing his neck by a few inches. 'the tiger turned on the man with fury and wide-extended jaw, but was met by the sabre point, and the pattaan's red turban, which fell at the instant; the tiger endeavouring to extricate himself from the entanglement, the sabre entered deeper through his jaw, from which he had but just released himself, when a ball from the nuwaub's rifle entered his side and he slank into the grass, where he was followed and soon dispatched.' in his travels meer hadjee shah had often been exposed to the dangerous consequences of the plague; but (as he declares), he was always preserved from the contagion through the same protecting care of divine providence which had followed him throughout his life. he has been often in the very cities where it raged with awful violence, yet neither himself nor those who were of his party, were ever attacked by that scourge. on one occasion, he was, with a large party of pilgrims, halting for several days together at a place called bundah kungoon[6] (the word bundah implies the sea-shore), preparatory to commencing their projected journey to shiraaz; he relates, that the mules and camels were provided, and even the day fixed for their march; but, in consequence of a dream he had been visited with, he was resolved to change his course, even should his fellow-travellers determine on pursuing their first plan, and thereby leave him to journey alone in an opposite direction. he made his new resolution known to the pilgrims, and imparted to them the dream, viz., 'go not to shiraaz, where thou shalt not find profit or pleasure, but bend thy steps towards kraabaallah. his companions laughed at his wild scheme, and as their minds were fixed on shiraaz, they would have persuaded meer hadjee shah to accompany them; but, no, his dream prevailed over every other argument, and he set out accompanied by two poor syaads and fifteen mendicant pilgrims, embarking at kungoon on a small vessel for bushire, which by a favourable wind they reached on the third day. here they first learned the distressing intelligence that the plague had raged with frightful consequences to the population; and during their few days' sojourn at busserah, he says, many victims fell by that awful visitation. the city itself was in sad disorder, business entirely suspended, and many of the richer inhabitants had fled from the scene of terror and dismay. no accommodation for travellers within his means could be procured by meer hadjee shah, and he was constrained to set out on foot with his companions, after providing themselves with provisions for a few days. unused to walk any great distance of late, and the effects of the short voyage not being entirely removed, he grew weary ere the first day's march was ended; 'but here', he says, 'i found how kind my creator was to me, who put it into the hearts of my companions to take it by turns to carry me, until we arrived within sight of feringhee bargh[7] (foreigners' garden), where we found many of the healthy inhabitants from bushire had, with permission, taken refuge, some in tents, others without a shelter; and in their haste to flee from danger, had forsaken all their possessions, and neglected provision for present comfort; a change of garments even had been forgotten in their haste to escape from the pestilential city. 'never', he says, 'shall i forget the confusion presented at this place nor the clamorous demands upon us, whom they esteemed religious men, for our prayers and intercessions that the scourge might be removed from them. i could not help thinking and expressing also, "how ready weak mortals are to supplicate for god's help when death or affliction approaches their threshold, who in prosperity either forget him entirely or neglect to seek him or to obey his just commands." 'the next day our march led us to the vicinity of a large populated town. we halted near a plantation of date-trees, and one of our mendicant pilgrims was dispatched with money to purchase bread and dates for our sustenance, with instructions to conceal, if possible, our numbers and our halting-place, fearing that the inhabitants might assail us with stones if it were suspected that we came from the infected city. the quantity of food, however, required for so large a party excited suspicion, but our preservation was again secured by divine interference. 'a dirzy[9] from the city visited our resting-place, and finding we were pilgrims, asked permission to travel with us to kraabaallah, which was readily agreed to, and when a host of men were observed issuing from the town, this man, who was an inhabitant, ran towards them, explained that we were all healthy men, and interested several arab-syaads to come forward and befriend me and my party, which they readily assented to on finding that brother syaads were in danger. the kauzy of the town hearing all the particulars attending us, came to the spot which we had selected for our halt, presented his nuzza of twenty-one dinars to me, entreated pardon for the intended assault he had in ignorance authorized, obliged me to accept his proffered civilities, and we remained several days in the enjoyment of hospitality in that town, where we had at first such strong reasons to anticipate violence and persecution; but this could not be whilst the arm of the lord was raised to shelter his confiding servants. to him be the praise and the glory for every preservation i have been favoured with! and many were the perils with which i was surrounded in my walk through life, yet, always safely brought through them, because i never failed putting my trust in his mercy and protection who alone could defend me.' on one occasion of his pilgrimage to mecca, meer hadjee shah, with all his companions on board a trading ship, off the coast of arabia, were attacked by pirates, and taken prisoners; but, as he always declared, the goodness of divine providence again preserved him and those with him from the hands of their enemies. in the event in question, he undertook to speak for all his party to the arab chief, before whom they were taken prisoners, and having a thorough knowledge of the arabic language, he pleaded their joint cause so effectually, that the chief not only liberated the whole party, but forced presents upon them in compensation for their inconvenient detention. the most interesting, if not the most remarkable incident which occurred to meer hadjee shah in his journey through life, remains to be told. the story has been so often related by his own lips, that i think there will be little difficulty in repeating it here from memory. it may be deemed prolix, yet i should not do justice by a farther abridgement. fatima's history 'fatima was the daughter of sheikh mahumud,[9] an arab, chief of a tribe, dwelling in the neighbourhood of yumen, who was a wealthy man, and much esteemed amongst his people. his wife died when fatima, their only child, was but six years old, and two years after her father also was taken from this world, leaving his whole estate and possessions to his daughter, and both to the guardianship of his own brother, sheikh ----, who was tenderly attached to the little girl, and from whom she received the fostering care of parental solicitude. 'this uncle was married to a lady of no very amiable temper, who seized every opportunity of rendering the orphan daughter of his brother as comfortless as possible, but her uncle's affection never slackened for an instant, and this consoled her whenever she had trials of a domestic nature to distress her meek spirit. 'when fatima had reached her sixteenth year, an eligible match being provided by her uncle, it was intended to be immediately solemnized; for which purpose her uncle went over to yumen to make preparations for the nuptials, where he expected to be detained a few days; leaving with his niece the keys of all his treasuries, whether of money or jewels. 'on the very day of his departure from home, a brother of his wife's arrived at the mansion, and required, in fatima's presence, a loan of five hundred pieces of silver. this could only be obtained by fatima's consent, who firmly declared her resolution not to betray the trust her uncle had reposed in her. the wife was severe in her censures on her husband's parsimony, as she termed his prudence, and reviled fatima for being the favoured person in charge of his property. this woman in her rage against the unoffending girl, struck her several times with violence. situated as their residence was, apart from a single neighbour, she feared to stay during her uncle's absence, and left the house not knowing exactly where to seek a temporary shelter; but recollecting a distant relation of her mother's resided at bytool faakere,[10] no great distance off (within a walk as she imagined), she left her home without further reflection, unattended by a single servant. 'when within a mile of her destined place of refuge, she was observed by a party of bedouin robbers, who descended from their hill to arrest her progress, by whom she was conveyed to their retreat, almost in a state of insensibility from terror and dismay. arriving at their hut, however, she was cheered by the sight of females, one of whom particularly struck her as being very superior to her companions, and in whose countenance benevolence and pity seemed to indicate a sympathizing friend in this hour of severe trial. the women were desired to relieve the prisoner fatima of her valuables, which were, in accordance with their station, very costly both in pearls and gold ornaments. 'fatima overheard, during the night, some disputes and debates between the robbers, about the disposal of her person, one of whom was single, and declared his willingness to marry the girl, and so retain her with them; but fatima had, when she was seized, recognized his countenance, having seen him before, and knew that his connexions lived in the town of bytool faakere, which she had unguardedly declared. the robbers, therefore, dreaded detection if her life was spared; they were not by nature sanguinary, but in this case there seemed no medium between their apprehension and the death of fatima. 'the female, however, who had at first sight appeared so amiable and friendly, fulfilled the poor girl's impressions, by strenuously exerting her influence, and eventually prevailed, in saving the orphan fatima from the premeditated sacrifice of life; and as no better arrangement could be made to secure the robbers from detection, it was at length agreed she should be sold to slavery. this decided on, the swiftest camel in their possession was prepared at an early hour, a few short minutes only being allowed to fatima, to pour out her gratitude to god, and express her acknowledgements to her humane benefactress, when she was mounted on the camel's back, with the husband of that kind-hearted female. 'with the prospect of continued life, poor fatima ceased to feel acute agony, and bore the fatigue of a whole day's swift riding without a murmur, for the bedouin's behaviour was marked with respect. towards the evening, as they drew near to a large town, the bedouin halted by the margin of a forest, and the long night was passed in profound silence, with no other shelter than that which the forest afforded; and at the earliest dawn the march was again resumed, nor did he slacken his speed, until they were in sight of mocha, where he designed to dispose of his victim. she was there sold to a regular slave-merchant, who was willing to pay the price demanded when he saw the beautiful face and figure of the poor girl, expecting to make a handsome profit by the bargain. 'the bedouin made his respectful obedience and departed in haste, leaving poor fatima in almost a state of stupor from fatigue. left however to herself in the slave-merchant's house, she seemed to revive, and again to reflect on the past, present, and future. her escape from death called forth grateful feelings, and she felt so far secure that the wretch who had bought her, had an interest in her life, therefore she had no further fear of assassination. but then she reverted to her bonds; painful indeed were the reflections, that she who had been nobly born, and nursed in the lap of luxury, should find herself a slave, and not one friendly voice to soothe her in her bondage. she resolved however (knowing the privilege of her country's law) to select for herself a future proprietor. 'her resolution was soon put to the test; she was summoned to appear before a fisherman, who had caught a glimpse of her fine figure as she entered mocha, and who desired to purchase her to head his house. the poor girl summoned all her courage to meet this degrading offer with dignity. a handsome sum was offered by the fisherman, as she appeared before him to reject the proposal. "here is your new master, young lady," said the slave-merchant; "behave well, and he will marry you." fatima looked up, with all her native pride upon her brow; "he shall never be my master!" she replied, with so much firmness, that (astonished as they were) convinced the bargainers that fatima was in earnest. the merchant inquired her objection, us she had betrayed no unwillingness to be sold to him; she answered firmly, whilst the starting tear was in her eye, "my objection to that man is our inequality: i am of noble birth. my willingness to become your slave, was to free me from the hands of those who first premeditated my murder; and sooner than my liberty should be sold to the creature i must detest, this dagger", as she drew one from her vest, "shall free me from this world's vexations". 'this threat settled the argument, for the slave-merchant calculated on the loss of three hundred dinars he had paid to the bedouin; and fatima, aware of this, without actually intending any violence to herself, felt justified in deterring the slave-merchant from further importunities. several suitors came to see, with a view to purchase the beautiful arab of noble birth, but having acted so decidedly in the first instance, the merchant felt himself obliged to permit her to refuse at will, and she rejected all who had made their proposal. 'meer hadjee shah, in the fulfilment of his promise to his wife at parting, to take home a slave for her attendant, happening at that time to be passing through mocha, inquired for a slave-merchant: he was conducted to the house where fatima was still a prisoner with many other less noble, but equally unhappy females. fatima raised her eyes as he entered the hall; she fancied by his benevolent countenance that his heart must be kind; she cast a second glance and thought such a man would surely feel for her sufferings and be a good master. his eye had met hers, which was instantly withdrawn with unaffecting modesty; something prepossessed him that the poor girl was unhappy, and his first idea was pity, the second her liberation from slavery, and, if possible, restoration to her friends. 'when alone with the slave-merchant, meer hadjee shah inquired the price he would take for fatima. "six hundred pieces of silver (dinars),"[11] was the reply.--"i am not rich enough," answered the pilgrim; "salaam, i must look elsewhere for one:" and he was moving on.---"stay," said the merchant, "i am anxious to get that girl off my hands, for she is a stubborn subject, over whom i have no control; i never like to buy these slaves of high birth, they always give me trouble. i paid three hundred dinars to the bedouin for her, now if she will agree to have you for her master (which i very much doubt, she has so many scruples to overcome), you shall add fifty to that sum, and i will be satisfied." 'they entered the hall a second time together, when the merchant addressed fatima. "this gentleman desires to purchase you; he is a syaad of india, not rich, he says, but of a high family, as well as a descendant of the emaums."--"as you will," was all the answer fatima could make. the money was accordingly paid down, and the poor girl led away from her prison-house, by the first kind soul she had met since she quitted her benefactress in the bedouins' retreat. 'fatima's situation had excited a lively interest in the heart of meer hadjee shah, even before he knew the history of those sufferings that had brought her into bondage, for he was benevolent, and thought she seemed unhappy; he wanted no stronger inducement than this to urge him to release her. many a poor wretched slave had been liberated through his means in a similar way, whilst making his pilgrimages; and in his own home i have had opportunities of seeing his almost paternal kindness invariably exercised towards his slaves, some of whom he has, to my knowledge, set at liberty, both male and female, giving them the opportunity of settling, or leaving them to choose for themselves their place of future servitude. 'but to return to fatima. on taking her to his lodgings, he tried to comfort her with the solicitude of a father, and having assured her she was free, inquired where her family resided, that she might be forwarded to them. the poor girl could scarce believe the words she heard were reality and not a dream; so much unlooked for generosity and benevolence overpowered her with gratitude, whilst he addressed her as his daughter, and explained his motives for becoming her purchaser, adding, "our laws forbid us to make slaves of the offspring of mussulmauns of either sex; although be it confessed with sorrow, unthinking men do often defy the law, in pursuance of their will; yet i would not sell my hopes of heaven for all that earth could give. i again repeat, you are free; i am not rich, but the half of my remaining funds set apart to take me to my home in india, shall be devoted to your service, and without any delay i will arrange for your return to yumen, under safe convoy" (and seeing she was about to express her gratitude to him): "forbear, as you respect me, a single word of acknowledgement; if any thanks are due, it is to that good providence who hath preserved you from greater evils, to whom be offered also my humble praises, that through his mercy my steps were directed through mocha, at such a time as this, when an unprotected female required fatherly protection." 'fatima was in tears during this speech of her true friend, and when he paused, she said, "heaven, indeed, sent you to my aid; you seem like a guardian angel. much, much i fear to be separated from one so pious and so bountiful. may i not again be thrown into similar scenes to those your generosity has been exercised to release me from? who but yourself and my own dear uncle could ever feel that lively interest for my preservation?" 'meer hadjee shah would willingly have conveyed the poor girl to her uncle' s residence near yumen, had it been possible; but his arrangements were made to sail by an arab ship to bombay, which if many days postponed would detain him nearly another year from india, where he was aware his return was expected by his wife and family; and he was not willing to give them cause for uneasiness, by any further delay; he however went out to make inquiries at mocha for some safe means of getting fatima conveyed to her uncle. 'in the meantime she resolved in her mind the several circumstances attending her actual situation in the world, and before the next morning had well dawned, she had resolved on urging her kind protector to take her with him to india, before whom she appeared with a more tranquil countenance than he had yet witnessed. when they were seated, he said, "well, fatima, i propose to devote this day to the arrangement of all things necessary for your comfort on your journey home, and to-morrow morning the kaarawaun[12] sets out for yumen, where i heartily pray you may be conducted in safety, and meet your uncle in joy. have no fears for your journey, put your entire trust in god, and never forget that your safety and liberation were wrought out by his goodness alone." '"huzerut[13] (revered sir)," she replied, "i have weighed well the advantages i should derive by being always near to you, against the prospects of my home and wealth in arabia, which i am resolved to relinquish if you accede to my proposal. let me then continue to be your slave, or your servant, if that term is more agreeable to my kind master. slavery with a holy master is preferable to freedom with wealth and impiety. you must have servants, i will be the humblest and not the least faithful in my devoted services." 'the pious man was surprised beyond measure; he attempted to dissuade her, and referred to his wife and children in india. "oh! take me to them," she cried with energy; "i will be to them all you or they can desire," this arrangement of fatima's was rather perplexing to him; her tears and entreaties, however, prevailed over his preference, and he quieted her agitation by agreeing to take her to india with him. 'after maturely weighing all the circumstances of the voyage by sea, and the long journey by land from bombay to lucknow, he came to the determination of giving fatima a legal claim to his protection, and thereby a security also from slanderous imputations either against her or himself, by marrying her before they embarked at mocha; and on their arrival at lucknow, fatima was presented to his first wife as worthy her sympathy and kindness, by whom she was received and cherished as a dear sister. the whole family were sincerely attached to the amiable lady during the many years she lived with them in hindoostaun. her days were passed in piety and peace, leaving not an instance to call forth the regrets of meer hadjee shah, that he had complied with her entreaties in giving her his permanent protection. her removal from this life to a better was mourned by every member of the family with equal sorrow as when their dearest relative ceased to live.' it is my intention (if i am permitted), at some future period, to write a more circumstantial account of meer hadjee shah's adventures through life, than my present limits allow. in the meantime, however, i must satisfy myself by a few remarks founded on a personal observation and intimacy during the last eleven years of his eventful life. his example and precept kept pace with each other, 'that this world and all its vanities, were nothing in comparison with acquiring a knowledge of god's holy will, and obeying him, in thought, in word, and deed.' he was persuaded by the tenets of his religion that by exercising the body in the pilgrimage to mecca, the heart of man was enlightened in the knowledge and love of god. he found by obeying the several duties of the religion he professed, and by enduring the consequent trials and privations of a pilgrimage without regard to any feelings of selfish gratification or indulgent ease, that, his nature being humbled, his love to god was more abundant. his law commanded him to fast at stated periods, and although he was turned of seventy when i first saw him, yet he never failed, as the season of rumzaun approached, to undergo the severity of that ordinance day by day during the full period of thirty days; and it was even a source of uneasiness to my venerated friend, when, two years prior to his decease, his medical friends, aided by the solicitude of his family, urged and prevailed on him to discontinue the duty, which by reason of his age was considered dangerous to health, and perhaps to life. prayer was his comfort; meditation and praise his chief delight. i never saw him otherways than engaged in some profitable exercise, by which he was drawing near to his creator, and preparing himself for the blessedness of eternity, on which his soul relied. during our eleven years' constant intercourse, i can answer for his early diligence; before the day had dawned his head was bowed in adoration to his maker and preserver. at all seasons of the year, and under all circumstances, this duty was never omitted. even in sickness, if his strength failed him, his head was bowed on a tray of earth, to mark his dutiful recollection of the several hours appointed for prayer. the psalmist's language has often been realized to my view, in him, 'seven times a day do i praise thee, o lord,' and 'at midnight i will rise to give thanks unto thee,' when witnessing his undeviating observance of stated prayer duties; and when those duties were accomplished, even his amusements were gleaned from devotional works, visits of charity, and acts of benevolence. i never saw him idle; every moment was occupied in prayer or in good works. his memory was retentive, and every anecdote he related was a lesson calculated to lead the mind of his auditor to seek, trust, and obey god, or to love our neighbour as ourselves. the many hours we have passed in profitable discourses or readings from our holy scripture and the lives of the prophets have left on my memory lasting impressions. i was, at first, surprised to find meer hadjee shah so well acquainted with the prominent characters of our scripture history, until the source from whence his knowledge had been enlarged was produced and read aloud by my husband every evening to our family party. the 'hyaatool kaaloob' (a work before alluded to) occupied us for a very long period, each passage being verbally translated to me by my husband. when that work was finished, our holy scripture was brought forward, which, as i read, each passage was again translated by my husband, either in persian or hindoostaunic, as best suited the understanding of our party at the time. so interesting was the subject, that we have been five or six hours at, a time engaged without tiring or even remembering the flight of those moments which were devoted, i trust, so beneficially to us all. meer hadjee shah's views of worldly enjoyments resembled the durweish's in principle; for he thought it unworthy to heap up riches, to swell his wardrobe, or to fare on sumptuous diet; but his delight consisted in sharing the little he could at any time command with those who needed it. he possessed an intelligent mind, highly cultivated by travel, and a heart beaming with tenderness and universal charity: so tempered were his affections by a religious life, that the world was made but a place of probation to him whilst looking forward with joy to the promises of god in a happy eternity. his purity of heart and life has often realized to my imagination that 'israelite in whom (our redeemer pronounced) there was no guile.' i must here draw my letters to a conclusion, with many an anxious wish that my gleanings in the society of the mussulmauns of hindoostaun may afford profitable amusement to my friends and to those persons who may honour my work with a perusal, humbly trusting that the people whose character, manners, habits, and religion, i have taken upon me to pourtray, may improve in their opinion by a more intimate acquaintance. in my attempt to delineate the mussulmauns, i have been careful to speak as i have found them, not allowing prejudice to bias my judgment, either on the side of their faults or virtues. but i deem it incumbent to state, that my chief intimacy has been confined to the most worthy of their community; and that the character of a true mussulmaun has been my aim in description. there are people professing the faith without the principle, it is true; but such persons are not confined to the mussulmaun persuasion; they are among every class of worshippers, whether jew or gentile throughout the world. of my long sojourn in the society of the mussulmauns of hindoostaun, i need here but remark, that i was received amongst them without prejudice, and allowed the free usage of my european habits and religious principles without a single attempt to bias or control me; that by respecting their trifling prejudices as regards eating and drinking, their esteem and confidence were secured to me; and that by evincing christian charity, (which deters the possessor from proud seeming), i believe, i may add, their affection for me was as sincere, as i trust it will be lasting. it may be regretted, with all my influence, that i have not been the humble instrument of conversion. none can lament more than myself that i was not deemed worthy to convince them of the necessity, or of the efficacy of that great atonement on which my own hopes are founded. yet may i not, without presumption, hope my sojourn, with reference to a future period, may be the humble means of good to a people with whom i had lived so many years in peace? i must for many reasons be supposed to entertain a lively interest in their welfare, and an earnest desire for their safety, although at the present moment i can distinguish but one advantage accruing from our intimacy, namely, that they no longer view the professors of christianity as idolaters. they have learned with surprise that the christian religion forbids idolatry,--thus the strong barrier being sapped, i trust it may be thrown down by abler servants of our lord; for the mussulmauns are already bound by their religion to love and reverence christ as the prophet of god: may the influence of his holy spirit enlighten their understandings to accept him as their redeemer! like the true christian, they are looking forward to that period when jesus christ shall revisit the earth, and when all men shall be of one faith. how that shall be accomplished, they do not pretend to understand, but still they faithfully believe it, because it has been declared by an authority they reverence, and deem conclusive. often, during my acquaintance with these people, have i felt obliged to applaud their fidelity, although, in some points, i could not approve of the subject on which it was displayed--their zeal at mahurrum, for instance, when they commemorate the martyrdom of the grandchildren of their prophet,--i have thought 'had they been favoured with the knowledge we possess, what zealous christians would these people be, who thus honour the memory of mere holy men.' the time, i trust, is not very far distant when not one nation in the whole world shall be ignorant of the saviour's efficacy, and his willingness to receive all who cast their burden at the foot of his cross. my heart's desire for the people i have dwell amongst is that which st. paul in the epistle to the romans declares to be his prayer to god for israel, 'that they might be saved!' and i know not any way in which i could better testify my regard for the mussulmauns collectively, or my gratitude individually, than by recommending the whole of the tenth chapter of the romans to the serious consideration of those persons who possess such influence, us that the gospel of peace may be preached to them effectually by well-chosen and tried servants of our lord, who are duly prepared both in heart and speech, to make known the glad tidings to their understandings that 'god so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life;' that 'if any man sin we have an advocate with the father, jesus christ the righteous;' and that 'he is the propitiation for our sins: and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world.' should the view i have conscientiously given of their character be the humble means of removing prejudice from the mussulmauns of hindoostaun, so that they may be sought and won by brotherly kindness, my humble heart will rejoice that my labours, as an observer and detailer, have been successful through the merciful orderings of divine providence. [1] ludhiana, a city, not the capital of the panjab: 'the land of five rivers' _(panj-ab)._ [2] under the peshwas, baji rao i and balaji rao (a.d. 1720-61) the incursions of the mahrattas extended as far north as the panjab. [3] _barahdari_, a room nominally with twelve doors. [4] shuja-ud-daula, son of mansur 'ali khan, safdar jang, governor of oudh: born a.d. 1731; succeeded his father, 1753. he was present at the battle of panipat in 1761: became wazir of the emperor shah 'alam: defeated by the british at the battle of buxar, 1764: died at faizabad, then his seat of government, 1775. [5] _shikari_. [6] bandar [harbour] kangun, a port on the west side of the persian gulf, about 100 miles west of gombroon. [7] firangi bagh, franks' garden. [8] darzi, a tailor. [9] shaikh muhammad. [10] baitu'l-faqir, 'house of a holy man'. [11] _dinar_, lat. _denarius_, a coin of varying value: see yule, _hobson-jobson_[2], 317 f. [12] _karwan_, a caravan. [13] _hazrat_. the end * * * * * bibliography of works used in preparing the introduction and notes arnold, t.w. _the preaching of islam_, london, 1896. beale, t.w. _an oriental biographical dictionary_, london, 1894. burton, sir r.f. _the book of the thousand nights and a night_, 12 vols., london, 1894. burton, sir r.f. _a pilgrimage to el-medinah and mecca_, 2 vols., london, 1893. crooke, w. _the popular religion and folk-lore of northern india_, 2 vols., westminster, 1896. fanshawe, h.c. _delhi past and present_, london, 1902. fazalalullah lutfullah, 'gujarat musalmans', in _bombay gazetteer_, ix, part ii, bombay, 1899. führer, a. _the monumental antiquities and inscriptions of the north-western provinces and oudh_, allahabad, 1891. irwin, h.c. _the garden of india_, london, 1880. jaffur shurreef, _qanoon-e-islam, or the customs of the mussulmans of india_, trans. g.a. herklots, madras, 1863. _gazetteer of the province of oudh_, 3 vols., lucknow, 1877. hughes, t.p. _a dictionary of islam_, london, 1885. [knighton, w.] _the private life of an eastern king_, london, 1855. _koran, the_, trans. j.m. rodwell, everyman's library, london, _n.d._; by g. sale, london, 1844. lane, e.w. _an account of the manners and customs of the modern egyptians_, 2 vols., 5th ed., london, 1871. _mishcat-ul masabih_, by muhammad ibn 'abd allah, trans. a.n. matthews, 2 vols., calcutta, 1809-10. ockley, s. _history of the saracens_, london, 1848. parks, f. _wanderings of a pilgrim in search of the picturesque_, 2 vols., london, 1852. polly, col. sir l. _the miracle play of hasan and husain, collected from oral tradition_, 2 vols., london, 1879. sell, e. _the faith of islam_, madras, 1880. sleeman, major-gen. sir w.h. _a journey through the kingdom of oudh, in 1849-1850_, 2 vols., london, 1858. sleeman, major-gen. sir w.h. _rambles and recollections of an indian official_, ed. v.a. smith, 2 vols., westminster, 1893. watt, sir g. _a dictionary of the economic products of india_, 6 vols., calcutta, 1889-93. yule, col. h., burnell, a.c. _hobson-jobson_, 2nd ed., london, 1903. * * * * index aameen, ameen, ami, amen aaroon, aaron abass ali, 'abbas, nephew of husain; abass ali huzerut ke durgah, hazrat 'abbas 'ali ki dargah ablution aboubuker, abubakr, the caliph abraham, sacrifice of ishmael; his title abstinence during the muharram festival adam, his burial-place; his title; image of affrine khaun, afrin khan, a eunuch afthaadah, _aftabgir_, a sun-shade agha mir, minister in oudh ahmud kaabeer, sayyid ahmad kabir, a saint akbhar shah, akbar shah ii, king of delhi akbar, the moghul emperor, his capture of chitor alchemy aleppo alexandria, alleged destruction of the library at ali, 'ali, son-in-law of muhammad; murder of; imparted knowledge to the sufis ali reezah, ar-raza ali ul hoodah, 'ali ul huda al-kauloek, _alkhalaq_, a coat with sleeves allah khareem, al-karim, 'the generous one' allah wo uckbaar, _allah u akbar_, 'god is most great' alligators, caught by monkeys allum, _'alam_, a standard allumgeer, 'alamgir, the emperor aurangzeb al mauss ali khaun, almas 'ali khan, a eunuch almsgiving at the muharram festival alrouschid, harun-al-rashid, the caliph amulets for children amusements of children angels, the attendant animal, fights at the court of oudh; mode of slaughtering by musalmans; life, sanctity of antelopes, hunted by leopards ants; sugar laid near their nests; white apples arg, _arka_, the fire plant arms, polishers of arrack, _'araq,_ spirits artoojee, _ustadji_, a teacher artush-baajie, _atishbazi_, fireworks 'ashura, the last day of the muharram festival asof ood duolah, nawab asaf-ud-daula; his proclamation against infanticide asthma, a cure for astrology ausmaun, 'usman, the caliph ausur namaaz, _'asr ki namaz_, prayer at the third watch of the day ayah, _aya_, a nurse ayashur, ayishah, wife of muhammad baalee peer, bala pir baaraat, _barat_. the procession of the bridegroom baarah daree, _barahdari_ a room with twelve doors babool, _babul_, the tree _acacia arabica_ bacherkaunie, _baqirkhani_, a kind of bread ba daanah, _bedanah_, seedless grapes baer, _ber_, the tree _zizyphus jujuba_ bahadhoor, _bahadur_, 'a champion', a title of honour baittee, _beti_, a daughter bamboos, uses of; flowering of; set on fire by friction banner of husain (see allum) bareheaded people not allowed in a house basun, _besan_, pulse flour bazars described beards worn by musalmans; dyeing of bearer caste, the bedspreads bedsteads beeby sahib, _bibi sahiba_, an english lady beggar, a famous, in lucknow begum, _begam_, a title of a sayyid lady biles and blains birds, catchers of; released in time of sickness birth rites, scanty rejoicings at birth of a girl; gun-firing; nursing,; first dose of medicine; bathing of child; forty days' impurity after childbirth; gifts made to the child; birthday celebrations; circumcision; child carried to the dargah bis ma allah, _bi'smi'llah_, 'in the name of allah' bleeding, procedure at blistering, flies used for blood-spitting; cure for blue stone, a remedy for snakebites boats set adrift in honour of khwaja khizr bodice, the bohue begum, _bahu begum_, a daughter-in-law bootkhanah, _butkhanah_, an idol temple borehaun, _burhan_, the critical days of fever bows and arrows, use of brahmanical cords burnt bread, varieties of bricks, ancient bride, the peculium of; modes of selecting; dress of bridegroom, veil worn by brushes for hair and teeth buckaria, bokhara buckrah eade, the _baqarah id_, festival; gifts sent at budgerow, a kind of boat bull-bull, _bulbul_, the nightingale bundah kungoon, bandar kangun bunyah, baniya, a corn merchant buraq, the animal on which muhammad flew to mecca burbut, _bargat_, the banyan tree burghutt, caste, regard for animal life burial rites, purification after touching the corpse; see death. burkhundhar, _barqandaz_, a man armed with a matchlock burqa', a woman's veil burrhsaatie, _barsati_ a disease of horses burruff wallah, _barfwala_ a seller of ice bushire, a town on the persian gulf bussorah, basra, a town on the shatt el arab in asiatic turkey bussund, _basant_, the spring festival butcher bird, the butchers buttaire, _bater_, a quail butter sellers buttooah, _batua_, ornamented bag bytool faakere, _baitu'l-faqir,_ 'the house of a holy man' cain, reputed founder of kanauj caliphas, _khalifah_, of shi'ahs and sunnis; a head of a trade or profession camphor, used in treating cholera; in burial rites cardimun, the cardamom cards, the game of carounder, _karaunda, carissa carandas_ castanets, see chuckie catechu, used with betel cattle, slaughter of, objected to by hindus chaff, thrown on the head in mourning chain at the ka'bah; of justice, put up by jahangir chair, right to use chapaatie, _chapata_, a griddle cake charaagh, _chiragh_, a lamp charity, a religious duty; among musalmans charpoy, _charpai_, a kind of bed chatnee, _chatni_, a kind of relish chattah, _chhata_, an umbrella cheek, _chiq_, a door screen cheetah, _chita_, a hunting leopard cherries children, fasting of chillum, _chilam_, the bowl of a water-pipe, the tobacco used to fill it chillumchee, _chilamchi_, a wash-hand basin chilubdhaar, _chalapdar_, a cymba player china vessels, use of chirrya wallah, _chiryawala_, a bird-catcher chitcherah, _chichra_, the _achryanthes aspera_ tree chitlah, _chitra_, a kind of melon chobdhaah, chobdhaar, _chobdar_, a mace-bearer chokeedhar, _chaukidar_, a watchman cholera; cures for chowrie, chowry, _chauri_, a yak tail fan chowsah, _chausa_, four-sided, of dice chubbaynee, _chabena_, parched grain chuckie, chuckee, _charkhi_, a kind of castanets; _chakki_, a grindstone chuddah, chudha, _chadar_, a sheet chuhsah, _chhahsa_, six-sided, of dice chumund, _chaman_, a flower bed chundole, _chandol_, a kind of sedan chair chupha, _chhappar_, a thatched shed chupkund, _chapkan_, a kind of coat cider, made from melon juice circumcision clepsydra, used to mark time cloak, hooded, worn by women cock-fighting coel, _koil_, a kind of cuckoo concubinage confectioners cookery, in musalman families cooking, prohibited in the house of mourning cord, brahmanical, burned cossum, qasim, nephew of husain; model of his tomb taken in procession courtie, _kurti_, a woman's jacket cowry shells cream sellers cries of hawkers crown of the king of oudh crows, impudence of cummerbund, _kamarband_, a waist-cloth, girdle cuppers curd sellers. currants currie, _karhi_ cutlers cuttie, _khatai_, soured milk; kath, gum used with pan daak, _dak_, the letter post daaood, daud, david, his mother's prayer dacca cloths damascus fig, the dancing, considered degrading; women dates, eating of dead, food for the; period of mourning for death rites debt, imprisonment for, said to be forbidden decca, dacca delhi described deluge, said not to be known in india deputtah, _dopatta_, a double sheet devotees, musalman. dhall, _dal_, pulse dhaullie, _dali_, a basket of fruit and vegetables dhie, _dahi_, curds dhie mudgelluss, _dah majlis_, the ten days of the muharram festival dhobie, _dhobi_, a washerman dholle, _dhol_, a drum dhollie, a 'dooly', a litter; wives dhome, a drum dhull dhull, duldul, the mule of muhammad dhurzie, darzi, the tailor caste diamonds dice, games played with dimishk, dimashq, damascus dinar, _dinar_, denarius, a coin dinners provided in time of mourning dirzy; see dhurzie divination in selecting a bride divorce dog, an impure animal domenie, domni, a singing woman dooar prayer, _du'a_, supplication doob grass, _dub, cynodon dactylon_ dowry of bride, how fixed draughts, the game of dress, not changed during the muharram festival; of a bride duffelee, _dafali_, the drummer caste dukhaun, _dukan_, a shop dulhaun, _dalan_, the hall, entrance of a house dullha, _dulha_, a bridegroom dullun, _dulhin_, a bride dunkah, _danka_, a kettle-drum; dunkah wallah, _dankawala,_ a drummer dunyah, _dhaniya_, coriander durbar, _darbar_, a court durgah, _dargah_, a saint's shrine; processions to, at lucknow durwaun, _darwan_, a doorkeeper durweish, _darvesh_ a beggar, a religious mendicant; pretenders to the title dustha-khawn, _dastarkhwan_, a table-cloth dustoor, _dastur_, custom, the percentages on purchases taken by native servants dust-storms eade, _'id_, a festival; eade-gaarh, _'idgah_, the place where the festival rites are performed ear cleaners earrings earwax, human, administered to elephants earthquakes; follow a flight of locusts; kanauj damaged by eclipse observances eggs sent at the nauroz festival elephant trained to march in time; carriages drawn by; beggar riding on; etiquette on meeting the king elias ky kishtee, _ilyas ki kishti_, boats set adrift in honour of khwaja khizr elijah, elisha, the prophet emaum, _imam_, leaders of the faithful; jaffur saadick, ja'far as-sadiq emaum baarah, _imambara_, the place where the muharram rites are performed emaum zamunee, _imam zamini_, a charm to secure safety in a journey english women not visiting the lucknow bazar esaee, _'isa 'l-masih_, jesus christ, the messiah eshaa namaaz, _salatu 'l-'isha_, the night prayer etiquette in the zenanah; at the court of oudh eunuchs, their power in the court of oudh; tale of a pilgrim eve, the grave of execution of criminals exercise, modes of, used by young men exorcism of evil spirits eyes decorated with antimony faakeer, _faqir_, a beggar, holy man fahteeah, _al fatihah_, the first chapter of the koran falsah, _phalsa, falsa_, the fruit _grewia asiatica_ fasting; exemptions from fat, not eaten by musalmans fatima, fatimah, daughter of muhammad; an arab girl purchased feringhee bargh, _farangi bagh_, 'the franks' garden fierdowsee, firdausi, the poet; translations of; on slavery fig, the fire, jumping into, and walking through fireworks at the shab-i-bara'at festival; see artush-baajie firing guns at the birth of a boy fish, use of; varieties prohibited for use as food; a symbol at the court of oudh flags, in use at the court of oudh flies, inconvenience from; a variety which produces blisters flower gardens, neglect of; in moghul palaces flowers, scent of, the food of aerial spirits folk tales, told in the zenanah; tale reciters; tale of daaood; of the prophet; of pilgrims; of a charitable arab; of syaad harshim; of a saint changing the course of a river; of an ungrateful snake; of a king who longed for a fruit food, for the dead; not cooked in a house of mourning; lawful for musalmans fraught, furat, the river euphrates friday, the musalman sabbath frogs fruit, use of; sellers of furniture in the zenanah furrukhabaad, farrukhabad, nawab of gabriel, the angel; inspires the koran games played by boys; in the zenanah gaming prohibited genii, the jinn ghauzee ood deen, ghazi-ud-diu, king of oudh ghee, _ghi_, clarified butter ghurrie, _ghari_, a space of about twenty minutes glass, _gilas_, a cherry glass, vessels, use of; use in windows goatah chandnie, _gola chandni_, lace goattur, _gota_, a substitute for betel, at the muharram god, ninety-nine names of golard, goulard water gooderie, _gudri_, a quilt goolbudden, _gulbadan_, a silk fabric goolistaun, gulistan of sa'adi goomtie, the river gumti gooseberries gootlie, _guthli_, the first dose given to a baby grain, threshing and winnowing of gram, a kind of chick pea, _cicer arietinum_ green, the colour preferred by sayyids; symbolizing hasan greengrocers grief, exhibition of, at the muharram festival guaver, the guava fruit guinah, _genda_, the marigold gurdonie, _gardani_, a neck ring gurhum dahnie, _garm dahani_ prickly heat haafiz, hafiz, the persian poet haarh, _har_, a necklace; see harrh hackery, _chhakra_, a bullock carriage hadge, _hajj_, pilgrimage to holy places hadjee, _hajji_, a pilgrim hafiz, a man who has learned the koran by heart hafsah, the wife of muhammad hair, mode of dressing; let loose at the muharram festival; not shaven in mourning hand, spread, a symbol; left, not used in eating harrh, _har_, a necklace; see haarh harshim syaad, sayyid hashim, tale of hasan, the martyr; hasan ul ushkeree, hasan al-askari hatim tai haundhee, _audhi_, a dust storm haverdewatt. avadavat, the bird _estrelda amadara_; see lollah heifer, sacrifice of herbs used in cooking hindu gods, images of holie, the holi festival hookha, _huqqah_, the water-pipe; etiquette in use of; makers of 'snakes' for horse racing at lucknow horses, food of; use of heel ropes; marks on; paces of; shoes fixed on doors; tails and legs dyed; tails not docked; use of in carriages hosein, husain, the martyr; disposal of his head howdah, _haudah_, a seat fixed on an elephant hudeeth, _hadis_, the sayings of the prophet hummoomaun, the monkey god hanuman hummoon shah, hamun shah hurkaarah, _harkara_, a footman, messenger hurrh, al-hurr, the shami leader hurrundh, _arand_, the castor-oil plant hurth maaree, the scene of the slaughter of the martyrs husbandmen, life of huzerut, _hazrat_, a title of respect hydrabaad, hyderabad hydrophobia, a cure for hyza, _haiza_, cholera ibrahim, son of the prophet; ibraahim mukhaun, ibrahim makan, 'the place of abraham', at mecca ice-making idolatry prohibited to musalmans infanticide among musalmans ink-making ishmael, son of the prophet; sacrifice of islaaim, islam ja'adah poisons hasan jaffur saadick, the imam ja'far as-sadiq jahaun-punah, _jahan panah_, a title of honour, 'asylum of the world' jahmun, jamun, _jaman, jamun_, the fruit _eugenia jambolana_; see jarmun jains, their tenderness for animal life jarmun, see jahmun jaullie, _jali_, netting jeddah jerusalem, pilgrimage to jessamine tree, the jesus christ, the musalman title of; his nativity; his coming jewellery, craving of women for; put aside at the muharram festival jhaawn namaaz, _ja'e namaz_, a prayer carpet jhammah, _jama_, a long gown jhaumdanie, _jamdani_, an ornamented bag jhanngeer, the emperor jahangir, his chain of justice jhewl, _jhul_, the trappings of an elephant jhillmun, _jhilmil_, venetian shutters for doors and windows jhy singh, raja jai singh, his observatories jillewdhar, _jilaudur_, an attendant on a man of rank jinn, the joel, the prophet jonk, a leech joshun, _joshan_, an ornament worn by women on the upper arm judee, mount jugglers jumma musjid, jumna musjid, _jame' masjid_, a congregational mosque justice, administration of in oudh kaabah, _ka'bah_, the holy place at mecca; water spout at kaanaut, _qanat_, the side walls of a tent kaarawaun, _kawan_, a caravan kaareem zund, karim khan zand, anecdote of; see khareem zund kaarjil, _kajal_, lampblack applied to the eyes kaawaus, _khawass_, a special female attendant kabooza, _kharbuzah_, the melon kalipha, _khalifah_, a caliph, head servant; see calipha kallonie wallah, _khilauniwala_, a toy-seller kannoge, the city of kanauj; founded by cain; destroyed by an earthquake katorah, _katora_, a shallow drinking cup kauflaah, _kafilah_, a caravan kaullie nuddee, the kali nadi river kauzy, _qazi_, a musalman law officer keebaab, _kabab_, pieces of meat roasted on skewers keerah, _kira_, a leech ketcherie, _khichri_, rice cooked with pulse and spices kettledrum, the; see dunkah khadijah, wife of the prophet khareem zund; see kaareem zund khaun, _khan_, 'lord', a title of honour khaunce, kansa, king of mathura khaunie, a folk tale kheer, _khir_, milk boiled with rice khidmutghar, _khidmatgar_, a table servant khillaut, _khil'at,_ a robe of honour khodah afiz, _khuda hafiz_, 'god be your protector!' khoraan, the koran, qur'an; its history; not to be translated; taught to girls; its doctrine regarding women; passages of, inscribed as amulets; learnt by heart; readers of khus-khus, _khaskhas_, the fragrant root of the grass _andropogon muricatus_ khusru parviz, king of persia khwaja khizr, the saint kiblaah, _qiblah_, the direction assumed in prayer killaah, _qal'a qil'a_, a fort kirhnee, _kirni_, the fruit _canthium parviflorum_ kirrich, _kirch_, a straight thrusting sword kishtee, _kishti_, a boat kitchens in the zenanah kite-flying knife-grinders koofah, the city kufah kootub, the qutb minar pillar at delhi kornea, kanhaiya, krishna koss, _kos_, a measure of distance, about two miles kraabaalah, kerbela, karbala, the holy city kuffin, _kafn_, a coffin, winding-sheet kummeruck, _kamrak_, the fruit _averrhoa carambola_ kungoon, bandar kangun in the persian gulf kurah, _kora_, aloe water kurbootah, _kharbuza_, the shaddock fruit kutcher, _khichar_, rice boiled with pulse and spices labaadah, labaadh, _labada_, a rain-coat labaun, _loban_, frankincense; see lahbaun ladies, european, not visiting bazars; musalman, conversation of lahaaf, _lahaf_, a quilt lahbaun, see labaun lampblack, applied to the eyes lance, exercises with the leopards trained for sport leech vendors leechie, _lichi_, the fruit _nephelium lichi_ left hand used for ablution, not for eating with letters, dedicated to god licenses for marriage unknown lights burned before the taziahs lime, applied to wounds liquors, fermented, prohibited to musalmans locusts; used for food lollah, _lal_, the bird _estrelda amandava_; see haverdewatt loodocanah, the city and district ludhiana looking-glasses in zenanahs; bride's face first seen in lota, a brass water-vessel luchmee, lakshmana, image of luggun, _lagan_ a washing pan lungoor, _langur_, the ape _semnopithecus entellus_ mabaaruck now-rose, _nauroz mubarak_ maccurrub, _muqarrab_, angel messengers madhaar, madar, the saint magic, to bring rain; to cause fertility mahana, _miyana_, a kind of litter mahdhaar, _madar_, the tree _calotropis gigantea_ mahout, _mahawat_, an elephant driver mahrattas, raids of in the panjab mahul, _mahall_ the seraglio mahummud, muhammad, the prophet, his mission; his title; tales regarding; fixes friday as the sabbath; laws of the pilgrimage; his rules of conduct; laws regarding polygamy mahummud baakur, muhammad baqir mahurrum, the muharram festival; date of; ornaments laid aside at; immense expenditure on; second day observances; fifth day observances; last day observances; clothes given away; inauspicious for marriages; objected to by sunnis majoob soofies, _majzub_, 'abstracted' mango tree, the marriage, forced, prohibited; age for; settlements unknown; service; exorbitant expenditure on matchmakers matunjun, _muttajjan_, meat boiled with sugar and spices; see matunjun maulvee, _maulavi,_ a doctor of the law mautunjun, see matunjun mayllah, _mela_, a fair, a religious assemblage mayndhie, _mendhi_, the shrub _lawsonia alba_, apllied to hands and feet; smeared on bride and bridegroom; procession of; sent to bridegroom by bride; smeared on horses; rite at marriage mayvour, _mewa_, fruit mazoor, mazoorie, _mazdur, mazdurni_, a day labourer meals, among musalmans meat, use of by musalmans mecca, the holy city; the holy house; life held sacred at; black stone at; see kaabah medicine, native system of medina, the holy city meer, _mir_, a title of sayyids meer eloy bauxh, mir ilahi bakhsh meer hadjee shah, mir haji shah, his life; character; makes his own winding sheet; listens to the reading of the bible; views on fasting; tea drinking; describes the hajj; describes mecca; life at ludhiana; adventure with a snake; adventures with tiger; his pilgrimage to arabia; cures an arab lady; attacked by pirates; purchases fatimah, an arab girl meer hasan ali, husband of the authoress meer hasan ali, mrs., the authoress meer nizaam ood deen, mir nizam-ud-din meer syaad mahumud, mir sayyid muhammad meetah, meettah, _mitha, mithai_, sweet, sweetmeats melons, cider made from the juice metals transformed into gold mhembur, _minbar, mimbar_, the pulpit of a mosque mhidie, al mahdi, 'the directed one'; signs of his coming; his birthday mina, _maina_, the bird _gracula religiosa_ minerals, medicinal use of missee, _missi_, a preparation for staining the teeth mittie wallah, _mithaiwala_, a sweetmeat vendor moat, _moth_, the aconite-leaved kidney bean mocha, mokha, a port on the red sea moghdhur, _mugdar_, a sort of dumb-bell or club used in athletic exercises mohur, a gold coin monkeys; and alligators; affection for their offspring; and snakes; wounded; and treasure; use of antidotes for poison moollakhaut, _mulaqat_, a mourning assemblage mooltanie mittee, _multani mitti_, fuller's earth moon, new, festival at; influence of; when full auspicious; drinking the; influence on wounds moonkih, munkar, munkir, the recording angel moonshie, _munshi_, a writer, secretary moosa, musa, moses; musa al-kazim, the caliph moosul, _musal_, a pestle used for husking rice mortem, _matam_, mourning moses, musalman title of; tale regarding moslem, muslim, cousin of husain mosque, absence of decoration in; caretakers of; at kanauj; pollution of mosquitoes mourning, dress worn during the muharram festival; chaff thrown on the head; head and feet left bare; for forty days after a death; shaving forbidden during muchullee, _machhli_, fish mucka beg muckunpore, makanpur mudgeluss, _majlis_, a mourning assembly muggalanie, _mughlani_, a moghul woman, a needlewoman mugganee, _mangni_, the marriage engagement muggrib, _maghrib ki namaz_, sunset prayer mukburrah, mukhburrah, _maqbarah_, a mausoleum mukhdoom jhaunneer, makhdum jahaniya jahangasht, the saint mukhun, _makkhan_, butter mulberries mullie, _malai_, cream munall, _munhnal_, a pipe mouth-piece muntah, _mantra_, spells, incantations murdanah, _mardanah_, the men's quarters in a house murseeah, _marsiyah_, a funeral elegy; see musseeah musheroo, _mashru_, silk cloth permitted to be worn at prayer mushukh, _mashk_, a skin water-bag music in the zenanah musnud, _masnad_ a pile of cushions, a throne musseah, musseeah; see murseeah mustaches myriam, maryam, the virgin mary myrtle, the tree naalkie, _nalki_, a kind of litter naarah, _nara_, a string nadir shaah, nadir shah, king of persia najoom, najoomee, _nujumi_, an astrologer nala and damayanti, tale of namaaz, _namaz_, the daily liturgical prayer of musalmans namaazie, _namazi_, one given to prayer, a devotee, one who calls the people to prayer nativity of jesus christ, observed by musalmans naunbye, _nanbai_, a bazar baker nautch woman; nautchunee, _nachni_, a dancer neam, _nim_, the tree _melia azadirachta_; see neem neellah tootee, _nila tutiya_, blue vitriol, medicinal use of new moon festival, the new year's day, see nou-rose nitre, manufacture of nizaam ood deen, nizam-ud-din, the saint noah, musalman title of; his place of burial; ark of, where rested nose-rings; see nut nou-rose, _nauroz_ the new year's day festival nudghiff usheruff, nejef, mashhad 'ali nujeeb, _najib_, a class of infantry nusseer ood deen hyder, nasir-ud-din haidar, king of oudh nut, nutt, _nath_, a nose-ring nuwaub, _nawab_, 'a deputy', title of the rulers of oudh nuzza, _nazr, nazar_, an offering from an inferior to a superior nykee, nakir, the recording angel omens, at nauroz festival; used in selecting a bride; at marriage omir, 'umar, the second caliph; said to have destroyed the alexandrian library ood-ood, _hudhud_, the lapwing, hoopoe oostardie, _ustadi_, a teacher; see artoojee orme, _am_, the mango orme peach, the peach ornaments, use of by women; see jewellery otta, _'itr,_ otto of roses oudh, administration of justice in the nawabi; nawabs and kings of paadishah begum, padshah begam, the paak, _pak_, pure pachisi, the game paidshah, _padshah_, a king palace, the, at delhi palkie, _palki_, the common palanquin pallungh, _palang_, a kind of bed paper, written, objection to burning; made of bamboo pataan, one of the pathan tribe pawn, _pan_, betel leaf; not used during the muharram festival pawndawn, _pandan,_ a box to hold betel leaf peach, the pearls pedigrees of sayyids carefully kept peer, _pir_, a musalman saint or holy man pellet bow, use of the pepul, _pipal_, the sacred fig tree, _ficus religiosa_ pickles, use of, and sale pigeon flying; shooting pilgrims, regulations for; cloak worn by pillau, _pilau_, meat or fowl boiled with rice and spices pineapple, the; see unanas plague, an outbreak of plums poison detected by means of dishes polygamy; among indian kings pomegranate, the prayer, the call to; 'opening of difficulties'; carpet; times of, how announced prickly heat printing, not practised in lucknow prisoners released to effect a cure of the sick or as a thank-offering punkah, _pankah_, a kind of fan; punkah wala, _punkah wala_, a fan-seller pappayah, _papaiya_, the papaw tree, _carica papaya_ purdah, _pardah_, a screen to conceal ladies purrh, _pahar_, a watch, a measure of time pyjaamah, _paejama_, drawers; stuff used in making quail fighting quicksilver, use of in medicine racaab puttie, _rikab patthari_, a stone plate rain magic rainy season, the rajpoots, rajputs, infanticide among raspberries ravenscroft, g., murder of red, the sunni colour; of husain reetah, _ritha_ the soapnut, use of in medicine resident at lucknow, the resurrection, doctrine of the ricketts, mordaunt, resident at lucknow right hand used in eating river, course of changed by a saint romall, _rumal_, a handkerchief rooey, _rohu_ the carp fish rope-dancing roses; smelling of, causes colds and sneezing; rose water; syrup, seeds, oil, uses of roshunie, _roshanai_, ink rozedhaar, _rozadar_, one who keeps a fast rumzaun, ramazan, ramzan, the festival rutt, _rath_, a bullock carriage ruzzie, _razai_ a quilt ryott, _ra'iyat_ a subject, a cultivator saabeel, _sabil_, the place where sherbet is distributed at the muharram festival saadie, shaikh s'adi, the persian poet saag, _sag,_ herbs of various kinds used in cooking saalik, _salik_, a devotee, a kind of sufi saatarah, _sitara_, a guitar sabbath, the, among musalmans sacrifice of animals at the bakrah 'id festival safdar jang, nawab of oudh, tomb of sahbaund, sawan, the fourth hindu month sahib logue, sahib log, europeans saints' tombs at kanauj sainturh, _sentha_ the grass _saccharum ciliare_; see secundah sakeena koobraah, sakina kibriya, daughter of husain salaam-oon-ali khoon, _salam 'alai-kum_, 'peace be with thee' sallon, _salan_, a curry of meat, fish, or vegetables sampwalla, _sampwala_, a snake-charmer sarchuk, _saachaq_, fruits, &c., carried in procession at a marriage saulgirrah, _salgirah_, the knot tied to mark a birthday scales, the, doctrine of scapegoat, released in times of sickness scorpio, moon of, inauspicious scorpions, mode of repelling seclusion of womem, origin of the custom secundah, _sarkanda_, roots of the grass _saccharum ciliare_, used for mats and screens; see sainturh secungebeen, _sikanjabin_, oxymel, vinegar seepie wallah deelie sukha, _sipi wala gila sukha_, moist or dry cuppers seer, _scr_, a weight of about two pounds serai, _sarai_, a native inn seur, _suar_ a hog, a term of abuse seven, a lucky number shaah jhee, shahji, a beggar shaah nudghiff, shah najaf, a shrine at lucknow shaah ood dowlah, shah-ud-daula, a darvesh shah allum, shah 'alam ii, king of delhi, his grave shah allumgeer, shah 'alamgir, the emperor aurangzeb shah jahan, the moghul emperor shahjee, see shah sherif ood deen shahnama, the poem by firdausi shah nizaam ood deen, shaikh nizam ud-din auliya, the saint shah sherif ood deen mahmood, shah sharif ud-din mahmud, a darvesh shampooing shaving, discontinued during mourning shawm, sham, syria shawmie, shami, a native of syria sheah, shiah, the musalman sect; quarrels with sunnis at the muharram; their numbers compared with those of sunnis; the creed of sheah-maul, _shirmal_, a kind of bread; see sheermaul sheekaree, _shikari_, a huntsman sheermaul, _shirmal_, a kind of bread; see sheah-maul sheikh mahumud, shaikh muhammad sherbet, _sharbat_, a drink, how made; distributed at the muharram festival; payment for at marriages sherrefah, sherreefha, _sharifah_, the custard apple sheruff, sharif, the governor of mecca shimeear, shimar, the chief agent in the murder of husain shiraaz, shiraz, a city in persia shoes removed in sacred places and in houses; varieties of shooghur allah, see shuggur allah shopkeepers, mode of doing business shroff, _sarraf_, a moneychanger shroud, the burial shubh-burraat, _shab-i-bara'at_, the night of record, a festival shubnum, _shabnam_, 'dew', a kind of fine cloth shuggur allah, _shukr allah_, 'praise be to god!'; see shooghur allah shujah ood dowlah, shuja ud-daula, nawab of oudh shutteringhie, _shatranji_, a striped floor-cloth sickley ghur, _saikalgar_, a polisher of arms sickness, attributed to spirits sikhs, the; campaign against silk, wearing of sin, repentance of singing women siraat, _sirat_, the bridge over which the soul passes sirrakee, _sirki_, the reed _saccharum ciliare_, used for mats, &c sita ki rasoi, a building at kanauj slaves, domestic, condition of; female in the zenanah; liberated by or on the death of the owner; property of reverting to the master snake charmers, deception practised by snakes, superstitions regarding; and monkeys; tale of an ungrateful; an adventure with soap, substitutes for society of musalman ladies solomon, king, tale of; the first sufi soobadhaar, _subahdar_, a native officer, a viceroy soobadhaarie, _subahdari_, a province under a viceroy soobhoo namaaz, _namaz-i-subh_, the dawn prayer soofy, sufi, a sect of musalmans; consulted to solve mysteries; pretenders to piety; assemblage of with singing and dancing; principles of soojinee, _sozani_, a quilted cloth soonie, sunni, the musalman sect; rulers at mecca soota-badhaar, _soutabardar_, a mace-bearer; see sota-badhaah sota-badhaah; see soota-badhaar spinach, varieties and uses of spirits, evil, exorcism of starvation, a cure for disease stockings, wearing of in the zenanah stone dishes strawberries subzah, _sabzah_, a song bird suffee ali, safiya 'ilah, a title of adam sulleed, _tharid_, a kind of bread sulmah, _surma_, antimony applied to the eyes sumdun begum, _samdhan begum_, a connexion by marriage surraie, _surahi_, a long-necked water flagon surringhee, _sarangi_, a sort of violin sutkah, _sadaqah_, offerings of intercession suwaaree, _sawari_, an equipage, escort sweetmeats, sellers of; given to a man in a state of ecstasy, swine, held abominable by musalmans sword exercises syaad, sayyid, a class of musalmans; their origin; care used and difficulty in making marriage engagements; respect paid to; dues received by syaad ahmad kaabeer, sayyid ahmad kabir, syaad harshim, sayyid hashim taaif, ta'if, a fertile tract near mecca, taarkhanah, _tahkhanah_, an underground room, taaseel-dhaar, _tahsildar_, a native collector of revenue, taaweez, taawize, _ta'wiz_, an amulet, talisman, tahujjoot, _namaz-i-tahajjud_, prayer after midnight, tale kee archah wallah, _tel ka acharwala_, a seller of oil pickles, talismans; see taaweez tamarind tree, the, vegetation beneath it dying, tamerlane, taimur lang, introduces seclusion of women, tarantula, the, tattle, _tatti_, a screen, a device for cooling rooms, tawurshear, _tabashir_, a substance found in bamboos, tazia, _ta'ziya_, a model tomb carried in procession at the muharram festival; not peculiar to india; not used by sunnis; burial of, tea, use of, teeth, cleaning of, 59 thonjaun, _tamjhan_, _thamjhan_, a kind of litter, throne, of the king of oudh, tigers, tamed, wandering about the house; adventure with, time, musalman division of; measured by a clepsydra, timoor, taimur, his invasion of india, tin, use of in dyeing and in medicine, tithes, toddy, toothbrushes, tope, a grove of trees, tor, _tar_, the palm tree, _borassus flabelliformis_, toy sellers, trades in lucknow, travellers excused from fasting, treasure, burying of, trees, speaking on the mahdi's birthday, tuckht, _takht_, a wooden platform on which men sit and sleep, tufaun, _tufan_, a storm, tumaushbeen, _tamashabin_, 'a spectator of wonders', tundhie, _thandi_, a cooling draught taken at the breaking of a fast, turkaarie, _tarkari_, vegetables uberuck, _abrak_, talc, mica, ulsee, _alsi_, linseed, _linum usitatissimum_, umbrella, a mark of dignity, umultass, _amaltas_, the indian laburnum, _cassia fistula_, use in medicine, ungeeah, _angiya_, an under-jacket or bodice, ungeel, _injil_, evangel, the gospels, unnah, _anna_, a nurse, unrurkha, _angarkha_, a long tunic, ununas, _ananas_, the pineapple, _ananassa sativa_, urzees, _arziz_, tin, used in medicine and dyeing, usury, forbidden vakeel, _wakil_, an agent vazeefah, _wazifah_, a passage read from the koran vegetables, use of as food veil, worn by a bridegroom venus, the conjunction of vermicelli, used in the times of fasting villoiettee begum, wilayati begam, 'the foreign lady' vizier, _wazir_, the prime minister at the court of oudh walking barefoot, a sign of mourning wax from the human ear administered to elephants white ants widows, dress of; reduced numbers of; marriage of window glass, scarcity of witch, tale of a; hair plucked from the head of; has crooked feet; sucking out the vitals of a victim witchcraft, general belief in wives, prescribed number of; large numbers of married women, belief that they do not possess souls; seclusion of wounds, treatment of yaacoob, ya'qub, jacob yeusuf, yusuf, joseph yieyah, yahya, st. john yoube, aiyub, job yumen, yemen in arabia yuzeed, yazid, second caliph of the house of umaiyah zahur morah, _zahr mohra_, the bezoar stone zarbund, _zerband_, a waist string zechareah, zachariah zeearut, _ziyarah, ziyarat_, a visit to a shrine zeenahnah, the zenanah, described zemindhaar, _zamindar_, a landowner zohur namaaz, _salatu-'z-zuhr_, mid-day prayer zuckhaut, _zakat_, alms for the poor zynool auberdene, az-zainu'l-'abidin 